| DE BELLO JUDAICO LIBER PRIMUS |
THE JEWISH WAR BOOK ONE |
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| De Bello Judaico Libri VII (interprete, ut vulgo creditum est, Rufino Aquilejensi) ex interpretatione Rufini, à Gelenio emendata. Genevæ : Excudebat Petrus de la Rouière, {ᑕIᑐ Iᑐᑕ XI} |
The Jewish War 7 Books interpreted by (as generally believed) Rufinus Aquilejensis and emended by Gelenius. Geneva Printed by Petrus de la Rouière, 1611. |
| Interprete Rufino Aquilejensi, ad Græcum collati et emendati per Sigismundum Gelenium |
The Latin text is mostly excerpted from a 1611 Greek-Latin edition of Flavius Josephus in which the translation from Greek into Latin was done by Rufinus of Aquileja (A.D. 340/345 – 410), emended by Sigismund Gelenius (1497 – 1554), and printed side-by-side with the original Greek (published Basel 1524, Geneva 1611). |
| A number of other translations — Latin, English, German, French and Spanish — from the original Greek have been helpful in preparing this English translation from the Latin.
The most readable basis for the Latin text here presented may be found in two books by Edvardus Cardwell, S.T.P, published in 1837: Volume 1 and Volume 2. A much older copy (published in 1611) by Sigismund Gelenius, with accompanying Greek text, is a main source for Cardwell’s work. Also quite useful, because freest from textual errors despite its age, is Flavii Josephi Hebræi Scriptoris Antiquissimi de Bello Judaico ac Expugnata per Titum Cæsarem Hierosolyma Libri Septem. Interprete Rufino Aquilejensi. Post complures Authoris editiones, novissime a reliquis ejusdem operibus separatim, ob Historiæ dignitatem, typis dati, Tyrnaviæ (Tirnau [Pressburg], Hungary): Typis Academicis Societatis Jesu, Anno MDCCLV (1755). This and others may now be found as Google scans on the internet. The Greek text here consulted as the basis for Rufinus’s Latin translation is found in Flavius Josephus: De bello Judaico. Der jüdische Krieg. Griechisch und Deutsch, Herausgegeben und mit einer Einleitung sowie mit Anmerkungen versehen von Otto Michel und Otto Bauernfeind. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1959-1962/63/69. Band (Volume) I presents Books 1-3; II,1, Books 4 & 5; II,2, Books 6 & 7; III, Ergänzungen (Supplements) und Register. The notes are also helpful, although must be used judiciously; see the critique by Carl Schneider in Theologische Literaturzeitung: Monatsschrift für das gesamte Gebiet der Theologie und Religionswissenschaft, Siebenundneunzigster Jahrgang, 1972, available as a PDF file at the Universitätsbibliothek Tübingen, pp. 341f. in the PDF, 659f. in the Monatsschrift itself. | |
| Palæstina with locations mentioned by Josephus  |
| Prologus | Prologue |
| 1 | |
| Quoniam bellum quod cum populo Romano gessere Judæi omnium maximum quæ nostra ætas vidit, quæque auditu percepimus, civitates cum civitatibus genteve commisisse cum gentibus, quidam, non quod rebus interfuerint, sed vana et incongrua narrantium sermones auribus colligentes, oratorum more perscribunt, qui vero præsto fuerunt, aut Romanorum obsequio aut odio Judæorum contra fidem rerum falsa confirmant, scriptis autem eorum partim accusatio, partim laudatio continetur, nusquam vero exacta fides repetitur historiæ — idcirco statui quæ retro barbaris antea misi, patria lingua digesta, Græce nunc his qui Romano Imperio reguntur exponere, ego Josephus, Matathiæ filius, Hebræus genere, sacerdos ex Hierosolymis, qui et initio cum Romanis conflixi, posteaque gestis, quia necessitas exegit, interfui. | Because on the one hand, some people, not because they were present at the events, but rather, gathering by ear the blather of those expounding imaginary doings and inconsistencies, are writing at length in rhetorical style about the war which the Jews waged with the Roman people — the greatest of all the ones that our age has witnessed and that, through hearing, we have learned about, that cities have waged against cities or peoples against peoples —, while on the other hand those who were indeed present, either out of obsequiousness toward the Romans or hatred toward the Jews, assert falsehoods contrary to faithfulness to the facts, with in part accusations, in part praises being contained in their writings, but nowhere any accurate faithfulness to history being found — because of this I have decided now to publish in Greek for those who are ruled by the Roman Empire what, set forth in my ancestral language, I earlier sent to the non-Greek speakers back there — I, Josephus, son of Matthew, of Hebrew stock, a priest from Jerusalem, who originally fought against the Romans and afterward, because fate forced me, was present at the events. |
| 2 | |
| Nam quum hoc, ut dixi, bellum gravissimum exortum est, Romanorum quidem populum domesticus motus habebat. Judæorum autem, qui ætate validi et ingenio turbulenti erant, manu simul ac pecunia vigentes adeo temporibus insolenter abusi sunt ut, pro tumultus magnitudine, hos possidendarum spes, illos amittendarum partium Orientis metus invaderet. | For when this — as I said — most severe war began, internal disturbances were vexing the Roman people. But those of the Jews who were strong in age and of turbulent disposition, thriving both in forces and money, arrogantly abused the times to such an extent that, on account of the size of their insurrection, the hope of seizing parts of the Orient overcame the ones, the fear of losing them, the others. |
| Quoniam Judæi quidem cunctos etiam qui trans Euphratem essent gentiles suos secum rebellaturos esse crediderant. Romanos autem et finitimi Galli irritabant, nec Germani quiescebant : dissensionumque plena erant omnia post Neronem, et multi quidem temporum occasione Imperium affectabant ; lucri autem cupidine exercitus rerum novandarum cupidi erant. | For the Jews had believed that all of their kinsmen who were across the Euphrates would also rebel with them. Moreover the neighboring Gauls were harassing the Romans, and the Germans were not quiet either; and everything was full of turmoil after Nero {(committed suicide, A.D. 68 June 9)}, and many, given the opportunity of the times, were striving for supreme Imperial power; moreover the armies, in their desire for gain, were eager for revolution. |
| Itaque indignum esse duxi, errantem in tantis rebus dissimulari veritatem ; et Parthos quidem, ac Babylonios, Arabumque remotissimos et ultra Euphratem gentis nostræ incolas, itemque Adiabenos, mea diligentia vere cognoscere unde cœpisset bellum, quantisque cladibus constituisset, quove modo desiisset — Græcos vero et Romanorum aliqui qui militiam secuti non essent, figmentis sive adulationibus captos, ista nescire. | So I thought it inappropriate for the truth, going astray in such important matters, to be distorted, and for the Parthians and Babylonians and most distant of the Arabs and those of our people living beyond the Euphrates, as well as the Adiabenes, to know, through my careful work, where the war had started from, and with what disasters it was involved, and how it had ended —, but for the Greeks and some of the Romans who did not accompany the campaigns, being taken in by fictions or flatteries, not to know those things. |
| 3 | |
| Atqui « historias » audent eas inscribere qui, præter hoc (ut mihi quidem videtur) quod nihil sani referunt, etiam de proposito decidunt. Nam dum Romanos volunt magnos ostendere, Judæorum res extenuant et in humilitatem dejiciunt. Non autem intellego, quonam pacto magni esse videantur qui parva superaverint. | Moreover, those who have the effrontery to entitle their stuff “histories” — besides the fact that (as indeed it seems to me) they recount nothing intelligent —, even miss their objective. For while they want to show the Romans as great, they minimize and degrade to insignificance the actions of the Jews. I, however, do not understand how those who have overcome small things can appear to be great. |
| Et neque longi temporis eos pudet quo bellum tractum est, neque multitudinis Romanorum quam in ea militia labor exercuit, neque ducum magnitudinis, quorum profecto gloria minuitur si, quum multum pro Hierosolymis desudaverint, rebus per eos prospere gestis aliquid derogetur. | And they show no reverence, either for the long time during which the war was drawn out, or for the multitude of Romans that the work in that campaign entailed, or for the greatness of the generals whose glory is certainly diminished if, since they had endured a great deal before Jerusalem, something is taken away from the deeds successfully accomplished through them. |
| 4 | |
| Nec tamen ego, contentione Romanas res extollentium, gentiles meos amplificare decrevi, sed facta quidem utrorumque sine ullo mendacio prosequar ; dicta vero de factis reponam, dolori atque affectioni meæ in deflendis patriæ cladibus indulgens. Nam quod domesticis dissensionibus est eversa, et in Templum sacrosanctum invitas Romanorum manus atque ignem Judæorum tyranni traxere, testis est qui eam vastavit : ipse Cæsar Titus, per omne bellum miseratus quidem populum quod a seditiosis custodiretur, sæpe autem consulto differri passus civitatis excidium, protracto obsidionis spatio, dummodo belli pæniteret auctores. | Nevertheless, I have decided not, in competition with those extolling the Roman side, to amplify my kinsmen; rather, I will describe in detail the actions of both sides without any mendaciousness. I will instead just present statements of the events — allowing for my emotions in mourning the catastrophes of my fatherland. For witness to the fact that it was destroyed by internal conflicts, and that the dictators of the Jews dragged the Romans’ reluctant hands and fire onto the sacrosanct Temple is the one who laid it waste: Cæsar Titus himself, throughout the entire war indeed feeling sorry for the populace that was imprisoned by the rebels — often even deliberately allowing the annihilation of the City to be held up, drawing out the length of the siege only so that the perpetrators might repent of their war. |
| Quod si quis me adversus tyrannos eorumque latrocinium accusatorie loqui putet, vel patriæ miseriis ingementem calumniari præter legem historiæ, dolori veniam tribuat. Ex omnibus enim quæ Romano Imperio parent, solam nostram civitatem contigit ad summum felicitatis fastigium evadere, eandemque in extremum miseriæ dejici. | But if anyone should think that I am speaking accusatorily against the dictators and their outrages, or that, in lamenting the misfortunes of my fatherland, I am making misrepresentations contrary to the precepts of history-writing, let him make allowances for my grief. For of all those that submit to the Roman Empire, it happened that our City alone reached the summit of prosperity and was also plunged into the nadir of wretchedness. |
