Flavius Josephus

Flavius Josephus
Flavii Josephi Hierosolymitani Sacerdotis

DE BELLO JUDAICO
LIBER QUINTUS

THE JEWISH WAR
BOOK FIVE

Liber

⇚ I
⇚ II
⇚ III
⇚ IV
⇛ VI
⇛ VII

Capita — Chapters
§ 01 § 02 § 03 § 04 § 05 § 06 § 07	§ 08 § 09 § 10 § 11 § 12 § 13

Book

⇚ I
⇚ II
⇚ III
⇚ IV
⇛ VI
⇛ VII

Palćstina
with locations mentioned by Josephus

Book 5
From the Coming of Titus to Besiege Jerusalem, to the Great Extremity to which the Jews Were Reduced.

⇑ § I

De seditiosis apud Hierosolyma :
et quibus calamitatibus
propter illos laboravit civitas.

Concerning the seditions at Jerusalem and what terrible miseries afﬂicted the City by their means.

— Caput F-1 —
De triplici seditione apud Hierosolymam.

TITUS quidem ad eum modum quem prćdiximus, emensa ultra Ćgyptum ad Syriam usque solitudine, Cćsaream venerat. Ibi enim exercitum decreverat ordinare. Illo autem, adhuc apud Alexandriam una cum patre imperium, quod nuper ei Deus permiserat, disponente, contigit etiam seditionem, quć apud Hierosolymam erat, auctam trifariam dividi, et aliam partem in aliam verti, quod ut in malis optimum quis dixerit, factumque justitić. Nam Zelotarum quidem in populum dominatio, quć auctor erat excidii civitatis, unde cśperit, et per quos creverit, diligenter superius declaratum est. Hanc autem non erraverit quisquam, dicens seditionem in seditione esse factam. Ac veluti rabida fera, externorum penuria, in sua viscera sćvire solet.

TITUS, having crossed the desert from Egypt to Palestine in the way we have described, arrived at Cćsarea, where he had decided to organize his forces. While he was still at Alexandria helping his father to establish the sovereignty newly entrusted to them by God, the faction-fight in Jerusalem had, enlarged, become split into three — and one side had turned against the other, which, amidst those evils, one could say was the best thing and an act of justice. For the Zealots’ tyranny over the people, which was the genesis of the destruction of the city — whence it began and through whom it grew —, has been carefully described above. A person would not be wrong in calling this an insurrection created within an insurrection. And like a rabid beast in want of other food, it tended to rage against its own vitals.

Sic Eleazarus Simonis filius, qui et ab initio Zelotas in templum a populo separaverat, velut indignari simulans ob ea, quć in dies singulos Joannes auderet, quum ne ipse quidem a cćdibus quiesceret, re autem vera sese posteriori tyranno subjectum esse minime ferens, summć rei desiderio, proprićque potentić cupiditate, ab aliis defecit — ascitis etiam Juda Chelcić filio, et Ezronis Simone, potentissimis, prćter quos erat etiam Ezechias Chobari filius, non ignobilis.

Eleazar, son of Simon, who at the start had separated the Zealots from the citizens and put them in the Temple, pretending to be indignant at the things daily committed by John {(of Gishala)} (since not even the latter himself would abate in his murders), but in fact not tolerating being subject to a later tyrant, out of lust for absolute power and his craving for control by himself, seceded from the others — also taking with him Judas, son of Hilqia, and Simon, son of Ezron, both powerful men, besides whom was Hezekiah, son of Chobari, by no means unknown.

Model of the Temple complex (North is to the right)

Horum singulos Zelotć non exigui sequebantur : occupatoque interiore templi aditu, super ejus portas in sacris foribus arma ponunt. Et abundare quidem se suis necessariis confidebant. Sacrarum enim rerum copia suppetebat, nihil impium existimantibus : paucitati vero suorum timentes, plerique in locis suis otiosi manebant. Joannes autem quanto superior erat virorum multitudine, tanto loco superabatur : hostesque habens a vertice, neque sine metu conabatur incursus, et prć iracundia cessare non poterat. Plus autem mali perferens, quam Eleazari partem afficiens, tamen non remittebat. Crebri enim fiebant impetus, et missilium jactus, totumque polluebatur cćdibus templum.

A not inconsiderable number of Zealots followed each of these; seizing the inner entrance to the Temple {(i.e., the innermost, highest Temple court)}, they placed their weapons over its gates on the sacred lintels. And they were confident that their provisions would be more than enough, for a supply of sacred commodities was available for those who considered nothing sacrilegious. But they were alarmed by the smallness of their numbers, so most of them remained inactive in their positions. John, on the other hand {(in the outer, lower courts of the Temple)}, as superior as he was in the number of men, was outclassed in position. With his enemies overhead he could not try to attack without fear, and he could not stop because of his rage. He suffered more damage than he could do to Eleazar’s side, yet he would not let up: there were constant sorties and showers of missiles, and the whole Temple was polluted by killings.

Filius autem Giorć Simon, quem rebus desperatis invitatu, ultro sibi tyrannum spe auxilii populus introduxerat, et superiorem civitatem retinens, et inferioris plurimam partem, animosius jam Joannem ejusque socios adoriebatur, quasi desuper impugnarentur. Subjectus autem illorum manibus erat, sicut et illi superiorum.

Simon, son of Gioras, whom the people in their distress had called in, hoping for aid but saddling themselves with one more tyrant, was master of the Upper City and much of the Lower. He now attacked John and his companions more fiercely, given that they were being assailed from above `(i.e., by Eleazar and the priestly Zealots in the higher, inner Temple)}: but he was in a position beneath their bands, as they were beneath those above them.

Et Joannem eveniebat duplex prślium perferentem, lćdi pariter ac lćdere : quantoque vincebatur, eo quod Eleazaro esset humilior, tanto plus lćdebat, Simone celsior constitutus : quum inferiores aggressus etiam sola manu sine labore prohiberet : desuper vero ex fano jaculantes, machinis deterreret. Quippe ballistis et non paucis lanceis utebatur, saxorumque tormentis : quibus non solum bellantes ulciscebatur, sed multos etiam sacra celebrantium perimebat.

So it came about that John faced a two-front battle, both suffering losses and in equal measure inflicting them. He was as much bested — due to the fact that he was lower than Eleazar — as, positioned higher than Simon, he inflicted losses. While without difficulty he fended off attacks from below using only manual means, he deterred those throwing things down from the Temple with his artillery; for he availed himself of ballistć and not a few catapults and stone-throwers — with which he not only avenged himself on the attackers but killed many of those who were offering sacrifice.

Quanquam enim ad omne impietatis genus rabidi ferebantur, tamen eos, qui sacrificare cuperent recipiebant, cum suspicione et custodibus indigenas perscrutando. Hospites enim etiam, qui exorassent eorum crudelitatem, post exituri subsiciva seditionis opera consumebantur.

For though these madmen were driven to commit any sacrilege, they admitted those who wished to make offerings, inspecting natives with suspicion and by guards. For the foreigners who had begged off their cruelty by entreaty, afterwards, when about to leave, were killed by the accidental events of the insurrection.

Missilia namque machinarum vi ad aram usque templumque pervenientia, in sacerdotes sacra celebrantes cadebent : ac multi, qui properantes ab ultimis finibus terrć ad sanctissimum locum venissent, ante ipsas hostias procubuerunt : aramque universis Grćcis et Barbaris adorandam, suo sanguine imbuere. Indigenis autem mortuis alienigenć, ac sacerdotibus profani miscebantur : perque atria divina, stagnum fecerat diversorum cadaverum sanguis.

For the artillery-propelled missiles, coming down on the Altar and Temple, fell on priests celebrating the rites; and many who had hastened from the ends of the earth to visit this holiest of places died in front of their offerings themselves, and with their own blood wet the Altar revered universally by Greeks and barbarians. Foreigners were mingled together with the native dead, laymen with priests, and the blood of diverse bodies formed pools throughout the sacred courts.

Quid tantum passa es, o miserrima civitas, a Romanis, qui tua intestina scelera purgaturi flammis introiere ? Jam enim Dei locus non eras, neque manere poteras, domesticorum funerum facta sepulcrum, et quć fanum civili bello tumulum constitueras : poteris autem denuo fieri, poteris, si unquam vastatorem tui Deum placaveris. Sed enim reprimenda sunt, quć dolent, lege scribendi : quando non domestici luctus, sed exponendarum rerum hoc tempus est. Prosequar autem seditionis facinora cetera.

O most wretched City! What have you suffered from the Romans who entered to purge your internal crimes with flames? For you were no longer the place of God, nor could you remain so, having become the tomb for the burial of your own citizens, you who have turned the Temple into a grave of a civil war. You could, however, again become that place — you could — if you ever make atonement to God who destroyed you! But the things which pain me must be repressed by the law of history-writing, given that this moment is not for private lamentation but for the recording of events. So I will pursue the other deeds of the insurrection.

Ergo divisis trifariam insidiatoribus, Eleazarus quidem ejusque socii, qui sacras primitias conservabant, in Joannem ebrii ferebantur. Qui vero huic parerent, plebem diripientes in Simonem rebellabant, quum ipsi quoque Simoni contra diversć partis seditiosos adjumento esset civitas.

With the plotters now divided into three, Eleazar and his party, who had the sacred first-fruits in their hands, made John the target of their drunken rage; those who obeyed him, at the same time they plundered the people, were warring against Simon, whom the citizenry aided against the insurgents of the other side.

Si quando igitur ex utraque parte appetebatur Joannes, obvertebat socios suos, et de civitate quidem subeuntes, missis ex porticibus telis, de templo vero jaculantes, machinis ulciscebatur. Quoties autem desuper instantium molestia caruisset (frequenter enim ebrietate et lassitudine cessabant) liberius in Simonem ejusque socios cum pluribus irruebat.

Whenever John was assailed from both sides, he turned his men to face them, hurling missiles from the porticoes on those coming up from the City, and with his artillery avenging himself against those shooting down from the Temple. But whenever he was free of the annoyance of those attacking from above (for the latter frequently took breaks due to drunkenness and weariness), with many of his men he would sally out against Simon and his followers more freely.

Semper autem quantum in civitate pepulisset in fugam versos, ćdes frumenti plenas omniumque utensilium incendebat ; idemque, hoc illo regrediente, Simon insecutus agebat : veluti consulto pro Romanis omnia corrumperent, quć ad obsidionem civitatis erant prćparata, suarumque virium nervos abscinderent. Denique contigit una exuri omnia circum templum, et inter proprias acies solitudinem atque aream pugnć fieri civitatem : concremari autem paulo minus omne frumentum, quod non paucis annis sufficere potuisset obsessis : denique fame capti sunt, qua minime quivissent, nisi eam sibimet comparavissent.

But whenever he had driven them to turn and retreat in the City, he would set fire to the houses that were stocked with grain and supplies of every kind; when he withdrew, Simon, pursuing him, did the same — as though in order to help the Romans they were purposely destroying everything and hamstringing their own powers. It finally came to pass that absolutly everything around the Temple was burnt down, and between their respective armies the City became a desert and battlefield. Except for a little bit, all the grain was incinerated which could have been sufficed the besieged for many years; it was through starvation that they were finally captured, which they could not possibly have been, had they not brought it upon themselves.

Undique autem insidiatoribus et confinibus oppugnantibus civitatem medius populus velut aliquod magnum corpus lacerabatur. Senes vero ac mulierculć intestinis malis attonitć, pro Romanis vota faciebant : externumque bellum, quo domesticis malis liberarentur, expetebant.

But with the plotters and their ilk attacking the City on all sides, the people, in the middle, were being torn apart like some vast body. Old men and women, overwhelmed by their internal miseries, prayed for the Romans to come, and looked forward to the war without which would free them from the miseries within.

Gravis autem metus ac terror fśdissimus occupaverat : et neque consilii capiendi tempus erat, ut voluntatem mutarent, neque pactionis aut fugć spes cupientibus. Etenim custodiebantur omnia : dissidentesque latronum principes, quoscunque Romanos pacatos esse vel transfugere ad eos velle sentirent, quasi communes hostes interficiebant : solumque in occidendis vita dignis concordes erant.

Grave fear and horrible terror had dominated them: their was no time to plan to change their policy nor hope of compromise or flight if they desired it. For everything was guarded, and the bandit chiefs, quarrelling about everything else, executed as common enemies all who they thought were for peace with the Romans or wanted to go over to them, and agreed on only one thing — to murder those who deserved to live.

Et pugnantium quidem nocte dieque clamor perpetuus erat : sed metu acerbiores erant lugentium questus. Et assiduas quidem lamentationis causas calamitates prćbebant : timor autem includebat ululatus : atque obmutescente dolore prć formidine, tacito gemitu cruciabantur : neque jam, aut reverentia vivis apud domesticos erat, neque mortuis cura sepulturć adhibebatur. Quorum amborum hćc causa erat, quod de se quisque desperabat. In omni enim re animos remiserant, qui cum seditiosis non erant, quasi continuo modis omnibus morituri.

The shouting of the combatants went on ceaselessly day and night; but more painful still was the wailing of the bereaved. Their disasters furnished continuous occasions for lamentation, yet fear suppressed their wails: and silencing their pain out of fear, they were racked with stifled groans. There was no concern for the living by their relatives, nor was there any interest in burying the dead. The reason in both cases was that everyone despaired of his own life; those who were not with the insurgents lost interest in everything, as though in any case they were soon to die.

At vero seditiosi congesta in tumulum cadavera conculcantes dimicabant, et ex mortuis haurientes audaciam, quos sub pedibus cernerent, immanius sćviebant : semperque aliquid in se perniciosum excogitantes, et quod visum fuisset sine miseratione facientes, nullam cćdis aut crudelitatis viam prćtermisere : adeo ut etiam sacris materiis ad bellica conficienda instrumenta Joannes abuteretur.

Trampling on the bodies heaped in piles, the insurgents went on fighting and, drawing in draughts of frenzy from the corpses under their feet they became more savage still. They were constantly devising some new means of annihilating one another and, relentlessly putting all their decisions into effect, they left no method of murder or cruelty untried, to the point that John actually misused the sacred timber for the construction of engines of war.

Nam quum olim fulcire templum populo itemque pontificibus placuisset, idque XX• cubitis altius ćdificare, rex quidem Agrippa ex Monte Libano aptas ei materias maximis sumptibus et labore devexit : hoc est, ligna et magnitudine simul et directa proceritate spectabilia. Interventu autem belli opere interrupto, Joannes his sectis, quod sufficere longitudinem reperit, turres ćdificavit : et adversus eos constituit, qui desuper a templo pugnarent, post muri ambitum contra exedram Occidentalem admotas, qua solum poterant, quod alić partes gradibus ex longinquo fuerunt occupatć.

For once when the pontiffs and people had decided to underprop the Sanctuary and to build it up higher by thirty feet {(Latin: 20 cubits)}, King Agrippa {(II)} brought the necessary timber down from Mount Lebanon at very great labor and expense — baulks beautifully straight and of immense size. But with work interrupted by the coming of the war, John cut them up and built towers with them, as he found them long enough, and set them up against those who were fighting from the Temple above, in the back of the wall’s perimeter, against the western arcade, the only place they could be put, because the other sides were blocked way off by staircases.

Et ille quidem, fabricatis ex impietate machinis, subactum iri speravit hostes. Deus vero laborem ejus inutilem demonstravit, et priusquam in his quicquam poneret, Romanos adduxit.

With the engines so impiously constructed he hoped to subdue his enemies, but God showed his efforts to be useless and, before he could put anything on the devices, brought up the Romans.

Etenim Titus, postquam partem ad se collegit exercitus, aliis vero ut ad Hierosolymam occurrentes scripsit, Cćsarea profectus est. Erant autem tres legiones, quć pridem sub ejus patre Judćam vastaverant, et Duodecima, quć olim cum Cestio male pugnaverat, qućque licet per id fortitudine esset insignis, tunc tamen eorum etiam memoria quć pertulerat, alacrius ad vindictam properabat.

For Titus, after collecting part of his army, and writing to the others to go to Jerusalem to meet him, left from Cćsarea. There were the three legions {(i.e., the V, X and XV)} which under his father had already had laid waste to Judća, and the Twelfth, which with Cestius had once come off badly in battle and which — granted — was outstanding in courage in it, but nonetheless, especially because of the memory of the things it had suffered, was now eagerly rushing to take revenge.

Harum quidem Quintam Legionem jussit sibi per Ammaunta occurrere, Decimam vero ascendere per Hierichunta. Ipse quidem cum ceteris egressus est, quas regum quoque auxilia plura quam dudum, multique Syri auxiliares comitabantur. Suppletum est autem quattuor legionum quantum Vespasianus selectum cum Muciano miserat in Italiam, ex his qui cum Tito accesserant.

Of these, he ordered the Fifth to meet him via Emmaus and the Tenth to go up via Jericho. He himself moved off with the rest, whom also the kings’ auxiliaries, more than for a long time, and many Syrian auxiliaries, joined. As much of the four legions as Vespasian had sent selected to Italy with Mucianus was refilled from those which had arrived with Titus.

Duo namque milia de Alexandrino exercitu lecta, tria milia vero ab Euphrate eum sequebantur, et amicorum spectatissimus benevolentia simulque prudentia, Tiberius Alexander, qui antea quidem Ćgyptum administraverat, tunc autem dignus qui exercitum regeret propterea judicatus, quod primus incipienti fuit hospes imperio, et cum fide clarissima incertć fortunć sociatus est : idemque consultor in usus bellicos ćtate ac peritia prćcipuus aderat.

For, also, two thousand elites from the Alexandrian army, three thousand from the Euphrates were following him, along with the one of his friends most tried in goodwill and intelligence, Tiberius Alexander, who had formerly administered Egypt, but was then deemed worthy to command the army because of the fact that he was the emerging leadership’s the first friend, joining himself to its uncertain fortunes with spectacular loyalty; due to his age and experience, he was also present as a pre-eminent adviser on military operations.

⇑ § II

Qualiter Titus profectus est
Hierosolyma, utque
urbem speculando in discrimen venit,
atque ubi castra metatur.

How Titus Marched to Jerusalem, and How He Was in Danger As He Was Taking a View of the City. Of the Place Also Where He Pitched His Camp.

— Caput F-2 —
Titus explorator Hierosolymć periclitatur.

PROGREDIENTEM vero in hostilem terram Titum, antecedebant regia omniaque auxilia, post eos viarum stratores, castrorumque metatores. Deinde rectorum sarcinć atque armati. Post hos ipse Titus, et alios lectos habens et signiferos, quorum agmen equites sequebantur.

Titus advanced into enemy country preceded by all the royal auxiliaries, after them the roadbuilders and camp-constructors. behind a vanguard formed of the royal troops and all the allied contingents. Next came roadmakers and camp-constructors, then the officers’ baggage with its armed escort. Behind these came Titus himself and other elites also including the standard-bearers, followed by the cavalry.

Hi vero ante machinas ibant, et secundum illos una cum lectis tribuni, et prćfecti cum cohortibus. Post autem circum Aquilam signa, et ante signa tubicines, deinde acies sēnum virorum ordinibus dilatata. Servile autem vulgus a tergo cujusque legionis, et ante hos sarcinć. Omnium vero novissimi mercennarii, eorumque custodes coactores agminis.

These marched in front of the engines, and after them tribunes with picked men and prefects with their cohorts. Next were the standards around the Eagle, and before the standards the trumpeters, then the battle force spread out in rows of six men each. Each legion’s mob of slaves was at its rear, and in front of them the baggage. Last of all were the mercenaries and the rear guard, their guards.

Procedens autem decenter cum exercitu, ita ut mos est Romanis, in Gophnam per Samaritidem venit, quć et prius ab ejus patre fuerat occupata, et tunc prćsidiis tenebatur. Ibi autem unam moratus vesperam, mane inde proficiscitur : peractaque diei mansione, castra ponit in loco quem Judći sermone patrio Acanthonaula vocitant, juxta vicum quendam Gabath Saul nomine, quod significat vallem Saul, distantem ab Hierosolymis stadiis fere XXX.

Proceeding with his forces in good order, as is the Roman way, Titus passed through Samaritis, taken by his father earlier on and now held by a garrison. Having spent one night there, he set off at daybreak, and after marching all day pitched camp in the place which the Jews in their native language call the Valley of Thorns near a village called Gabath Saul (which means Saul’s Valley), three and a half miles {(Latin: 30 stades)} from Jerusalem.

Hinc sescentis prope lectis equitibus comitatus, perrexit in civitatem, quam tuta esset Judćorumque animos exploraturus — si forte, se conspecto, priusquam ad manus veniretur, metu cederent. Audierat enim quod erat verum, a seditiosis et latronibus oppressum populum desiderare quidem pacem : sed quod rebellantibus infirmior esset, nihil conari.

From there, accompanied by about 600 of his elite cavalry, he continued to the City to find out how secure it was and the spirits of the Jews — whether perhaps, on seeing him before it came to a conflict, surrender out of fear. For he had heard what was true: that the people, oppressed by the insurgents and thugs, really desired peace, but attempted nothing because they were weaker than the rebels.

Quamdiu quidem per viam quć ad murum duceret equitabat, nemo ante portas apparuit : ubi vero, itinere ad turrim Psephinon declinato, transversum agmen equitum duxit, infiniti subito prosiliunt, qua Muliebres turres vocantur : et per eam quć contra monumentum Helenć porta est egressi, equitatum intercidunt. Atque alios quidem etiam tunc via currentes, ne cum his qui divertebant sese jungerent, a fronte oppositi, prohibuerunt. Titum vero cum paucis separant.

As long as he rode along the highway leading to the walls, no one showed up outside the gates; but when, digressing from the road to the wall, he led his body of horse obliquely towards the tower Psephinus, a numberless horde suddenly poured out by what are called the Women’s Towers through the gate facing Helena’s Grave Monument, and cut through his cavalry. And forming a blockade in front of the others still running on the road, they blocked them from joining up with those who had swerved off. They thereby cut Titus off with only a few men.

Ille autem ultra quidem minus progredi poterat : a muro enim cuncta fossis patebant : et transversi erant horti, multisque maceriis impediti. Ad suos autem in aggere constitutos recursus, intercedente hostili manu, desperabatur.

But he could progress little further, for everything was opened up by ditches, and there were crosswise gardens, impeded by many fences. Given the intervening enemy swarm, he despaired of a return to his own men located on the highway.

Quorum plerique imperatoris periculum nesciebant, sed existimantes eum secum reverti, etiam ipsi fugiebant. Titus autem in sua tantum fortitudine sitam esse prospiciens spem salutis, flectit equum : et ut se sequerentur cum clamore comites adhortatus, in medios hostes irruit, vi ad suos transire festinans.

Of those men, most did not realize the general’s danger but, thinking he had turned back with them, were themselves fleeing. Thus Titus, seeing hope resting only in his own prowess, turned his horse around and, with shouts urging his companions to follow him, plunged into the midst of the enemy, rushing to cross over to his own men with might and main.

Quo quidem tempore maxime intellegi potuit, et belli momenta et imperatorum pericula Deum curare. Tot enim adversus Titum missilibus jactis, quum neque galea, neque thorace sćptus esset (non bellator enim sed explorator, ut dixi, processerat) nullum in ejus corpus delatum est : sed tanquam ne eum ferirent, ex industria mitterentur, omnia prćtervolabant.

Above all at such a time it can be seen that God is in control of the movements of war and the dangers of generals. For with so many projectiles hurled at Titus when he was protected neither by a helmet nor a breastplate (for, as I said, he had gone out not as a fighter but as a scout), nothing struck his body, but, as though they had been purposely thrown so as not to strike him, they all flew past him.

Gladio vero semper a lateribus instantes dirimens, multosque ante ora subvertens, super cadentes agebat equum. Illorum autem clamor erat, propter audaciam Cćsaris, ut eum aggrederentur, cohortatio : fugaque et discessio repentina, quocunque diverteret cursum. Huic autem se periculi participes, quum a tergo et a lateribus funderentur, adjunxerant. Una enim erat unicuique spes salutis, viam cum Tito patefacere, priusquam circumventus opprimeretur.

Indeed, with his sword he always stopped those pressing in from the sides and, striking down many in front of him, he ran his horse over the fallen ones. Because of Cćsar’s audacity, their outcry was an exhortation to attack him, yet there was flight and sudden retreat wherever he turned his course. His companions in the danger, though they were shot in the back and the sides, had kept close to him. For the one hope of safety for everyone was to open up a path with Titus before being surrounded and overcome.

Denique duorum ex nimis pertinacibus, alter cum equo percussus est, altero vero dejecto et occiso, equus ejus abductus est. Titus vero cum ceteris in castra salvus evadit. Judćis quidem, quod aggressione prima superiores fuerant, inconsulta spes animos extulit, magnamque his in posterum fiduciam momentum temporaneum comparavit.

In the end, of two of the excessively pertinacious, one was killed with his horse, and the other, thrown off and killed, had his horse was led away. But Titus escaped safely to camp with the others. As for the Jews, an unreasoning hope raised their spirits because they had come out on top in the first attack, and that temporary happening inspired in them great confidence in the future.

— Caput F-3 —
De eruptionibus Judćorum contra Romanos castrametentes.

Cćsar autem, postquam ex Ammaunte legio sibi conjuncta est nocte, luce inde digressus, ad Scopon accedit, unde jam et civitas et clara templi magnitudo conspici poterat : qua parte Septentrionalem regionem civitatis contingens locus humilior, proprie Scopos nominatus est, distans a civitate stadiis VII. Ibique duabus legionibus simul, Quintć Legioni vero retrorsum stadiis tribus castra muniri jubet. Labore namque nocturni itineris attritos milites progredi visum est, ut sine formidine murum struerent.

After the legion from Emmaus was united to Cćsar in the night, leaving thence at daylight, he set out for Mount Scopus, from where both the City and the magnificent immensity of the Temple could be seen, at which point this lower area, adjacent to the northern region of the City, is properly called “Skopus” (“Lookout”), three quarters of a mile {(Latin: 7 stades)} distant from the City. He ordered a camp to be fortified there for two of the legions together, but one for the Fifth Legion six hundred yards {(Latin: 3 stades)} to the rear of it. For he thought that those soldiers had been wearied by the effort of having made a night’s march, so that they should build their walls without fear.

Mox autem, cśpto ćdificio, Decima quoque Legio per Hierichunta aderat a Vespasiano prćoccupatam, ubi qućdam pars armatorum in prćsidio fuerat collocata. His autem prćceptum erat sexto ab Hierosolymis stadio castra ponere, qua in parte mons qui appellatur Elćon, contra civitatem ab Oriente situs est, altaque interjacente valle discernitur, cui nomen est Cedron.

Soon, however, as the construction began, the Tenth Legion also arrived from Jericho, which had been previously taken by Vespasian and where a part of the soldiers had been stationed as a guard. This legion had been ordered to encamp about three quarters of a mile {(Latin: at the 6th stade)} from Jerusalem on the Mount of Olives, which is situated opposite the City to the east and is separated from it by a deep intervening valley named Kidron.

Intra civitatem vero sine requie confligentium dissensionem, tum primum ingens subito bellum foris interveniens refrenavit : et cum stupore seditiosi Romanorum castra inspectantes — trifariam distributa mala —, inter se iniere concordiam : rationemque invicem requirebant, quidnam exspectarent, quidve perpessi, tres muros contra vitam suam paterentur opponi : belloque tanta se fundente licentia, tanquam spectatores bonorum operum sibique utilium residerent mśnibus clausis, remissisque armis ac manibus.

Now for the first time the great war, suddenly descending from without, brought a stop to the strife of those who were incessantly fighting. And the insurgents, looking with shock at the Roman camps — evils spread out in three places —, made peace among themselves and asked one another what they were waiting for and what ailed them that they should allow three bulwarks to be put up against their lives and, with the war spreading with such licentiousness, they should sit back behind their closed ramparts like viewers of works good and useful to themselves, with relaxed weapons and hands.