| Denique, omnium post condita sæcula res adversas, si cum Judæorum calamitatibus conferantur, superatum iri non ambigo. Et horum auctor nullus externus est — unde nec fieri potest, ut a questibus temperetur. Siquis autem durior misericordiæ sit judex, res quidem tribuat historiæ, lamenta vero scriptori, | Ultimately, I have no doubts that the misfortunes of all peoples since the beginning of time, were they to be compared with the calamities of the Jews, would be surpassed by them. And there is no external agent responsible for these things — hence it is impossible for my laments to be limited. But if anyone would be a harsher critic of pathos, let him attribute the facts to this history, but the laments to its author. |
| 5 | |
| Quanquam merito Græcorum disertos increpaverim qui, tantis rebus sua memoria gestis quarum comparatione præterita olim bella exigua redduntur, judices resĭdent, aliorum facundiæ detrahentes, quorum, et si doctrinam superant, proposito vincuntur. | And yet I may justly criticize the scholars of the Greeks who, with such great events having taken place within their own memory — events in comparison with which past wars of yore are rendered insignificant —, sit as judges, criticizing the eloquence of others by whose substantive approach, even if they surpass them in education, they are vanquished. |
| Ipsi vero Assyriorum et Medorum gesta perscribunt, veluti minus recte a scriptoribus antiquis fuerint exposita, quum in scribendo tantum eorum viribus cedant quantum sententiæ. Erat enim unicuique studium quæ vidisset facta conscribere, quoniam et interfuisset rebus gestis ; et efficaciter quod promittebat impleret — mentirique apud scientes inhonestum esse videretur. | Indeed, they themselves write down the deeds of the Assyrians and the Medes as though they had been less correctly recorded by writers of old, when in writing they are as much inferior to their talents as to their ideas. Because for each of them his concentration had been on writing down the deeds which he had seen, because he had also been present at the actual events, and he fulfilled effectively what he promised — and to lie before knowledgeable readers seemed disgraceful. |
| Enimvero nova quidem neque ante cognita memoriæ tradere, suique temporis res commendare posteris, laude ac testimonio dignum est. Industrius autem habetur, non qui alienam dispositionem atque ordinem transfert, sed qui nova dicendo etiam corpus proprium conficit historiæ. | For indeed, to hand on down to memory new facts and those not previously known, and to commend to posterity the events of one’s own time, is worthy of praise and recognition. Moreover, the man of enterprise is not considered one who rearranges the disposition and order of someone else, but who by saying something new also creates his own body of history. |
| Sed ego quidem sumptu ac labore maximo, qui quum sim alienigena, Græcis simul et Romanis gestarum rerum memoriam repono. Ipsis autem indigenis, ad quæstum quidem ac lites, ora patent linguæque solutæ sunt ; ad historiam vero, in qua verum dicendum est, summaque ope negotia colligenda sunt, obmutescunt, concessa infirmioribus neque scientibus licentia scribendi res a principibus gestas. Honoratur itaque apud nos historiæ veritas, quæ a Græcis neglegitur. | On the other hand, indeed at great expense and effort, I, who am, granted, a foreigner, lay before Greeks as well as Romans a record of military accomplishments. Moreover, as regards the native speakers themselves, their mouths are wide open and their tongues are loosed for financial gain and lawsuits; but for history, in which truth must be spoken and facts must be gathered through the utmost exertions, they are mute, yielding to weaker, and not to knowledgeable, men the permission of writing down the things achieved by their leaders. And so history’s truth, which is neglected by the Greeks, is honored among us. |
| 6 | |
| Ab origine quidem Judæos repetere, qui fuerint, quove pacto ab Ægyptiis discesserint, quasque regiones errando peragraverint et quas vel quoties incoluerint et quemadmodum inde migraverint, neque hujus esse temporis, et præterea supervacaneum, existimavi, quoniam multi ante me Judæorum de majoribus hujus gentis verissima composuerunt, et nonnulli Græcorum, quæ illi scripserant patria voce prosecuti, non multum a veritate deviarunt ; ex eo autem historiæ principium sumam, quo scriptores eorum et prophetæ nostri desierunt. | I considered this not the time, and besides superfluous, to go over the Jews from the beginning, who they were, how they left the Egyptians and in wandering, what regions they traversed, and what ones or how many times they inhabited them, and how they emigrated thence, because many of the Jews before me have written most true accounts about the ancestors of this people, and some Greeks, having followed up what they had written in their native tongue, have not deviated much from the truth; rather, I will take up the beginning of their story from the point where the Greek writers and our prophets have left off. |
| Et bellum quidem meis temporibus gestum, latius quaque potuero diligentia referam. Quæ vero ætate mea sunt antiquiora, summatim breviterque percurram: | And I will recount extensively the war waged in my time and with as much diligence as I can. I will, however, briefly run over summarily and briefly the things that are previous to my age: |
| 7 | |
| quomodo Antiochus, cognomento Epiphanes, devicta penitus Hierosolyma, quum triennium sexque menses eam tenuisset, ab Asamonæi filiis expulsus est. Deinde quod eorum posteri de regno dissentientes, ad res suas occupandas populum Romanum Pompejumque traxerunt ; quomodoque Herodes Antipatri filius eorum potentiæ finem fecerit, auxilio Sosii. | how Antiochus, surnamed Epiphanes, having held a thorougly conquered Jerusalem for three years and six months, was driven out by the sons of Hasmonæus. Then that their descendants, fighting over power, drew the Roman people and Pompey in to taking over their own possessions; and how Herod, son of Antipater, put an end to their dynasty with the aid of Sosius. |
| Tum quomodo, Herode mortuo, plebis in eos orta seditio est, Augusto quidem imperante Romanis, Quintilio autem Varo provinciam obtinente. Quodque bellum anno duodecimo imperii Neronis eruperit ; quamque multa per Cestium acciderint ; quantaque ad primos impetus armis Judæi pervaserint ; | Then how, with Herod dead, an insurrection of the people arose against them while Augustus was ruling the Romans, when Quintlius Varus was in command of the province; and how many things took place under Cestius; and what significant things the Jews achieved through arms in the first engagements. |
| 8 | |
| quoque modo accolas permunierint ; et quod Nero, propter acceptas Cestii ductu clades, summæ rei metuens, Vespasianum bello præposuerit ; et quod is cum maximo filiorum Judæam intraverit, quantumque Romanorum exercitum ducens ; quantaque manus auxiliorum per omnem cæsa fuerit Galilæam ; et quod ejus civitatum quasdam vi ceperit, alias deditione. | And how they thoroughly fortified the inhabitants; and that Nero, because of the defeats suffered under the leadership of Cestius, fearing a critical situation, appointed Vespasian as head of the war; and that he, with the oldest of his sons {(i.e., Titus)}, entered Judæa, and how great a Roman army he was leading; and how many units of auxiliaries were felled throughout the whole of Galilee; and that he took some of its cities by storm, others by surrender. |
| Ubi etiam Romanorum in bello disciplinam curamque rerum, et utriusque Galilææ spatia ; et naturam finesque Judææ, necnon et peculiarem terræ qualitatem, lacusque et fontes ; captarumque civitatum mala, cum fide sicut vidi aut pertuli, expediam. Nec etiam miserias meas celaverim, quum scientibus eas relaturus sim. | At which point I will also report, faithfully, as I saw or underwent it, on the discipline of the Romans in warfare, and their organizational management, and the regions of both Galilees {(i.e., Upper and Lower)}, and the nature and boundaries of Judæa, as well as the special character of the land, and the lakes and springs; and the sufferings of the captured cities. Nor will I conceal my own misfortunes either, since I am about to relate them to those who are aware of them. |
| 9 | |
| Deinde, quod jam fessis rebus Judæorum, Nero quidem mortem obierit, Vespasianus autem in Hierosolymam properans, imperii causa retractus sit ; quæque signa de hoc ei contigerint, Romæque mutationes ; et quod, invitus, a militibus Imperator declaratus sit ; et quod eo disponendæ Reipublicæ gratia in Ægyptum digresso, Judæorum status seditionibus agitatus sit ; quoque modo tyrannis succubuerint eorumque inter se discordias moverint. | Next, the fact that, with the Jews’ fortunes having lost momentum, Nero died, while Vespasian, hurrying to Jeruslem, was withdrawn for the sake of imperial command; and what foretokens about it happened to him, and the changes at Rome; and that, against his will, he was declared emperor by his soldiers; and that, having departed to Egypt in order to put the Republic in order, the state of the Jews was churned up with insurrection; and how they succumbed to dictators and stirred up their feuds among them. |
| 10 | |
| Et quod ex Ægypto Titus reversus bis Judæorum fines ingressus sit ; quoque modo exercitum et quo in loco congregaverit ; vel qualiter et quoties Civitatem affecerit ipso præsente seditio. | And that Titus, returning from Egypt, twice made inroads into the territory of the Jews; and how he assembled the army and in what place; or how and how many times the insurrection affected the City when he himself got there. |
| Aggressūs quoque numerosos, et quantos erexerit aggeres ; triumque murorum ambitum et magnitudinem, sive mensuram, et munitionem Civitatis ; et Fani Templique dispositionem ; ad hæc aræ spatium, mensuramque verissime dicam ; festorum quoque dierum mores aliquos, septemque lustrationes, et munia sacerdotum. | Also the numerous assaults, and what large siege ramps he constructed; and I will most accurately give the circumference and size of the walls, or their measurements, and the fortifications of the City; and the plan of the Temple and the Sanctuary; in addition, the space of the altar and its measurements; also some customs of the feastdays, and seven purifications, and the functions of the priests. |