« In nosmetipsos profecto », exclamat aliquis, « tantummodo fortes sumus : Romanorum autem lucro ex nostra seditione sine sanguine oppidum cedet. » His alios atque alios congregantes exhortabantur : raptisque armis, subito in Legionem Decimam ruunt : perque vallem facto impetu, cum ingenti clamore murum ćdificantes Romanos aggrediuntur.

One of them exclaimed, “We are being brave only against ourselves; but due to our insurrection the town will submit bloodlessly to the benefit of the Romans.” Coming together, with such words they urged one another on and, seizing their weapons, suddenly stormed out against the Tenth Legion; and making a rush through the ravine, with enormous shouts they attacked the Romans constructing the wall.

Illi autem in opere distributi, armis ob eam causam plerique depositis (nec enim excursum Judćos ausuros esse credebant, et si maxime vellent, animos eorum seditione distractum iri arbitrabantur) prćter opinionem perturbati sunt : atque opere quisque derelicto confestim alii recessere : multi autem ad arma properantes, priusquam se in hostes converterent, feriebantur.

The latter, dispersed in their operations and hence having mostly placed their arms away (for they did non believe the Jews would dare to try as sally and thought that, even if they really wanted, their minds would be distracted by their dissensions), were unexpectedly thrown into disorder. Leaving their tasks, some promptly retreated; but many, running to their weapons, were struck down before they could turn and face the enemy.

Plures autem Judćis semper adjiciebantur, eorum freti victoria qui prćcesserant, et quod quum pauci essent, multiplex numerus et sibi et hostibus videbantur, quod secunda fortuna uterentur. Romani autem maxime ordinari consueti, et cum decore atque prćceptis bellum gerere scientes, ex perturbatione trepidabant. Unde tunc quoque prćventi aggressione cedebant.

More were constantly being added to the Jews, encouraged by the victory of those who who had preceded them; and although there were few of them, their number seemed to them and their enemy to be many times as large, because they were having good luck. The Romans, on the other hand, strongly accustomed to being organized, and proficient in waging war orthodoxly and by command, were thrown into confusion by the chaos. Hence, overwhelmed, they now gave way before the onslaught.

Si quando tamen sese converterent ab insequentibus occupati, et a cursu reprimebant Judćos, et ob impetum minus cautos feriebant. Semper vero, excursione gliscente, magis magisque turbati, postremo castris pulsi sunt : totaque legio tunc in periculum ventura fuisse videbatur nisi, hoc mature sibi nuntiato, Titus eis tulisset auxilium : multisque increpans ignaviam, et suos a fuga revocasset : Judćisque a latere ipse cum his irruens, quos circa se habebat electos, multos quidem occidisset, plures vero sauciasset, omnes autem in fugam vertisset, atque in vallem prćcipites compulisset.

But whenever they were overtaken by their pursuers and faced about, they both stopped the Jews in their onrush and struck down those who were less careful because of their pursuit. But with the constant growth of the sally, being thrown more and more into confusion, they were finally driven from their camp, and it now seemed that the entire legion would be endangered had not Titus, being quickly informed, brought aid to them and, denouncing the cowardice of many, recalled his men from their flight; and attacking the Jews on their flank with the elites he had with him, he killed many of them and wounded more, but put them all to flight and drove them headlong into the ravine.

Illi autem prono in loco multa mala perpessi, postquam in adversam partem evasere, flectunt se iterum, et valle intercedente cum Romanis dimicabant. Igitur ad medium diem ita bellatum est. Paulo autem post meridiem, Titus his qui secum erant in subsidio collocatis, aliisque de cohortibus adversus excurrentes oppositis, reliquum agmen ad murum in summo montis ćdificandum remisit.

Suffering many injuries on the downward slope, after they escaped to the other side they turned around again and, with the ravine separating them, fought with the Romans. So the fighting went on thus till midday. But a little past noon, after stationing as reinforcements those who were with him, and positioning others from the cohorts over against the skirmishers, Titus sent the rest of the troops back to building the wall on the top of the mountain.

Judćis autem hćc fuga esse videbatur. Quumque speculator quem in muro posuerant amictu agitato signum dedisset, frequentissima multitudo tanto impetu prosiliit, ut eorum cursus immanissimis bestiis esset assimilis.

To the Jews this seemed to be a flight. And when the sentinel whom they had placed on the wall gave a signal by shaking his cloak, an enormous multitude plunged forth with such force that their charge was like that of the most savage beasts.

Denique adversa acie stantium nemo impetum sustinuit sed, tanquam machina percussi, continuo dissipati, pulsique in montem refugiunt. In ascensu autem medio Titus cum paucis relictus est ; multumque monentibus amicis, qui pro imperatoris reverentia contempto periculo perduraverant, ut mortem appetentibus Judćis cederet, neque pro his in discrimen veniret quos ante ipsum salvos esse non oporteret, sed potius fortunam suam reputaret, quod non militis officio fungeretur, verum et belli et orbis dominus esset : neve in tanta fuga subsisteret, in quo omnia niterentur : hćc ne audire quidem simulans, et ad se accurrentibus obstabat : eosque in ora feriens, quum vi obniterentur, occidebat et, per declive repente incumbens, multitudinem proturbabat.

At that, none of those stationed in the opposing line checked their impact but, as though struck by artillery, they were immediately dispersed and, repulsed, fled up the mountain. Titus was left with a few men halfway up the slope. And while his friends — who, contemptuous of the danger, had remained out of respect for their general — were strongly advising him to retreat from these suicidal Jews and not run a risk for the sake of those who ought not to be safe before he was, but rather to think about his destiny, that he should not do the job of a soldier but be the lord of war and the world and, amidst such a flight, not stay put — he on whom everything depended. Pretending not even to hear this, Titus stood opposing those running at him and, striking them in the face as they violently strove to get at him, cut them down and, pushing swiftly downslope, drove the mass of them forth.

Illi autem et viribus ejus et obstinatione perterriti ne tum quidem in civitatem fugēre : sed in utrunque latus ab eo declinantes, rursum fugientes insequebantur. Quos tamen aggressus a latere, ipsorum quoque impetum prćpediebat. Dum hćc aguntur, etiam illos qui superiora castra muniebant, ubi fugere inferiores videre, metus ac turba occupat, totumque agmen dispergitur, suspicantium excursum quidem Judćorum ferri non posse, Titum vero in fugam versum : nec enim unquam illo manente alios fugituros fuisse.

They, terrified at his strength and persistence, even then did not flee into the City but, splitting off from him to both sides, again pursued the fleeing soldiers. Attacking them from the flank, he impeded the onslaught of those too. While this was happening, those also who were fortifying the upper camp, when they saw the men lower down fleeing, were seized by fear and upheaval, and the whole force scattered — of men supposing that, indeed, the onrush of the Jews could not be withstood, and that Titus had been put to flight. For the others would never have fled, had he remained.

Et tanquam Panico terrore circundati, alius alio ferebantur : donec quidam, quum in media pugna versari imperatorem vidissent, plurimum metuentes, universć legioni ejus periculum cum clamore nuntiaverunt. Itaque pudore revocati, et fugā majus aliquid sibi exprobrantes quod Cćsarem deseruissent, totis viribus in Judćos utebantur, et semel impulsos urgebant per declivia.

And as if enveloped by a divine fright, the one ran one way, the other, another; until some of them, having seen the general present in the middle of the battle, fearing greatly, at the top of their voices announced his peril to the entire legion. And thus, called back by shame and reproaching one another for the fact — worse than their flight — that they had deserted Cćsar, they used all their strength against the Jews and, once they were pushed back, drove them down the slope.

Illi autem paulatim recedentes pugnabant. Quumque Romani plus possent, eo quod superiores erant, in vallem omnes coacti sunt. Titus autem contra se positis imminebat ; et legionem quidem ad muri fabricam redire jubet, ipse vero, cum his quibus antea, resistendo hostes arcebat. Itaque si me nihil addentem obsequio, neque invidia detrahentem, verum dicere oportet, ipse Cćsar bis totam legionem periculo liberavit, atque ita castra muniendi copiam militibus prćbuit.

The Jews, however, kept fighting as they gradually retreated. Since the Romans were more powerful because they were higher up, all the Jews were forced into the ravine. Titus kept pressing those placed opposite himself, and commanded the legion to return to building the wall while he himself, with those with whom he had done so before, kept the enemy at a distance by standing in resistance. Thus if truth must be told, neither adding anything in flattery nor subtracting it through envy, it was Caesar himself who twice freed the whole legion from peril and provided it with the ability to fortify its camp.

⇑ § III

Quomodo seditio rursus exoritur
Hierosolymis ; postea Romanis
insidias struunt Judći.
Qualiterque Titus militibus
propter temeritatem minitabatur.

How the Sedition Was Again Revived within Jerusalem and Yet the Jews Contrived Snares for the Romans. How Titus Also Threatened His Soldiers for Their Ungovernable Rashness.

— Caput F-4 —
De intestina pugna azymorum diebus.

REMISSO autem paulisper bello externo, iterum intestinum seditio suscitavit. Azymorumque instante die, qui est Aprilis mensis quartusdecimus (hoc enim se primum tempore opinantur Judći ab Ćgyptiis esse liberatos) Eleazarus quidem cum sociis portam subaperiens, introire cupiebat ex populo qui templum adorare cuperent.

Now that there was a momentary respite from external war, internal sedition again roused the internal one. When the day of Unleavened Bread arrived, which is the 14th of April (for the Jews believe that on this date they were first freed from Egypt), Eleazar with his men partly opened the gates, wanting those of the people to enter who wished to worship at the Temple.

Joannes autem die festo ad protegendas insidias usus est : et suorum quosdam ignotiores, armis sub veste latentibus instructos, quorum plerique impuri erant, occulte inter alios fani occupandi gratia summittit. Illi autem postquam intravere, vestimentis abjectis, subito armati apparuerunt.

But John used the Feast to screen his treachery, and secretly snuck some of the lesser known of his men — most of whom were unpurified —, equipped with hidden weapons beneath their clothing, in among the others for the sake of seizing the Temple. Then after they had gotten in, throwing off their robes, they suddenly appeared armed.

Magna vero statim turba circa templum ac tumultus erat, quum alienus quidem a seditione populus, omnibus sine discrimine putaret, Zelotć vero sibimet solum insidias comparatas. Verum hi quidem relicta portarum custodia, et alii ex propugnaculis desilientes, priusquam manus consererent, in templi cloacas confugēre. Populares autem ad aram delati, et circum templum appulsi conculcabantur, cum lignis passim ferroque cćderentur.

Immediately there was upheaval and confusion around the Temple, since the people not participating in the insurrection thought the ambush was directed at all without distinction, but the Zealots, that it was against them alone. They, however, abandoning their watch at the gates, and others jumping down from the battlements, fled into the sewers of the Temple before they came to blows. But the common citizens, pushed to the altar and trampled on around the Temple, were beaten everywhere with cudgels and swords.

Multos autem occisorum inimici privato odio, quasi diversć factionis socios interficiebant. Et quicunque antehac insidiatorem aliquem offenderat, tunc agnitus quasi Zelotes ducebatur ad mortem. Sed qui atrocitate magna innocentes afficerent, indutias concessere nocentibus, progressosque ex cloacis dimiserunt. Ipsi autem interius templum et omnes ejus apparatus tenentes, confidentius oppugnabant Simonem. Seditio quidem hoc modo, quć tripartita fuerat, in duas partes divisa est.

Many of those killed were murdered by their enemies out of private hatred, as though they were members of the opposite faction. And whoever had previously offended any insurrectionist was then, taken for being a Zealot, led off to his death. But they granted amnesty to those who had perpetrated great atrocities against the innocent and let those who came out of the sewers go. But they themselves, holding the inner Temple and all its gear, more confidently fought against Simon. In this way the insurrection which had been tripartite became divided into two parties.

Titus autem castra propius civitatem transferre cupiens de Scopo, contra excursus quidem lectos equites ac pedites, quos satis esse arbitrabatur, posuit ; alium vero exercitum jussit totum quod erat usque muros spatium complanare. Cunctis igitur maceriis ac sćpibus dirutis, quibus hortos ac prćdia incolć prćmunierant, omnique opposita quamvis frugifera silva excisa, repletum est quicquid erat cavum et vallibus impeditum. Saxorum autem eminentissimis ferro truncatis, humiliorem totum illum tractum a Scopo usque ad Herodis monumenta fecerunt, serpentium stagnum continentia, quod olim Bethara vocabatur.

Titus, wishing to transfer his camp from Skopus to nearer the City, stationed against sallies as many picked cavalry and infantrymen as he considered sufficient. He ordered another army to level the whole area that stretched all the way to the walls. After ripping out all the garden walls and fences with which the inhabitants had protected their gardens and plantations, and cutting down every grove in the way, however fruit-bearing, everything hollow or obstructive by gullies was filled in. By chopping down the biggest protuberances of rocks with iron tools, they made the entire tract from Skopus all the way to Herod’s Tombs lower, adjacent to the Serpents’ Pool, which was once called Bethara.

— Caput F-5 —
De Judćorum dolo in Romanorum milites.

His denique diebus Judći Romanis hujusmodi insidias paravere. Seditiosorum audacissimi extra muliebres (quć sic appellabantur) progressi turres, simulato quod pacis eos studiosi pepulissent, et quod timerent impetum Romanorum, ibidem versabantur, et alter sub altero vitabundi latebant. Alii vero per muros dispositi, populumque se esse simulantes, clamore pacem implorabant, fśdusque poscebant : portasque se patefacturos esse pollicentes, invitabant Romanos.

During these days the Jews devised a trap of the following kind: The most daring of the insurgents exited from the so-called Women’s Towers, feigning that the partisans of peace had driven them out and that they feared an attack of the Romans and, trying to avoid them, were hovering there, one hiding behind the other. But others, distributed atop the walls pretending to be citizens, called out for peace and demanded a treaty. And promising to open the gates, they invited the Romans in.

Hoc autem vociferantes, una etiam contra suos, veluti portis eos abigerent, lapides jaciebant. Illique se vi perrumpere aditus velle simulabant, et civibus supplicare. Quumque ad Romam sćpissime ire conarentur, reversi, perturbatis similes videbantur.

While shouting this, together they also even threw stones at their fellows as though to drive them from the gates. And the latter pretended trying to break open an entryway by force, and begging the citizens. And when they repeatedly tried to make a go at the Romans, they retreated, seeming like completely confused men.

Verum hćc eorum calliditas apud milites quidem fide non carebat, sed tanquam hos quidem in manibus haberent paratos ad supplicium, illos vero civitatem sibi aperturos sperarent, opus aggredi festinabant. Tito autem suspecta erat invitatio, quia rationem non haberet. Pridie namque provocatos eos ad pactionem per Josephum, nihil mediocre sentire cognoverat, etiam tunc igitur milites manere loco suo prćcepit.

Indeed, this ruse of theirs did not fail to win belief in the soldiers and, as if they had the ones in their grasp ready for execution, and were hoping that the others were about to open the City to them, they were in a hurry to start to work. But the invitation was suspicious to Titus, because it made no sense. For on the previous day, having urged them through Joseph to come to terms, he had not found them in a mood for any moderation, so now too he ordered his soldiers to stay at their stations.

Jam vero quidam operibus appositi, raptis armis ad portas excurrere cśperunt. Hi autem qui expulsi videbantur, primo quidem cedebant : deinde ubi ad turres portć propinquabant, cursu eos circumveniunt, et a tergo persequebantur. Qui vero in muro stabant, lapidum his multitudinem, omnigenumque telorum simul infundunt : adeo ut multos quidem necarent, plurimos vero sauciarent.

However, some of the men posted in front of the works had already seized their weapons and charged at the gates. Those who seemed to have been expelled at first retreated, then, when the soldiers neared the towers of the gates, encircled them in a rush and attacked them from the rear. Meanwhile, those who were standing on the wall simultaneously threw a mass of rocks and all kinds of missiles at them with the result that they killed many and wounded more.

Nec enim facile erat a muro diffugere, aliis retro violenter instantibus, et prćter hoc pudor quod rectores peccaverant, itemque metus, in delicto perseverare suadebat. Quamobrem cum hoste diu decernentes, multis vulneribus acceptis, neque paucioribus redditis, postremo eos a quibus circumventi fuerant repulere. Quos tamen recedentes usque ad Helenć monumentum, Judći urgendo jaculis sequebantur.

For it was not easy for the Romans to escape from the wall with the other Jews furiously pressing in from the rear; and, besides that, the shame that their officers had committed and also the fear of them, made them persevere in their delinquency. Hence, fighting with the enemy for a long time, receiving many wounds and inflicting no fewer in return, they finally repulsed those by whom they had been encircled. The Jews, keeping up the pressure with their javelins, pursued them in their retreat as far as Helen’s Tomb.

Deinde insolenter fortunć maledicentes, et Romanos vituperabant fraude pellectos, scutaque alte sublata crispantes tripudiabant, et cum lćtitia vociferabantur.

Then, insolently abusing their luck, they mocked the Romans for being taken in by a trick and, brandishing their shields above their heads, danced and yelled with delight.

Milites autem interminatio principum et Cćsar iratus, hujusmodi oratione corripuit : Judći quidem, quos sola regit desperatio omnia cum deliberatione faciunt atque prudentia, fraudes et insidias componendo ; eorumque dolos fortuna prosequitur, quod sunt morigeri, sibique invicem benevoli ac fideles :

Meanwhile the threats of their leaders an angry Cćsar accused the soldiers. The Jews, he said, whom only desperation ruled, did everything with planning and forethought, devising deceptions and ambushes; luck accompanies their tricks because they are complaisant and generous and loyal to one another;

Romani vero, quibus ob disciplinam et consuetudinem obśdiendi rectoribus fortuna famulatur, nunc contra peccant, et intemperantia manuum bellantur : quod omnium est pessimum, prćsente Cćsare, sine rectore dimicantes. « Certe, » inquit, « plurimum ingemiscent militić leges, plurimum pater, quum hoc vulnus audierit. Ille quod quum bellando senuerit, nunquam isto modo peccarit ; leges autem, si quum in eos qui minimum quid prćter ordinem moverint, morte vindicent, nunc totum desertorem exercitum videant. »

whereas the Romans, whom fortune serves because of their discipline and their habit of obeying their leaders, are now erring in the opposite way: what is worst of all, fighting leaderlessly in the presence of Cćsar. “Certainly,” he said, “the laws of warfare will grieve over this deeply — much more so my father, when he hears about this wound. He, while while he has grown old in fighting wars, has never blundered in this way; but the laws, if while they punish with death those who act contrary to the rules in the least, may now view an entire deserting army!”

Modo autem scituros esse eos ait, qui arroganter egere, quod apud Romanos etiam vincere sine prćcepto ducis, infamić est. Hćc Titus ad rectores locutus cum indignatione, certus erat, qua lege in omnes erat usurus. Et hi quidem abjecerunt animos, quasi jamjamque juste morituri : circumfusć vero legiones Titum pro commilitonibus obsecrabant : paucorumque temeritatem condonari cunctorum obśdientić precabantur : emendaturos enim peccatum prćsens futurć compensatione virtutis.

“However, those who acted arrogantly will soon know”, he said, “that, among the Romans, without the command of a leader, even winning is dishonor.” Titus, having said this in fury to his officers, was clear about what rule he was about to apply to them all. And they became downcast in spirit, as though deservedly they were about to die immediately. But surrounding Titus, the legions besought him for their fellow soldiers, and the obedience of the whole pled that the rashness of the few be forgiven; they would emend the present blunder with the compensation of their future valor.

Placatus est Cćsar utilitate simul ac precibus. Namque unius hominis animadversionem usque ad factum promovendam putabat, multitudinis vero ad veniam. Militibus quidem reconciliatus est, multum monens ut post hćc prudentius agerent. Ipse vero, quemadmodum Judćorum ulcisceretur insidias, cogitabat.

Cćsar was placated both through expediency and their pleading. For he thought that the death sentence of a single man should be put into effect, but that of a large number into remission. As a result he was reconciled to the soldiers, emphatically warning them to act more prudently thenceforth. He himself, on the other hand, started thinking about how to take revenge for the stratagem of the Jews.

Intervallo autem quod usque ad muros civitatis erat, per quatriduum coćquato, sarcinas aliamque multitudinem cupiens tuto traducere, militum validissimos a Septentrionali tractu in occiduum septemplici ordine contra murum prćtendit, peditibus in fronte, ac post eos equitibus acie terna dispositis, mediisque inter utrosque sagittariis.

Having leveled the interspace that stretched up to the walls of the City in four days, he then, wishing to bring the baggage train and the rest of his forces up safely, lined up the strongest of his soldiers from the northern area to the west seven deep opposite the wall, with infantry in front and cavalry stationed behind them in three rows, and archers between both.

Excursibus autem Judćorum tanto prćsidio prćclusis, impedimenta trium legionum, itemque alia multitudo sine timore transiit. Ipse quidem Titus quum prope duobus stadiis abesset a muro, ad anguli ejus partem contra turrim quć appellatur Psephinos, castra ponit : ad quam muri ambitus ex Aquilone pertinens, flectitur ad Occidentem : altera vero pars exercitus eam turrim versus, quć appellatur Hippicos, muro circundatur, duum stadiorum spatio similiter a civitate discedens. Decima tamen Legio in Elćon monte, ubi erat, manebat.

With the sallies of the Jews checked by such a guard, the baggage trains of the three legions and likewise the rest of the forces were transported without fear. Titus himself, being about four hundred yards {(Latin: 2 stades)} from the wall, pitched his camp at the part of the corner opposite the tower named Psephinus, at which the wall’s perimeter, extending from the north, makes a bend to the west; while another part of the army, opposite the tower called Hippicus, was surrounded by a wall, similarly four hundred yards {(Latin: 2 stades)} distant from the City. But the Tenth Legion remained on the Mount of Olives where it was.

⇑ § IV

Hierosolymorum descriptio.

The Description of Jerusalem

— Caput F-6 —
Descriptio Hierosolymorum.

CIVITAS autem trino muro circundata erat, nisi qua vallibus inviis cingebatur. Ex ea namque parte, unius muri habebat ambitum. Et ipsa quidem super duos colles erat condita, contrariis frontibus semet inspicientes, interveniente valle discretos, in quam domus creberrimć desinebant : collium vero alter, quo superior civitas sedet, multo est excelsior, et in prolixitate directior : adeo ut quoniam tutus erat, Castellum a David quondam rege vocaretur (is pater Salomonis fuerat, qui primus templum ćdificaverat) a nobis autem Forum Superius.

The City had been encircled by three walls, except where it was encompassed by impassable ravines. For on that side, it had a border of a single wall. And it itself had been established on two hills facing one another with opposing fronts separated by an intervening ravine in which thickly clustered houses ended. Of these hills, the one occupied by the Upper City was much the higher and in its length straighter — so much so that, because it was safe, it was called the Castle by David, a former king (he had been the father of Solomon, who had first built a Temple), but by us the Upper Market.

Alter autem, qui appellatur Acra, inferiorem sustinet civitatem, et undique declivis est. Contra hunc autem tertius collis erat, natura humilior quam Acra, et alia lata valle ante divisus. Verum postea, qua tempestate Asamonći regnabant, et vallem aggeribus repleverunt, ut templo conjungerent civitatem, et Acrć altitudinem cćsam humiliorem fecerunt, ut ex ea quoque fanum supereminens cerneretur.

The second hill, called the Acra {(“Citadel”)}, holds the Lower City and slopes down on all sides. Facing this one was a third hill, by nature lower than the Citadel and formerly separated by another wide ravine. But later, at the time the Hasmoneans were reigning, they both filled in the ravine with rubble to connect the City with the Temple, and cut the Acra’s height lower so that the higher rising Temple would be seen from it too.

Vallis autem quć Tyropśon appellatur, qua diximus superioris civitatis collem dirimi ab inferiori, usque ad Siloam pertinet. Ita enim fontem, qui dulcis est ac plurimus, vocabamus. Foris autem, civitatis duo colles profundis vallibus cingebantur, et utrinque obstantibus rupibus, nulla ex parte adiri poterant.

Also, the valley called the “Valley of the Cheese-makers,” by which, we said, the Upper City’s hill was separated from the lower one, extends all the way to Siloam. That was the name we gave that spring that is sweet and abundant. But on the outside, the City’s two hills are surrounded by deep ravines and, with unscalable cliffs on both sides, they cannot be accessed from any side.

Trium vero murorum vetustissimus quidem, propter valles imminentemque his desuper collem quo erat conditus, facile capi non poterat. Ad hoc autem, quod loco prćstabat, etiam firmissime structus erat, David et Salomonis, aliorumque interea regum largissimis impensis operi insumptis. Hac autem parte incipiens a turri, cui nomen est Hippico, ad eam quć dicitur Xystus pertinens : deinde Curiae conjunctus, in occiduam templi porticum desinebat.

Now, of the three walls the oldest, because of the ravines and the hill dominating them from above on which it was built, could not easily be taken. But in addition to the fact that it was superior from its position, it had also been built very strongly, at the greatest expenditure of David and Solomon and, subsequently, the other kings on the work. Starting on this side from the tower named Hippicus, extending to the so-called Xystus {([pillar-supported] Plaza)} whence, connected to the Council Hall, it ended at the western portico of the Temple.

Parte autem altera ad Occidentem ex eo loco ductus, per eum qui vocatur Betiso descendens in Essenorum portam : deinde supra fontem Siloam in meridiem flexus, atque inde rursus in Orientem versus, qua stagnum Salomonis est, et usque ad locum pertinens, quem Ophlan vocant, cum Orientali porticu templi conjungitur. Secundus autem murus, a porta quidem habebat initium, quam Genath appellabant. Hćc autem fuerat muri prioris. Septentrionalem vero tantummodo tractum ambiens, usque ad Antoniam ascendebat.

On the other side, leading westward from that same place, descending through the one called “Bethso” to the Essene gate, then bending southward above the spring of Siloam and turning thence back again to the east where the pool of Solomon is, and reaching all the way to the place they call Ophla {(Ophel)}, it joins the eastern colonnade of the Temple. Next, the second wall has its starting point at the gate they called Gennath, which was in the first wall. Then traveling only around the northern sector, it went up as far as the Antonia.

Templum Herodis
§ 1. Sanctuarium § 2. Altare § 3. Porta Nicanoris	§ 4. Atrium virorum § 5. Porta speciosa § 6. Thesaurus	§ 7. Murus separationis § 8. Porticus regalis § 9. Porticus Salomonis

Tertio muro turris Hippicos principium dabat : unde ad Boreć tractum pertinens, deinde ad Psephinam turrim veniens, contra munimentum Helenć, quć Adiabenorum regina fuerat, Izatć regis mater, et per speluncas regias in longum ductus, a turri quidem in angulo posita flectebatur contra Fullonis quod dicitur monumentum. Cum vetere autem ambitu junctus in Cedron vallem, quć sic dicitur, desinebat.

The third wall’s starting place was the Hippicus Tower whence, reaching toward the northern sector, then coming to the Psephinus Tower opposite the Monument of Helena (who had been the queen of the Adiabenes and the mother of King Izates) and, extending far along the royal caverns, makes a turn at a tower sited on a corner opposite the so-called Fuller’s Tomb. It ends joined with the old perimeter in the so-called Kidron Valley.

Hoc muro eam partem civitatis, quam ipse addiderat, Agrippa cinxerat, quum esset omnis ante nuda. Exuberans enim multitudine, paulatim extra mśnia serpebat, templique Septentrionali regione colli proxima civitati adjuncta non paululum processerat. Quin et quartus collis incolebatur, cui nomen est Bezetha, situs quidem ex adverso Antonić, fossis autem altissimis separatus : quć de industria ductć sunt, ne Antonić fundamentis colli cohćrentibus, et accessui facilis sit, et minus edita : unde etiam fossć altitudo plurimum turribus celsitudinis adjiciebat.

With this wall Agrippa had surrounded the part of the City which he himself had added, since it had all been previously defenseless. For, overflowing with population, it was gradually creeping outside the walls and, with the northern area next to the Temple’s hill joined to the City, had expanded not a little. Indeed, they even populated a fourth hill named Bezetha, situated over against the Antonia, although separated from it by a deep trench which had been purposely dug lest, with the Antonia’s foundations adjacent to the hill, it be easy of access and less high. Hence the depth of the trench also added a lot of height to the towers.

Nominata est autem pars addita civitati voce indigena Bezetha, quod Latino sermone dicitur Nova Civitas. Ejus autem partes incolis protegi desiderantibus, pater hujus regis eodem nomine Agrippa, murum quidem ita ut prćdiximus inchoarat. Veritus autem Claudium Cćsarem, ne magnificentiam constructionis ad novarum rerum ac discordić suspicionem traheret, fundamentis tantummodo jactis, ab opere destitit.

The part added to the City was called by the venacular name of Bezetha, which in the Latin language means “New City” {(more likely “Beš ‘athā,” “the Section”)}. With the inhabitants wanting its parts to be protected, the father of the current king, having the same name — Agrippa —, had begun the wall, as we said. But fearing Emperor Claudius — lest the greatness of the structure lead to his suspicion of revolution and discord — he desisted from the work after having only laid the foundations.

Nec enim expugnabilis esset civitas, si perfecisset muros ut cśperat. Saxa enim XX• cubitis longa, et decem lata contexebantur : quć neque ferro facile suffodi possent, neque machinis dimoveri : hisque murus dilatabatur, profecto autem altitudinis quoque plus habuisset, si ejus magnificentia qui ćdificium aggressus erat, minime fuisset inhibita. Rursus autem idem murus, etiam Judćorum studio fabricatus, ad XX• cubitos crevit. Et minas quidem binis cubitis, propugnacula vero trinis habebat : totaque altitudo ad XXV• cubitos erigebatur.

For the City would not have been conquerable if he had finished the walls as he had begun them. For it was built of stones 30 feet {(20 cubits)} long and 15 {(10)} broad, which could neither be easily undermined nor moved with machines. The wall was widened with these stones, indeed would have had even greater height if the grandiosity of the man who had started the building had not been blocked. The same wall, built up through the zeal of the Jews, grew to 30 feet {(20 cubits)}. And it had parapets of 3 feet {(2 cubits)} each and ramparts 4½ feet {(3 cubits)} high each; and the entire height reached 37½ feet {(25 cubits)}.

Murum autem supereminebant turres, viginti quidem cubitis in latitudinem, viginti vero in altitudinem, quadratis angulis structć, et sicut ipse murus, plenć ac solidć. Prćterea structura ac pulchritudo saxorum nihil erat templo deterior. Post altitudinem vero turris solidam, viginti cubitis elatam, cellć desuper ac cenacula erant, aquarumque pluvialium receptacula, et tortuosi latique singularum ascensus.

The wall was surmounted by towers 30 feet {(20 cubits)}wide and 30 {(20 cubits)} high, built square and, like the wall itself, full and solid. Moreover the structure and beauty of the stones were in no way inferior to the Temple. Above a tower’s solid height, 30 feet {(20 cubits)} high, were rooms and dining halls, and catch basins for rainwater, and broad, winding staircases.

Ejusmodi quidem turres nonaginta tertius murus habebat : earum autem intervalla cubitos ducentenos. Medius vero murus in quattuordecim turres, et antiquus in sexaginta, divisi erant. Omne autem civitatis in gyro spatium triginta tribus stadiis finiebatur. Quum autem totus admirabilis esset tertius murus, admirabilior Psephina turris ad Septentrionem Occidentemque surgebat in angulo, qua parte Titus castra posuerat.

The Third Wall had 90 such towers 100 yards {(200 cubits)} apart; the Middle Wall was divided up by 14 towers; the Old, by 60. The entire length of the City’s circumference amounted to 3ľ miles {(33 stades)}. While the entire Third Wall was imposing, the even more imposing Psephinus Tower rose at the north-west corner, at which spot Titus had pitched his camp.

Ex ea namque per LXX• cubitos edita, Sole orto, Arabia prospici poterat, et usque ad mare, itemque ad ultima finium Hebrćorum. Erat autem octo angulis. Contra eam vero turris Hippicos, et juxta duć, quas Herodes rex in antiquo muro ćdificaverat : qućque magnitudine sive pulchritudine ac firmitate, universis quć toto orbe essent, prćstabant.

For from it, through its 105 feet {(70 cubits)} of height, at sunrise Arabia could be seen, and all the way to the sea, and hence to the farthest bounds of the Hebrews. It was octagonal. Opposite it was Hippicus, and right by it were two that King Herod had built in the Old Wall and which exceeded, whether in size or beauty and solidity, all others in the world.

Nam prćter naturalem animi liberalitatem, rex pro amore civitatis, operum excellentiam propriis affectibus indulgebat : personisque tribus carissimis, quarum nominibus turres appellavit, fratri et amico et conjugi memoriam dedicando : huic quidem, ut dixi, amoris causa peremptć, iis autem bello amissis, quum fortiter decertassent.

For apart from his natural generosity of character, out of his love for the City the king indulged his own impulses through the magnificence of his works, dedicating them to the memory of the three persons dearest to him, his brother and friend and wife, by whose names he called the towers: to the latter, killed, as I mentioned, because of his {[jealous]} love; to the former ones lost in war while fighting bravely.

Hippicos quidem turris amici vocabulo dicta, quattuor angulis erat. Singulć autem XXV• cubitos in latitudine itemque longitudine habebant, et excelsć XXX• cubitos erant, nusquam inanes. Supra soliditatem vero, saxisque adunatam compaginem puteus XX• cubitis altus erat imbribus excipiendis : super hanc autem duplici tecto domus : XXV• cubitis alta, inque varia membra divisa : et desuper eam minć quidem binis, propugnacula vero ternis cubitis ambiebant : ut omnis altitudo ad octogintaquinque cubitos numeraretur.

The Hippicus tower, called by the name of his friend, was quadrangular. Its individual sides had 37½ feet {(25 cubits)} in width and likewise in length, and were 45 feet {(30 cubits)} high — nowhere hollowed out. Atop this solid edifice and structure assembled of stone was a resevoir 30 feet {(20 cubits)} deep for catching rainwater, then above this, a double-story penthouse, 37½ feet {(25 cubits)} high and divided into different sections; and encircling it on top were battlements 3 feet {(2 cubits)} high with ramparts 4½ feet {(3 cubits)} high, so that the whole height amounted to 120 feet {(85 cubits)}.

Secunda vero turris, quam fratris nomine Phaselon appellaverat, ćque lata fuerat ac longa, cubitis quadragenis : per totidem autem cubitos in pilć modum facta et solida ejus altitudo surgebat. Et super hanc decem cubitis edita porticus erat, instructa bracchiis, itemque propugnaculis sćpta.

The second tower, which he had called by the name of his brother, Phasael, was equally wide and long — 60 feet {(40 cubits)} each; built like a ball, its solid height rose the same number of cubits. And atop it there was a colonnade 15 feet {(10 cubits)} high, equipped with outworks, and likewise protected by breastworks.

In media vero porticu supereminens alia turris stabat, in membra magnifica et balneas divisa, ne quid regalis ei usus videretur deesse : in summo autem propugnaculis minisque erat ornata, quum omnis ejus celsitudo prope ad XC• cubitos tolleretur. Et specie quidem videbatur assimilis Phari turri, quć Alexandriam navigantibus ignem procul ostendit : ambitu vero ampliore dilatabatur. Tunc autem tyrannicum domicilium exhibebat Simon.

Projecting above from the middle of the colonnade stood another tower, divided into splendid apartments and baths, lest anything of royal requirements should seem to be missing in it. At the top it was adorned with ramparts and battlements, while its full height reached almost 135 feet {(90 cubits)}. And indeed, in appearance it seemed similar to the tower of Pharos, which from afar shows its fire to those sailing to Alexandria, though it spreads out with a more ample girth. At that time Simon {[son of Gioras]} was keeping it as his autocratic living quarters.

Tertia vero turris Mariamnes (sic enim regina vocabatur) usque ad XX• cubitos farta, per XX• alios cubitos in latitudinem tendebat, et magnificentiora ceterisque ornatiora deversoria sustinebat : quum id proprium, seque dignum esse rex putavisset, ut uxoris nomine appellata turris, plus haberet pulchritudinis quam quć virorum nominibus vocitatć sunt : sicut illć hac munitiores erant, cui femina nomen dederat, et cujus omnis altitudo per LV• cubitos erigebatur.

The third tower, of Mariamne — for this was the queen’s name —, completely solid up to thirty feet {(20 cubits)}, extended another thirty feet {(20 cubits)} in width, and contained more elegant and ornate apartments than the others, since the king had thought it appropriate, and himself dignified, for a tower called by the name of a woman to have greater beauty than those that were called by the names of men, just as the latter were more fortified than the one to which a woman had given her name, and whose entire height reached up to 82½ feet {(55 cubits)}.

Sed quanquam tres turres tantć magnitudinis erant, ex loco tamen, quo erant sitć, multo videbantur esse majores, nam et ipse antiquus murus, in quo erant, excelso loco fuerat conditus, et ipsius collis velut quidam vertex altus prope ad XXX• cubitos eminebat, supra quem turres positć multum sublimitatis assumpserant.

But although the three towers were of such size, they seemed to be much larger because of the spot where they were located; for the Old Wall itself, on which they were, had been built on an elevated place, and a sort of high peak of the hill itself rose up nearly 45 feet {(30 cubits)}, placed on which the towers had gained a great deal in height.

Mirabilis etiam fuit lapidum magnitudo. Nec enim ex vulgaribus saxis, aut quć homines ferre possent, verum secto marmore candido, et singulis per XX• cubitos longis, latisque decem, ac per V• altis erant ćdificatć, quć ita inter se copulata erant, ut singulć turres singula saxa viderentur : sic autem manibus artificum in faciem angulosque formata, ut nusquam junctura compaginis appareret.

The size of the stones was also remarkable: For they were not built of common rocks or those that men can carry, but of white cut marble, each 30 feet {(20 cubits)} long, 15 {(10)} wide, and 7½ {(5)} high, which were joined to one another in such a way that the individual towers seemed to be single boulders; they were shaped by the hands of the artisans on their faces and angles in such a way that the joints of the structure could nowhere be seen.

His autem in Septentrionali parte positis, intus aula regia conjungebatur, narratione omni prćstantior. Nec enim magnificentia vel structura operis, aliqua ex parte superari poterat : sed tota quidem muro per XXX• cubitos edito cincta erat. Ćqualis autem distantić turribus ornatissimis ambiebatur, ornata virorum receptaculis et cenaculis lectorum centum capacibus.

While these were placed on the northern side, connected to them on the inside was the royal palace, grander than any telling. For its magnificence or architecture could nowhere be surpassed. Moreover, the whole was girded by a wall 45 feet {(30 cubits)} high. It was surrounded by highly ornate towers of equal spacing, adorned with guest rooms and dining halls able to hold 100 couches.

Inenarrabilis autem fuit marmorum varietas in ea, collectis ibi plurimis quć ubique rara videbantur, et fastigia simul proceritate trabium et ornamentorum claritudine mirabilia. Membrorum etiam multitudo, et innumeratć species ćdificii, plenaque omnia supellectilis, quum pleraque in singulis ex auro essent, atque argento.

Indescribable was the variety of marbles in it, a great many gathered there that everywhere are seen as rare, and the ceilings were simultaneously marvelous for the length of their beams and the brilliance of their ornamentation. There was a vast number of rooms, and innumerable architectural forms, and all filled with furnishings, while most things in the individual rooms were of gold and silver.

Ad hćc multć porticus, alia per aliam in circulum flexć columnćque in singulis, et quć inter eas sub dio patebant spatia, quum essent utique viridariis silvisque variata. Tum prolixas ambulationes habebat, altis euripis cinctas, cisternas ubique signorum aëneorum plenas, quibus aqua effundebatur multasque turres mansuetarum circum latices columbarum.

In addition there were many colonnades, each one curving through another in a circle, and columns on each of them, and spaces that lay open to the sky between them, while they were everywhere variegated with green lawns and groves. Then it had long walks bordered by deep canals; everywhere it had cisterns with many bronze statues through which water was poured out, and around the water many towers of tame pigeons.

Sed enim neque pro merito exponi regia, qualis fuerit, potest : habetque memoria cruciatum, referens, quantas res latrocinalis flamma consumpserit, nec enim hćc a Romanis incensa sunt, sed ab insidiatoribus intestinis, ut supra memoravimus, in principio dissensionis : et ab Antonia quidem omnia corripuit ignis, transiit autem in regiam, triumque turrium tecta corripuit.

But it is not really possible to describe adequately the way the palace was, and its memory inflicts torture, recalling what great things the criminal-minded flames have consumed; and these things were burned not by the Romans but, as we explained above, by domestic insurgents at the beginning of the revolt; and the fire seized everything beginning with the Antonia, then crossed over to the palace and consumed the roofs of the three towers.

⇑ § V

Descriptio templi.

A Description of the Temple.

FANUM autem conditum erat, ut dixi, supra durissimum collem. Et initio quidem vix templo atque arć sufficiebat jacens in summo planities, quod undique prćceps erat atque declivis. Quum autem rex Salomon, qui etiam templum ćdificaverat, muro ejus partem ab Oriente cinxisset, una porticus aggeri est imposita : et manebat ex aliis partibus nudum, quoad sćculis posterioribus, semper aliquid aggeris accumulante populo, coćquatus collis latior effectus est.

Now the Temple, as I have said, was built on a very strong hill. And initially it was hardly enough for the Temple and the Altar, because on all sides it was precipitous and steep. But when king Solomon, who had also built a Temple, equipped its eastern side with a wall, one colonnade was set up on the embankment, and it remained bare on the other sides until, in later ages, with the people always adding some embankment, the leveled hill became wider.

Perrupto autem Septentrionali quoque muro, tantum assumpsere spatium quantum postea totius fani ambitus incluserat. Triplici autem muro colle circundato, spe majus opus exstructum est : in quo longa sćcula consumpta sunt, omnesque thesauri sacri, quos toto orbe missa Deo munera repleverant, tam in superiore ambitu, quam inferiore templo ćdificatis : cujus quod humillimum fuit, trecentenis cubitis munierant, in quibusdam vero locis pluribus.

After the north wall had been broken through, they gained as much area as the perimeter of the entire Temple later included. With the hill surrounded by three {([additional])} walls, an unhoped-for work was built — on which long ages were spent and all the sacred treasures which gifts to God sent from the entire world had replenished —, constructing not just on the upper perimeter, but also on the lower Temple, of which what was lowest they raised up by 450 feet {(300 cubits)}, in some places even more.

Non tamen omnis altitudo fundamentorum videri poterat, multum vallibus obrutis, ut angustas vias oppidi coćquarent. Saxa vero quadragenum cubitorum magnitudinis erant. Nam et pecuniarum copia, et populi largitas, majora dictu conabatur : quodque nunquam posse perfici sperabatur, diuturnitate ac perseverantia explicabile videbatur.

Nonetheless, the entire depth of the foundations could not be seen, given that the ravines had been mainly filled in to even out the narrow streets of the town. There were stones 60 feet {(40 cubits)} long. For the supply of money and the generosity of the people ventured more than one can say, and what had been expected never to be able to be completed appeared realizable as a result of time and persistence.

Tantis autem fundamentis digna erant opera imposita. Duplices porticus omnes, quas columnć sustinebant quinis et vicenis cubitis altć, de singulis saxis marmore candido, et laquearia cedrina protegebant. Quorum naturalis magnificentia, quodque ligno rasili erant, apteque cohćrebant, operć pretium spectantibus, exhibebat : nulloque, aut pictoris, aut sculptoris opere extrinsecus ornabatur. Latć autem per XXX• cubitos erant : omnisque gyrus earum sex mensurā stadiorum cum Antonia concludebatur.

Works worthy of such foundations were built on them. All the colonnades were double, supported by columns 37½ feet {(25 cubits)} high, of single blocks of white marble, and protected by cedar ceiling panels. Their natural magnificence, and the fact that they were of polished wood, and joined smoothly together, provided something to viewers worth their trouble, and it was not adorned on the outside with any painter’s or sculptor’s work. The colonnades were 45 feet {(30 cubits)} wide, and their entire perimeter, with the Antonia, was encompassed by a measure of three quarters of a mile {(6 stades)}.

Totum autem sub dio spatium variabatur : omnium quidem generum lapidibus stratum : qua vero ad secundum templum ibatur, cancellis sćptum saxeis ad tres cubitos altis, nimiumque grato opere factis : ubi ćquis depositć intervallis columnć stabant, legem castimonić prćmonentes alić Grćcis, alić Latinis litteris, in locum sanctum transire alienigenas non debere. Sanctum enim vocabatur alterum fanum, et quattuordecim gradibus ascendebatur a primo : quadratumque sursum erat, et proprio muro circundatum, cujus exterior celsitudo, quamvis XL• cubitis surgeret, tamen gradibus tegebatur. Interior autem XXV• cubitorum erat : quoniam in altiori loco per gradus ćdificata non tota pars interior cernebatur, colle obtecta.

The whole area open to the sky was variegated: it was paved with stones of every type; where one went up to the Second {[i.e., inner]} Temple, it was enclosed with stone balustrades up to 4½ feet {(3 cubits)} high, made with exceedingly pleasing workmanship, where stood columns located at equal intervals, warning of the law of purity, some in Greek letters, some in Latin, that foreigners might not cross into the Holy Place. For the Second Sanctuary was called Holy, and was ascended to by fourteen steps from the First one. Above, it was square and surrounded by its own wall whose exterior height, even though it rose 60 feet {(40 cubits)}, was nonetheless obscured by the steps. The interior height was 37½ feet {(25 cubits)}. For the interior part was not all visible, having been built with steps on a higher location, screened by the hill.

Post XIIII• autem gradus, spatium erat usque ad murum CCC• cubitis planum. Hinc rursum alii quinque gradus, et scalć ad portas ducebant : a Septentrione quidem ac meridie octo, quaternć utrinque videlicet, duć vero ex Oriente. Necessario namque proprius locus, religionis causa mulieribus destinatus, muro discernebatur : alterā quoque portā opus esse videbatur.

But behind the fourteen steps up the the wall there was a flat area of 450 feet {(300 cubits; the Greek has 10 cubits [or 15 feet])}. From there, there were again another five steps and stairways leading to the gates — eight, in fact, on the north and south: that is, four on each side; but two on the east. For the special place destined for women for religious purposes was necessarily partitioned off by a wall. So a second gate was also recognized as necessary.

Contra primam vero, secreta erat ex aliis regionibus una porta Meridiana, et una Septentrionalis, quibus ad mulieres introibatur : per alias enim transire ad mulieres non licebat. Sed nec suam portam interjecto muro transgredi licebat. Patebat enim locus ille pariter indigenis et hospitibus feminis, religionis causa venientibus : occidua vero pars nullam portam habebat, sed perpetuus ibi murus erat exstructus.

Opposite the first one — separate from the other directions —, one southern gate and one northern one had been made separately through which one entered to the Women, for it was not allowed {[to females]} to pass through to the Women by means of the others. And it was also not allowed them to pass through the intervening wall via their own gate, either. That space was open to native-born and foreign women alike who came for the sake of worshipping. But the western side had no gate; rather, an uninterrupted wall had been built there.

Inter portas autem porticus, a muro intro prope a thesauro adversć, magnis et pulcherrimis columnis sustinebantur. Erant autem simplices, ac prćter magnitudinem nulla re ab inferioribus aberant.

Between the gates, the colonnades facing inward away from the wall, near to the treasury, were supported on huge and very beautiful columns. They were single-rowed and, except for size, differed in no way from those of the lower court.

Portarum autem, alić quidem auro et argento undique tectć erant, itemque postes ac frontes : una vero extra templum aëre Corinthio, quć multum argento inclusas et inauratas honore superabat. Et binć fores quidem in singulis januis erant tricenis cubitis altć, quinisdenis etiam latć.

Now some of the gates were covered all over with gold and silver — their posts and frontsides; but there was one, outside the Temple, with Corinthian bronze, which far surpassed in honor those plated with silver, and gilded. And the pairs of doors in the individual doorways were each 45 feet {(30 cubits)} high and 22½ {(15 cubits)} wide.

Post introitum vero, ubi latiores fiebant, tricenis utrinque cubitis exedras habebant : exemplo quidem turrium longas et latas, supra vero quam viginti cubitis celsas. Singulas autem binć columnć duodenum cubitorum crassitudine sustinebant.

But behind the entrance, where they widened, they had vestibules of 45 feet {(30 cubits)} both ways, in length and breadth, after the fashion of towers — but above, higher than 30 feet {(20 cubits; Greek has 60 feet [= 40 cubits])}. Two columns 18 feet {(12 cubits)} in circumference supported each one.

Et aliarum quidem portarum magnitudo par fuit. Quć vero supra Corinthiam posita, quo mulieres conveniebant, ab Oriente aperiebatur, porta templi sine dubio major erat. Quinquaginta enim cubitis surgens, quadraginta cubitorum fores habebat, ornatumque magnificentiorem : quoniam crassiori argento atque auro vestiebatur : quod quidem novem portis infuderat Tiberii pater, Alexander. Gradus autem quindecim a muro, qui mulieres segregabat, ad majorem portam ducebant. Namque illis, qui ad alias portas iter dirigerent, quinque gradibus erant breviores.

And the size of the other gates was the same. But the Temple gate that — located up above the Corinthian one where the women gathered — was opened from the east, was unquestionably larger. Rising 75 feet {(50 cubits)}, it had doors of 50 feet {(40 cubits)} and magnificent ornamentation, because it was plated with thicker silver and gold. Alexander, the father of Tiberius, had plated the nine gates with it. Fifteen steps led from the wall which segregated the women to the larger gate. They were shorter by five steps than those that guided a path to the other gates.

Ipsum vero templum in medio positum, hoc est, fanum sacrosanctum, duodecim gradibus ascendebatur. Et a fronte quidem altitudo ejus et latitudo centenos cubitos habebat : pone autem XL• cubitis angustius erat. Aditus enim, veluti quibusdam humeris, utrinque vicenum cubitorum producebantur.

Placed in the middle, the Temple itself — that is, the sacrosanct Sanctuary — was ascended to by twelve steps. And in front, its height and breadth was 150 feet {(100 cubits)}, but in the back it was 60 feet {(40 cubits)} narrower. For its entrance was widened as though by kinds of shoulders on both sides by 30 feet {(20 cubits)}.

Prima vero ejus porta septuaginta cubitis alta erat, et vigintiquinque lata, neque fores habebat. Cćlum enim undique conspicuum lateque patens significabat. Erantque totć frontes inauratć : ac prima ćdes omnis perlucebat extrinsecus : auroque circum interiorem fani partem splendida cuncta cernentibus occurrebant.

The first gate was 105 feet {(70 cubits)} high and 37½ {(25)} wide and had no doors. For it represented the heavens, visible from everywhere and widely open. Its front facings were completely gilded, and on the outside the whole first section shone forth. Viewers were struck by everything shining with gold around the Sanctuary’s inner part.

Quum autem interior ejus pars contignatione intersćpta esset, adjacens ei prima ćdes patebat in altitudinem perpetuam : perque nonaginta cubitos tollebatur, quum longa quadraginta cubitos esset, ac viginti transversa. Interior vero porta tota inaurata erat, ut dixi, et circum eam auratus paries. Desuper autem habebat aureos pampinos, unde racemi statura hominis dependebant.

But because its interior part had been divided with stories, the first floor next to it lay open in its full height, and rose 135 feet {(90 cubits)} up, while being 75 feet {(40 cubits)} deep and 30 {(20 cubits)} across. Meanwhile the interior gate was all gilt, as I have said, and surrounding it was a gilded wall. It had golden vines above it from which hung grape clusters the size of a man.

Et quia contignatio jam intercedebat, templum exteriore humilius videbatur : et fores habebat aureas, quinquaginta et quinque cubitis altas, sexdecim vero latas. Et ad hćc, aulćum longitudine pari : hoc est, velum Babylonium, hyacintho, et bysso, et cocco, et purpura variatum, mirabili opere factum, neque contemplationis expers colorum permixtione, sed velut omnium rerum imaginem prćferens.

And because the flooring divided it, this Temple {[aspect]} seemed lower than the outside one, and it had golden doors 82½ feet {(55 cubits)} high and 24 {(16 cubits)} wide. And in addition to this there was a curtain of equal length — that is, a Babylonian veil embroidered with hyacinth and finest linen, of scarlet ad purple, done with marvelous workmanship, and with its mixture of colors not devoid of thoughtfulness, but as though presenting a symbol of all things.

Cocco enim videbatur ignem imitari, et bysso terram, et hyacintho aërem, ac mare purpura, partim quidem coloribus, bysso autem ac purpura origine : quoniam byssum quidem terra, mare autem purpuram gignit. Eratque in eo perscripta omnis cćli ratio, prćter signa.

With the scarlet it seemed to symbolize fire, with the fine linen the earth, with hyacinth the air, and with crimson the sea — partly, to be sure, through their colors, but fine linen and crimson through their origin, because the earth produces fine linen while the sea produces crimson. Embroidered into it was the entire mechanics of the heavens except for the zodiacal signs.

Introgressos autem inferior pars excipiebat : cujus altitudo quidem habebat sexaginta cubitos, et longitudo totidem, ac latitudo viginti. Rursus autem sexaginta cubiti divisi erant. Et prima quidem pars ad quadraginta cubitos avulsa, hćc tria mirabilia et prćdicanda opera cunctis hominibus habebat, candelabrum, et mensam, et turibulum.

The lower story received those who entered; its height was 90 feet {(60 cubits)} high, its length just as many, and its width 30 {(20)}. And its first part, partitioned off at 60 feet {(40 cubits)}, had three works marvelous and renowned by all men: the candelabrum and table and thurible.

Septem vero lucernć stellas errantes significabant : tot enim ab ipso candelabro oriebatur. Duodecim vero panes in mensa positi, signorum circulum, atque annum. Turibulum autem per tredecim odores, quibus replebatur, ex mari et inhospito et inhabitabili, designabat omnia Dei esse, Deoque servire.

The seven lamps symbolized the planets: for that many rise from the candelabrum itself. But the twelve loaves placed on the table, the signs of the zodiacal circle, and the year. The thurible, on the other hand, through the thirteen fragrances with which it is filled from the sea and the inhospitable and uninhabitable areas, indicates that all things are of God and serve God.

Intima vero templi pars viginti cubitorum erat. Discernebatur autem similiter velo ab exteriore, nihilque prorsus in ea erat positum : inaccessa vero, et inviolata, et invisibilis omnibus habebatur, sanctique sanctum vocabatur. Circa latera vero inferioris templi, multa erant membra pervia, triplici tecto suspensa : et ad utrumque latus, ad ea introitus a porta patebat.

The {[width of the]} innermost part of the Temple was 30 feet {(20 cubits)}. It likewise was separated by a veil from the outer part, and absolutely nothing was placed in it. It was, moreover, inaccessible, inviolable and invisible to all, and was called the Holy of the Holy. Then around the sides of the lower Temple were many interpenetrable compartments hanging from three ceilings. And access to them was open from the gate on both sides.

Superior autem pars eadem membra non habebat, quo minus erat angustior, celsior autem quadraginta cubitis, nec ita, ut inferior, ambitiosa. Colligitur enim centum cubitorum celsitudo universa, quum in solo LX• cubitos habuerit.

But the upper part did not have the same compartments; however, against the fact that it was narrower, it was taller by 60 feet {(40 cubits)} and not as ostentatious as the lower. Thus the entire height sums up to 150 feet {(100 cubits)}, since at the base there are 90 feet {(60 cubits)}.