| Itemque pontificis vestes, sanctaque Templi, cujusmodi fuerint, sine aliqua dissimulatione vel adjectione memorabo. | Likewise I will describe the vestments of the pontiff and the Holy Place of the Temple, as it was, without any concealment or addition. |
| 11 | |
| Narrabo deinde tyrannorum in suos gentiles crudelitatem, Romanorumque in alienigenas humanitatem ; quotiesque Titus, Civitatem simul ac Templum servare cupiens, ad concordiæ fœdera dissidentes provocavit. Disseram vero populi vulnera et calamitates : quamque multa mala nunc bello, nunc seditionibus, nunc fame perpessi, postea capti sint. | I shall then recount the cruelty of the overlords towards their own countrymen, and the humanness of the Romans toward aliens; and how often Titus, desiring to spare simultaneously the City and the Temple, appealed to the dissidents for a treaty of concord. I will moreover treat of the wounds of the people and their disasters, and how many evils — now by war, now by insurrection, now through starvation — they suffered, after which they were taken captive. |
| Nec vero aut perfugarum clades aut captivorum supplicia prætermittam ; vel quemadmodum Templum, invito Cæsare, conflagraverit, quamque multæ opes sacræ flamma raptæ sint, ac totius, quæ reliqua erat, Civitatis excidium ; et quæ præcesserant portenta atque prodigia, vel tyrannorum captivitatem, vel qui servitio abducti sunt, multitudinem ; aut cui quisque fortunæ sit distributus ; et quod Romani quidem belli reliquias persecuti sunt, devictorumque munimina funditus eruerunt ; Titus vero, peragrata regione, cuncta restituit. Ejusdemque reditum in Italiam, ac triumphum. | Nor will I bypass the calamities of the deserters or the executions of the captives; or how, contrary to Cæsar’s will, the Temple burned down, and how many sacred valuables were snatched from the flames, and the obliteration of the whole remaining City; and the portents and prodigies that preceded it, or the capture of the overlords or the great number who were led off into slavery; and to what destiny each one was apportioned; and that, further, the Romans followed through with the remains of the war and utterly demolished the fortifications of the vanquished; that Titus, on the other hand, traveling all through the area, restored everything. And his return to Italy and triumphal parade. |
| 12 | |
| Hæc omnia septem libris comprehensa — annixus ne vituperationem a rerum scientibus et qui bello interfuerunt sustineam — studiosis veritatis magis quam voluptatis perscripsi. Narrandi autem initium faciam hoc ordine quo capitula sunt digesta. | I have written all this contained in seven books, more for those interested in truth than in entertainiment, striving so that I should not be subject to censure from those who know the facts and who were present in the war. Moreover I will start the narrative in the sequence in which the table of contents is ordered. |
| Book 1 | |
| Containing the interval of one hundred and sixty-seven years. From the taking of Jerusalem by Antiochus Epiphanes to the death of Herod the Great. |
| ⇑ § I | |
| Qualiter Hierosolyma ab Antiocho Illustri capta erant, Templumque spoliatum : deque Matthiæ et Judæ Maccabæorum rebus gestis, et Judæ morte. | How the City Jerusalem Was Taken, and the Temple Pillaged [by Antiochus Epiphanes]. As also Concerning the Actions of the Maccabees, Matthias and Judas; And Concerning the Death of Judas. |
| 1 | |
| — Caput A-1 — De vastatione Hierosolymæ ab Antiocho. | |
| Quum potentes Judæorum inter se dissiderent eo tempore quo de tota Syria cum Ptolemæo Sexto Antiochus, qui Epiphanes dictus est, ambigebat (erat autem illis contentio de potentia, quod honoratus quisque graviter ferret similibus subjugari), Onias quidam e pontificibus, postquam prævaluit, Tobiæ filios expulit Civitate. Illi autem supplices ad Antiochum confugerunt, petentes ut, ipsis ducibus, in Judæam irrumperet. Idque regi persuasum est, jampridem sic animato. Quare cum magnis militum copiis egressus et Civitatem fortiter expugnatam capit et maximam eorum multitudinem, quibus Ptolemæus carior erat, interfecit. Dataque passim militibus prædandi licentia, ipse et Templum spoliavit et quotidianæ religionis assiduitatem per annos tres sexque menses inhibuit. Pontifex autem Onias effugit ad Ptolemæum, acceptoque ab eo in Heliopolitana præfectura solo, ibi oppidum condidit Hierosolymis simile, templumque ædificavit, de quibus iterum opportune referemus. | At the time when Antiochus Epiphanes was disputing the control of Palestine with Ptolemy VI, dissension broke out among the leading Jews, who competed for supremacy because no prominent person could bear to be subject to his equals. Onias, one of the chief priests, forced his way to the top and expelled the sons of Tobias from the City. They fled to Antiochus and implored him to use them as guides and invade Judæa. This was just what the king wanted; so setting out in person with a very large force he stormed the City, killed a large number of Ptolemy’s adherents, gave his men permission to loot as they liked, took the lead in plundering the Sanctuary, and stopped the continuous succession of daily sacrifices for three and a half years. The pontiff Onias fled to Ptolemy, from whom he obtained a site in the district of Heliopolis. There he built a little town on the lines of Jerusalem and a Sanctuary like the one he had left. All this will be referred to again in due course. |
| 2 | |
| Verumtamen Antiocho neque præter spem devicta Civitas, neque populatio, neque tantæ cædes satis fuere, sed intemperantia vitiorum eorumque memoria quæ in obsidione pertulerat, Judæos cogere cœpit ut, abrogato more patrio, nec infantes suos circumciderent porcosque super aram immolarent. Quibus omnes quidem adversabantur, optimus vero quisque propterea trucidabatur. Et Bacchides, præsidiis ab Antiocho præpositus, ad naturalem crudelitatem suam præceptis impiis obsecundans, omnimodam iniquitatem excessit, quum et singulatim viros honorabiles verberaret, et communiter quotidie speciem captæ urbis exhiberet, donec eos atrocitate incommodorum, qui ea patiebantur ad vindictæ audaciam irritavit. | Antiochus was far from satisfied with his unexpected capture of the City, the loot, and the long death-roll. Unable to control his passions and remembering what the siege had cost him, he tried to force the Jews to break their ancient Law by leaving their babies uncircumcised and sacrificing swine on the altar. Meeting with a blank refusal he executed the leading recusants; and Bacchides, who was sent by him to command the garrison, finding in these monstrous instructions scope for his savage instincts, plunged recklessly into every form of iniquity, torturing the most worthy citizens one by one, and publicly displaying day after day the appearance of a captured city, till by the enormity of his crimes he drove his victims to attempt reprisals. |
| 3 | |
| Denique Matthatias, Asamonæi filius, unus ex sacerdotibus, ex vico cui nomen Modin est, cum manu domestica (nam quinque filios habebat) sicis armatus Bacchidem occidit ; et statim quidem præsidiorum multitudinem veritus, in montes refugit. Multis vero ex populo sibis sociatis, recepta fiducia descendit, commissoque prœlio, superatos duces Antiochi ex Judææ finibus exegit. Secundis autem rebus potentiam nactus, suisque volentibus — quod ab alienigenis eos liberasset — imperans, moritur, relicto Judæ principatu, qui filiorum suorum natu maximus erat. | Matthias, son of Asamonæus, a priest from the village of Modein, raised a tiny force consisting of his five sons and himself, and killed Bacchides with cleavers. Fearing the strength of the garrison he fled to the hills for the time being, but when many of the common people joined him he regained confidence, came down again, gave battle, defeated Antiochus’ generals and chased them out of Judæa. By that success be achieved supremacy, and in gratitude for his expulsion of the foreigners his countrymen gladly accepted his rule, which on his decease he left to Judas, the eldest of his sons. |
| 4 | |
| Ille autem (nec enim cessaturum existimabat Antiochum) et indigenarum conflavit exercitum, et cum Romanis primus amicitiam pepigit, Antiochumque Epiphanem iterum in fines suos ingredientem vehementissima percussum plāga repressit. Adhuc autem fervente victoria, in præsidia Civitatis impetum fecit (necdum enim cæsa fuerant), habitoque conflictu, milites de superiori Civitate, quæ pars sacra dicitur, ad inferiorem compellit. Fano autem potitus, et locum purgavit omnem, muroque cinxit et vasa nova divinis rebus curandis fabricata in templum intulit — veluti prioribus profanatis — aramque aliam ædificavit, et religionibus dedit initium. Sacri autem ritu vix Civitati reddito, moritur Antiochus. Regni autem ejus, et in Judæos odii, filius Antiochus heres exsistit. | As Judas did not expect Antiochus to take this lying down, he not only marshalled the available Jewish forces but took the bold step of allying himself with Rome. When Epiphanes again invaded the country he counter-attacked vigorously and drove him back; then striking while the iron was hot, he hurled himself against the garrison of the City, which had not yet been dislodged, threw the troops out of the Upper City, which is called the holy part, and shut them into the Lower. Then taking possession of the Temple he cleansed the whole area and walled it round, ordered a new set of ceremonial vessels to be fashioned and brought into the Sanctuary as the old ones were defiled, built another altar, and resumed the sacrifices. No sooner was Jerusalem once more the Holy City than Antiochus died, leaving as heir – both to his throne and to his hatred of the Jews – his son Antiochus. |
| 5 | |
| Quare, coactis peditum milibus L•, equitum autem prope V• milibus, LXXX• vero elephantis, montana Judææ per partes aggreditur, et Bethsuram quidem oppidum capit in loco vero cui Bethzachariæ nomen est, qua transitus erat angustior, Judas cum suis copiis occurrit. Et priusquam congrederentur agmina, Eleazarus frater ejus, prospecto præter alios excelso elephante, turrique maxima et munimentis aurei ornato, illic Antiochum esse ratus a suis procul excurrit, ruptaque hostili acie ad elephantum usque pervenit. Sed illum quidem quem regem esse opinabatur contingere, quod multum superemineret, minime potuit, beluam vero in alvo percussam super se dejecit, et obtritus interiit, nulla alia re gesta nisi quod magnum opus aggressus, vitam gloriæ posthabuit. Qui tamen regebat elephatum privatus erat. Et si casu in eo fuisset Antiochus, nihil plus Eleazaro præstitisset audacia quam ut sola spe præclari facinoris mortem videretur optasse. Hoc autem fratri ejus totius prœlii præsagium fuit. Nam fortiter quidem Judæi diuque decertarunt, sed a regiis secunda fortuna usis, numeroque præstantibus superati sunt, multisque interfectis Judas cum ceteris in Gophniticam toparchiam refugit. Antiochus autem ad Hierosolymam profectus, ibique dies paucos commoratus, penuria utensilium abstitit, relicto quidem ibi præsidio, quantum satis esse arbitrabatur, cetera vero multitudine ad hiemandum deducta in Syriam. | The new king got together 50,000 foot, about 500 horse, and 80 elephants, and marched through Judæa into the hill country. Beth-saron, a small town, fell into his hands, but at a place called Beth-zachariah, where the road narrows, he was met by Judas and his army. Before the main bodies engaged, Eleazar, Judas’ brother, noticed the tallest of the elephants fitted with a large howdah and gilded battlements, and assuming that Antiochus was on its back, ran out a long way ahead of his own lines, and hacking a way through the enemy’s close array got near to the elephant. To reach the supposed king was impossible because of his height from the ground, so he struck the beast’s under-belly, bringing it down on himself so that he was crushed to death. He had done no more than make a heroic attempt, putting glory before life itself. The rider of the elephant was in fact a commoner; even if he had happened to be Antiochus, Eleazar would have achieved nothing by his daring but the reputation of having gone to certain death in the mere hope of a brilliant success. To his brother the tragedy was a presage of the final issue. Determined and prolonged as was the Jews’ resistance, superior numbers and fortune’s favour gave the king’s soldiers the victory; with most of his own men dead, Judas fled with the remnant to the prefecture of Gophna. Antiochus went on to Jerusalem, where he remained only a few days, till lack of supplies compelled him to withdraw, leaving a garrison that he thought adequate, and taking the rest of his forces to winter quarters in Syria. |
| 6 | |
| Discessu autem regis, Judas non quiescebat, sed accessione multorum suæ gentis animatus, aggregatis etiam quos ex prœlio receperat, apud vicum Adasa cum Antiochi ducibus congreditur, factisque fortibus in prœlio cognitus, multis hostibus interfectis occubuit. Et in diebus paucis frater ejus Johannes occiditur, insidiis eorum captus qui cum Antiocho sentiebant. | After the king’s retreat Judas did not let the grass grow under his feet. Energized by the large numbers of Jews flocking to his standard and having also rallied the survivors of the battle, he challenged Antiochus’ generals near the village of Acedasa. In the battle that followed he fought magnificently and inflicted heavy casualties on the enemy, but lost his own life. Only a few days later his brother John fell victim to a plot of the pro-Syrian party. |
| ⇑ § II | |
| De Judæ successoribus, Jonatha, Simone, et Joanne Hyrcano. | Concerning the successors of Judas, who were Jonathan and Simon, and John Hyrcanus. |
| — Caput A-2 — De successionibus principum a Jonatha usque ad Aristobulum. | |
| 1 | |
| Quum autem successisset ei frater Jonathas, et in aliis quæ ad indigenas pertinerent, cautius se ageret suamque potentiam Romanorum amicitia corroboraret, Antiochi quidem filio reconciliatur. Non tamen horum ei quicquam profuit ad depellendum periculum. Namque Tryphon tyrannus, Antiochi quidem filii tutor sed insidiis eum captans et præter hoc amicis nudare cupiens, Jonathan, quum ad Antiochum paucis comitatus Ptolemaida venisset, dolo comprehendit. Eoque vincto contra Judæam movit exercitum. Unde repulsus a Simone, Jonathæ fratre, quodque ab eo superatus esset, iratus eundem Jonathan interfecit. | Judas was succeeded by another brother, Jonathan, who did everything possible to strengthen his authority in his own country, securing his position by his friendship with Rome and by making a truce with Antiochus’ son. Unfortunately none of these precautions could guarantee him security. Trypho, guardian of the young Antiochus and virtually regent, had long been plotting against the boy and endeavouring to eliminate his friends; and when Jonathan came with a very small escort to Ptolemais to see Antiochus, he treacherously seized and imprisoned him, and launched a campaign against the Jews. Then repulsed by Simon, Jonathan’s brother, he avenged his defeat by murdering Jonathan. |
| 2 | |
| Simon autem, fortiter regendis rebus intentus, Zara quidem et Joppen et Jamniam capit. Evertit autem et Accaron, subactis præsidiis, adversusque Tryphonem Antiocho auxilium præbuit, qui Doram ante expeditionem quam in Medos fecit obsidebat. Sed regis aviditatem satiare non potuit, quamvis neci Tryphonis suam quoque operam adhibuisset. Non multo enim post, Antiochus Cendebeum ex ducibus suis ad vastandam Judæam opprimendumque servitio Simonem cum exercitu misit. Ille autem, quamquam senior erat, bellum tamen juveniliter administrabat, et filios quidem suos cum validissimis præmisit, parte vero multitudinis comitatus alio latere aggreditur, multisque per multa loca insidiis etiam in montana dispositis, in omnibus superat. Clarissimaque potitus victoria, pontifex declaratur, et ducentos septuaginta post annos Judæos liberat a dominatione Macedonum. | Simon’s conduct of affairs was most efficient. He reduced Gazara, Joppa, and Jamnia in the neighborhood of Jerusalem, and demolished the Citadel after overwhelming the garrison. Later he allied himself with Antiochus against Trypho, whom Antiochus was besieging in Dora before marching against the Parthians. But he did not cause the king to modify his ambitions by helping him to destroy Trypho: it was not long before Antiochus sent an army under his general Cendebæus to ravage Judæa and reduce Simon to subjection. Simon in spite of his years showed a young man’s vigor in his conduct of the campaign; he sent his sons ahead with his strongest men, while he himself at the head of a section of his army took the offensive in another direction. He also placed large numbers of men in ambush all over the hill country and was successful in every onset; so brilliant was his victory that he was appointed pontiff, and after 170 {(Latin text: 270)} years of Macedonian control gave the Jews their freedom. |
| 3 | |
| Sed et ipse periit in convivio, captus insidiis Ptolemæi, generi sui qui, ejus conjuge duobusque filiis in custodiam conclusis, certos misit ut Johannem tertium, cui etiam Hyrcanus nomen fuit, interficerent. Cognito autem impetu qui parabatur, adolescens ad Civitatem properabat, multo populo fretus, et propter memoriam paternæ virtutis et quod iniquitas Ptolemæi cunctis esset invisa. Voluit autem Ptolemæus etam alia porta ingredi civitatem, sed a populo rejectus est, qui maturius Hyrcanum susceperat. Et is quidem statim recessit in quoddam ultra Hierichunta castellum, quod Dagon vocatur. Hyrcanus autem, paternum honorem pontificis assecutus, postquam Deo sacrificia reddidit, velociter Ptolemæum petit, et matri simul et fratribus adjumento futurus, | He too was the victim of a plot: he was assassinated at a banquet by Ptolemy, his son-in-law, who after locking up Simon’s wife and two of his sons sent a party to murder the third son, John Hyrcanus. Warned of their approach the youngster made a dash for the City, having great confidence in the people, who remembered what his father had achieved and were disgusted with Ptolemy’s iniquitous conduct. Ptolemy hurled himself against another gate but was thrown back by the citizens, who had already welcomed Hyrcanus with open arms. Ptolemy at once retired to one of the forts above Jericho, called Dagon; Hyrcanus, invested with the pontificate like his father before him, offered sacrifice to God and then hurried after Ptolemy to rescue his mother and brothers. |
| 4 | |
| castellumque aggressus, aliis quidem rebus superior erat, justo autem dolori cedebat. Ptolemæus enim, quoties premeretur, matrem ejus fratresque in murum productos, palam ut possent conspici, verberabat, eosdemque præcipitandos, nisi quam primum recederet, minabatur. Unde Hyrcanum quidem plus timor ac misericordia quam iracundia commovebat. Mater vero ejus, nihil plāgis aut intentata nece perterrita, manus protendens, filium precabatur ne vel suis fractus injuriis, parceret impio, siquidem ipsa sibi mortem a Ptolemæo propositam immortalitate duceret meliorem, dummodo ille pœnas eorum quæ in domum suam contra fas admisisset expenderet. Johannes autem nunc obstinationem matris cogitans, ac preces ejus audiens, ad irruendum impellebatur, modo verberari eam lacerarique conspiciens, effeminabatur, totusque plenus doloris erat. Ob hæc autem diu tracta obsidione, feriatus annus advenit, quem septimo quoque circuitu redeuntem, apud Judæos cessare moris est, exemplo septimorum dierum. Et in hoc Ptolemæus obsidionis requiem nactus, fratribus Johannis una cum matre occisis, ad Zenonem confugit, qui Cotylas cognominatus est, Philadelphiæ tyrannum. | His attack on the fort started promisingly enough, but was held up by his natural feelings. Every time Ptolemy was in a diffculty, he brought out John’s mother and brothers on to the ramparts where they could be seen by all, and began to torture them, threatening to throw them headlong unless John broke off the siege forthwith. This atrocity filled Hyrcanus with anger, and still more with pity and fear; but neither torture nor the threat of death could make his mother flinch – she stretched out her arms and implored her son on no account to let her cruel sufferings induce him to spare the vile creature; better death at Ptolemy’s hands than life without end, so long as he paid for his wrongs to their house. Whenever John, thrilled by his mother’s fortitude, listened to her entreaties, he launched a fresh attack; but when he saw her flesh torn with the lash, his resolution weakened and his feelings overcame him. This dragged out the siege till the Year of Rest came round, for like the seventh day, the seventh year is observed by the Jews as a time of rest. This freed Ptolemy from the siege, and after putting John’s mother and brothers to death he fled to Zeno Cotylas, the autocrat of Philadelphia. |
| 5 | |