Exterior autem facies, nihil quod animus, aut oculi mirarentur non habebat. Crustis enim aureis gravissimis undique tecta, ultra primos ortus igneo splendore lucebat : ut quum intuerentur contendentium oculi, quasi solis radiis averterentur. Hospitibus quidem adeuntibus, procul monti niveo similis videbatur. Nam ubi deauratum non erat templum, candidissimum erat.

The exterior surface had nothing that the mind or eyes were not amazed at. Covered all over with very heavy gold plates, it outdid the starting sunrise in shining with fiery brilliance so that, when the eyes of people were trying to see it, they were averted as though by the sun’s rays. To approaching outsiders, from afar it seemed like a snow-covered mountain. For where the Temple was not gilded, it was the most dazzling white.

In summo autem aureis verubus horrebat acutissimis, ne ab insidentibus avibus pollueretur. Nonnullorum autem saxorum ejus longitudo quadraginta quinque cubitorum erat, altitudo quinque, et latitudo sex. Ara vero pro templo quindecim cubitis alta, lata vero et longa cubitis quadragenis, quadrataque stans, veluti cornutis angulis eminebat, et a meridie ascensus in eam clementer arduus resupinabatur.

On the top it bristled with very sharp golden spikes to prevent being polluted by perching birds. The length of some of its stones was 67½ feet {(45 cubits)}, their height 7½ {(5 cubits)} and their breadth 9 {(6 cubits)}. In front of the Sanctuary stood the 22½ feet {(15 cubits)} high Altar, a square 60 feet {(40 cubits)} wide and long; it jutted out with horn-like corners, and a gentle ascent to it sloped up from the south.

Sine ferro autem constructa erat, nec unquam eam ferrum tetigerat. Templum autem aramque cingebat ex pulcherrimo saxo lorica gratissima, usque ad cubitum surgens, quć populum a sacerdotibus segregabat.

It had been built without using iron, nor had iron ever touched it. The Temple and altar were surrounded by a pleasing parapet of very beautiful stone rising up to a foot and a half {(1 cubit)} which separated the people from the priests.

Gonorrhśos, hoc est, semine fluentes, itemque leprosos tota civitas arcebat, et feminis menstrua solventibus clausa erat. Prćdictum autem limitem, ne puris quidem mulieribus transgredi permittebatur. Viri autem, qui non per omnia casti fuissent, ab interiori aula ; et qui puri essent, a sacerdotibus prohibebantur.

The entire City excluded those afflicted with gonorrhea, that is, with running semen, and likewise lepers, and it was closed to women having their monthly periods. It was not permitted for even clean women to cross the aforesaid boundary. As for men, those who had not been cleansed in every respect were prohibited from the inner court; and even those who were clean were prohibited from the priests.

Qui vero ex origine sacerdotum genus ducentes, cćcitatis causa munere non fungebantur, cum incolumibus intra limitem aderant partesque generis consequebantur : vestibus tantum utebantur plebejis : quoniam sacerdotali solus qui sacra celebrabat amiciebatur.

Now those who took their lineage from the line of priests, but because of blindness did not exercise their functions, were present inside the parapet and got the portions due their birthright, but they wore only civilian clothing, for only the one who was celebrating the rites was dressed in priestly vestments.

Ad altare vero templumque accedebant carentes omni vitio sacerdotes, veste quidem amicti byssina, maxime vero mero abstinentes, ac sobrii religionis metu, ne quid rem divinam faciendo peccarent. Pontifex autem cum ipsis non tamen semper ascendebat, sed diebus quibusque septimis, et per singulos menses Calendis : vel si quando patria festivitas atque annua ab omni populo agebatur.

Priests free of every imperfection went up to the Altar dressed in a garment of fine linen, abstaining especially from undiluted wine and sober out of reverence for their religion, lest they should make some error while performing the holy rites. Still, the pontiff did not always go up with them, only on every seventh day and on the first day of every month, or whenever a national and annual feast was celebrated by the whole people.

Et sacrificabat velamine prćcinctus, eoque tectus femora usque ad genitalia : linteum vero habens intrinsecus demissum usque ad pedes, et hyacinthinum desuper indumentum rotundum, ex quo fimbrić pendebant, alternis nodis aurea tintinnabula, malaque granata sustinentes, tintinnabulis quidem tonitrua, malis vero fulgura designantibus.

And he would sacrifice girded with a loincloth, and with it covering his thighs down to his genitalia; underneath it he had a linen stole reaching down to his feet, and over that a round, hyacinth-blue robe from which hung tassels, dangling, on alternating nodes, golden bells and pomegranates, symbolizing thunder with the bells and lightening with the pomegranates.

Pectoris autem vestimentum vittć cingebant, quinque variatć coloribus : hoc est auri, purpurć, cocci, byssi, et hyacinthi : quibus etiam vela templi diximus esse contexta. Eisdem autem habebat etiam epōmidem temperatam, in qua plus auri erat : et habitus quidem indumenti thoraci similis videbatur : duabus autem fibulis aureis, aspidum specie vinciebatur : quibus inclusi erant optimi, maximique sardonyches, scripta tribuum gentis Judćć nomina prćferentes.

His chest’s garment was secured with ribbons, variegated with five colors — that is, gold, crimson, scarlet, fine flax, and hyacinth-blue — with which, we said, the curtain of the Temple was embroidered. With the same materials his ephod was wrought, in which there was more gold, and the overall form of the article seemed similar to a breastplate; it was attached with two snake-like gold brooches, in which were set very fine and large sardonyxes displaying the written names of the tribes of the people of Judća.

Ex altera vero parte, duodecim pendebant alii lapides, in quattuor partes terni divisi. Hoc est, sardius, topazius, smaragdus : carbunculus, jaspis, sapphirus : achates, amethystus, lyncurium : onyx, beryllus, chrysolithus. Quorum singulis singula item cognomina erant scripta.

But on the other end hang twelve other stones, divided into four rows of three. They are: sardonyx, topaz, emerald; carbuncle, jasper, sapphire; agate, amethyst, amber; onyx, beryl, chrysolite. On each of these the individual names were likewise written.

Caput autem byssina tiara tegebat, hyacinthis coronata. Et circa eam alia corona erat aurea, scriptas ferens sacras litteras, quć sunt quattuor elementa vocalia. Ea quidem veste non semper, sed alia minus ambitiosa utebatur, illa vero si quando adyta introibat.

His head was coverd by a hyacinth-wreathed turban of fine linen. And around it was another gold crown bearing the sacred written letters which are four vowel characters {[i.e., Greek Ἰαυέ = Hebrew יהוה = English YHWH (Latin JHVH) = Yahwéh ≈ “God”]}. He would not always use that vestment, but another one less ornate, and that first one only whenever he entered the innermost sanctuary.

Solus autem atque semel in anno intrabat, quo die cunctos jejunare Deo mos erat. Sed de civitate ac templo et moribus et legibus iterum diligentius referemus. Non enim pauca super his exponenda sunt.

He would enter it alone and once a year, on the day when it was the custom for everyone to fast for God. But we will later describe the City and Temple and customs and laws in greater detail. For not a few things about all this have to be explained.

Ceterum Antonia in angulo quidem duarum porticuum sita erat prioris templi, quć ad Occidentem Septemtrionemque spectarent. In saxo autem fuerat exstructa, quinquaginta cubitis alto, et undique prćrupto : quod opus Herodis regis fuit, ubi maxime ingenii sui magnificentiam demonstravit.

Now the Antonia, was located at the corner of the two colonnades of the first Temple court facing the northwest. It was built on a rock 75 feet {(50 cubits)} high and precipitous on every side, which was the work of King Herod, in which he showed especially the magnificence of his mind.

Primum enim, a radicibus saxum ipsum lēvibus crustis obtegebatur, quo et decus adderet operi, et facile dilaberentur, qui vel ascendere vel descendere temptavissent. Deinde ante turris ćdificium murus erat cubitorum trium. Intra hunc omne spatium Antonić in quadraginta cubitos erigebatur.

For, to begin with, from its base the stone itself was faced with smooth slabs with which he could add ornamentation to the work and so that anyone who attempted to climb up or down it would easily slip off. Then in front of the structure of the tower there was a wall of 4½ feet {(3 cubits)}. Inside of this the whole bulk of the Antonia rose up 60 feet {(40 cubits)}.

Intus autem regić latitudinem ac descriptionem habebat, divisam in omnem usum habitationum et speciem, id est, atria, et balnea, et aulas castris aptissimas : ut, quantum ad usum necessarium pertinet, civitas videretur, magnificentia vero palatium.

Inside it had the width and layout of a palace, divided into every purpose of habitation and every appearance — that is, main rooms and bathrooms and halls usable as barracks —, so that so far as the necessary utilities were concerned, it seemed a city, but in its magnificence, a palace.

Instar vero turris toto habitu formata, quattuor aliis per angulos turribus cingebatur : quarum ceterć quinquaginta cubitis erant altć, quć vero ad Meridianum Orientalemque angulum sita erat, LXX• cubitis eminebat, ut ex ea totum templum videri posset.

Built like a tower in its overall shape, it was edged in by four other towers on its corners, of which the others were 75 feet {(50 cubits)} high, but the one located at the southeast corner 105 feet rose up {(70 cubits)}, so that from it the entire Temple could be viewed.

Qua vero porticibus jungebatur, utrinque descensus habebat, unde custodes commeabant ; semper namque in ea Romani milites residebant, et cum armis appositi custodes, ne quid populus festis diebus novi committeret, observabant. Castrum enim erat impositum oppido quidem templum, templo vero Antonia. In hac autem porticu custodes erant ; et superioris civitatis aliud castellum, regia Herodis, erat.

But where it was joined by the colonnades, it had stairways on both sides where the guards went, for Roman soldiers were always stationed in it, and armed guards were deployed, watching lest on feast days the people try some revolt. The Temple was placed as a fort looming over the City, but Antonia as one over the Temple. Guards were in this colonnade; and there was another stronghold for the Upper City — Herod’s palace.

Bezetha autem collis, ut ita dixi, ab Antonia separabatur : qui, quum omnium esset altissimus, etiam parti novć civitatis conjungebatur, temploque Septentrionali solus obstabat. De civitate quidem, ac muris ejus, iterum scribere plenius cupiens, in prćsentia satis dixi.

As I said, Bezetha Hill was separated from the Antonia. Since it was the highest hill of all, it was also connected to the new section of the City, and was the only one to block {[seeing]} the Temple on the north. While wanting to write about the City and its walls at still greater length, for the present I have said enough.

—: Bezetha Hill was cut off, as I mentioned, from Antonia. This hill, on which part of the New City was built, was the highest of them all, and on the north it alone obscured the view of the Temple. I intend in a later work to describe the City and its walls in much greater detail, so for the present this must suffice.

⇑ § VI

De Simone et Joanne Tyrannis. Utque,
Tito mśnia circumeunte, vulneratur
Nicanor ; unde ad obsidionem
urgendam excitatur Titus.

Concerning the Tyrants Simon and John. How Also, as Titus Was Going Round the Wall of this City, Nicanor Was Wounded by a Dart ; Which Accident Provoked Titus to Press On the Siege

— Caput F-7 —
Deditionem Judći recusant, et Romanos adoriuntur.

PUGNACISSIMA autem maximeque dissentiens multitudo circa Simonem erat, hominum decem milia, prćter Idumćos, quinquaginta vero decem milium duces, quibus ipse quasi dominus omnium prćerat. Idumaei autem qui erant ejus partium, quum essent numero quinque milia, duces decem habebant. Horum autem principes videbantur, Sosć Jacobus, et Cathlć filius Simon.

The extremely warlike and thoroughly dissident crowd around Simon was ten thousand men besides the Idumćans, along with fifty officers of those ten thousand of all of which he himself was as though a lord. The Idumćans, who were of his faction, while they were five thousand in number, had ten officers. Of these the seeming leaders were Jacob, son of Sosas, and Simon, son of Cathla.

Joannes autem, qui templum occupaverat, sex armatorum milia habebat, quos viginti duces regebant : tunc autem illi accesserant etiam Zelotarum, depositis discordiis, duo milia quadringenti : qui Eleazaro, quem ante habuerant, et Simone Arini filio utebantur ducibus. His autem (ut diximus) bellum inter se gerentibus populus erat prćmium : et plebis pars, quć non eadem quć illi committeret, ab utrisque diripiebatur.

On the other hand, John, who had seized the Temple, had six thousand armed men who were led by twenty officers. He was now also joined by two thousand four hundred of those Zealots who had laid aside their quarrel and whose leaders were Eleazar (whom they had had before) and Simon the son of Arinus. As we have said, the people were the war booty for these mutually warring factions, and the part of the people who would not commit the same things they did were plundered by both.

Tenebat autem Simon quidem superiorem civitatem, murumque majorem usque ad Cedronem, et antiquioris muri, quantum a Siloa flectitur ad orientem, et usque ad Monobazi aulam descendit. Is rex erat Adiabenć gentis, ultra Euphratem habitantis. Tenebat etiam montem Acrć, quć inferior est civitas, usque ad Helenć regiam, quć Monobazi fuerat mater.

Simon held the Upper City and the Great Wall as far as the Kidron, and as much of the Old Wall as turned eastward from Siloam and went down to the hall of Monobazus. (He was the king of the Adiabene people living beyond the Euphrates.) Simon also held the hill of the Acra which is the Lower City, as far as the palace of Helena, who was the mother of Monobazus.

Joannes autem, templum et circum templum aliquatenus, itemque Ophlam, et vallem quć Cedron appellatur, et aliis quć interjacebant incensis, medium bello quod inter se gerebant spatium aperuere.

Meanwhile John held the Temple and somewhat around the Temple, and also Ophel and the valley called Kidron; and with the other things which lay in between burned down, they opened a space for the war they were waging against one another.

Nec enim castris Romanorum prope murum positis, intra civitatem seditio quiescebat, sed ad primum eorum impetum paulisper sanitate recepta, mox ad pristinum morbum rediere. Rursusque discreti, pro sua quisque parte pugnabat, omnia faciendo, quć obsidentes optarent.

For not even with the camp of the Romans pitched next to their wall did the warfare quiet down inside the City, but after regaining sanity for a short while with the first attack, they quickly returned to their original illness. And at odds once again, each one fought for his own faction, doing everything that the besiegers could wish for.

Nihil enim acerbius a Romanis passi sunt, quam ipsi se tractarunt : neque post illos civitas aliquid novć calamitatis experta est. Sed illa quidem graviores prius casus pertulit, antequam subverteretur. Qui vero eam debellarunt, majus aliquid perfecere.

For they suffered nothing more bitter from the Romans than what they inflicted on themselves nor, after them, did the City experience any calamity that was new. Rather, it first suffered worse misfortunes before it was overthrown. Indeed, those who conquered it accomplished something greater.

Dico enim, quod seditio civitatem, Romani vero seditionem cepere, quć multo erat mśnibus tutior. Et res quidem adversas suis, justitiam vero recte quis Romanis ascriberet. Intelleget autem quod dies cuique suggesserit.

I mean to say that the insurgency put an end to the City, while the Romans put an end to the insurgency, which was much more indomitable than the walls. And one may justly ascribe their miseries to themselves, but justice to the Romans. Each will, however, understand according to what his day presents to him.

Veruntamen his intra civitatem ita se habentibus, Titus, cum lectis equitibus foris circumiens, qua muros aggrederetur explorabat. Hćsitanti autem, quia nec ab ea parte adiri poterat pedibus qua valles erant, et ab alio latere, prior murus machinis firmior videbatur, placuit ad Joannis pontificis monumentum (hic enim tantummodo et primus humilior erat, nec secundo muro conjungebatur) invadere.

Regardless of these things going on inside the City in this way, Titus, circling it with picked cavalry, was reconnoitering for a place where he could attack the walls. Uncertain because it could not be attacked from the part where there were ravines and, on the other side, the First Wall seemed too strong, he decided to invade at the monument of John the Pontiff (for only here was the First one lower and not connected to the Second Wall).

Neglecta enim fuerat munitio, propterea quia non satis nova civitas frequentabatur. Sic in tertium murum facilis aditus illac erat : per quem, superiorem civitatem, et per Antoniam, templum capi posse cogitabat.

For its fortification had been neglected due to the fact that the New City was not heavily populated. Thus at that point there was an easy approach to the Third Wall, through which, he thought, the Upper City and, through the Antonia, the Temple could be captured.

Hćc eo collustrante, quidam ex amicis ejus, Nicanor nomine, ad humerum lćvum sagitta percutitur, quum propius una cum Josepho accessisset, pacemque in muro stantibus (dicendi enim peritus erat) suadere temptaret.

As he was surveying all this, one of his friends by the name of Nicanor was struck by an arrow in the left shoulder after having more closely approached with Josephus and was trying to persuade those standing on the walls (for he was experienced in speaking) to accept peace.

Unde cognitis eorum conatibus Cćsar ex eo, quod nec ad salutem se hortantibus abstinuere, excitatur in obsidionem : simulque suburbana militibus vastare permittit, collectaque omni materia, jubet aggerem construi.

Cćsar, through these attempts of theirs learning of the fact that they would not leave unharmed even those who were urging their own safety, was galvanized into executing the siege; he simultaneously let his soldiers devastate the suburbs and, having collected all the wood, ordered a bulwark constructed.

Tripartito autem exercitu ad opera, medios in aggeribus jaculatores et sagittarios constituebat, et ante eos ballistas, aliasque machinas atque tormenta : quibus et excursus hostium in opera prohiberet, et qui ex muris obstare temptarent.

Dividing his army into thirds for the work, he placed the spearmen and archers in the middle in the bulwarks, and in front of them the ballistas and other machines and artillery so that he could counter the enemy’s sorties against the work and those who were trying to block it from the walls.

Cćsis autem arboribus, momento suburbana nudata sunt. Collectis autem lignis in aggeres, quum totus operi intentus esset exercitus, nec Judći segnes erant.

The suburbs were denuded in short order by the felling of the trees. But while the wood was being brought to the bulwarks, given that the entire army was concentrating on the work, neither were the Jews slacking off.

Populum quidem in rapinis ac cćdibus constitutum fiducia tunc habebat, quod respiraturus esset, illis adversus hostes distractis, existimantem pśnas se ab noxiis repetiturum, si Romani superassent.

The confidence that they would be able to breathe again now returned to the people who had been living amidst rapine and murder, given that their oppressors were distracted against the enemy; they thought they might be able to get even with their tormentors if the Romans won.

Joannes autem, quamvis in externos socii sui irrumpere properarent, metu tamen Simonis manebat. Verum Simon non quiescebat, proximus enim erat obsidioni, missilibus per murum dispositis, quć pridem Romanis abstulerat, qućque apud Antoniam capta fuerant.

John, however, though his men were impatient to attack the enemy outside, stayed put for fear of Simon. Simon, because he was next to the seige, was not asleep, but installed along the wall the artillery he had earlier taken from the Romans and which they had captured at the Antonia.

Sed horum possessio propter imperitiam plerisque non erat utilis. Pauci autem a transfugis docti, male utebantur instrumentis. Sed cum lapidibus et sagittis aggerem jacientibus militibus imminebant ; perque cuneos excurrentes, manus etiam conserebant.

But due to inexperience, their possession was useless to most of the men. A few, instructed by deserters, did use the devices, but poorly. But with stones and arrows they presented a threat to the soldiers constructing the bulwark; and dashing out in wedge-formations, they also engaged in hand-to-hand combat.

Operantes autem crates super vallum oppositć protegebant, omnibusque legionibus contra excursus erant machinć comparatć mirabiles. Prćcipue vero Decimć Legionis ballistć vehementiores, et tormenta saxorum, quibus non solum irruentes, sed etiam super murum stantes avertebantur.

But wicker shields placed opposite, over the palisade, protected the workers, and the machines equipping all of the legions against sallies were marvelous. But more powerful were especially the Tenth Legion’s ballistas and rock-throwers, with which not just the sorties but even those standing on the wall were repulsed.

Nam et singula saxa talenti pondus ćquabant, et ultra stadii modum torquebantur. Ictus autem non solum primis quos offendisset, sed aliquando posterioribus quoque intolerabilis erat. Judći sane cavebant a lapidibus, quod erant candidi : nec tantum sono ac fremitu noscebantur, sed etiam claritudine prospiciebantur.

For individual rocks weighed 75 pounds {(Latin: the weight of a talent)} and were hurled more than 230 yards {(Latin: a stade)}. Their impacts struck not only the front lines but were sometime unendurable for those behind as well. Obviously the Jews watched out for the stones, since they were white; they were not only recognizable by their sound and roar, but were also visible because of their brightness.

Denique speculatores in turribus prćsidentes, prćdicebant, quando impelleretur machina saxumque ferretur, patria lingua clamantes, « filius venit ». Itaque prćsciebant, in quos veniret atque ita vitabant : et hinc eveniebat, ut illis declinantibus lapis irritus intercĭderet.

In short, whenever an artillery piece was shot off and a rock was on its way, lookouts stationed on the towers gave a forewarning, calling out in their native tongue, “Sonny’s coming!” And so they knew ahead of time whom it was coming at, and thus dodged it. And the result of this was that, with those men getting out of the way, the stone fell ineffectually between them.

Proinde Romani excogitant, atramento decolorare lapides. Tunc enim missi, non similiter incertos ictus habebant, multosque simul unius impetu corrumpebant. Sed ne male quidem affecti Judći, aggeris instruendi Romanis copiam dabant. Omni vero eos molitione atque audacia die noctuque prohibebant.

Consequently the Romans devised the stratagem of coloring the stones black. Then shot off, they did not similarly have random impacts but slew many men with a single strike. But even suffering reverses, the Jews did not give the Romans the ease to build their bulwark, but with every effort and form of audacity hindered them day and night.

Perfectis autem operibus, plumbo et lino ab aggeribus jacto, fabri quod erat ad murum spatium metiuntur. Nec enim alioqui id fieri poterat, quoniam desuper telis petebantur.

When the work was finished, the workers measured the space to the wall by throwing lead and line from the bulwarks, since there was no other way it could be done because they were being attacked by projectiles from above.

Quumque pares intervallo arietes invenissent, eos applicant : propiusque dispositis machinis, Titus, ne ex muro arietes prohiberentur, ex tribus partibus murum pulsari jubet. Sonitu autem circunstrepente civitatem, clamor ingens civium sublatus est, itemque seditiosos pavor invasit.

And when they had found that the rams were equal to the distance, they brought them up and, having positioned his artillery up closer at intervals so the Jews could not stave the rams off, he ordered the wall to be pounded at three points. Then, with the booms resounding throughout the City, a great cry of the citizens arose, and fear seized the insurgents as well.

Et quia periculum commune utrisque videbatur, communiter jam repugnare cogitabant, vociferantibus inter se discordibus, quia omnia pro commoditate hostium facerent : quum si non perpetuam concordiam sibi Deus prćbeat, saltem in prćsentia contra Romanos oporteat conspirare.

And because their common peril became evident to both sides, they concluded they must now fight back together — while the opponents shouted to each other that they were doing everything for the benefit of the enemy: if God would not grant them permanent concord, then at least for the present they ought to unite against the Romans.

Simon autem prćcone misso, volentibus ex templo ad murum egrediendi copiam dedit : idemque et Joannes, licet minus crederet, permisit. Illi autem obliti odiorum ac discordiarum suarum, in unum corpus coëunt : murumque amplexi, faces inde quamplurimas jaciebant contra machinas Romanorum, contraque impulsores arietum, eosque sine intermissione telis petebant.

Sending out an announcer, Simon granted to those who were willing the opportunity to leave the Temple for the wall, and John, although he was less trusting, allowed the same thing. Then the men, forgetting their hatred and enmity, became a single body; taking over the wall, they threw a huge number of firebrands onto the machines of the Romans and onto the men pushing the rams and unintermittently attacked them with projectiles.

Audacissimi vero catervatim prosilientes, machinarum tegmina dissipabant : hisque appositis irruentes, peritia quidem pauca, plura vero audacia perficiebant.

Rushing out in groups, the bolder ones tore apart the coverings of the machines and, attacking those assigned to them, accomplished little through expertise but a lot through audacity.

Semper autem aderat adjumento laborantibus ipse Titus : et juxta utrasque machinas equitibus ac sagittariis ordinatis, ignem quidem ferentes prohibebat : jaculantes vero a turribus, reprimebat, nocendi tempus arietibus faciens : et tamen murus ictibus non cedebat, nisi quod Quintć Legionis aries commovit angulum turris : murus autem stabat incolumis. Nec enim statim cum turri periculum sensit, quć multo altius eminebat, nullamque partem muri secum trahere poterat in ruinam.

But Titus himself was constantly there assisting his struggling men and, positioning cavalry and archers at both {[sides of the]} machines, he staved off those who were bringing up fire. Moreover, repulsing those who were throwing from the towers, he provided the rams with time to do their damage. And yet the wall did not give in to the blows, except that the Fifth {(actually the Fifteenth)} Legion’s ram dislodged a corner of a tower; but the wall stood intact, for it was not immediately sensitive to any danger with the tower, which projected much higher up and could not drag any part of the wall down with it in a collapse.

Quum autem ab excursibus paululum quievissent, observato Romanos per opera et castra esse dispersos, quia labore et formidine Judćos discessisse arbitrarentur, excurrunt omnes qua turris erat Hippicus, porta latenter : ignemque operibus injiciunt. Usque ad castrorum quoque munimenta, in Romanos animati procedebant.

After they had left off their sorties for a bit, seeing the Romans dispersed throughout their works and camp because they thought the Jews had retreated out of weariness and fear, they secretly all sallied out of the gate where the Hippicus tower was and set fire to the works. They even continued on as far as the camp fortifications, so impassioned were they against the Romans.

Horum autem periculo mature, et qui erant propius, excitati sunt, et qui procul aberant convenere. Romanorum autem disciplina vincebat audaciam Judćorum : et quos prius offenderant in fugam versis, aliis qui colligerentur instabant.

At the danger to these men, quickly, both those who were near were mobilized and those who were farther off came running up. The discipline of the Romans overcame the audacity of the Jews {(actually the reverse)}, and having routed those whom they had first encountered, they {(= the Jews)} pressed on to the others who were gathering.

Gravis autem circum machinas pugna commissa est, illis incendere, his incendium prohibere certantibus, incertusque clamor utrinque tollebatur, et multi, qui in fronte steterant, ceciderunt.

A heavy battle now began around the machines, the ones striving to set fire to them, the others to prevent a fire, and a confused clamor rose from both sides, and many who stood in the forefront fell.

Sed Judći confidentia superiores erant, ignisque opera tetigerat, incensaque omnia cum instrumentis penitus essent, nisi lecti de Alexandria restitissent plerique, prćter opinionem sui viriliter dimicantes. Nam gloriosissimis in hoc bello prćlati sunt, donec Imperator equitum valentissimis comitatus, in hostes irruit : et ipse quidem duodecim repugnatores peremit : metu autem cladis eorum cetera multitudine in fugam versa, omnes compulit in civitatem, eoque modo aggeres liberavit incendio.

But the Jews were superior in audacity: the siege works caught fire, and they would all have been completely burned down with their machinery if the majority of the elite troops from Alexandria had not stood fast, fighting with an aggressiveness exceeding their own reputation. For in this battle they outdid the most highly decorated units until the Commander, accompanied by the strongest of his cavalry, attacked the enemy, and he himself slew twelve combatants. After, out of fear over their annihilation, the rest of the mass had turned to flight, he drove them all into the City and in that way saved the bulwarks from the flames.

In hac autem pugna, unum ex Judćis vivum capi contigit, eumque Titus crucifigi pro muro jussit, si forte reliqui vel hoc spectaculo territi concederent. Post ejus vero discessum, etiam dux Idumćorum Joannes, dum ante muros cum noto milite loquitur, a quodam Arabe pectus sagitta percussus, continuo periit : magnumque et Judćis luctum, et seditiosis mćrorem reliquit. Nam et manu promptus erat, et sapientia nobilis.

It so happened that in that fight one of the Jews was captured alive, and Titus ordered him crucified in front of the wall to see if the rest, terrified at this sight, would perhaps surrender. Then after Titus’s departure, John, a leader of the Idumćans, while talking in front of the wall with a soldier he knew, was shot in the chest with an arrow by an Arab and died immediately. To the Jews this left great sorrow, and to the insurgents grief, for he was physically energetic and noble of mind.

⇑ § VII

Quomodo una e turribus a Romanis
exstructis sponte corruit, et
multa cum cćde Romani primum murum superarunt : utque Titus
in secundum murum impressiones
faciebat. Deque Longino Romano,
et Castore Judćo.

How One of the Towers Erected by the Romans Fell Down of its Own Accord ; And How the Romans after Great Slaughter Had Been Made Got Possession of the First Wall. How Also Titus Made his Assaults upon the Second Wall ; as Also Concerning Longinus the Roman and Castor the Jew.

— Caput F-8 —
De casu turris et duorum murorum obtentu.

NOCTE vero quć secuta est, incredibilis tumultus Romanis incidit. Nam quum tres turres Imperator Titus quinquagenum cubitorum construi prćcepisset, ut his per aggeres singulos positis, hinc hostes in muro stantes facilius in fugam verteret, una earum sponte sua nocte intempesta lapsa est. Ingenti vero sonitu facto, metus occupavit exercitum.

The following night, an incredible tumult occurred amidst the Romans. After Commander Titus had ordered three towers of 75 feet {(50 cubits)} to be built, in order, by placing them on the individual bulwarks, the more easily to rout the enemy standing on the wall, one of them collapsed by itself in the dead of the night. The army was seized by fear at the enormous crash.

Conari autem aliquid Judćos suspicati, ad arma currebant, eaque re turba in legionibus ac tumultus erat, quumque nemo quid accidisset referre posset, diu queruli alius aliud opinabantur : nullisque intervenientibus hostibus semetipsos timebant : signumque diligenter singuli a proximis requirebant, tanquam Judći jam castra possiderent.

Suspecting that the Jews were trying something, they rushed to their weapons; and in the event, there was confusion and chaos in the legions; and since no one could tell what had happened, for a long time, disgruntled, one thought one thing, another another. When no enemy showed up, they began fearing one another, and everyone was anxiously asking his neighbor the watchword, as though the Jews were already in possession of the camp.

Panicoque terrore capti videbantur, donec Titus, cognitis quć res erant, verum cunctis indicari jussit : tandemque tumultus eo nuntio conquievit.

They seemed in the grip of a divine terror until Titus, discovering what the facts were, ordered the truth to be made known to everyone; and with that news the pandemonium finally came to an end.

Judći quidem cetera fortiter sustinentes, male turribus affecti sunt. Machinis enim levioribus, et jaculatoribus, ac sagittariis, saxorumque tormentis inde feriebantur.

The Jews, valiantly enduring everything else, were adversely affected by the towers. For from them they were pelted by the lighter artillery and spearmen and archers and rockshooters.

Sed neque harum ćquare ipsi poterant celsitudinem, et turres excidendi spes non erat ; quumque neque everti propter gravitatem, neque incendi propterea quod ferro tegebantur, facile possent, ultra jactum teli fugientes, arietum impetus non vetabant : qui sine intermissione ferientes, paulatim aliquid proficiebant.

Plus, they were unable to reach their height, and there was no hope of destroying the towers; and since they could easily be neither toppled on account of their weight nor burnt because they were covered with iron, the defenders, retreating outside of throw range, failed to stave off the blows of the rams which, incessantly pounding away, were gradually prevailing.

Itaque muro jam cedente magno arieti Romanorum, quem Judći « Nicona » vocabant, quod omnia vinceret, quamvis et antea defessi erant pugna et vigiliis, quum longe ab oppido pernoctarent, tamen etiam neglegentia, vel quod male consulerent, murum sibi supervacuum esse credentes, quibus alia duo munimenta superessent, lassatique, plurimi recessere.

And so with the wall already giving way to the large Roman ram, which the Jews called “Victor” because it overcame everything, although they were already tired through combat and night watches (since they were overnighting far from the City), still, through negligence as well, or because they were doing bad planning — thinking the wall to be superfluous for men to whom two other ramparts remained — and, weary, the majority retreated.

Quum autem Romani, qua Primum Murum Nicon perruperat, ascendissent, ad Secundum omnes Judći, relictis custodiis, refugerunt. Portis autem, Romani qui transierunt, patefactis, exercitum recepere. Et hi quidem hoc modo potiti muro, quinto nonas Maji, et partem ejus maximam diruunt, et Septentrionalem civitatis regionem, quam ante Cestius vastaverat.

Then when the Romans, as soon as Victor had broken through the First Wall, had climbed over it, all the Jews, leaving their guardposts, fled to the Second one. Opening the gates, the Romans who had crossed over let in the army. And with the wall taken in this manner on the fifth day before the nones of May {(= May 3; actually, A.D. 70 May 25)}, they destroyed most of it and also the northern part of the City which Cestius had devastated before.

Titus autem notato qua Assyriorum castrum est, militem transfert, occupato omni quod inter Cedrona fuerat spatio, et ultra sagittć jactum a Secundo Muro separatus, oppugnationem statim aggressus est.

Titus shifted his troops to the area known as where the camp of the Assyrians was, having seized the entire area to the Kidron Valley, and, separated over an arrowshot from the Second Wall, immediately launched an assault.

Tunc igitur partiti murum Judći, fortiter restiterunt. Et Joannes quidem, ejusque socii ex Antonia et Septentrionali porticu templi ab Alexandri monumento pugnabant. Simonis autem manus juxta monumentum Joannis aditum clauserant, usque ad portam, qua in Hippicon turrim aqua inducebatur.

So then the Jews, destributed along the wall, resisted valiantly. And John and his men fought from the Antonia and the northern colonnade of the Temple, as well as from Alexander’s monument. Simon’s bands had blocked the entrance near the monument of John {(Hyrcanus, pontiff)} as far as the gate through which water was conducted to the Hippicus tower.

Sćpe autem prosilientes e portis, comminus dimicabant : compulsique intra muros in conflictu quidem Romanorum disciplina, propter imperitiam vincebantur : in murali autem certamine superabant.

Frequently springing out from the gates, they fought hand-to-hand and, driven inside the walls in the fight by the discipline of the Romans, they were, yes, overcome through lack of experience; but in the struggle on the ramparts they won out.

Eos enim fortuna atque scientia, Judćos vero audacia, quam timor aleret, sustentabat : quod natura erant in calamitatibus duri. Ad hćc autem, et istis suberat spes salutis, et Romanis citć victorić.

Fortune and knowledge sustained the Romans; fear-nourished audacity, the Jews, because by nature they were hardened in adversities. Plus, the latter were borne up by the hope of rescue, and the Romans, of a quick victory.

Neutros autem lassitudo fatigabat : sed aggressiones, murorumque oppugnationes, et excursus crebri per cuneos diebus totis agebantur. Nullaque prśliorum species aberat, quum a prima luce incipientia utrisque insomnis et die gravior nox dirimeret, his quidem occupatum iri murum continuo metuentibus, illis vero ne Judći castra pervaderent.

Fatigue wore down neither side; rather, attacks, storming of the walls and frequent sallies in wedges went on whole days on end. And no form of battle was omitted, given that a night sleepless for both sides, worse than day, ended actions begun at first light, with the Jews fearing that the wall was immediately about to be seized, the Romans that the Jews would invade their camp.

Itaque in armis pernoctantes, prima luce utrique pugnć parati erant. Et Judći quidem certabant, quis esset promptior ad periculum, eoque modo gratia emineret apud duces suos.

And so sleeping overnight with their weapons, both sides were ready for battle at first light. In fact, the Jews would compete to see who would be readier for danger and in that way stand out in favor among their officers.

Maxime vero Simonis eos metus ac reverentia commovebat, eoque modo illum singuli subjectorum colebant, ut ad semet quoque interficiendos parati essent, si hoc ille jussisset.

But above all the fear of, and reverence for, Simon stirred them, and his individual subordinates were devoted to him to such a degree that they would have been ready to kill even themselves if he had ordered it.

Romanos autem ad virtutem hortabatur consuetudo vincendi, et quia vinci non assueverant, crebrćque militić, exercitationesque perpetuć, et imperii magnitudo : ante omnia vero Titus semper ubique prćsens.

On the other hand, the habit of conquering spurred the Romans on to valor, and because they were not accustomed to being conquered, and the constant campaigns and ongoing excercises and the greatness of Empire — but above all, Titus being always present everywhere.

Nam et inertia, spectante atque opitulante Cćsare, gravissimum facinus videbatur : et ei qui bene decertasset, testis aderat qui rependeret prćmium. Prćterea fructus erat, vel cognosci solum principi virum fortem : idcirco multorum major viribus alacritas demonstrata est.

For slackness while Cćsar was looking on and helping was taken as the worst misconduct; and present as an eyewitness was the one who could give a reward to him who fought well. Moreover, it was a win even just to be known to the chief as a courageous man; for that reason a dynamism greater than their strength was manifested by many.

Denique istis ipsis diebus, validissima Judćorum acie instructa pro mśnibus, telisque utrinque missis, quidam Longinus de numero equitum ex acie Romana progressus, in mediam aciem Judćorum irruit : hisque disjectis, hoc impetu duos fortissimos perimit, unius obviam tendentis ore percusso, alterius eodem telo quod priori extraxerat, transfixo latere refugientis : et ex mediis hostibus ad suos primus occurrit.

During those same days, finally, with a very powerful force of Jews arrayed in front of the walls and projectiles being hurled from both sides, a certain Longinus of the cavalry squad, rushing out from the Roman lines, charged into the middle of the Jews’ lines. Scattering them, he killed two of the most stalwart with his charge — striking in the face one coming at him, transfixing the side of another, fleeing man with the same spear which he had pulled out of the first one —, and galloped as foremost from the midst of the enemy to his own ranks.

Ille igitur ob virtutem insignis erat : ćmuli autem ejus fortitudinis multi exstiterunt. Et Judći quidem, neglegentes quid paterentur, tantummodo qualiter afficerent considerabant : morsque his levissima ducebatur, si quo interfecto hoste cecidissent.

Thus he was celebrated for his valor. But there arose many emulators of his bravery. And the Jews, ignoring what they might suffer, thought only about inflicting something in the same way; and death was considered quite trivial to them if only they fell having killed some one of the enemy.

Titus autem non minus saluti militis quam victorić consulebat : et temerarios impetus desperationem dicens, solam vero esse virtutem, si quis prudenter et caute sine proprio incommodo fortiter faceret, in ea re potius, quć periculum non haberet, viros esse prćcipiebat.

But Titus was no less concerned about the safety of his soldiery than about a victory and, saying that rash attacks were despair and that “valor” was only if it was intelligently and cautiously, without personal loss, that one acted bravely, he ordered them to show their manhood rather in such cases as did not involve danger.

— Caput F-9 —
De Castore Judćo Romanis illudente.

Itaque a Septentrionali parte, medić turri applicat arietem : in qua Judćus quidam versutus ac subdolus, Castor nomine, cum decem aliis militibus suis delituerat, fugatis ceteris formidine sagittarum.

So on the north, he brought the ram up against the middle tower in which a cunning and guileful Jew named Castor had hidden with ten other of his soldiers, the others having fled for fear of the arrows.

Hi, quum pavidi sub loricis aliquandiu quievissent, concussa turri surgunt. Extentisque manibus, Castor veluti supplex Cćsarem implorabat : et voce miserabili, ut sibi parceret, obtestabatur.

These men, after remaining quiet behind the breastworks for a time, stood up when the tower began to shake. Holding out his hands, Castor, as if in supplication, called upon Cćsar with tears and, in a pitiful voice, besought him to spare them.

Cui Titus pro simplicitate sua credulus, jamque Judćos existimans belli pćnitere, arietes quidem impulsione cessare jubet, ac sagittarios supplicibus prohibet. Castori autem quid vellet eloqui permittit.

Titus, in his own guilelessness believing him, thinking that the Jews were now repenting of their war, ordered the rams to stop with their pounding, and held the archers off from the supplicants. He then allowed Castor to say what he wanted.

Quumque ille respondisset, ad fśdus velle descendere, Titus gratulaturum se ait, si omnes eadem sentire voluissent, paratoque animo fidem pacis etiam civitati daturum. Sed quum ex illis decem Castoris sociis quinque itidem supplices esse simularent, ceteri nunquam se Romanis servituros clamant, dum mori liberis liceat.

When he answered that he wanted to come down to a truce, Titus said he would welcome it if everyone wanted to decide the same thing, and that he was mentally prepared even to give a guarantee of peace to the City. But when five of those ten comrades of Castor likewise pretended to be supplicants, the others cried out that they would never be slaves to the Romans as long as they were allowed to die as free men.

Denique illis super hoc ambigentibus cessabat expugnatio. Castor autem interea Simonem per internuntios admonebat, ut dum vacuum esset tempus, de rebus urgentibus consilium caperet : paulisper enim se illudere imperatori Romano.

Finally, while they were quarreling about this, the assault was on hold. But through messengers, meanwhile, Castor advised Simon that while there was some free time he should make plans about pressing issues; he himself was deluding the Roman general for a little while.

Simul autem hoc agens, ad pacem hortari contradicentes socios videbatur. Illi autem velut ćgre ferentes, in thoracas nudos fixere gladios, hisque percussis velut interfecti ceciderunt. Titus vero ejusque socii obstupuere tanta eorum pertinacia, quum, ex inferiori loco, quod factum erat vere videre non potuissent, mirabanturque simul audaciam, et calamitatem miserabantur.

At the same time as he was doing this, he seemed to be urging his gainsaying comrades to peace. They, however, as if becoming indignant at this, stabbed their bared swords into their breastplates and, having pierced them, fell down as though killed. Titus and his comrades were dumbfounded at such obstinacy, since from their lower level they could not really see what had happened, and simultaneously marveled at their boldness and pitied their demise.

Interea Castorem ad narem quidam sagitta percutit, tumque ille telum extractum imperatori ostendens, iniqua se perpeti querebatur. At Titus incusato qui hoc emiserat, astantem Josephum mittit, ut Castori dexteram porrigeret. Verum is neque se iturum, nihil enim sanum supplices cogitare respondit, et amicos qui voluere ire prohibuit.

Meanwhile someone struck Castor on a nostril with an arrow; and then he, showing the extracted projectile to the general, complained that he was suffering unjustly. In response Titus, having reprimanded the one who had shot it, sent Josephus, standing alongside, to extend his handshake to Castor. But Josephus answered that he would not go, that the supplicants did not mean anything wholesome, and prevented his friends who wanted to go.

Quum vero quidam ex perfugis Ćneas iturum sese dixisset ad eum, invitante Castore, ut etiam secum quod ferret argentum aliquid susciperet, ad hćc ille studiose aperto sinu accurrit : alter vero super eum saxum demisit. Et ipsum quidem, quoniam prćcaverat, ferire non potuit : sed alium militem qui aderat, vulneravit.

But after one of the deserters, a certain Ćneas, had said he would go to him, at Castor’s invitation that he accept some silver he also carried with him, he thereupon ran up eagerly, holding his tunic out. But the other one threw a rock down at him; and as it happened it could not hit him because he sidestepped it, but it injured another soldier who was there.

Cćsar vero fallaciam reputans, intellexit misericordiam in bello nocere, minusque decipi calliditate sćvitiam : arietisque impulsionibus, iracundia fraudis, vehementius utebatur. Castor autem ejusque socii turrim ictibus jam cedentem incendunt, perque flammas in ejusdem missi cuniculos, iterum magni animi opinionem apud Romanos habuere, tanquam se ignibus tradidissent.

Cćsar, now thinking the deception over, understood that in war mercy was harmful, and that ferocity was less deceived by guile. Due to his rage at the deception, he utilized the ram’s pounding all the more intensely. But Castor and his comrades set fire to the tower as it was just beginning to give way to the blows and, dropping through the flames into its tunnels, again gained the impression of great courage among the Romans, as though they had delivered themselves to the fire.

⇑ § VIII

Quomodo secundum murum bis
occuparunt Romani, et ad tertium
superandum se comparabant.

How the Romans Took the Second Wall Twice, and Got All Ready for Taking the Third Wall.

CAPIT autem hac parte murum Titus, die quinto postquam Primum ceperat : fugatisque inde Judćis intro cum lectis mille transiit, quos circa se habebat, armatis : ubi nova civitatis et lanć venditores erant, fabrique ćrarii, vestiumque mercatus, et ad murum angustć vić transversć tendebant.

Now Titus captured the wall at this point on the fifth day after having captured the First one. When the Jews had been routed from it, with a thousand elite troops that he kept around himself he crossed over into where the new parts of the City and the wool-sellers, coppersmiths and clothing markets were, and the narrow streets ran on an angle to the wall.

Enimvero si vel statim muri disturbasset maximam partem, vel quć ceperat lege belli vastasset, nullum credo damnum victorić fuisset admixtum. Nunc autem Judćos exoratum iri sperans, quum liceret capere, facilem discessioni aditum non dilatavit. Nec enim quibus consulebat, insidiaturos sibi putabat.

If indeed he had immediately destroyed a major portion of the wall or had laid waste to what he had captured by right of war, no loss, I believe, would have tainted his victory. But now, hoping the Jews would be prevailed upon, while he had the right to undertake it, he did not widen the easy opening for a retreat. For he did not thing that those whose interests he was protecting would ensnare him.

— Caput F-10 —
De secundo muro bis obtento a Romanis.

Denique postquam ingressus est, neque occidi quenquam permisit eorum qui comprehendebantur, neque domus incendi : sed tam seditiosis, si pugnare vellent, sine populi detrimento copiam dabat, quam ipsi populo fortunas proprias se redditurum pollicebatur.

Hence after he entered, he did not permit anyone who had been taken prisoner to be killed or houses to be set afire. Rather, he promised both that, if the insurgents wanted to fight, he was giving them that chance without harm to the people, and that he would give back to the people themselves their own property.

Plurimi namque petebant sibi civitatem servari, templum vero civitati. At enim populum quidem ad ea quć hortabatur et antea paratum habebat, bellicosi autem pro inertia ducebant humanitatem, Titumque imbelli animo, quod ceteram civitatem tenere non posset, has proponere condiciones putabant.

For most people were requesting that the City be preseved for themselves, and the Temple for the City. Indeed, he considered the people ready beforehand for what he was urging; but the belligerents interpreted his humanity as dispiritedness, and thought that Titus, being mentally war-averse, was putting forward these proposals because he could not occupy the rest of the City.

Mortem autem populo denuntiantes, et si verbum quisquam de traditione fecisset, pacemve nominasset, mox interficiendum eum esse minitantes, Romanis qui introiere, alii per viarum angustias obstabant, alii ex ćdibus : alii murum per superiores portas egressi, pugnare cśperant.

Promising death to the people and threatening that, if anyone uttered a word about surrender or called it ‘peace,’ he was to be quickly murdered, to the Romans who had entered, some offered resistance throughout the narrow streets, some from the buildings, and others began battling after sallying out of the wall through the upper gates.

Quibus rebus perturbati custodes, de muro sese demiserunt, relictisque turribus in castra recesserunt. Clamor autem audiebatur militum intra civitatem, quod ab hostibus cingerentur, foris autem degentium clausis contubernalibus metuentium.

Panicked by these events, the guards jumped down from the walls and, leaving the towers, retreated to their camps. Meanwhile a clamor was heard from the soldiers inside the City because they were surrounded by the enemy, and from those stuck outside in fear over their trapped comrades.

Crescente autem numero Judćorum, et propter locorum peritiam viarumque scientiam prćvalente, multi Romanorum trucidabantur, et ab incumbentibus pellebantur, quum magis necessitate resisterent. Nec enim multis simul fugiendi copia per angustias muri patebat : omnesque pćne qui transierant, perempti fuissent, nisi Titus eis opem tulisset.

With the growing number of Jews, and prevailing on account of their familiarity with the terrain and their knowledge of the streets, many Romans were slaughtered and driven back by the oncoming forces while they resisted more out of necessity, because the opportunity for many to flee simultaneously through the narrow wall-opening was unavailable, and almost all who had crossed in would have been killed if Titus had not brought aid to them.

Dispositis enim per summa viarum sagittariis, et ubi plus erat multitudinis astans, missilibus hostes abigebat, et cum eo Domitius Sabinus, vir bonus etiam in illo prślio comprobatus : duravitque tam diu, sagittis eos prohibens irruere, donec omnes milites recessere.

Deploying his archers at the ends of the streets, and standing where the throng was greater, he drove the enemy back with projectiles; Domitius Sabinus was also with him, a good man well proven in that battle also; and he persevered, blocking them with arrows from attacking, until all the soldiers had retreated.

Romani quidem ita secundo muro potiti, ad extremum pulsi sunt. Oppidanis vero qui pugnaces erant, spiritus crevit, et secundis rebus amentes erant, neque Romanos ausuros esse ad civitatem accedere suspicantes, neque vinci se posse, si ad prślium processissent.

Thus the Romans, having taken the Second Wall, in the end were driven out. The spirits of the citizens who were belligerent were raised and insane through their success, thinking that the Romans would not dare to approach the City or that they themselves could be conquered if the enemy did advance to battle.

Nam quia iniqui erant, officiebat eorum sententiis Deus : et neque Romanorum vim, multo majorem illa quć pulsa fuerat, superesse cernebant, neque famem, jamjamque serpentem. Adhuc enim malis publicis alebantur, et sanguinem civitatis bibebant.

For because they were perverse, God was darkening their minds, and they saw neither that the Roman forces, which were much greater than those that had been driven out, were overpowering, nor the famine now creeping in. For they were still being nourished by public suffering and drinking the blood of the City.

Boni autem jamdudum inopia laborabant, et penuria victus jam multi defecerant. Populi tamen interitum, seditiosi pro levamine sui ducebant : et solos eos qui pacem non probarent, salvos esse cupiebant, quique vivere contra Romanos optarent.

But the good citizens had already long been suffering from destitution and, overcome by impoverishment, many had died. Nonetheless, the insurgents regarded the demise of the people as a relief for themselves, and wanted only those to be saved who did not approve of peace and who chose to live in opposition to the Romans.

Contrariam vero multitudinem, velut onus quoddam, consumi gratulabantur. Et ita quidem circa suos affecti erant. Romanos autem, quod civitatem iterum ingredi conabantur, armati prohibuerunt, disjectis muri partibus objectu corporum prćmunitis : ac per triduum sustinuere fortiter dimicantes.

Instead, they were happy that the opposed masses, as a kind of burden, were perishing. That was how they were disposed toward their own people. With arms, on the other hand, they staved off the Romans — since they were again trying to enter the City — by blocking the demolished parts of the wall by throwing bodies there. And fighting courageously, they held them off for three days.

Quarto autem die, Titum vehementius aggressum nequaquam ferre potuerunt, sed vi coacti, rursum quo antea refugerunt. Ille autem interim muro potitus, totam ejus Septentrionalem partim statim deposuit : in Meridiana vero per turres prćsidia collocavit.

But on the fourth day they could in no way withstand Titus as he attacked more forcefully; rather, compelled by his violence, they fled back to where they had before. Meanwhile he, in possession of the wall, immediately tore down its entire northern section. Moreover, he stationed garrisons throughout the towers on the south.

— Caput F-11 —
De aggeribus in tertium murum, et oratione prolixa Josephi pro deditione facienda, et fame obsessorum.

Jamque tertium murum Titus aggredi cogitabat.

And now Titus planned his attack on the Third Wall.

⇑ § IX

Titus, quum Judći, obsidione aliquantisper remissa, ne minimum quidem emollescerent, iterum impetu fertur ad urbem obsĭdendam : et Josephum summisit, qui cum popularibus suis de pace ageret.

Titus, When the Jews Were Not at All Molliﬁed by His Leaving Off the Siege for a While, Set Himself Again to Prosecute the Same ; But Soon Sent Josephus to Discourse with His Own Countrymen about Peace.

VIDEBATUR autem brevissimi temporis ejus obsidio : spatiumque consilii seditiosis esse dandum, si quid disturbatione secundi muri aut famis metu remitterent. Nec enim diutius eis prćdas posse sufficere : ipse otio commode utebatur.

Now it seemed a good idea to allow a very short interruption in the siege and a period of reconsideration for the insurgents, to see whether they would yield in view of the toppling of the Second Wall or out of fear of famine. For their plunder could not last them any longer. He himself took full advantage of the pause.

Nam quum dies advenisset, quo militibus oportebat alimenta distribui, in conspicuo hostibus loco ductis, jussit duces ordinato exercitu pecuniam singulis numerare.

For when the day arrived when it was necessary to give the soldiers their pay, after drawing them up in a place in view of the enemy, he ordered his officers to count out the money to each one with the army in full array.

Illi autem prolatis armis ex involucris muniti procedunt, equitibus ornatos equos ducentibus : locaque suburbana per multum spatium auro argentoque lucebant. Illo autem spectaculo nihil aut jucundius suis, aut horribilius hostibus videbatur.

The troops, in full armor, with their weapons extracted from their coverings, advanced, the cavalrymen leading their caparisoned horses; over a wide area the surburbs glittered with gold and silver. Nothing seemed more pleasing to their own men or more frightening to the enemy than that sight.

Spectantibus enim et vetera, plena erant mśnia, et Septentrionalis regio. Quin et domos refertas intuentibus cerneres, nullamque civitatis partem quam non infusa multitudo tegebat : metus autem quamvis audacissimos ceperat, omnem simul exercitum armorumque pulchritudinem conspicientes, et ordinationem virorum.

The old wall and the northern sector wer full of spectators. Indeed, you could see houses filled with onlookers, and no part of the City which the inflowing multitude did not cover. Fear struck even the boldest at seeing all together the whole army and the beauty of their arms, and the discipline of the men.

Et fortasse ad illam speciem seditiosi animos mutavissent, nisi malorum immanitate, quć in populum commiserant, dandam sibi veniam a Romanis desperassent : imminente autem, si destitissent, morte supplicii, bello mori prćstabilius esse ducebant. Prćvalebat etiam fatum, quod innocentes cum nocentibus, et civitatem cum seditiosis perire decreverat.

And at that sight perhaps the insurgents would have changed their minds if they had not despaired of pardon being given them by the Romans due to the savagery of the crimes they had committed against the populace. But given the capital punishment awaiting them if they ceased, they considered it preferable to die in war. Fate also prevailed, which had decreed that the innocent should die with the guilty, and the City with the insurgents.

Quatriduo per singulas legiones alimenta consecuti sunt. Quinto autem die, quum omnia faciens Titus, nihil Judćos pacatum cogitare sensisset, bifariam diviso exercitu, Antoniam versus ad Joannis monumentum aggeres inchoavit : ista parte superiorem civitatem captum iri cogitans, et per Antoniam templum, namque hoc nisi cepisset, ne oppidum quidem tutum erat obtinere.

In four days the payout was done throughout the individual legions. So on the fifth day, since Titus, trying everything, realized the Jews would not think about making peace, after dividing his army in two, he started on bulwarks opposite the Antonia {<and>} at John’s monument, intending that the upper City would be taken on that side, and the Temple through the Antonia; for unless he captured that, not even the City would be safely held.

In utraque autem parte duo aggeres erigebantur, a singulis legionibus singuli. Et juxta monumentum quidem operantes, a Judćis et Simonis sociis infestantibus prohibebantur : ad Antoniam vero ab Joannis sociis cum multitudine Zelotarum, non solum quia de superiore loco oppugnabant, verumetiam quia machinis jam uti didicerant.

Two bulwarks were being raised, one in each sector by its particular legion. And those working near the tomb were hindered by the harrassing Jews and comrades of Simon, those at the Antonia by John’s men with a mass of Zealots — not only because they were fighting from a higher position, but also because they had now learned how to use the artillery.