| Antiochus autem, ob ea quæ per Simonem passus fuerat iratus, in Judæam ducit exercitum, ibique assidens Hierosolymis, Hyrcanum obsidebat. Ille autem, patefacto sepulchro David qui regum ditissimus fuerat, ablatisque inde pecuniæ plus quam tribus milibus talentorum, et Antiocho persuasit, datis ei trecentis talentis, ab obsidione discedere, primusque Judæorum privatis opibus alere peregrina cœpit auxilia. | Antiochus, eager to avenge his defeat at Simon’s hands, marched into Judæa and pitching his camp before Jerusalem besieged Hyrcanus. Hyrcanus opened the tomb of David, the wealthiest of kings, and removed more than 3,000 talents. With a tenth of this sum he bribed Antiochus to raise the siege. With the balance he did what no Jew had ever done before; he began to maintain a body of foreign mercennaries. |
| 6 | |
| Rursusque tamen, quando Antiochus, contra Medos bello suscepto, tempus ei vindictæ præbuit, confestim adversus civitates Syriæ perrexit, vacuas propugnatoribus esse ratus — quod et verum fuit. Medabam quidem et Samæam cum proximis, necnon et Šichimam, et Garizim ipse cepit, et super his Chuthæorum gentem, adjacentia Fano loca incolentium ad exemplum ejus quod est Hierosolymis ædificato. Cepit autem et Idumææ non paucas alias civitates, et præterea Doreon et Marisa. | When later Antiochus marched against the Parthians, giving him a chance to retaliate, Hyrcanus at once launched a campaign against the towns of Northern Palestine, correctly assuming that he would find no first-class troops in them. Medabe and Gamæa with the towns nearby submitted, as did Shechem and Gerizim. He was successful also against the Cuthæans, the people living round the copy of the Temple at Jerusalem. In Idumæa a number of towns submitted, including Adoreos and Marisa. |
| 7 | |
| In Samariam vero usque progressus ubi nunc est Sebaste, civitas ab Herode rege condita, ex omni eam parte concludit, filiosque suos Aristobulum et Antigonum obsidioni præfecit. Quibus nihil remittentibus, ad hoc famis penuria qui erant intra civitatem venerunt, ut etiam insuetam carnem cogerentur attingere. Igitur Antiochum adjutorem sibi advocant, Aspendium cognominatum. Qui, quum prompta eis voluntate patuisset, ab Aristobulo et Antigono superatur. Et ille quidem ad Scythopolim usque persequentibus eum, memoratis fratribus effugit. Hi vero, in Samariam reversi, et multitudinem iterum intra murum concludunt, et expugnata civitate ipsam diruunt, et habitatores ejus captos abducunt. Prospere autem gestis ita cedentibus, alacritatem refrigescere non sinebant, sed cum exercitu Scythopolim usque progressi, et ipsam pervaserunt, et agros intra Carmelum omnes inter se partiti sunt. | Advancing to Samaria, where now stands Sebaste, the city built by King Herod, he constructed a wall completely around it and entrusted the siege to his sons Aristobulus and Antigonus. They pressed it relentlessly, bringing the inhabitants so near to starvation that they resorted to the most unwonted food. They appealed for aid to Antiochus the Aspendian. He readily agreed, but was defeated by Aristobulus and his men. Chased by the brothers all the way to Scythopolis he managed to escape; they, returning to Samaria, again shut the people inside the walls, then took the city, demolished it, and enslaved the inhabitants. As success followed success they lost none of their ardor, but marching their forces as far as Scythopolis overran that region and ravaged all the country inland from Mount Carmel. |
| 8 | |
| — Caput A-3 — De Aristobulo, Antigono, Juda Essæo, Alexandro, Theodoro et Demetrio. | |
| Secundarum autem rerum Johannis et filiorum ejus invidia seditionem gentilium concitavit, multique adversus eos collecti non quiescebant, donec aperto bello devicti sunt. Reliquum vero tempus Johannes quum fortunatissime viveret, et optime rebus per annos XXX• et tres administratis, et quinque filiis relictis, moritur, vir plane beatissimus et qui nullam dedisset occasionem cur ejus causa de fortuna quispiam quereretur. Denique tria vel maxime præcipua solus habebat : nam et gentis princeps et pontifex erat, et præterea propheta cum quo Deus ita colloquebatur ut futurorum nihil penitus ignoraret. Quinetiam de duobus majoribus filiis suis, quod rerum domini permansuri non essent, prævidit atque prædixit. Quorum vitæ quis fuerit exitus, narrare non indignum videtur, quantumque a paterna felicitate deverterint. | Jealousy of the continued success of John and his sons aroused the bitter hostility of their fellow countrymen, who gathered in large numbers and engaged in active opposition, which at last flared up in open war and ended in defeat. For the rest of his natural life John enjoyed prosperity, and after no less than thirty-one {(Latin: 33)} years of admirable administration he died leaving five sons, blessed if ever a man was and with no cause to blame fortune as far as he was concerned. He alone enjoyed the three greatest privileges at once — political power, the pontificate, and the prophetic gift. So constant was his divine inspiration that no future event was hidden from him; for instance, he foresaw and foretold that his two eldest sons would not retain control of the state. Their overthrow is a story worth telling, so far did they fall below their predecessor’s prosperity. |
| ⇑ § III | |
| Quomodo Aristobulus, qui primus diadema sumpsit, matre fratreque sublatis, moritur, quum non plus quam anno regnasset. | How Aristobulus was the first that put a diadem about his head; And after he had put his mother and brother to death, died himself, when he had reigned no more than a year. |
| 1 | |
| Patre namque mortuo, major Aristobulus, translato in regnum principatu, diadema sibi primus imposuit, quadringentis et octoginta uno annis ac tribus mensibus postquam populus in eam terram devenit, servitio quod apud Babylonios sustinuit liberatus. Fratrem vero a se secundum, Antigonum (namque illum diligere videbatur), in honore pari producebat ; alios autem vinctos custodiæ tradidit. Matremque itidem colligavit, ausam aliquid de potestate contendere. Namque hanc rerum dominam Johannes reliquerat. Eoque crudelitatis processit, ut vinctam fame necaret. | When their father died, the eldest of them, Aristobulus, turned the constitution into a monarchy, and was the first to wear a crown, 471 {(text: 481)} years and three months after the return of the nation to their own land, set free from slavery in Babylon. To the next brother, Antigonus, of whom he seemed very fond, he assigned equal honors; the rest he imprisoned in fetters. In fetters too he placed his mother, who contested his claim to supremacy, as John had left her in supreme charge, going so far in brutality as to let her die of starvation in the dungeon. |
| 2 | |
| Horum autem facinorum pœnas Antigoni fratris morte persolvit, quem plurimum amabat, quemque regni participem habebat. Nam et hunc interemit, adductus criminationibus per malevolos regni compositis. Itaque primo quidem Aristobulus dictis fidem non habebat, qui et fratrem magnipenderet, et pleraque livore fingi arbitraretur. Sed quum Antigonus ex militia clarus redisset, festis diebus quos, tabernaculis positis, Deo celebrare mos patrius exigebat, evenit eodem tempore ut adversa valetudo Aristobulum corriperet. Antigonus vero circa festorum sollemniorum finem armatis comitatus Templum ad orandum quammaxime petivit, plusque in honorem fratris ascendit ornatus. Tumque delatores nequissimi regem adeuntes, et armorum pompam, et Antigoni arrogantiam privata fortuna majorem esse criminabantur, quodque maxima caterva stipatus ut illum interficeret eo venisset, nec enim perpeti honorem solum ex regno habere, cui regnum ipsum liceat obtinere. | Vengeance overtook him in the loss of his brother Antigonus, of whom he was so fond that he had made him sharer of his royal authority. He killed even him as the result of slanders invented by unscrupulous courtiers. At first their tales were disbelieved by Aristobulus, who, as we have said, was very fond of his brother and put down most of their lies to jealousy. But when Antigonus returned with full ceremony from a campaign to attend the feast at which it is an old custom to put up tabernacles to God, it happened that Aristobulus was ill at the time. At the end of the feast Antigonus went up to the Temple with his bodyguard and in full regalia to offer prayers, mainly for his brother’s recovery. Meanwhile the unscrupulous courtiers went to the king and told him all about the escort of soldiers and the proud bearing of Antigonus, improper in a subject; he was coming, they said, with a huge force to murder him, unable to rest content with the shadow of royalty when he could grasp the substance. |
| 3 | |
| His paulatim, quamvis invitus tamen credidit Aristobulus, ac ne vel suspicari quicquam videretur, prospiciens, et ut incerta præcaveret, suos quidem satellites in quendam subterraneum et tenebrosum locum transire jubet. Ipse autem jacebat in castello, Bari ante, post autem Antonia cognominato, et ut inermi quidem parcerent, occiderent autem Antigonum, præcepit, si cum armis adiret, necnon et ipsi Antigono qui præciperent missi ut inermis veniret. Ad hæc regina satis callidum cum insidiatoribus consilium capit. Namque his qui ad eum missi fuerant persuadet ut mandata quidem regis taceant, dicant vero Antigono, quod frater audisset, arma sibi eum pulcherrima in Galilæa ornatumque bellicum fabricasse, quæ ne singulatim inspicere morbo impeditum fuisse, nunc autem, præsertim quum alio discussurus sit, libenter eum videret armatum. | These tales by degrees overcame the reluctance of Aristobulus, who took care to hide his suspicions but at the same time to guard against any unseen danger. While he himself was confined to bed in the fort at first called Baris and later Antonia, he stationed his bodyguard in one of the underground passages, with orders to leave Antigonus alone if unarmed, but to kill him if he came in arms; then he sent men to warn his brother to come unarmed. To counter this the queen contrived a very cunning plot with the conspirators. They bribed the messengers to suppress the king’s warning and tell Antigonus that his brother had heard he had secured some wonderful armor and military equipment in Galilee. Owing to his unfortunate illness he could not come and see them himself; “However,”’ he went on, “now that you are just leaving, I should very much like to see you in your outfit.” |
| 4 | |