Paulatim enim usus quotidianus aluit peritiam. Habebant autem ballistas trecentas, et quadraginta tormenta saxorum, quibus difficiliorem aggerum exstructionem Romanis efficiebant.

For daily practice gradually improved their skills. Moreover, they had thirty ballistas and forty rockslingers with which they made the construction of the bulwarks harder for the Romans.

Titus autem sibi salvam fore fortunam sciens et perituram esse civitatem, una et obsidioni vehementer instabat : nec pćnitudinem Judćis suadere cessabat : consiliumque factis admiscens, et orationem sćpe armis efficaciorem cognoscens, tam ipsos ut salvari vellent rogabat, tradita sibi civitate, quć jam capta videretur, quam et Josephum allegabat, patria lingua verba facturum, sperans eos hominis gentilis monitu aliquid remissuros.

But Titus, knowing that the future saving or destruction of the City would be his own lot, together both energetically pursued the siege, and did not cease urging the Jews to repentence; and combining counsel with deeds, and recognizing that words were often more effective than weapons, he both asked them to choose to be saved by surrending the City (which already seemed captured) to him, and also assigned Josephus to speak to them in their native language, hoping that they would yield somewhat at the urging of a compatriot.

Itaque Josephus murum circumiens, simulque extra teli jactum stans, unde exaudiri facilius posset, multis orabat, ut sibi ac populo parcerent, templo ac patrić, neve contra hćc fierent alienigenis duriores.

And so Josephus, going around the wall and simultaneously standing outside missile range, from where he could be heard more easily, spoke a great deal to the effect that they should spare themselves and the people, the Temple and their country, and not, contrary to this, become harsher than the foreigners.

Romanos enim sancta revereri, cum quibus nulla sibi societas esset, manusque suas ad hoc usque cohibere. Ipsos vero in his edoctos, quum servare possent, sponte ad eorum interitum ruere.

For the Romans respected their holy places with which they had nothing to do, and up to now kept their hands off of them. But those who had been reared in them, while they were able to preserve them, were rushing on their own to destroy them.

Quin potius viderent muros concĭdisse firmiores, excisis vero infirmiores superesse : Romanorumque vires cognoscerent sustinere non posse, hisque servire non esse novum, neque inexpertum Judćis. Nam licet pulchrum sit pro libertate pugnare, tamen id in principio decere fieri.

Indeed, they could see that the stronger walls had fallen, and that, with those destroyed, only the weaker ones remained. They knew that they could not withstand the forces of the Romans; and being subject to them was not something new or unexperienced by the Jews. While it might be a beautiful thing to fight for liberty, it should nonetheless be done at the beginning.

Semel autem subditum, qui multo tempore paruisset Imperio, jugum excutientem, malć mortis cupidum, non libertatis amatorem videri. Debere autem dedignari dominos humiliores, non quorum in potentate sunt omnia. Nam quid Romanos effugisse, nisi quod propter ćstus aut frigora esset inutile ?

But anyone who, once subjected and having obeyed the Empire for a long time, was shaking off his yoke, appeared as a man desirous of a bad death, not as a lover of freedom. It was appropriate to disdain lower lords, not those in whose power everything rested. For what had escaped the Romans other than what was useless on account of heat or cold?

Immo vero transisse ad eos undique fortunam, deumque per singulas nationes ducentem imperium, nunc esse in Italia. Hanc autem validissimam legem, tam feris bestiis quam hominibus esse prćfinitam, potentioribus cedere : apud eosque esse victoriam, apud quos robur fuerit armatorum.

In fact fortune has passed from everywhere to them, and God, transferring power through individual nations, is now in Italy. The most powerful law, established for wild beasts as well as for humans, is to yield to the more powerful. Victory is with those among whom might of arms is found.

Idcirco etiam majores eorum, quanquam multum et animis et corporibus et aliis subsidiis meliores, cessisse Romanis — quos nisi Deum scissent illis favere, nunquam perpessi fuissent. Ipsos vero qua tunc re fretos resistere, quum ex magna parte capta sit civitas ? Cives autem etiam si muros integros haberent, excidio pariter affecti sint.

For that very reason their ancestors, although much better in minds and bodies and other resources, yielded to the Romans — whom they would never have tolerated unless they had known that God was backing them. As for themselves, relying on just what were they now resisting, when most of the City had been captured? Even though the citizens had intact walls, they were equally facing doom.

Nec enim latere Romanos, quć fames teneat civitatem : et modo quidem consumi populum, continuo vero etiam bellatores interituros : nam etsi Romani desierint et ab obsidione cessaverint, neque civitatem strictis gladiis irruerint, Judćis tamen inexpugnabile bellum intus assĭdēre, quod horis singulis aleretur : nisi forte contra famem quoque arma caperent ac dimicarent, solique possent etiam infortunium superare.

For it was no secret to the Romans as to what a famine haunted the City; and certainly, right now it was the populace that was being done in, but shortly the fighters too would die. For even if the Romans stopped and backed off of the siege and did not invade the City with drawn swords, an indomitable war was besetting the Jews inside it, growing by the hour — unless, perhaps, they were able to take up arms against hunger and battle it and, as the only ones, be able to defeat that bane.

His addebat, optimum esse, ante intolerabilem calamitatem mutare sententiam : dumque liceret, salutare consilium sequi. Nec enim antea gestorum causa suscensere Romanos, nisi ad finem usque insolentes essent : natura eos esse in imperio mansuetos, atque iracundić prćferre quod utile est.

To this he added that the best thing was for their decision-making to avert that intolerable calamity beforehand and, while it was still possible, to follow his salutary counsels. For Romans did not become enraged because of actions committed beforehand unless their enemies were insolent to the end; by nature they were mild in authority and preferred what was useful to rage.

Utile autem putare, neque civitatem vacuam viris, neque desertam habere provinciam : idcirco velle imperatorem cum his dexteram jungere : nec enim cuiquam salutem daturum si vi ceperit civitatem, prćsertim qui nec in extremis ei cladibus rogati paruerint.

But they considered useful neither a city empty of men nor a deserted province. Hence the general wanted to come to an agreement with them: for quarter would be given to no one if he captured the City by force, especially those who, when asked in an extreme disaster, would not submit to him.

Brevi autem murum quoque tertium captum iri, priores qui capti sunt, fidem facere. Et quamvis perrumpi tutamina non possint, famem pro Romanis pugnaturam.

Moreover, that the Third Wall too would be taken shortly was vouched for by the prior ones that had been captured. And even if their defenses could not be broken through, hunger would fight for the Romans.

His monentem Josephum multi in muro stantes vituperabant, multi vero conviciis, nonnulli etiam jaculis appetebant. Ille autem quum manifestis eos calamitatibus minime flecteret, ad gentiles transit historias :

Many of those standing on the wall yelled at Josephus giving these warnings, many with insults, some even threw missiles at him. He, on the other hand, since he could by no means bend them with manifest disasters, switched to their national history:

« O miseri, » vociferans, « vestrorumque auxiliatorum immemores, armis et manibus cum Romanis bellum geritis, quasi quem alium sic vicerimus ? Quando autem non Deus omnium conditor, Judćorum defensor est, si lćdantur ? Non resipietis ? Unde progressi pugnatis, quantumque auxiliatorem violatis ?

“O wretched ones,” he cried, “and unmindful of your own helpers, are you waging war against the Romans with weapons and hands, as though in that way we were conquering someone else? But when was God, the creator of all, not the defender of the Jews if they were wronged? Will you not come to your senses? {<And realize>} what place you have advanced to the fight from, and how gravely you are violating your Helper?

Non recordamini opera divina parentum, atque hunc sanctum locum, quanta bella nobis aliquando peremit ? Ego autem facta Dei narrare auribus indignis horresco : sed tamen audite, ut cognoscatis non solum vos Romanis, sed etiam Deo resistere. Nechias, qui tum erat rex Ćgyptiorum, idemque Pharao vocabatur, cum infinita manu descendit, reginamque Saram materni nostri generis rapuit.

Do you not recall the miraculous works of our forefathers, and this holy place, what great wars it once quelled for us? I myself shudder in recounting God’s deeds in the presence of unworthy ears; but listen nonetheless, in order to realize that you are resisting not just the Romans, but God. Nechias, at that time king of the Egyptians, also called ‘Pharao,’ descended with an infinite multitude and snatched away Sarah, the queen of our maternal gender.

Quid igitur vir ejus Abraham proavus noster ? Armis credo ultus est injuriam ? Atque CCC• et XVIII• prćfectos habebat, quorum singulis infinita multitudo parebat. An ipse quidem quiescere maluit absente Deo ? Puras autem manus ad hunc locum tendens, quem vos polluistis, invictum sibi auxiliatorem ad militiam legit. Nonne secunda vespera incorrupta regina remissa est ad maritum ?

So what, then, did her husband, our ancestor Abraham do? He avenged the wrong, I suppose, with arms? Indeed, he had three hundred and eighteen officers, each one of whom a numberless host obeyed. Or did he himself, indeed, prefer to do nothing in the absence of God? Rather, stretching out his pure hands to this place which you have polluted, he chose the unconquerable Ally for his campaign. Was not the undefiled queen sent back to her husband on the following evening?

Adorans autem quem vos gentili cćde cruentastis locum, ac tremens nocturnis somniis Ćgyptius exagitatus aufugit, auroque et argento amatissimos Deo donavit Hebrćos. Dicam translata in Ćgyptum majorum nostrorum domicilia ? Qui, quum annos quadringentos tyrannis ac regibus alienigenis subjacērent, armis ac manibus ulcisci possent, semetipsos Deo potius permisere.

And did not the Egyptian, adoring the spot which you have bloodied with the murder of your compatriots and, disquieted by the nocturnal dreams, flee trembling and bestow gold and silver on God’s dearly beloved Hebrews? Shall I speak about the abodes of our ancestors transferred to Egypt? When for four hundred years they lay subject to foreign tyrants and kings, they could have avenged themselves with weapons and hands, but instead they entrusted themselves to God.

Quis nescit Ćgyptum repletam omni genere serpentium, omnique morbo corruptam ? Quis terram infructuosam ? Quis Nili defectionem, et continuas decem plagas ? Et ob hoc parentes nostros cum prćsidio incruentos, et sine periculo deduci, quos Deus sibi sacerdotes ducebat ? An non ab Assyriis raptam nobis sanctam arcam Palćstina et Dagon simulacrum gemuit, et tota gens quć rapuerat ?

Who does not know that Egypt was filled with every sort of serpents, ravaged by every sickness? Or the barren earth? Or the failure of the Nile and the ten consecutive plagues? And because of that our forefathers were led away with a guard, unscathed and unendangered — those whom God took for his own priests? And did not Palestine and the idol Dagon lament the holy ark having been plundered from us by the Assyrians, and the entire people that had robbed it?

Corruptis vero occultis corporum, ac per ea cum cibo visceribus exhaustis, cymbalorum ac tympanorum sono manibus noxiis reportaverunt, sanctum placationibus expiantes ? Deus erat qui hćc parentibus administrabat, propterea quod omissis armis ac manibus, ejus se judicio permisere.

With the secret parts of their bodies decaying and, through them, their entrails excreted with their food, with their guilty hands did they not bring it back amidst the sound of cymbals and drums, propitiating the sanctuary with appeasements? It was God who did this for our forefathers, on account of the fact that, renouncing weapons and hands, they committed themselves to His judgement.

Rex Assyriorum Senacherib quum totam ducens Asiam, ad hanc urbem castra posuisset, num manibus humanis cecidit ? Nonne ab armis quiescentes in votis erant, et angelus Dei in una nocte infinitum delevit exercitum? Posteroque die excitatus Assyrius CLXXXV• milia reperit mortuorum, atque ita cum reliquis, Hebrćos inermes nec persequentes fugiebat ?

When Sennacharib, king of the Assyrians, leading all of Asia, pitched his camp at this City, he didn’t fall by human hands, did he? Were they not resting from arms — in prayers —, and did not the angel of God destroy his innumerable army in a single night? Awaking the next day, did the Assyrian not find 185 thousand dead, and thus, with the remainder, flee the unarmed, non-pursuing Hebrews?

Scitis etiam in Babylone servitium, ubi per annos LXX• populus exulans, non ante libertatem recepit, quam eam Deo Cyrus donaret : qui eos etiam est prosecutus, iterumque auxiliatori suo sacerdotum more serviebant. Breviter dicam, nullum est operć pretium quod armis parentes nostri fecerint, aut non sine armis, Deo permissa potestate, impetraverint.

You also know the slavery in Babylon where, in exile for 70 years, our people did not receive their freedom before Cyrus presented it to God; he also saw them off and again served his Helper in a priestly way. In short, I might say that there is nothing worthwhile that our forefathers accomplished with arms, or did not achieve without arms when the situation was entrusted to God.

Domi autem manentes, ut placebat judici superabant. Pugnantes vero, semper de spe decĭderunt. Nam ubi rege Babyloniorum urbem obsidente, contra Hieremić prćdicationem Sedechias rex noster cum eo congressus est, tam ipse captus est, quam cum templo civitatem vidit exscindi. Atqui videte, quanto ille rex vestris ducibus, ejusque populus vobis, erat moderatior.

When they stayed home, they conquered, as it pleased the Judge. But when fighting, they were always disappointed in their hopes. For when, as the king of the Babylonians was besieging the City, our king Zedekiah, against the proclamations of Jeremiah, met him in battle, he both was himself captured and saw the City with the Temple annihilated. Nonetheless, look at how much more moderate that king was than your leaders, and his people, than you.

Denique Hieremiam vociferantem invisos esse eos Deo propter delicta quć in eum commiserant, captum iri autem nisi traderent civitatem, neque rex neque populus interfecit. Sed vos (ut intus gesta prćtermittam, neque digne possum iniquitates vestras exponere) me, qui vobis salutem suadeam, querimini, telisque appetitis irati, quod vos vestrorum commonefacio peccatorum, nec dici ea toleratis, quorum quotidie facta committitis.

Finally, neither the king nor the people killed Jeremiah as he was crying out that they were hateful to God on account of the crimes they had committed against him, indeed that they were about to be captured if they did not surrender the City. But you (to pass over your operations inside there — and I am unable to detail your crimes adequately) complain about me who am urging your safety — you who, enraged, are seeking to get at me with missiles, because I am making you aware of your sins, and you will not tolerate the things whose commissions you are perpetrating daily to be spoken about.

Ĭdem tunc fuit quum, Antiocho qui dictus est Epiphanes obsidente civitatem, multis modis offensa divinitate, majores nostri cum armis progressi, ipsi quidem in pugna perempti sunt, oppidum vero ab hostibus direptum est : sanctumque per triennium sexque menses penitus desolatum est.

It was the same when, with Antiochus (so-called ‘Epiphanes’) besieging the City after having offended the divinity in many ways, our ancestors went out to fight him with arms, they themselves were slaughtered in battle, while the town was pillaged by the enemy and the sanctuary was utterly desolated for three years and six months.

Et quid pluribus opus est ? Ipsos Romanos quis contra Judćorum gentes ad militiam provocavit ? Nonne indigenarum impietas ? Unde servire cepimus ? Nonne a seditione majorum, quando Aristobuli et Hyrcani furor, et inter eos contentio, Pompejum intulit civitati, et Romanis Deus indignos libertate subjecit ?

And what need is there of more? Who provoked the Romans themselves to war against the people of the Jews? Was it not the irresponsibility of the natives? Whence did we start becoming slaves? Was it not through the insurrection of our ancestors, when the madness of Aristobulus and Hyrcanus and the dissension between them brought Pompey into the City and God subjected people unworthy of freedom to the Romans?

Denique tres menses obsessi, quanquam nihil quale vos in sanctum legesque deliquerant, et majoribus ad bellum subsidiis utebantur, sese tradiderunt. Antigoni autem filli Aristobuli nescimus exitum ? Quo regnum obtinente, Deus iterum captivitate persequebatur populum delinquentem. Et Herodes quidem Antipatri filius, Sosium et Romanum adduxit exercitum.

Finally, besieged for three months, they surrendered — although they committed nothing like you against the sanctuary and the laws, and disposed over greater resources for war. But are we ignorant of the fate of Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus? During his reign, God again chastized an iniquitous people. And, on top of that, Herod, the son of Antipater, brought in Sossius and the Roman army.

Circundati vero per sex menses obsidebantur, donec capti peccatorum suorum supplicia pependerunt — direptaque est ab hostibus civitas. Ita nunquam genti arma data sunt. Oppugnationi vero sine dubio cohćret excidium. Oportet ergo, ut opinor, sacri loci possessores judicium Deo de omnibus permittere : manusque tunc humanas contemnere, quum a superno ipsi judice non recedant.

Surrounded, they were then besieged for six months until, captured, they paid the penalty for their errors, and the City was pillaged by the enemy. So arms have never been granted to our people. Annihilation without doubt goes along with siege. It is therefore necessary, I believe, for the possessors of a holy place to leave judgement to God in all cases and, when they do not distance themselves from the heavenly Judge Himself, to spurn all human hands.

Vos autem quid ex his, quć legis conditor bene dixit, egistis ? Quid, quod is exsecratus est prćtermisistis ? Quantum autem illos qui cito periere, impietate superastis ? Non occulta dedignantes peccata, hoc est furta, insidiasque atque adulteria, rapinis, cćdibus certatis, novasque maleficiorum excogitastis vias.

But you, of those things which the Lawgiver has blessed, what have you done? What have you left undone that He has condemned? Besides, how far in impiety have you outdone those who perished quickly? Not disdaining the secret sins — that is, theft and treacherous assaults and adulteries —, competing in rapine and murder, you devise new methods of evildoing.

Sanctum vero templum factum est omnium receptaculum : at indigenarum manibus pollutus est locus, quem Romani ex tam longinquo adorabant, multa per legem nostrum de suis moribus derogantes. Deinde post hćc, in quem fuistis impii, hunc auxiliatorem speratis ? Valde quidem justi estis, supplices, purisque manibus adjutorem vestrum rogatis.

Indeed, the Temple has become the container for everything; and the place which the Romans worshipped from afar, limiting much of their own customs in deference to our law, has been polluted by the hands of natives. Finally after all this, you expect Him as a Helper against Whom you have been impious? You are indeed extremely just, you suppliants, and implore your Helper with pure hands.

Talibus rex noster precibus adversum Assyrium supplicavit, quum magnum illum exercitum Deus una nocte prostravit? Similia vero Assyriis Romani committunt, ut etiam similem ultionem speretis? Nam ille quidem ab rege nostro, accepta pecunia, ut vastitati parceret civitatis, neglecto jurejurando ad incendium templi descendit : Romani autem sollemne poscunt tributum, quod parentes nostri eorum parentibus pensabant.

Was it with such prayers that our king {(Hezekiah)} prayed against the Assyrian {(Sennacherib)} when God laid that grand army low in a single night? Now then, are the Romans engaging in actions similar to the Assyrians, so that you should hope for a similar act of vengeance? For indeed he, after accepting money from our king to spare the City from obliteration, ignoring his oath, descended to burning the Temple; the Romans, on the other hand, demand the traditional tribute which our forefathers paid to their forefathers.

Et si hoc impetraverint, neque populantur civitatem, neque sancta omnino tangunt. Concedunt autem vobis familias liberas et possessiones tenere, sacrasque leges salvas manere patiuntur. Insania est profecto, sperare Deum talem circa justos fore, qualis injustis appāruit : prćsertim qui statim ulcisci noverit quum oportet.

And if they have gotten that, they neither devastate the City nor touch the sanctuary at all. Instead, they will allow you to keep your families free and your possessions, and allow your holy laws to remain safe. Indeed, it is insanity to hope that God will be the same towards the just as He manifests Himself to the unjust — especially, given that He knows how to take vengeance immediately when it is appropriate.

Denique Assyrios prima nocte, qua castra civitati admoverant, fregit. Quod si etiam vestram progeniem liberaret, Romanos vero dignos pśna judicaret, confestim eis illo tempore sicut Assyriis irasceretur, quo genti manus Pompejus attulit, quo post illum Sosius ascendit, quo Galilćam Vespasianus excīdit, postremo non nunc Titus civitati appropinquaret.

Finally, he destroyed the Assyrians in the first night that they moved their camp up to the City. But if He liberated your generation as well, he would judge the Romans worthy of punishment; He would immediately have shown his wrath towards them as to the Assyrians at the time that Pompey laid hands on our people, when after him Sossius came up, when Vespasian destroyed Galilee; finally, Titus would not now be approaching the City.

Sed neque Magnus, neque Sosius quicquam passi sunt, et civitatem victoria ceperunt. Vespasianus autem ex bello quod nobiscum gessit, etiam imperium adeptus est. Nam Tito quidem etiam fontes nunc uberiores profluunt, qui prius vobis aruerant. Denique ante ejus adventum scitis et Siloam, et omnes extra civitatem fontes adeo defecisse, ut ad utrunque aqua mercaretur.

But neither {(Pompey)} the Great nor Sossius suffered anything, and they took the City by conquest. Moreover, through the war he waged with us, Vespanianus even gained the emperorship. For even the springs that for you had formerly dried up are now flowing more abundantly for Titus. Finally, you know that before his arrival both {(the pool of)} Siloam and all of the springs outside the City had failed to the point that water was being sold to both places.

Nunc autem ita hostibus nostris largi sunt, ut non modo ipsis et jumentis eorum, sed etiam hortis sufficiant. Denique hujus prodigii et ante periculum factum est in excidio civitatis, quando supra memoratus Babylonius rex cum exercitu advenit, qui et captam civitatem incendit et templum ; quamvis, ut opinor, nihil tunc illi tantum, quantum vos impie nunc, commisissent.

Now, however, they yield so much to the enemy that there is enough not only for them and their draft animals, but even for the gardens. To sum up, the experience of this prodigy also occurred formerly at the destruction of the City, when the above-mentioned Babylonian king arrived with his army, a man who then set fire to the captured City and Temple — although, as I believe, at that time they had committed nothing as grave as you are now impiously doing.

Itaque sanctis relictis, Deum fugisse putaverim : hisque nunc adesse, quibuscum bellum geritis. An bonus quidem vir domum flagitiosam fugiet, et domesticos oderit : Deum vero malis vestris inhćrere arbitramini, qui etiam occulta conspicit, et audit omnia quć tacentur ? Quid autem apud vos tacetur? Quid celatur? Quid non etiam inimicis planum factum est ?

So I think that God, having left the sanctuary, has fled. Now, given that a good man will flee an evil house and hate its inhabitants, do you think that God, who sees what is secret and hears everything that is kept silent, will stay with your wrongdoing? But what is kept silent among you? What is not manifest to the enemy as well?

Iniquitates enim vestrć velut in promptu neminem latent : inque dies singulos, quis pejor sit, certamen habetis. Atque ita nequitiam, ut virtutem demonstrare contenditis. Verumtamen reliqua salutis via est, si velitis, et divinitas confessis ac pćnitentibus solet sese placabilis offerre. Arma projicite, pudeat vos patrić jam dirutć.

For your iniquities, as though out in the open, are hidden from no one; every day you hold a competition to see who is worse. And thus you strive to display evil as virtue. Nonetheless a way of salvation is left, if you want it, and the Divinity is accustomed to offering Himself placatable to those who confess and repent. Throw down your arms, be ashamed of a fatherland already destroyed!

Convertite oculos, et aspicite ejus quam proditis pulchritudinem, quale oppidum, quale templum, quam multarum gentium munera. Quis in hćc flammas adducit ? Quis hćc jam non esse desiderat ? Et quid est hōc quod salvum esse debeat dignius ? O duri et lapidibus stupidiores! Si hćc non veris luminibus cernitis, saltem familiarum vestrarum miseremini.

Turn around and look at what beauty you are betraying, what a City, what a Temple, what gifts of so many peoples! Who is setting fire to these things? Who wishes them no longer to be? And what is there that ought to be worthier of being saved than this? O hardhearted men, more brainless than stones! If you do not see these things with true eyesight, at least have pity on your family members.

Versentur in conspectu cujusque filii, conjuges, et parentes, quos paulo post aut bellum, aut fames absumpserit. Scio quia una cum his periclitabitur mihi mater et conjunx et familia non ignobilis, domusque olim clarissima. Et fortasse propterea me quisquam hćc suadere crediderit. Interficite illos, accipite mercedem salutis vestrć sanguinem meum. Ipse quoque mori paratus sum, si post me resipiscitis. »

Before your faces are each one’s sons, spouses and parents whom either war or famine will shortly consume. I know, because together with them my mother and wife and a not lowborn family and a house once famous are in danger. And perhaps someone will think I am making this appeal on that account. Kill them; take my own blood as the price of your safety. I myself am ready to die if, after me, you come to your senses.”

⇑ § X

Quomodo multi e plebe
ad transfugiendum incitati erant :
qućque passi sunt, qui manebant,
ex fame et malis inde gravissimis.

How a Great Many of the People Earnestly Endeavored to Desert to the Romans ; As Also what Intolerable Things Those That Staid Behind Suffered by Famine, and the Sad Consequences Thereof.

HĆC Josepho vociferante cum lacrimis, seditiosi quidem neque animos flexerunt, neque tutam sibi mutationem fore judicaverunt.

Although Josephus was loudly crying these things out amid tears, the insurgents neither changed their minds nor concluded that a change would be safe for themselves.

Populus vero ad profugiendum commotus est, et alii possessionibus suis, alii rebus carissimis exiguo pretio venundatis, aureos, ne latrones eos deprehenderent, transglutiebant. Quum vero ad Romanos elapsi fuissent, exonerato ventre habebant usui necessaria.

But the people were moved to fleeing, and some, selling their possessions, others their dearest items, at a cheap price, swallowed the gold pieces so that brigands would not seize them. Then when they had escaped to the Romans, after evacuating their bowels they had what was necessary for their needs.

Titus enim plerosque per agros, quo vellet quisque pergere, dimittebat : idque magis eos ad perfugium hortabatur, quod et intestinis malis carebant, nec Romanis serviebant.

For Titus let most of them go on throughout the countryside wherever they wanted, and that encouraged them all the more to flee, because they were freed from the internal woes and yet were not enslaved to the Romans.

Joannes autem et Simon cum sociis, ne his magis pateret exitus, quam Romanis aditus, obstruebant : et qui vel umbram suspicionis dedisset, continuo necabatur.

But with their comrades, John and Simon worked on interdicting, more lest an exit might be open for them than an entrance for the Romans; and anyone who gave them even a shadow of a suspicion was immediately murdered.

Ditioribus quidem manere etiam sicut profugere, par causa erat pereundi : nam quasi transfugere voluisset, propter patrimonium quisque occidebatur. Cum fame autem crescebat desperatio seditiosorum, et in dies singulos utrunque malum amplius accendebatur.

Indeed, for the rich, remaining was just as much a cause of death as fleeing; for everyone was killed on account of his wealth on the pretext of wanting to flee. The desperation of the insurgents grew with the famine, and both evils grew greater with every day.

Et palam quidem nulla erant frumenta, irrumpentes autem scrutabantur domos. Et siquidem invenissent aliquid, eos qui negaverant verberabant : si vero nihil invenissent, quasi diligentius celavissent, tormentis itidem afficiebant. Habendi autem argumento erant corpora miserorum, quum ea quć solidis viribus starent, abundare putarentur.

As there was no grain in public, they broke in and searched houses. And if they indeed found something, they beat those who had denied it; if on the other hand they found nothing, they afflicted them with torture on the pretext of their having hidden it more carefully. The indication for having something was the bodies of the wretches, since those that were standing with substantial strength were assumed to have a lot.

Tabidi autem transfigebantur : nec rationis esse videbatur, statim fame morituros occidere : multi vero clam universa bona sua uno frumenti modio qui ditiores essent, itemque pauperes hordei permutarunt.