| His auditis, Antigonus (ne quid enim male suspicaretur, fratris suadebat affectus) cum armis velut ostentatum se veniens, properabat. Sed ubi ad obscurum transitum qui « Stratonis Pyrgus » vocabatur accessit, a satellitibus interemptus est, certumque documentum præbuit omnem benevolentiam jusque naturæ calumniis cedere, nullamque optimatum affectionum tantum valere ut invidiæ perpetuo possit obsistere. | Hearing this, and aware of nothing in his brother’s disposition to make him suspect any harm, Antigonus set off in his armor to have it inspected. When he came to the dark passage called Strato’s Tower, the bodyguard killed him — convincing evidence that no natural affection is proof against slander, and that none of our better feelings are strong enough to hold out against envy indefinitely. |
| 5 | |
| ¿ In hoc autem, etiam Judam quis non recte miretur ? Essæus erat genere qui nunquam divinando aberravit, neque mentitus est. Is, Antigono transeunte per Templum, mox ut eum vidit, ad notos qui aderant exclamavit (non paucos autem discipulos sive consultores habebat), « ¡ Papæ ! Nunc mihi pulchrum est mori, quando ante me veritas interiit, mearumque prædictionum aliquod mendacium deprehensum est. Vivit enim iste Antigonus qui hodie deberet occidi. Locus autem neci ejus apud Stratonis Pyrgum fato fuerat destinatus. Et ille quidem sescentorum abhinc stadiorum intervallo distat. Horæ vero diei sunt quattuor, sed et vaticinationem tempus effugit. » Hæc locutus, senior, mæsto vultu et mente sollicita, secum multa reputabat. Et paulo post interfectus Antigonus nuntiatur, in loco subterraneo, qui eodem nomine quo maritima Cæsarea, « Stratonis Pyrgus », appellabatur, et hoc fuit quod vatem fefellit. | The incident had another surprising feature. Judas was an Essene born and bred, who had never been wrong or mistaken in any of his predictions. On this occasion, when he saw Antigonus passing through the Temple, he called out to his acquaintances — a number of his pupils were sitting there with him — “O God! The best thing now is that I should die, since truth is dead already, and one of my predictions has proved false. There, alive, is Antigonus, who was to have been killed today. The place where he was fated to the was Strato’s Tower, and that is seventy miles away {NW of Jerusalem; Latin text: 600 stades }; and it is already ten o’clock! The time has run out on my prophecy.” Having said this the old man remained lost in gloomy thoughts — and a few minutes later came the news that Antigonus had been murdered in the underground strong-point, which was actually called Strato’s Tower, like the coastal town of Cæsarea. And it was this that confused the seer. |
| 6 | |
| At vero Aristobulo confestim sceleris pænitudine morbus ingravescit, semperque facinoris cogitatione sollicitus, perturbato animo tabescebat, donec mæroris acerbitate visceribus laceratis subito sanguinem vomeret. Hunc ergo unus e servulis ejus ministerio destinatus foras efferens, providentia numinis erravit, et ubi Antigonus erat occisus, super exstantes adhuc cædis maculas cruorem interfectoris effudit. Ululatu autem eorum qui id conspexerant continuo sublato, tanquam puer de industria sanguinem illic libasset, clamor ad aures regis pervenit, causamque requirebat et, quum eam prodere nullus auderet, ad resciendum magis ardebat. Ad extremum vero minitanti vimque adhibenti, verum quod erat indicaverunt, atque ille, quum lacrimis opplesset oculos, quantumque poterat ingemuisset, hæc dixit, « Sperandum certe non erat, ut maximum Dei lumen facta mea nefaria laterent. Nam cito me ultrix cognatæ cædis justitia persequitur. ¿ Quamdiu, o corpus improbum, fratri matrique damnatam animam detinebis ? ¿ Quamdiu paulatim illis libabo sanguinem meum ? Simul totum accipiant, neque jam meorum viscerum inferias fortuna derideat. » His dictis, ilico moritur, quum non plus anno regnasset. | Aristobulus, bitterly regretting this foul crime, at once fell into a swift decline; at the thought of the murder his mind became unhinged and he wasted away, until his entrails were ruptured by his uncontrollable grief and he brought up quantities of blood. While carrying this away one of the servants waiting on him, impelled by divine providence, slipped at the very spot where Antigonus had been struck down, and on the blood-stains — still visible — of the murdered man he spilt the blood of the killer. At once a shriek went up from the spectators, as if the servant had poured the blood there on purpose. Hearing the cry the king asked the reason, and when no one dared tell him he insisted on being informed. At last by dire threats he compelled them to tell him the truth. His eyes filled with tears, and groaning with the little strength that was left he murmured: “So it is. I could not hide my unlawful deeds from God’s all-seeing eye. Swift retribution pursues me for the blood of my kinsman. How long, most shameless body, will you contain the soul that has been adjudged my mother’s and my brother’s? How long shall I pour out my blood to them, drop by drop? Let them take it all at once: let heaven mock them no more with these offerings to the dead from my entrails.” The next moment he was dead, having reigned no more than a year. |
| ⇑ § IV | |
| Quas res gesserit Alexander Jannæus, qui regnavit annos XXVII. | What actions were done by Alexander Janneus, who reigned twenty-seven years. |
| 1 | |
| Uxor vero ejus, vinculis dissolutis, regem consituit Alexandrum qui ætate major erat, et modestia præstare videbatur. Sed ille, potestatem adeptus, fratrem quidem alterum regnum appetentem occidit, alterum autem, privata vita contentum, ablatis rebus secum habebat. | His widow released his brothers and enthroned Alexander, the eldest, and seemingly the most balanced character. But on ascending the throne he executed one brother as a rival claimant: the survivor, who preferred to keep out of the public eye, he held in honor. |
| 2 | |
| Prœlium etiam cum Ptolemæo cognomento Lathyro committit, qui oppidum Asochin ceperat — et multos quidem peremit hostium, sed victoria in Ptolemæi partes propensior fuit. Postea vero quam ipse, pulsus a matre Cleopatra, discessit in Ægyptum, et Gadaram obsidione capit Alexander et castellum Amathuntis, omnium maximum quæ trans Jordanem sita erant, ubi pretiosissima quæque bonorum Theodori, filii Zenonis, habebantur. At Theodorus repente superveniens, et proprias res recipit et sarcinas regis aufert, Judæorumque fere decem milia interficit. Verum Alexander, receptis post cladem viribus, aggressus maritimas regiones, Raphiam capit et Gazam itemque Anthedonem quæ postea ab rege Herode « Agrippias » nominata est. | He also came into conflict with Ptolemy Lathyrus, who had seized the town of Asochis; he inflicted many casualties but Ptolemy had the advantage. But when Ptolemy was chased away by his mother Cleopatra and withdrew to Egypt, Alexander besieged and took Gadara and Amathus, the biggest stronghold east of the Jordan, where were stored the most valuable possessions of Zeno’s son Theodorus. But by a sudden counter-attack Theodorus not only recovered his property but captured the king’s baggage-train, killing some 10,000 Jews. However, the blow was not fatal, and Alexander turning towards the coast captured Gaza, Raphia, and Anthedon, which King Herod later renamed Agrippias. |
| 3 | |
| His autem servitio domitis, concitatur in eum festo die populus Judæorum. Nam plerumque epulæ seditiones accendunt, nec videbatur insidias posse comprimere nisi conducticios haberet auxilio Pisidas et Cilicas — nam Syros mercennarios respuebat propter ingenitam cum Judæorum discordiam. Cæsis autem supra octo milibus ex turba rebellium, Arabiæ bellum intulit. Ibique Galaaditis ac Moabitis subactis, tributoque his imposito, ad Amathunta regressus est. Quumque Theodorum metus ejus secundis successibus perculisset, castellum sine præsidio repertum funditus eruit. | After his enslavement of these towns there was a Jewish rising at one of the feasts — the usual occasion for sedition to flare up. It looked as if he would be unable to crush this conspiracy, but his foreign troops came to the rescue. These were Pisidians and Cilicians: Syrians he did not recruit as mercennaries because of their innate detestation of all Jews. After putting to the sword over 8,000 of the insurgents he attacked Arabia, overruning Gilead and Moab and imposing tribute on the inhabitants. Then returning to Amathus he found that Theodorus had taken fright at his victories and abandoned the fortress; so he demolished it. |
| 4 | |
| Mox autem congressus cum Oboda, rege Arabum, qui locum fraudi opportunum in Galaadensi regione occupaverat, captus insidiis totum amisit exercitum in vallem altissimam compulsum, atque obtritum multitudine camelorum. Ipse vero, elapsus in Hierosolymam, olim sibi gentem infensam ad novarum rerum motus magnitudine cladis accendit. Fit autem etiam tunc superior, crebrisque prœliis non minus quinquaginta milibus Judæorum per sex annos interfecit, nequaquam tamen victoriis lætabatur quoniam regni sui vires consumeret. Unde armis omissis, sermone placido cum subjectis redire in gratiam conabatur. Illi autem, inconstantiam ejus morumque varietatem in tantum oderant ut, percontanti quonam pacto eos sedare posset, dicerent, si moreretur. Nam vix etiam mortuo daturos veniam qui tam multa scelerate fecisset. Simul etiam Demetrii auxilium cui cognomen Acæro accersiverunt. Qui, quum his majorum præmiorum spe facile paruisset venissetque cum exercitu, miscentur auxiliis ejus Judæi circa Šichimam. | He next took the field against Obodas of Arabia. But the king had laid an ambush near Gaulane and Alexander fell into the trap, losing his entire army, which was crowded together at the bottom of a ravine and crushed by a mass of camels. He made good his own escape to Jerusalem, but the completeness of the disaster fanned the smouldering fires of hatred and the nation rose in revolt — only to be worsted again in a succession of battles which lasted six years and cost the lives of as many as 50,000 Jews. He had little cause to rejoice over these victories, so ruinous to his kingdom; so suspending warlike operations he attempted to reach an understanding with his subjects by persuasion. But they were still more embittered by his inconstancy and unstable behavior; and when he asked in what way he could satisfy them, they replied: “By dying; even a dead man would be hard to forgive for such monstrous crimes.” Without more ado they called on Demetrius the Untimely for help {88 B.C.}. He at once agreed — in the hope of enlarging his kingdom — and arrived with an army, joining his Jewish allies near Shechem. |
| 5 | |
| Utroque tamen Alexander mille quidem equitibus, sex autem peditum mercennariorum milibus excepit, quum haberet rex Judæis quoque prope ad decem milia bene sibi cupientium, adversæ autem partis essent equitum tria milia, peditumque milia quadraginta. Et priusquam veniretur ad manus, intercedentibus nuntiis et præconibus, reges transfugia temptabant, Demetrius quidem Alexandri mercennarios, Alexander autem Judæos qui Demetrium sequerentur, obtemperaturos sibi sperantes. Sed quum neque Judæi sacramenta, neque fidem Græci contemnerent, armis jam comminus decernebant. Superatque prœlio Demetrius, quamvis Alexandri mercennarii multa et animose et fortiter gessissent. Eventus autem pugnæ præter spem cedit utrique. Nam neque hi qui Demetrium acciverant, in partibus victoris permanserunt, et immutatæ fortunæ misericordia sex Judæorum milia se ad Alexandrum qui in montes effugerat contulerunt. Hujus inclinationis momentum Demetrius ferre non potuit, sed Alexandrum jam quidem collectis viribus prœlio sufficere ratus, omnem vero gentem ad eum transire existimans, mox inde digressus est. | The combined army was opposed by Alexander with 1,000 cavalry and an infantry force of 8,000 {(text: 6,000)} mercennaries, reinforced by loyal Jews to the number of 10,000. The other side consisted of 3,000 cavalry and 14,000 {(text: 40,000)} infantry. Before battle was joined the two kings issued proclamations intended to detach supporters from the other side, Demetrius hoping to win over Alexander’s mercennaries, Alexander Demetrius’ Jewish contingent. As the Jews would not abandon their oaths nor the Greeks their loyalty, there was nothing for it but an appeal to force. The victor in the battle was Demetrius, in spite of a magnificent display of determination and prowess by Alexander’s mercennaries. The outcome of the engagement, however, was not at all what either side had expected. Demetrius, the victor, was deserted by those who had called him in, whereas out of their pity for Alexander’s change in fortune, after fleeing to the hills, he was joined by 6,000 Jews! This swing of the pendulum was too much for Demetrius: convinced that Alexander was now fit to take the field again and that the whole nation was flocking to his standard, he withdrew. |
| 6 | |
| Non tamen reliqua multitudo ob abscessum auxiliorum simultates deposuit, bello autem assiduo tam diu cum Alexandro decertabat donec, plerisque interfectis, ceteros in Bemeselim civitatem compulit, eaque subacta in Hierosolymam captivos abduxit. Verum immoderata fecit iracundia ut crudelitas ejus ad impietatem usque procederet. Octingentis enim captivorum in media civitate crucifixis, mulieres earumque filios in conspectu matrum necavit, atque hæc potans et cum suis concubinis recubans, prospectabat. Tantus autem populum terror invasit ut etiam diversæ partis studiosi proxima nocte octo milia hominum extra totam Judæam profugerent, quorum exilii mors Alexandri finis fuit. Quum ejusmodi factis tandem ægreque regnis otium quæsisset, ab armis requievit. | The departure of their allies did not cause the rest of the people to lay aside their quarrel: they waged war unremittingly with Alexander till after very heavy losses the remnant were driven into Bemeselis; when this town fell, the survivors were taken as prisoners to Jerusalem. So unbridled was Alexander’s rage that from brutality he proceeded to impiety. Eight hundred of the prisoners he crucified in the middle of the City, then butchered their wives and children before their eyes; meanwhile cup in hand as he reclined amidst his concubines he enjoyed the spectacle. Such terror gripped the people that the next night 8,000 partisans of the opposite faction fled right out of Judæa and remained in exile till his death. By such deeds he at last gave his kingdom an uneasy peace, and hung up his weapons. |
| 7 | |
| — Caput A-4 — De bello Alexandri cum Antiocho et Areta, deque Alexandra et Hyrcano. | |
| Rursus autem fit ei turbarum initium Antiochus, qui etiam Dionysus dictus est, Demetrii quidem frater, sed eorum novissimus qui Seleucum generis auctorem habebant. Hunc enim timens qui Arabas parato bello pulsarat, totum quidem super Antipatrida montibus proximum et inter Joppes litora spatium, fossa altissima diremit. Ante fossam vero murum ædificavit excelsum, turresque ligneas ut faciles aditus obstrueret fabricavit ; nec tamen Antiochum arcere valuit. Exustis enim turribus, fossisque repletis, cum suis copiis transgressus est. Vindictaque posthabita qua deberet eum a quo prohibitus est ulcisci, protinus contendit in Arabas. Horum autem rex, in loca suæ nationi commodiora cedens, mox ad pugnam cum equitatu reversus (habebat autem numerum decem milium) imparatos ex improviso Antiochi milites invadit. Valido autem prœlio commisso, quamdiu quidem superat Antiochus, durabat ejus exercitus, quamvis eum passim Arabes trucidarent. Ubi vero procubuit (succurrendo enim victis semper in periculis aderat) omnes terga dederunt, maximaque pars eorum quum in acie tum in fuga absumitur. Reliquos autem, in vicum Cana delapsos, alimentorum penuria perire contigit, præter admodum paucos. | But fresh troubles were in store for him — the work of Antiochus Dionysius, brother of Demetrius and last heir of Seleucus. This man launched a campaign against the Arabs, alarming Alexander, who cut a deep trench stretching from the hills above Antipatris to the beach at Joppa, raising a high wall in front of the trench with wooden towers built into it to ward off attacks at the weak points. But Antiochus was not to be stopped: he burnt the towers, filled in the trench, and marched his army across. Deciding to deal later with the man who had tried to stop him, he went straight on to attack the Arabs. Their king retired to better defensive positions, then suddenly faced about with his cavalry force of 10,000 men and fell upon the army of Antiochus while it was in disarray. A bitter struggle followed. As long as Antiochus survived, his army fought on, though the Arabs were slaughtering it everywhere; when at last he fell as a result of risking his life all the time in the forefront to help his struggling soldiers, the entire line broke. Most of his army was destroyed in the engagement or in the subsequent flight; the survivors took refuge in the village of Cana, where lack of food killed off all but a handful. |
| 8 | |
| Hinc Damasceni, Ptolemæo Minnæi filio infensi, Aretam sibi sociant, Syriæque Cœles regem constituunt. Qui, bello illato Judææ, postquam pugna vicit Alexandrum, pactione discessit. Alexander autem, Pella capta, Gerasam petivit rursus, opum Theodori cupidus, triplicique ambitu circumdatis defensoribus, locum expugnavit. Necnon et Gaulanen et Seleuciam et eam quæ « Antiochi Pharanx » dicitur sub jugum mittit. Ad hæc autem capto Gamala castello validissimo ejusque præfecto Demetrio multis criminibus involuto, in Judæam regreditur, expleto in militia triennio, lætusque a gentilibus ob res prospere gestas excipitur. Belli autem requiem secutum est morbi principium. Et quoniam quartano febrium recursu fatigabatur, depulsum iri valetudinem credens, si rursus animum negotiis occupasset, intempestivæ militiæ sese dedit, et ultra vires corpus laboribus vexans, inter ipsos tumultus trigesimo et septimo regni anno moritur, | At this point the people of Damascus, through hatred of Ptolemy, son of Mennæus, brought in Aretas and made him king of Cœle Syria. He promptly marched into Judæa, defeated Alexander in battle, agreed on terms, and withdrew. Alexander took Pella and advanced against Gerasa, once more coveting Theodorus’ possessions. After shutting up the garrison within a triple wall he took the place by storm. He went on to overwhelm Gaulane and Seleucia and the “Valley of Antiochus,” and captured the strong fortress of Gamala and its commander, Demetrius, the subject of many accusations. Then he returned to Judæa, after three whole years in the field, and was warmly welcomed by the nation in view of his successes. But the end of the war proved to be the beginning of physical decay. Afflicted with third-day-recurrent malaria, he thought he could get rid of his sickness by resuming a strenuous life. He threw himself into inappropriate campaigns, and by making impossible demands on his bodily strength wore himself out completely. He died in the midst of storm and stress, after reigning for twenty-seven years. {Latin text: 37 years} |
| ⇑ § V | |
| Regnante per nonennium Alexandra, imperium penes Pharisæos. | Alexandra reigns nine years, during which time the Pharisees were the real rulers of the nation. |
| 1 | |
| idque Alexandræ conjugi suæ reliquit, Judæos ejus maxime dicto obœdientes fore non dubitans, quod longe ab ejus crudelitate discrepans, et iniquitati resistens, benevolentiam sibi populi comparasset. Neque spes eum fefellit. Namque opinione pietatis obtinuit muliercula principatum. Quippe quæ morem gentis patrium probe norat, et qui sacras leges temerassent, ab initio detestabatur. Quum autem duos filios Alexandro genitos haberet, natu quidem maximum Hyrcanum, et propter ætatem declarat pontificem et quod præterea segnior esset quam ut potestate regia molestus cuiquam videretur, regem constituit, minorem autem Aristobulum, privatum vivere maluit, quod ferventioris esset ingenii. | He had left his throne to his wife Alexandra, confident that the Jews would most readily submit to her, since by her freedom from any trace of his brutality and her constant opposition to his excesses she had gained the good-will of the people. And he was right in his expectations; woman though she was, she established her authority by her reputation for piety. She was most particular in her observance of the national customs, and offenders against the Holy Law she turned out of office. Of the two sons she had borne Alexander she appointed the elder, Hyrcanus, pontiff, in view of his age and because he was too indolent to seem to anyone to be disruptive in state affairs; the younger, Aristobulus, who was an impulsive character, she kept out of the public eye. |
| 2 | |