But those who were wasting away were passed on through, and it seemed senseless to kill those who were about to die shortly; but many who were more well off secretly bartered all their goods for a single measure of wheat, and likewise the poor, of barley.

Inclusi deinde intimis ćdium tectis, quidam summa penuria infectum triticum comedebant. Panem alii conficiebant, ut necessitas metusque monuisset. Et mensa quidem nusquam apponebatur, sed incoctum subtrahentes igni cibum diripiebant.

Then, shut in inside the innermost parts of their houses, some, stricken by extreme poverty, ate the unprepared grain. Others made bread according as need and fear urged them. And nowhere was a table spread out, but drawing the food out of the fire they tore it apart unbaked.

Miserabilis autem erat vīctus, dignumque lacrimis spectaculum, quum potentiores quidem plus haberent, infirmiores autem injuriam deplorarent, quippe quum fames super omnes clades haberetur. Nihil enim sic perdit hominem ut pudor : nam quod reverentia dignum est, in fame neglegitur.

But the fare was wretched, and the sight worthy of tears since the more powerful had more while the weaker lamented their injuries, since hunger is considered worse than all other disasters. For nothing destroys humanness so much as degradation, because what is worthy of respect is neglected in famine.

Denique uxores viris, et filii parentibus, et quod miserrimum, matres cibum infantibus ex ipso ore rapiebant : et marcescentibus inter manus carissimis nemo parcebat, quin vitae guttas auferret. Edentes vero talia non latebant, sed ubique aderant qui ista diriperent.

In the end, wives snatched food away from their husbands, and children from parents and, what is worst, mothers from the very mouths of their infants; and no one spared taking away the drops of life from the dearest ones wasting away in their hands. Those who were eating such could not hide: everywhere those who robbed it from them were present.

Nam sicubi clausam domum vidissent, eos qui intus erant, cibum capere hoc suspicabantur indicio : statimque ruptis foribus irruebant, vīctumque jam contusum dentibus, ex gutture pćne revocabant, ipsos faucibus strangulantes.

For if they saw a house locked, they suspected that those who were inside were taking a meal and, immediately breaking down the doors, they took the food already chewed by teeth, almost out of their throats, choking them by the neck.

Pulsabantur autem senes ne cibum defenderent : lacerabantur mulieres, ea quć haberent in manibus occulentes : nullaque miseratio vel cani erat capitis, vel infantić : sed abstractos pueros et ex bucella pendentes, humo allidebant. Si quis autem incurrentes antevenisset, quodque rapturi fuerant devorasset, tanquam lćsi cruentiores erant.

Old men were beaten to keep them from protecting the food, women concealing what they had in their hands were yanked around; there was no mercy on gray-headed men or infants; but dragging away children and those hanging onto a morsel, they smashed them onto the ground. And if anyone anticipated the invaders and swallowed what they were about to snatch, they were bloodthirstier, as though they had suffered injury.

Acerbissimos autem cruciatus excogitabant, dummodo alimenta reperirent : nunc excruciantes genitalium vias, nunc virgis acutis podices transfigendo. Horrendaque etiam auditu quis patiebatur : in unius panis confessionem, et ut unum pugnum farinć abditum indicaret.

They invented the bitterest torments just to get food: torturing the passages of the genitals, they pierced their anuses with sharp rods. Some suffered things hideous to hear about for the confession of a single breadloaf, and so that they would reveal a hidden single handful of meal.

Tortores autem nec esuriebant (minus enim crudele videretur, quod necessitas impetraret) exercentes autem dementiam suam, sexque sibi dierum commeatum prćparantes, hisque occurrentes, qui per Romanorum custodias agrestis oleris herbarumque gratia colligendarum nocte erepsissent, quum jam se hostes evasisse credebant, quć attulissent eripiebant : multumque supplicantibus, et horribile Dei nomen implorantibus, ut aliquam partem sibi concederent eorum, quć cum periculo sibi collegissent, nihil penitus dabant : gratumque videbatur, si spoliati non perirent.

But in practicing their madness, the torturers were not starving (for what necessity demanded would seem less cruel); plus, preparing a six-day supply of food for themselves and meeting those who had crawled out through the Roman guards to gather wild vegetables and plants when they thought they had just escaped the enemy, they would rob what they had brought back; and they gave absolutely nothing to them as they pleaded profusely, imploring the terrifying name of God for them to allow them some portion of the things they had gathered for themselves amid danger. And it seemed a favor if the robbed individuals did not die.

Hćc quidem humiliores a satellitibus patiebantur. Honorati vero ac divites ad tyrannos perducebantur, quorum alii in insidiarum falso accusati occidebantur, alii quia Romanis proderent civitatem. Et plerunque delator subornatus indicabat, quod profugere voluissent.

The lowborn suffered these things from the guards. But the nobles and the rich were led off to the tyrants; some of them were killed after being falsely accused of treacherous plots, others because they were claimed to be betraying the City to the Romans. And mostly a bribed informer accused them of having wanted to flee.

Si vero quem Simon expilasset, eum ad Joannem remittebat : et quem Joannes exspoliasset, eum Simon excipiebat : sibique invicem propinabant sanguinem popularium ; miserorumque cadavera partiebantur.

But if Simon had robbed a man, he sent him to John; and if John had plunder someone, Simon took him, and mutually they gave each other the people’s blood to drink and the cadavers of the wretched were shared.

Et dominandi quidem causa erat in utroque dissensio, scelerum vero concordia. Nam qui ex alienis malis partem alteri, sibi totum vindicans, non dedisset, nequissimus videbatur. Et qui non accepisset, velut boni alicujus damno dolebat, quia crudelitatis parte caruisset.

Certainly for the two there was dissension in the issue of control, but in that of crime there was concord. For he who, claiming the whole for himself, did not give part of the outsiders’ woes to the other one was considered an utter good-for-nothing. And he who did not receive it was aggrieved, as if at the loss of some good, because he had missed his share in the cruelty.

Singillatim quidem iniquitates eorum explanare non potero : ut autem breviter dicam, neque aliam civitatem unquam talia perpessam puto, neque ullam nationem post hominum memoriam malitia ferociorem fuisse. Postremo etiam genti Hebrćorum maledicebant, ut minus impii viderentur in alienos.

I certainly cannot explain their iniquities in detail; but to put it briefly, I think that no other City has ever suffered such things, nor that any nation in the memory of man has been fiercer in wickedness. In the end they cursed the people of the Hebrews in order to seem less impious toward outsiders.

Veruntamen, quod erant, et servos se, et convenas et degeneris gentis abortiones esse confessi sunt. Denique civitatem ipsi evertere, et Romanos invitos hanc tristem admittere victoriam coegere : tardiusque venientem in templum ignem pćne traxere.

Nonetheless they admitted what they were: slaves and immigrants and the miscarriages of a degenerate people. Finally, they themselves overthrew the City, and forced the unwilling Romans to allow this sad victory; and they almost drew to the temple a fire which was coming too slowly for them.

Denique quum hi ardere superiorem civitatem vidissent, neque doluere, neque illacrimavere : sed apud Romanos, qui hćc paterentur inventi sunt. Verum hćc quidem suo loco postea cum rerum documentis dicemus.

In the end, when they saw the Upper City burning, they neither bewailed it nor shed tears; yet men who suffered these emotions were found among the Romans. But we will tell of these things later in their own place with the documentation of the events.

⇑ § XI

Quomodo Judći pro mśnibus in cruces
tollebantur. De Antiocho Epiphane.
Qualiter Romanorum aggeres
dejiciunt Judći.

How the Jews were Cruciﬁed Before the Walls of the City. Concerning Antiochus Epiphanes ; and How the Jews Overthrew the banks that Had Been Raised by the Romans.

— Caput F-12 —
De Judćis crucifixis et aggeribus combustis.

TITO autem aggeres proficiebant, quamvis a muro milites male afficerentur : parte vero equitatus missa, jussit per valles ad alimenta comportanda exeuntibus insidias tendi. Erant autem in his nonnulli etiam pugnatores, quibus jam minime prćda sufficeret : major vero pars ex populo pauperes, quos profugere deterrebat pro affectibus suis metus.

As for Titus, the bulwarks were making progress, even though his soldiers were being badly mauled from the rampart. Also, sending out part of his cavalry, he ordered them to lay ambushes for those going out through the ravines to gather food. Among these were some fighters for whom plunder was by no means enough, but the major part was the poor of the people, whom fear for their loved ones was deterring from fleeing.

Nec clam enim seditiosis fieri posse sperabant, ut cum conjugibus ac liberis diffugerent : eosque latronibus relinquere non patiebantur vice sua jugulandos. Audaciores autem faciebat ad exeundum fames, restabatque jam latitantes egredi, et ab hostibus capi.

For they did not think it was possible to happen that they could flee the insurgents with their wives and children, and could not bear to leave them to the marauders to be murdered in place of themselves. But hunger emboldened them into leaving, and it then remained for them but to go out hidden and be captured by the enemy.

Deprehensi autem necessitate repugnabant, metu supplicii, seroque videbantur supplicare : post pugnam itaque verberati, et ante mortem modis omnibus excruciati, contra murum cruci suffigebantur. Tito quidem miserabilis videbatur ista calamitas, quum Judći in dies singulos quingenti, nonnunquam etiam plures caperentur.

When caught, they fought back out of necessity, out of fear of death, and they seemed to be too late to ask for mercy. And thus, scourged after the fight and tortured in every way before their deaths, they were crucified in front of the wall. That disaster indeed seemed a pitiable one to Titus, when every day five hundred Jews, sometimes even more, were captured.

Sed neque captos dimittere tutum erat, tantamque asservare multitudinem, custodum videbat esse custodiam : maxime vero propterea non prohibuit, citius eos existimans ea facie remissuros, tanquam similia passuros, nisi se dedissent. Milites autem diversis modis suffigebant, ira et odio et ludibrii causa : et propter multitudinem quem cepissent, jam spatium crucibus deerat, et corporibus cruces.

But it was not safe to let the captives go, and he saw that emprisoning such a multitude would amount to custody of the custodians. But he did not stop it primarily because he thought that, in the face of that, as men bound to suffer similar things if they did not surrender, they would give up sooner. The soldiers, on the other hand, did the crucifying in various ways, both out of rage and hatred, and for fun. And because of the large number which they had caught, space was lacking for the crosses, and crosses for the bodies.

Seditiosis vero tantum defuit, ut ea clade moverentur, quod etiam in contrarium eis cessit, ad deterrendam reliquam multitudinem. Transfugarum enim familiaribus ad murum tractis, et si qui erant popularium proniores ad pacem, et quć paterentur, qui ad Romanos profugerent, demonstrabant : et qui comprehensi tenebantur, eos supplices, non captivos, esse dicebant.

But the insurgents were so far from being moved by that disaster that they even converted it into its opposite to deter the rest of the populace. For, dragging the deserters’ next of kin to the wall, and those of the citizenry who were more inclined to peace, they showed them what those who were fleeing to the Romans were undergoing; and they said that those who were held prisoner were asylum-seekers, not captives.

Ea res multos perfugere cupientium, donec verum cognosceretur, inhibuit. Fuerunt autem, qui statim dilapsi sunt, quasi ad verum supplicium properantes. Illatam enim ab hostibus mortem, comparatione famis requiem esse ducebant.

Until the truth became known, this stopped many of those wanting to flee. But there were those who immediately slipped away, as though hastening to true death. For they regarded a death inflicted by the enemy as rest in comparison to starvation.

Multis autem captivorum Titus etiam manus abscidi prćcepit, eosque ad Joannem et Simonem intromisit, ut propter calamitatem nec viderentur profugi, nec crederentur — saltem nunc desinerent admonens, neve se compellerent ad excidium civitatis : sed lucrarentur in extremis mutata voluntate et proprias animas, et patriam tantam et templum, cujus participem non habebant. Simul autem aggeres circumeundo, operantes urgebat, veluti factis verba non multo post secuturus.

But Titus also ordered the hands of many of the captives cut off and sent them in to John and Simon so that on account of their tragedy they would neither be seen nor believed to be deserters, warning them at least now to stop and not compel him to the destruction of the City, but in the last moments with a change of mind to gain their own lives and so great a fatherland and a Temple of which they had no sharer. Moreover at the same time, going around the bulwarks, he urged on the workers as one who not long after was about to follow up his words with deeds.

Ad hćc in muris stantes, et ipsi Cćsari, et patri ejus maledicebant, mortemque se contemnere clamabant, eamque servituti recte prćferre, multa vero mala Romanis facere dum spirant, nec se nec patriam curantes, ut ipse diceret, perituros : mundumque Deo templum hōc melius esse : quamvis et id servaturus sit, qui incoleret : quem ipsos quoque auxiliatorem habentes, omnibus interminationibus illusuros quibus facta non affore : finem enim Dei esse. Talia conviciis admiscentes vociferabantur.

At this, those standing on the walls cursed Cćsar and his father, and cried that they scorned death and justly preferred it to slavery, that they would inflict many injuries on the Romans while they breathed, and that those who were — as he himself said — about to die, were unconcerned about themselves and their fatherland, and that the world was a better temple to God than this one. Nonetheless, He who inhabited it would preserve it; they themselves had Him as their Helper and would deride all threats which deeds did not back up; for the end was in God’s hands. They shouted such things while combining them with insults.

Et inter hćc Antiochus quoque aderat Epiphanes, multos alios armatos secum ducens, et prćterea caterva stipatus qui Macedones appellabantur, omnes ćtate pares et paulo maturiores adulescentibus, more Macedonum instructi armis et eruditi. Unde etiam nomen habebant, plerique tamen famam gentis ćquare non poterant.

And during this Antiochus Epiphanes also arrived at the head of many other armed men, and surrounded besides by a troop that was called Macedonians, all of the same age and slightly older than adolescents, equipped and trained in the Macedonian manner, whence they also derived their name. Nonetheless, the majority could not equal the reputation of that people.

Omnium enim regum qui Romanis parebant, felicissimum Commagenum fieri contigit, prius quam fortuna mutaretur. Ostendit autem ille quoque in senecta ćtate, nullum ante mortem beatum dici oportere. Ceterum filius ejus adhuc eo vigente prćsens se mirari ajebat, quidnam esset quod Romanos adire pigebat muros.

For of all the kings who obeyed the Romans, it happened that the Commagene was the most fortunate, before his luck changed. Indeed in his old age he too showed that no one should be called blessed before his death. In any case, while he was still flourishing, his son said he was surprised at why it was that the Romans were reluctant to attack the walls.

Erat enim bellator ipse naturaque promptissimus, tantusque viribus, ut multum peccaret audacia. Quum vero Titus ad hoc surrisisset, laboremque communem esse dixisset, sicut erat, Antiochus cum Macedonibus in murum impetum fecit. Et ipse quidem pro viribus suis ac peritia cavebat tela Judćorum, sagittis eos appetens : adulescentes autem omnes prćter paucos attriti sunt.

For he himself was a warrior and by nature extremely eager, and of such great strength that he erred a great deal out of boldness. So when Titus smiled at that and said that the effort was anyone’s, Antiochus, just as he was, made an attack on the wall with his Macedonians. And he himself, due to his strength and skill, avoided the missiles of the Jews while he shot at them with his arrows; but except for a few, all of his young men were decimated.

Nam pudore promissionis diutius pugna certaverant, et ad extremum multi saucii recessere : hoc reputantes, quod etiam viris Macedonibus vincere cupientibus fortunā opus sit Alexandri.

For out of embarassment over their promise they had struggled too long in the fight, and in the end many retreated wounded, reflecting on the fact that even for Macedonian men aiming to conquer, it was necessary to have the luck of Alexander {(the Great)}.

A Romanis enim duodecimo die mensis Maji aggeres incohati, vix nono et vigesimo perfecti sunt, quum totos dies septem et decem laborassent : ingentes enim quattuor jacti sunt.

The bulwarks, begun by the Romans on the twelfth day {(actually, the 30th)} of the month of May, were barely finished on the twenty-ninth {(actually, June 16th)}, after they had labored all day long for seventeen days. For they built four huge ones.

Et unus quidem, qui erat ad Antoniam, et a Quinta Legione fuerat exstructus, contra medium stagnum, quod « Struthium » vocatur, alter vero a duodecima viginti cubitis distans. Decima vero Legio, quć supra memoratis prćstat, in Septentrionali parte opus erexerat, ubi stagnum est quod appellatur « Amygdalon ». Ab hoc autem Quintadecima Legio triginta discedentem cubitis aggerem fecit ad pontificis monumentum.

And there was one that was at the Antonia and had been built by the Fifth Legion opposite the middle pool which was called the “The Sparrow,” and another by the Twelfth thirty feet {(twenty cubits)} away. On the other hand, the Tenth Legion, which was greater than those mentioned above, had erected its work on the northern side where the pool is which is called “The Almond.” The Fifteenth Legion built a bulwark forty-five feet {(thirty cubits)} away, at the pontiff’s tomb.

Jam vero admotis aggeribus, Joannes suffossā intus terrā usque ad aggeres, Antoniam versus dispositis per cuniculum sudibus, opera suspendit : illataque silva pice ac bitumine illita, igni immittit. Succensis autem fulcimentis, fossa repente subsedit, quumque magno sonitu in eam aggeres decĭdere.

After the bulwarks had now been moved up, John, tunneling in the earth up to the bulwarks, placing uprights along the tunnel opposite the Antonia, kept the structures propped up. And carrying in wood smeared with pitch and asphalt, he set fire to it. Once the supports had burned, the ditch suddenly caved in, and with a great roar the bulwarks collapsed into it.

Ac primo quidem cum pulvere fumus ex alto excitatus est, quum ignem ruina concluderet. Peresa vero materia qua premebatur, flamma jam clarior apparebat.

And at first smoke was churned up with dust from the depths, since the collapse was smothering the fire. But as the wood which was packed down was eaten through, a clearer flame now appeared.

Et Romanos repentini quidem facti stupor occupat : molitionem vero Judćorum ćgre ferebant, jamque se vicisse credentium et spes eo casu refrixit, et in posterum subvenire adversus ignem minus utile videbatur, etiam si esset exstinctus, semel aggeribus devoratis.

The shock of the sudden event overcame the Romans; indeed, they took the operation of the Jews hard, and the hope of those who believed they had already won also died with that happening; and subsequently to help against the fire seemed hardly useful, even if it were extinguished, once the bulwarks had been swallowed up.

Biduo vero post, alios etiam aggeres Simon cum sociis aggreditur. Illa enim parte Romani admotis arietibus concutere murum cśperant. Tephthćus autem quidam ex Garsi ortus, civitate Galilćć, et Megassarus ex regalibus famulis Mariamnes, cumque his Adiabenus quidam, filius Nabatći, nomen habens ex fortuna Agiras, cujus est interpretatio « claudus », raptis facibus in machinas evolarunt.

Two days later, Simon also attacked the other bulwarks with his comrades. For the Romans, bringing up the rams, had begun to pound the wall in that section. A certain Tephthćus, born in Garsi, a city of Galilee, and Megassarus of the royal servants of Mariamne, and along with them a certain Adiabene, the son of Nabatćus, having the name from his misfortune of “Agira,” meaning “Lame,” grabbing torches, ran out against the machines.

Hisque viris neque audaciores in illo bello extra civitatem apparuere, neque magis horrendi. Nam velut in amicos, non in agmen hostium excurrerent, nihil cunctati sunt, aut substitere : sed per medios inimicos facto impetu, machinas incendere.

In that war no bolder nor more fearsome men than these appeared outside of the City. For they ran out as though amongst friends, not into an enemy troop, neither delaying nor stopping but, making a charge through the midst of the foe, set fire to the machines.

Acti autem missilibus, et gladiis detrusi, non prius a periculo demoti sunt, quam ignis instrumenta corriperet. Sublata vero jam flamma, Romani quidem concurrentes e castris, auxilio properabant : Judći vero ex muro eos prohibebant, manusque cum his conserebant, qui flammas exstinguere conarentur, propriis corporibus nullo modo parcentes.

Pelted with missiles and pushed back with swords, they were not removed from danger until the fire had caught onto the machines. But with the flames now rising, the Romans, running together from the camp, rushed to help; But from the wall, the Jews staved them off and, not sparing their own bodies at all, joined battle with those who were trying to exstinguish the flames.

Et illi quidem arietes igni subtrahere, quum eorum tegmina cremarentur : Judći vero etiam per flammas eos retinere certabant. Et quamvis fervens nacti essent ferrum, tamen arietes non amisere. Hinc autem flamma transiit in aggeres, et auxiliantes prćveniebat incendium. Itaque Romani flamma circundati, quoniam servare posse opera desperabant, in castra discedunt.

And the Romans were pulling the rams from the fire while their coverings were burning, the Jews, on the other hand were also striving to keep them in the flames. And no matter how hot the iron they got hold of, they did not let go of the rams. The flames crossed over from there to the bulwarks and the conflagration outran the helping troops. And thus the Romans, surrounded by flames, because they despaired of being able to save their works, left into the camp.

Judći vero magis instabant, quum semper eorum numerus cresceret, ex civitate accedentibus adjumentis, minusque cautos haberent impetus, freti victoria. Progressi autem usque ad munimenta castrorum prślio cum eorum custodibus decertabant. Est enim statio pro castris per vices succedentium armatorum, et acerbissima in eos sanctio Romanorum, ut qui loco de qualibet causa cessisset, occideretur.

But the Jews pursued them all the more, since their number grew constantly with reinforcements joining them from the City, and made incautious charges, confident of victory. Progressing all the way to the fortifications of the camp, they fought with its guard troops. Now there is a picket of armed men, rotating in shifts, in front of a camp and, regarding them, an extremely harsh law of the Romans that anyone who for any reason should leave, is to be executed.

Hi pśnali exitio gloriosa morte prćlata, steterunt fortiter : eorumque necessitate simul ac pudore, plurimi fugientium redierunt : ballistisque in muro dispositis ex civitate accedentem multitudinem prohibebant, nihil pro cautione sive tutamine suorum corporum providentem.

Those men, preferring a glorious death to a death penalty, stood up bravely and due to their need and at the same time embarrassment, most of the refugees came back; and deploying the ballistas along the wall, they staved off the mass flowing up out of the City, that was not providing anything for the safeguarding or protection of their own bodies.

Nam quoscunque obvios habuissent, cum his congrediebantur Judći : et in spicula irruentes incaute, ipsis corporibus inimicos feriebant. Sed neque hi actis magis quam fiducia superabant, et Romani plus audacić, quam quod male tractarentur, cedebant.

For the Jews engaged in combat with whomever they met and, recklessly running into spearpoints, they struck the enemy with their very bodies. But they won not by actions but by conviction, and the Romans yielded more to their audacity than because they suffered badly.

Jam vero Titus aderat ab Antonia, quo secesserat, locum aliis aggeribus prospiciens : multumque increpatis militibus, si quum hostium muros obtinerent, in suis periclitarentur, et velut ex carcere contra se dimissis Judćis, obsessorum paterentur ipsi fortunam, ipse cum electis militibus hostes a latera circumvenit, illi autem, quum in ora ferirentur, contra eum conversi durabant.

But now Titus arrived from the Antonia where he had gone off to, looking for a place for other bulwarks. Greatly reproaching his soldiers because, while they had had control of the enemy’s walls, they had become endangered in their own and, with the Jews as it were let out of prison against themselves, were themselves experiencing the misfortune of being besieged, with picked soldiers he went around the side of the enemy; but they, while being attacked from in front, turning toward him, continued.

Mixta vero acie, pulvis quidem lumina, clamor vero aures exsuperabat, neque aut amicum quisquam internoscere poterat, aut inimicum.

Given the intermingled battle lines, the dust overcame eyesight and the yelling the ears, and no one could distinguish either friend or foe.

Judćis autem non tantum virium fiducia, quantum salutis desperatione perseverantibus, etiam Romanos pudor armorum et glorić, et prćsentia periclitantis Cćsaris reddidit fortiores.

But with the Jews persisting not so much out of confidence in their prowess as out of despair of safety, the principles of arms and of glory, and the presence of Cćsar taking on danger, rendered the Romans the stronger.

Itaque putaverim eos ad extremum nimia ferocitate animorum, vel totam multitudinem Judćorum fuisse rapturos, nisi prćvento pugnć momento, in civitatem se recepissent. Corruptis autem aggeribus, Romani mćrore tenebantur, quod tam longum laborem una hora perdidere, et multi quidem solutis machinis captum iri civitatem jam desperabant.

And so I think that in the end, with their extreme emotional ferocity, the Romans would have taken the entire mass of the Jews if the latter had not, anticipating the tide of the battle, withdrawn into the City. However, with the bulwarks destroyed, the Romans were overcome with sadness because in a single hour they had lost such a long labor; and indeed, given the collapsed machines, many despaired that the City would be captured.

⇑ § XII

Tito visum est muro urbem
circumdare : quo facto, fames totas
domos atque familias depascebatur.

Titus Thought Fit to Encompass the City Round with a Wall ; After Which the Famine Consumed the People by Whole Houses and Families Together.

— Caput F-13 —
De muro exstructo ab exercitu Romano circum Hierosolymam triduo.

TITUS autem cum ducibus quid fieret deliberabat. Et calidioribus quidem placebat, omni admoto milite, vi muros experiri : adhuc enim Judćos cum exercitus parte dimicasse, universi vero militis impetum tolerare non posse, verum sagittis esse obruendos.

But Titus conferred with his officers about what should be done. And the more ardent suggested storming the walls forcefully, sending all the soldiers against them, for the Jews had up to now fought with part of the army, but could not sustain an attack of the entire soldiery, and instead would be overwhelmed by arrows.

Prudentiores autem rursus aggeres fieri suadebant : alii et sine aggeribus assideri, egressus eorum tantummodo observando, ac ne vīctus intro ferretur monebant, et civitatem fami relinquere, neque cum hoste manu confligere : nec enim expugnari eorum confidentiam posse, quibus optatum est ferro procumbere, vel etiam sine hoc interficere {(= < interfieri?)}, quć sćvior est cupiditas.

On the other hand, the more prudent ones urged that bulwarks be reconstructed, others that the besieging should be done without bulwarks, just monitoring their exits, and advised that no food be carried in and to leave the City to famine, but not to fight hand to hand with the enemy; for it was not possible by fighting to overcome the audacity of those whose choice is to die by the sword or even to kill {(= < be killed?)} without it, which is a crueler option.

Ipsi autem Tito, cessare quidem prorsus tanto cum exercitu, honestum non videbatur : et pugnare cum his supervacuum, qui semetipsos perdituri essent.

But to Titus himself it certainly did not seem at all valorous to be idle with such a large army, and its seemed pointless to fight with those who were about to destroy themselves.

Aggeres autem fieri, impendiorum penuria operosum judicabat, egressus vero civitatis observari, operosius. Nec enim circundari eam propter magnitudinem locorumque difficultatem, ab exercitu posse, et prćterea ad excursus incautum : contra manifestam enim viam observatam, occultas vias excogitaturos Judćos, tam necessitate quam locorum scientia.

But he decided that building bulwarks would be difficult, given the lack of resources, but monitoring the egresses from the City, more painstaking. Nor could it be surrounded by the army because of its size and the difficulty of the terrain, and in addition it was precarious in the case of sallies: for opposed to an obvious, monitored road, the Jews would invent secret paths, both out of necessity and through their knowledge of the terrain.

Si quid autem clam esset illatum, diutius obsidionem trahendam, verendumque ne victorić gloriam diminuat temporis longitudo. Hćc enim cuncta quidem effici posse, sed celeritatem ante gloriam duci : debere tamen si celeritate uti velit et cautione, totam muro cingere civitatem.

But if something were smuggled in secretly, the siege would be dragged out longer, and it would have to be feared that the length of time would diminish the glory of the victory. All these things could certainly be accomplished, but speed was considered prior to glory. Nonetheless, if he wanted to take advantage of speed as well as caution, they ought to surround the entire City with a wall.

Hoc enim modo omnes exitus posse prćcludi : et Judćos aut omnibus modis salute desperata, civitatem tradituros, aut fame victos facillime capiendos. Aliter enim se non posse quiescere, verum et aggeres curaturum esse, quum infirmiores habeat, qui prohibeant.

In this way all exits could be blocked off, and the Jews, either despairing of salvation in any way or, conquered by starvation, quite easily captured, would surrender the City. Besides all that, he himself could not be idle, but would see to the rebuilding of the bulwarks when he had weakened opponents hindering it.

Quod si cuiquam magnum opus et inextricabile videatur, eum considerare debere, quod neque parvum opus Romanos deceat facere : et sine labore magnum quid perficere, ne Deo quidem facile sit.

But if this seemed a huge and complicated task to anyone, he ought to consider that it is unbecoming for Romans to produce small works, and to accomplish something great without labor would not be easy even for a god.

His dictis duces exhortatus, jubet eos exercitus in opera distribuere. Divinus autem quidam impetus militibus incidit : ambitumque partiti, non solum rectores inter se, verum ipsi etiam ordines certabant.

Having exhorted his officers with these words, he ordered them to distribute the armies onto the works. Indeed, a kind of divine urge overcame the soldiers: divided up along the periphery, not just the leaders, but the ranks themselves also competed with one another.

Et miles quidem decadarcho, decadarchus autem hecatontarcho, isque chiliarcho placere properabat : chiliarchorum vero ostentatio ad duces usque pertinebat, ducum vero certamina Cćsar ipse dijudicabat. In dies enim singulos circumiens, opus sćpissime inspiciebat.

And the soldier strove to please his decurion, the decurion his centurion, and he his tribune; the rivalry of the tribunes was oriented to the legates, while Cćsar himself umpired that of the legates. For going around each day, he inspected the work very often.

Cśptam enim a castris Assyriorum, ubi ipse tendebat, ad inferiorem Cćnopolim murum duxit. Hinc per Cedronem ad Eleon montem revertens, a meridie montem complectitur, usque ad saxum quod Peristereonos vocatur, eique proximum collem, qui super vallem imminet Siloam, ac inde ad Occidentem flexo ćdificio, ad vallem fontis descendit. Hinc subiens ad Anani pontificis monumentum, circundato monte, ubi Pompejus castra posuerat, ad Septentrionalem redit regionem.

He drew the wall beginning from the camp of the Assyrians, where he himself camped, to the lower New City. From here turning back through the Kidron to the Mount of Olives, it embraced the mountain on the south up to the rock called the Peristereonos {(“Dovecote”)}, and the hill next to it, that projects above the ravine of Siloam, and from there, curving its structure to the west, descends to the ravine of the fountain. Going down from here to the tomb of the pontiff Ananus, circling the mountain where Pompey had pitched his camp, it returned to the north.

Et quum prćcessisset ad vicum, cui nomen est Erebinthonicus, post illum Herodis monumentum ab Oriente clausum castris suis conjunxit, unde cśperat. Murus quidem uno minus XL• stadiorum erat. Ad hoc autem foris castella tredecim ćdificata sunt : eorum gyrus denis stadiis numerabatur. Totum autem opus triduo constructum est, ut id quidem dignum mensibus videretur, celeritas vero fide careret.

And after he had proceeded to the village called Erebinthonicus {(“Chick-pea District”)}, subsequently closing off Herod’s tomb from the east, he connected to his camp, whence he had started. The wall thus was 4½ miles {(Latin: one less than 40 stades)}. In addition to this, however, thirteen forts were built on its outside; in all, their periphery was measured as 1.1 miles {(ten stades)}. The entire work was built in three days; as it would indeed seem deserving of months, the speed would truly escape belief.

Muro autem circunclusa civitate, per castella custodibus collocatis, primam quidem vigiliam noctis ipse circumiens explorabat : secundam vero Alexandro permiserat : tertia vero obtigit legionum ducibus. Somnos autem vigiles inter se sortiebantur, totaque nocte per castellorum spatia circuibant.

But once the City had been surrounded with the wall, with guards stationed throughout the forts, Titus himself, going around, investigated the first watch of the night; the second one he had assigned to Alexander; while the third one went to the officers of the legions. The sentries cast lots among themselves for sleep periods, and all night long went around through the interspaces of the forts.

— Caput F-14 —
De fame Hierosolymorum et secundo aggere exstructo.

Judćis autem cum exeundi facultate omnis etiam spes salutis adempta est : auctaque jam fames totas domos ac familias depascebatur. Et tecta quidem plena erant mulieribus exanimatis, atque infantibus : viarum autem angusta senibus mortuis.

With the ability to get out, all hope of salvation was also taken from the Jews, and increased hunger consumed every house and family. The roofs were full of half-dead women and infants, the narrow lanes of dead old men.

Adulescentes autem ac juvenes turgidi, velut umbrć mortuorum, per fora versabantur : et ubi quem casus occupaverat, decidebant. Sepelire autem funera, neque poterant prć labore, et eos quibus aliqua vis supererat, pigebat, et propter multitudinem mortuorum, et quod de ipsis erat incertum.

Moreover the young men and boys, swollen, like shades of the dead, wandered around the marketplaces, and wherever a stroke overcame someone, there they fell. Yet because of the hard labor they could not bury the corpses, and those who had a little strength left were loath to do so both on account of the large number of the dead and because things were uncertain in their own cases.

Denique super eos quos sepelierant, multi moriebantur. Multi autem ad sepulcra, priusquam fati dies veniret, et vivi properabant : neque luctus in illis calamitatibus, neque fletus erat, sed fame superabantur affectus.

Finally, many died on top of those whom they had buried. On the other hand, many hastened alive to the tombs before their final day came. Nor was there any mourning or crying amidst those calamities; rather, emotions were overcome by starvation.

Siccis autem oculis, et corruptis oribus, qui tardius morerentur, eos qui ante se requiescerent, tuebantur. Altum vero silentium civitatem, plenaque mortuis nox comprehenderat, et latrones his acerbiores. Domos enim, quć tum sepulcra erant, et cadavera spoliabant, et velamina corporibus detrahentes, cum risu egrediebantur.

Moreover those who were slower in dying looked with dry eyes and decaying mouths on those who were going to their rest before them. Indeed, a deep silence and a night full of the dead had enveloped the City — and the brigands were yet more bitter than these things. For they plundered the houses — which now were tombs — and the corpses; and after tearing the coverings off from the bodies, they left laughing.

Hisque gladiorum mucrones probabant : nonnullosque jacentium adhuc spirantes, ferro experiendi causa transverberabant. Si quis autem manum rogasset aut ferrum sibi commodari, quo famem evaderet, superbissime neglegebatur.

They tried out their sword points on them and, for the sake of testing their metal, ran through some of those prostrate but still breathing. But if anyone asked for their hand or for their sword to be used on him so that he might escape the famine, he was contemptuously neglected.

Animas vero efflantium quisque in morte templum obtutibus intuebatur, quum vivos relinqueret seditiosos. Illi autem, primo quidem sumptu publico jubebant mortuos sepeliri, quum fśtorem ferre non possent : deinde quod non sufficiebant, in valles eos ex muro prćcipitabant.

Moreover, everyone of those expiring gazed at the Temple with his eyes as, in death, he left the insurgents alive. They, on the other hand, at first ordered the dead buried at public expense, since they could not endure the stench; then, because they did not have the resources, they threw them from the wall into the ravines.

Quas circumiens Titus ubi plenas cadaveribus vidit, altamque saniem tabefactis corporibus defluentem, ingemuit : et extentis manibus Deum testabatur, factum illud suum non esse. Civitas quidem ita erat affecta.

When Titus saw them filled with corpses and deep purulence flowing from the rotting bodies as he was making his rounds, he sighed and, holding his hands out, called God to witness that this was not his doing. So had the City been afflicted.

Romani vero, quum jam nemo seditiosorum auderet excurrere (nam etiam eos mćror, famesque tangebat) dies lćtos agebant : frumenti, aliarumque rerum necessariarum habentes copiam de Syria proximisque provinciis, multi autem juxta murum stantes, magnamque alimentorum abundantiam demonstrantes, satietate sui famem hostium incendebat.

But the Romans, since none of the insurgents dared to sally out (for the sadness and hunger was affecting them too), were celebrating happy days, having an abundance of grain and other necessary items from Syrai and the nearby provinces; many, standing next to the wall and displaying a great deal of food, with their surfeit aggravated the hunger of the enemy.

Seditiosis autem nihilo magis calamitate cedentibus, Titus reliquias populi miseratus, et properans saltem hoc liberare quod superest, iterum aggeres incohabat, quanquam difficulter materiam reperiret. Omnes enim civitati proximas silvas opera prima consumpserant.

But with the insurgents nonetheless not giving in to the calamity, Titus, pitying the remainder of the populace and hurrying to liberate what survived, again started on the bulwarks, even though it was with difficulty that he found wood. For they had used up all the neighboring forests for their first works.

A nonagesimo vero stadio milites alias congerebant et ad Antoniam solam ex quattuor partibus, majores prioribus aggeres struebantur. Cćsar autem agmina circumiens, atque opus urgens, quod in manibus eos haberet latronibus ostendebat. Sed illis pćnitudo plane perierat : et animis ac corporibus separati, utrisque velut alienis utebantur. Nec enim vel animas affectio mansueta, vel corpora dolor tangebat, qui etiam mortuam plebem, quasi canes lacerabant, replebantque languentibus carcerem.

Indeed, the soldiers fetched it from ten miles away {(the ninetieth stade)} and built up bulwarks larger than the former ones, at the Antonia alone, at four points. Cćsar, going around his troops and encouraging the work, showed the insurgents that he had them in his hands. But repentance had died completely in them; and, separated from their souls and bodies, they treated both as though belonging to others. Nor could human affection touch their souls or pain their bodies — those who shredded even a dead people like dogs and filled the prisons with the weak.

⇑ § XIII

Multa cćdes Hierosolymis
et sacrilegium.

The Great Slaughters and Sacrilege That Were in Jerusalem.

— Caput F-15 —
De cćde Judćorum intra et extra Hierosolymam.

DENIQUE Simon Matthiam, per quem obtinuerat civitatem, excruciatum peremit. Boëthi filius erat, ex pontificibus populo maxime fidelis et carus. Is, quum a Zelotis male populus tractaretur, quibus jam Joannes accesserat ut adjutorem Simonem reciperet, populo persuasit : nulla cum eo prius habita pactione, nec aliquid mali metuens.

Finally Simon put Matthew, through whom he had gotten the City, to death under torture. He was the son of Boëthus — of the pontiffs the one most loyal and dear to the people. When the people was being maltreated by the Zealots whom John had already joined, he persuaded the people to accept Simon as their helper, without first making any pact with him or fearing anything bad.

Ingressus autem postquam obtinuit civitatem, inimicum eum ćque atque alios esse dicebat, qui pro se consilium dederat, velut hoc simplicitate suasisset productumque eum et accusatum, quod cum Romanis sentiret, morte damnavit, ne purgationis quidem ei facilitate concessa, cum tribus filiis suis. Quartus enim ad Titum ante profugerat.

But having entered, after he gained control of the City, he declared him an enemy just like the others, a man who had given his advice in favor of him as having engaged in that persuasion out of simplemindedness; and not even granting him a chance of clearing himself, he condemned the man — accused of having sympathized with the Romans — to death with his three sons. (A fourth one had indeed fled to Titus.)

Prius autem se occidi quam filios, obsecrantem, atque hanc pro illa, quod civitatem ei aperuisset, gratiam postulantem, ut augeret ejus dolorem, novissimum jussit interfici.

But when he besought him to be killed before his sons were, and asked this favor for having opened the City to him he ordered him, in order to increase his agony, to be killed last.

Ille quidem super cćsos in conspectu suo filios jugulatur, coram Romanis productus : ita enim Simon Anano Bamadi filio prćceperat, qui erat ejus satellitum crudelissimus, cavillatus si quid eum juvarent, ad quos exire voluisset; corpora vero sepeliri prohibuit.

Indeed, brought into the view of the Romans, he was slaughtered atop his sons, murdered before his eyes; for thus had Simon ordered it to Ananus, son of Bamadus, who was the cruelest of his bodyguards, joking about whether those to whom he had wanted to go would help him; but he prohibited the bodies from being buried.

Post hos Ananias quidam, pontifex, filius Mesbali, nobilis, et scriba curić, vir fortis, ex Ammaunte genus ducens, et cum his quindecim ex populo clariores necantur.

After them a certain Ananias, a pontiff, a noble, the son of Mesbalus, along with a secretary of the Sanhedrin — a brave man with origins in Emmaus —, and with them fifteen notables from the people, were killed.

Josephi vero patrem conclusum asservabant : missoque prćcone denuntiant, ne quis in civitate degentium vel colloqueretur cum eo, vel in unum veniret, proditionis metu proposito : et eos qui hćc cum illo deflerent, ante qućstionem perimebant.

But they kept Josephus’s father imprisoned and announced through a herald that none of those living in the City could either talk with him or get together in a group, advancing the fear of treason. And those who along with him lamented these things were put to death before any investigation.

Ista videns quidam Judas filius Judć, unus ex numero prćfectorum Simonis, qui turrim ab eo sibi creditam custodiebat, fortasse quidem nonnihil etiam misericordia crudeliter pereuntium, magis autem sui providentia, convocatis decem fidissimis contubernalium : « Quousque tandem », inquit, « hćc mala sustinebimus ?

Seeing these things, a certain Judas, son of Judas, one of the number of Simon’s officers, who was guarding the tower entrusted to him by Simon, perhaps indeed also somewhat out of pity over those cruelly dying, but more due to his foresight about himself, gathering ten of his most faithful staff, said, “Now how long are we going to put up with these terrible things?

Quamve salutis spem habemus, servantes pessimo fidem ? Ecce jam fames oppugnat. Romani vero pćne intus sunt. Simon autem bene quoque meritis infideis est : metusque etiam apud eum pśnć, et apud Romanos certa fśderis dextera. Ergo age, tradito muro et nosmet servemus et civitatem.

Or what hope of safety do we have, keeping faith to an extremely evil man? Look, starvation is already attacking us. Indeed, the Romans are practically inside. But Simon is disloyal to those who have served him well; and with him there is the fear of punishment, while with the Romans a reliable guarantee of conditions. So come on, in surrending the wall let us save ourselves and the City.

Nihil autem grave Simon patietur, si quum de se desperaverit, pśnas citius pendet. » His ubi decem assensi sunt, mane ceteros quos subjectos habebat, per diversum dimittit, ne quid eorum quć cogitaverat proderetur. Ipse vero de turri hora tertia Romanos invocabat.

Simon will suffer nothing serious if, when he despairs of himself, he swiftly pays the penalty.” After those ten had agreed, in the morning they sent off those whom they had under them in different directions lest something of the things he had planned be betrayed. But he himself from his tower called on the Romans at the third hour.

Illorum autem alii prć superbia contemnebant, alii non credebant, alios etiam pigebat, velut mox capturos civitatem nullo periculo. Interea vero, quum Titus ad murum cum armatis succederet, ante rem Simon cognovit, turrimque velociter occupat : Romanisque eos inspectantibus custodes peremit, et per murum projecit corpora mortuorum.

Some of those, however, spurned him out of arrogance, others did not believe him, still others were loath that they might as it were capture the City without danger. Meanwhile, as Titus was approaching the wall with an armed force, Simon discovered the affair first and quickly took over the tower. And with the Romans watching, he killed the guards and threw the bodies of the dead through the wall.

Ibique circumiens Josephus (nec enim rogare cessabat) caput vulneratur lapide, statimque attonitus cadit. Excursus autem ad ejus casum factus est Judćorum, abreptusque esset in civitatem, nisi Cćsar misisset, qui eum protegerent. Illis autem pugnantibus Josephus quidem tollitur, parum quod ageretur intellegens.

At that point, Josephus, going around {<the walls>} (for he had not stopped pleading), was wounded in the head by a rock and immediately fell down unconscious. At his fall, there was a sally of the Jews, and he would have been snatched away into the City if Cćsar had not sent out men to protect him. While they were fighting, Joseph, understanding little of what was being done, was taken away.

Seditiosi vero, tanquam interfecto quem maxime cupiebant, cum lćtitia conclamaverunt. Spargitur autem hic rumor per civitatem : ex quo residuam multitudinem mćror tenuit, vere perisse credentem, cujus fiducia profugere cogitabant.

But the insurgents, as though the one they especially wanted had been killed, shouted for joy. This rumor was spread throughout the City, as a result of which sorrow beset the remaining multitude, who believed that the one through whose troth they were thinking to escape had in fact died.

Audito autem Josephi mater in carcere, mortuum esse filium suum, ad custodes quidem, ex Jotapatis hoc ait certo se credere, nec enim vivo potiri. Secreto autem flens, ad ancillas, hunc, inquit, fecunditatis recepisse fructum, quod ne sepelire quidem sibi filium licuisset, a quo sepeliri sperasset.

In prison, Josephus’s mother, having heard that her son was dead, said to her guards that ever since Jotapata she had believed this absolutely, for she had no control of him while he was alive. But weeping in secret, she said to her maids that this was the reward she received for her fecundity — that she was not allowed even to bury the son by whom she had hoped to be buried.

Verum ne illam quidem mendacium diutius cruciavit, neque latrones refecit. Cito enim curato vulnere Josephus resipuit : progressusque clamabat, illos sibi non multo post vulneris pśnas daturos. Populum autem rursum ad fidem hortabatur. Unde populo quidem fiducia, seditiosis vero stupor incidit ejus aspectu.

But the falsehood did not torture even her much longer, nor did it cheer up the brigands. For with his wound healed, Josephus quickly came to himself again and, walking forth, called out that not much later they would be paying him the penalty for his wound. Moreover he again encouraged the populace to credence in him. Hence reassurance came to the people, but stupefaction to the insurgents, over his appearance.

Profugorum autem alii statim de muro necessitate prosiliebant : alii velut ad pugnam cum lapidibus progredi simulantes, mox ad Romanos profugiebant. Hos autem sćvior eā quam intus pertulerant fortuna consequebatur : et fame, quam domi reliquerant, velociorem apud Romanos inveniebant ad exitium satietatem.

Some of the refugees immediately jumped from the wall out of necessity; while, pretending to advance to combat with stones, quickly fled over to the Romans. But a more savage fate than than what they had suffered inside overtook them, and among the Romans they found a satiety swifter for death than the hunger they had left behind.

Aderant namque inflati ex inedia, et velut morbo intercutis aquć turgidi. Deinde vacuata replentes corpora dirumpebantur : nisi qui periti desideria cohibuissent, paulatimque cibum desueto corpori obtulissent. Verum et eos, qui hoc modo servarentur, alia plaga suscepit.

For many arrived swollen from starving and as though turgid with an affliction of subcutaneous water. Then, refilling their empty bodies, they burst apart, except that some knowledgeable individuals restrained their desires and offered food to their unaccustomed bodies gradually. But another disaster befell those who were saved in this manner.

Quidam apud Syros ex transfugis deprehenditur, e fimo ventris aureos colligens. Transglutientes autem (ut supra diximus) eos veniebant, quod cunctos seditiosi scrutabantur : et maxima vis auri fuerat in civitate : denique duodecim atticis comparabant, quod antea vigintiquinque valebat.

A certain one of the refugees among the Syrians was caught picking gold coins out of the excrement of his bowels. Moreover (as we said above) they came swallowing them, because the insurgents were examining everyone, and a large amount of gold had been in the City; and finally, for twelve Attic coins they got what formerly was worth twenty-five.

Verum hac arte per unum detecta, totis castris fama percrebuit, quod auro transfugć pleni venirent. Arabum autem multitudo et Syri scissis ventribus supplicium minitabantur. Et hac ego clade nullam credo sćviorem contigisse Judćis : una denique nocte duorum milium patefacta sunt viscera.

But with this trick having been discovered through one man, the rumor spread through all the camps that the refugees were coming filled with gold. A mass of Arabs, and the Syrians, threatened death by slicing open stomachs. And I believe that no more hideous disaster happened to the Jews than this one; in the end, in a single night, the bowels of two thousand were laid open.

Et hac Titus injustitia cognita, pćne jussisset auctores circunfuso equitatu jaculis appeti, nisi magna fuisset multitudo noxiorum, multoque plures puniendi, quam qui fuerant interempti.

Learning of this, Titus would almost have ordered its authors, surrounded by the cavalry, to be shot at with javelins if the number of the guilty had not been great, and those to be punished, far more numerous than those that had been killed.

Convocatis autem auxiliarium ducibus, itemque militum Romanorum (nam etiam militum quosdam hćc tangebat invidia) utrisque iratus dicebat : si qui militum suorum hćc committerent lucri causa incerti, nec arma propria quisquam erubesceret auro argentoque facta : Arabes autem et Syri primo in alieno bello licenter calamitates inferrent : deinde crudelitatem in cćdibus et in Judćos odia Romanis ascriberent.

So, calling together the officers of the auxiliaries and also of the Roman soldiers (for that envy also affected some of his soldiers), irate, he spoke to both about whether any of his own soldiers was committing these things for the sake of uncertain gain without anyone being ashamed of his own arms, made of gold and silver; but the Arabs and Syrians wantonly committed the atrocities in a foreign war first, then they attributed to the Romans their cruelty in the slaughters and their hatred against the Jews.

Hac enim quosdam suorum milites infamia participare. Et his quidem mortem interminatus est, si quis in eadem postea repertus fuisset audacia. Ad legiones autem mandata dedit, ut suspectos investigarent, atque ad se deferrent. Verum profecto avaritia contemnit omne supplicium, sćvisque hominibus lucrandi amor innatus est : nullaque omnino calamitas plus habendi cupidini comparatur.

For some of his own soldiers had participated in this infamy. And indeed, he threatended death to them if anyone were later to be found in the same audacity. Moreover, he gave orders to his legions that they should investigate suspects and bring them to him. But indeed, avarice ignores every capital punishment, and the love of enriching oneself is inborn in savage men, and no disaster whatsoever is more comparable to the greed for having.

Immo vero hćc alias et modum habent, et metu subjugantur. Deus autem, qui damnaverat populum, omnem viam salutis ad interitum verterat : denique id quod cum pśna interdixerat Cćsar, occulte in profugos admittebatur. Et si quis transfugisset, circunspectantes ante, ne quis Romanorum videret, eos scindebant, et ex visceribus qućstum nefarium trahebant. In paucis autem reperiebatur, et plerosque sola spes consumebat. Hic quidem casus multos transfugarum reduxit.

Indeed, in other cases these things have their bounds and are suppressed by fear. But God, who had condemned the people, had turned every path of safety toward their destruction and, in the end, what Cćsar had forbidden under penalty was committed secretly against the refugess. And, if someone had fled across, looking around to make sure none of the Romans was looking, they sliced them apart and drew their heinous gain out of their entrails. However, it was found in few of them, and the hope alone destroyed most. This occurrence drove back many of the refugees.

— Caput F-16 —
De sacrilegio circa templum et relatis ex urbe cadaveribus et fame.

Joannes autem, ubi rapinć ex populo defuere, ad sacrilegium sese convertit : multaque donaria templi retinens, multaque vasa divinć rei ministerio necessaria, crateras, et lances, et mensas, ne urceolis quidem abstinuit, quos Augustus ejusque uxor miserat.

But John, when plunder of the people was exhausted, turned to sacrilege and, taking many Temple gifts and many vessels necessary for the performance of religious rites, basins and dishes and tables, he did not even abstain from the wine jars that Augustus and his wife had sent.

Romanorum quidem imperatores honoraverunt semper templum atque ornaverunt : tunc autem Judćus etiam alienigenarum dona distrahebat. Ad socios autem dicebat, sine metu divinis abuti debere, qui pro Deo, qui pro templo militarent, et ex ipso ali.

For the emperors of the Romans had always honored and adorned the Temple; but now a Jew took away even the gifts of foreigners. Moreover, he said to his comrades that they should fearlessly abuse the religious articles — they who were fighting for God, for his Temple, and they should be sustained by it.

Proptereaque sacrum vinum, et oleum, quod sacerdotes sacrificiis reservabant, tutum erat effudisse. Namque in templo et multitudini distribuit, et illi sine horrore ungebantur et potabant. Non equidem recusabo dicere, quć dolor jubet.

Therefore it was safe to have poured out the sacred wine and the oil that the priests kept for sacrifices. For he distributed it in the Temple and to the crowd, and they oiled themselves and drank it without fear. Indeed, I will not refuse to say what my pain commands.

Puto si Romani contra noxios venire tardassent, aut hiatu terrć devorandam fuisse civitatem, aut diluvio perituram, aut fulminum ac Sodomić incendia passuram. Multo enim magis impiam progeniem tulit, quam quć illa pertulerat. Denique cum eorum pertinacia desperata totus populus interiit.

I think that, if the Romans had delayed coming against the guilty, the City would have had to be swallowed up by an engulfment by the earth, or would have perished by a deluge, or suffered the fire of lightning like that of Sodom. For it brought forth a generation much more impious than the one that suffered those things. In the end, the entire people perished with their desperate pertinacity.

Et quid opus est singulatim narrare clades ? Mannćus Lazari filius, transgressus ad Titum, per unam portum quć sibi credita fuerat centum et quindecim milia et octingenta dixit elata cadavera, ex quo die castra prope civitatem posita sunt, ex die quartadecima mensis Aprilis, usque ad calendas Julii.

And what need is there to recount the tragedies individually? Mannćus, son of Lazarus, going over to Titus, said that, through the one gate which had been entrusted to him, a hundred and fifteen thousand and eight hundred cadavers had been carried out from the day the camp was pitched before the City — from the fourteenth day of the month of April {(actually, A.D. 70 May 1)} — to the calends of July {(actually, A.D. 70 July 20)}.

Hćc autem immensa est multitudo : nec tamen ipse fuit appositus portć ; sed publicam mercedem dividens, mortuos ex necessitate numerabat. Ceteros enim propinqui sepeliebant. Sepultura autem fuit, elatos ex oppido projicere.

Now this is an enormous multitude; nevertheless he was not himself assigned to the gate but, distributing the public moneys, of necessity he counted the dead. For their relatives buried the others. Burial, however, consisted of bringing the dead forth and throwing them out of the City.

Post hunc autem nobiles profugi, omnia mortuorum egenorum sexcenta milia portis ejecta nuntiabant : aliorum vero numerum minime posse comprehendi : quum autem pauperibus efferendis non sufficerent, congesta in maximis ćdibus cadavera esse inclusa : et frumenti quidem modium veniisse talento.

But after him, refugee nobles reported that all of the pauper dead thrown out of the gates were six hundred thousand; but the number of the others could by no means be ascertained. Moreover, since they did not have the resources for carrying the poor out to burial, the corpses were packed into very large buildings; and a half bushel of wheat was being sold for a talent {(perhaps ≈ $3,000)}.

Post autem ubi muro circundata civitate, ne herbas quidem legere jam liceret, ad hoc necessitatis quosdam fuisse compulsos, ut cloacas rimarentur, boumque veterum fimum alimentum haberent, stercusque collectum, quod ne visui quidem tolerabile fuerat, cibus erat. Hćc Romani quidem audientes miserati sunt : seditiosos autem ne videntes quidem pćnitebat, sed patiebantur usque ad ea progredi. Fatum enim eos reddiderat cćcos, quod jam et ipsis imminebat et civitati.

But after the City had been surrounded with a wall, it was no longer possible to gather even plants, so that some were forced to the necessity of probing the sewers and had old cow dung as their sustenance; and the gathered offal that had not been tolerable even to look at was their food. Hearing these things, the Romans felt pity, but the insurgents did not regret even seeing this, but allowed things to progress to that point. For fate had rendered them blind to what was now imminent both to them and to the City.

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Deus vult !	— Brennus (Inscriptio electronica: Brennus@brennus.bluedomino.com)
	Dies immutationis recentissimć: die Solis, 2013 Junii 16