| Jungit autem se ejusdem mulieris dominationi quædam Judæorum factio, Pharisæi, qui præter alios pietatem colere putarentur et peritius leges interpretari ; ob eam causam magis eos suspiciebat Alexandra, divinæ religioni superstitiose deserviens. Illi autem paulatim feminæ simplici insinuati, quosvis pro sua libidine summovendo, deponendo, itemque vinciendo ac solvendo, jam procuratores habebantur, prorsus ut ipsi quidem regiis commodis fruerentur, expensas vero ac difficultates Alexandra perferret. Sed eadem mire callebat res administrare majores, itaque augendis copiis semper intenta, duplicem conflavit exercitum, neque pauca mercennaria paravit auxilia quibus non modo statum suæ gentis roboravit, sed etiam metuendam se reddidit externæ potentiæ. Imperabat autem aliis, verum Pharisæis ipsa ultro parebat. | Alongside her was the growing power of the Pharisees, a Jewish sect that appeared more pious than the rest and stricter in the interpretation of the Law. Alexandra, being superstitiously devoted to religion, paid too great heed to them and they, availing themselves more and more of the simplicity of the woman, ended by becoming the effective rulers of the state, free to banish or depose, to release or imprison, at will. In short, the privileges of royal authority were theirs, the expenses and vexations Alexandra’s. She was very shrewd, however, in making major decisions, and by regular recruiting doubled the size of her army, collecting also a large mercennary force, so that beside making her own country strong she inspired a healthy respect in foreign potentates. But while she ruled others, she herself submitted to the Pharisees. |
| 3 | |
| Denique Diogenem quendam insignem virum qui Alexandro fuerat amicissimus, interficiunt, ejus factum consilio criminati, ut octingenti (quos supra memoravi) regis jussu tollerentur in crucem. Nihilominus autem Alexandræ suadebant ut et alios, quibus auctoribus Alexander in eos fuisset concitatus, occideret. Quumque his nimia superstitione nihil abnuendum putaret, quos sibi libuisset ea specie trucidabant, donec optimus quisque periclitantium ad Aristobulum confugeret. Atque ille matri persuasit ut his propter dignitatem parceret, civitate autem pelleret quos nocentes existimaret. Igitur illi quidem, data sibi copia, per regionem dispersi sunt. Alexandra vero, in Damascum misso exercitu, quoniam Ptolemæus sine intermissione civitatem premebat, illam quidem nulla re memorabili gesta cepit. Regem autem Armeniorum Tigranem qui, admoto Ptolemaidi milite, Cleopatram circumsedebat, pactionibus donisque sollicitat. Sed illum domesticarum turbarum metus, ingresso in Armeniam Lucullo, jamdudum inde retraxerat. | Thus Diogenes, an eminent man who had been a friend of Alexander, was put to death by them, making the charge that it was on his advice that the eight hundred (whom I mentioned above) were crucified. Moreover they pressed Alexandra to execute the rest of those who had incited Alexander against them: due to her superstitious nature she thought nothing should be denied them, and under that cover they killed whom they would. The most prominent of the threatened citizens sought the aid of Aristobulus, and he persuaded his mother to spare them in view of their station, expelling them from the City if not sure of their innocence. Thus granted impunity, they scattered over the country. Alexandra dispatched an army to Damascus on the ground that Ptolemy was regularly threatening the city; the army even took it over without performing any remarkable exploit. However, while Tigranes the Armenian king was encamped before Ptolemais besieging Cleopatra, she won him over by bargaining and bribery. But fear had already withdrawn him some time before to deal with troubles at home, Lucullus having invaded Armenia. |
| 4 | |
| Inter hæc Alexandra, morbo laborante, minor ejus filius Aristobulus cum famulis suis quos multos habebat omnesque pro ætatis fervore fidissimos, universa castella obtinuit, et pecunia quam ibi reperit, conductis auxiliis, regem se declaravit. Ob hæc miserata querelas Hyrcani, mater conjugem Aristobuli cum filiis includit apud castellum quod, a septentrione Fano adjacens, Baris antea vocabatur, ut diximus, postea vero Antonia cognominata est, imperante Antonio — quemadmodum de Augusti et Agrippæ nomine Sebaste et Agrippias aliæ civitates appellatæ sunt. Ante tamen Alexandra moritur quam in Aristobulum fratris ejus Hyrcani contumelias vindicaret quem dejici regno curaverat, quod ipsa novem annos administravit. | Meanwhile Alexandra sickened; the younger son Aristobulus seized his chance, and with his numerous servants — all devoted to him because of the fervor of his youth — got all the strongholds into his power, and with the money found there raised a force of mercennaries and proclaimed himself king. This so upset Hyrcanus that his mother felt very sorry for him, and locked up the wife and children of Aristobulus in Antonia. This was a fortress adjoining the Temple on the north side; as stated already, it was first called Baris and later renamed when Antony was supreme, just as the cities of Sebaste and Agrippias were named after Sebastos (Augustus) and Agrippa. But Alexandra died before she could punish Aristobulus for the affronts to his brother Hyrcanus whom he had ejected from the kingdom which she ruled for nine years. |
| ⇑ § VI | |
| Alexandræ heres Hyrcanus regno cedit Aristobulo. Idem postea Antipatri operā ab Areta in regnum reducitur : indeque litis inter fratres ortæ Pompejus arbiter deligitur. | When Hyrcanus who was Alexandra’s heir, receded from his claim to the crown Aristobulus is made king; And afterward the same Hyrcanus by the means of Antipater, is brought back by Aretas. At last Pompey is made the arbitrator of the dispute between the brothers. |
| 1 | |
| Et heres quidem omnium fit Hyrcanus cui regnum etiam viva commiserat. Verum Aristobolus viribus atque auctoriate præstabat. Habito autem inter eos circa Hierichunta de rerum summa conflictu, plerique, Hyrcano relicto, transeunt ad Aristobulum. Hyrcanus autem cum reliquis fuga pervenit in castellum Antoniam, ibique salutis obsides nactus (erat enim ibi in custodia, ut præmisimus, conjunx Aristobuli cum filiis) priusquam gravius aliquid accideret, ea lege in concordiam rediit ut regnum quidem Aristobulus haberet, ipse vero cederet quasi frater regis aliis honoribus contentus. Hoc modo in Fano reconciliati, quum in conspectu circumstantis populi benignissime alter alterum complexus esset, domus permutant, et Aristobulus quidem discedit in regiam, Hyrcanus autem in Aristobuli domum. | The heir to the throne was Hyrcanus. While still alive Alexandra had put the kingdom in his hands, but in ability and enterprise he was no match for Aristobulus. Near Jericho the two met in battle for the crown, but the bulk of Hyrcanus’ army deserted him and went over to Aristobulus. Hyrcanus with those who stuck to him immediately sought shelter in Antonia, and seized as hostages for his security the wife and children of Aristobulus. However, final disaster was averted by a compromise: Aristobulus was to be king and Hyrcanus, having abdicated, was to retain his other dignities as the king’s brother. On these terms they were reconciled in the Temple, and surrounded by the people they warmly embraced each other and exchanged residences, Aristobulus taking over the Palace, Hyrcanus Aristobulus’ house. |
| 2 | |
| — Caput A-5 — De bello Hyrcani cum Arabibus et expugnatione Hierosolymæ. | |
| Metus vero et alios ejus inimicos præter spem dominantis occupat, et maxime Antipatrum jamdudum Aristobulo invisum. Erat autem genere Idumæus et nobilitate ac opibus gentis suæ princeps. Is igitur et Hyrcanum, ut ad Aretam, regem Arabiæ, confugeret ejusque auxilio regnum repeteret hortabatur, et ipsi Aretæ ut Hyrcanum susciperet atque in regnum deduceret suadebat, multum obtrectans Aristobuli moribus, multisque Hyrcanum laudibus prædicans. Simulque admonebat quod eum deceret regno clarissimo præsidentem, iniquitate oppressis manum porrigere, Hyrcanum autem injuriam pati qui principatu jure successionis sibi debito excidisset. Sic instructis et præparatis ambobus, nocte cum Hyrcano ex civitate profugit, citatoque curso in oppidum quod Petra dicitur salvus evasit, ea est Arabiæ regio. Ibi, postquam Hyrcanum in manum regis Aretæ tradidit, multis dictis multisque muneribus ut auxilium præberet quo in regnum deduceretur effecit. Erant autem peditum equitumque milia L• quibus nequaquam restitit Aristobulus : sed, primo impetu superatus, in Hierosolyma fugere cogitur atque omnino captus esset, nisi dux Romanorum Scaurus, adversis horum temporibus imminens, solvisset obsidionem. Namque is ex Armenia quidem in Syriam missus erat a Pompejo Magno qui cum Tigrane bellum gerebat. Sed ubi Damascum venit, recens a Metello et Lollio captam reperit, his inde summotis, cognitoque in Judæa quid ageretur, illuc velut ad quæstum cucurrit. | Fear seized the enemies of Aristobulus when he so unexpectedly triumphed, most of all Antipater, whom he had long detested. He was by race an Idumæan, and ancestry, wealth, and other sources of strength made him the natural leader of his nation. He advised Hyrcanus to seek the protection of Aretas, king of Arabia, and so win back his kingdom, at the same time urging Aretas to receive Hyrcanus and restore him to his throne. He heaped abuse on the character of Aristobulus and lavished praise on Hyrcanus, and argued how becoming it was for the ruler of so splendid a kingdom to extend his aid to the wronged; wronged indeed was Hyrcanus, deprived as he was of the crown that was his by right of birth. Having prevailed on both men, he slipped out of the City in the dark with Hyrcanus, and making all speed arrived safely at Petra, the capital of Arabia. There he handed over Hyrcanus to Aretas, whom by dint of much persuasion and carefully chosen presents he induced to provide an army to restore the exile — 50,000 horse and foot. For such a force Aristobulus was no match; worsted in the first clash he was chased into Jerusalem, where he would quickly have been captured after a successful assault had not Scaurus the Roman commander, coming on the scene at the critical moment for them, ended the siege. Scaurus had been sent into Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great, who was at war with Tigranes. Arriving at Damascus immediately after its capture by Metellus and Lollius {(65 B.C.)}, he sent these officers away and, learning how things were in Judæa, lost no time in seizing this heaven-sent opportunity. |
| 3 | |
| Denique mox ut fines ingressus est, Judæorum legati ad eum veniunt a fratribus, utrisque ut sibi potius adjumento essent orantibus. Sed trecentis talentis quæ Aristobulus ei miserat, justitia posthabita est. Tot enim acceptis, Scaurus ad Hyrcanum et Arabes legatus misit, Romanorum eis Pompeji nomen intentans, nisi ab obsidione desisterent. Itaque et Areta ex Judæa in Philadelphiam recedit, metu perculsus, et Scaurus Damascum redit. Aristobulus autem, quod captus non esset satis sibi esse non credidit : sed omnibus quas haberet copiis collectis, persequebatur hostes : et circa locum quem Papyrona vocant prœlio commisso, supra sex eorum milia cædit : in quibus erat et Cephalon, frater Antipatri. | As soon as he set foot on Jewish soil delegates arrived from both brothers to request his aid. The rights of the case were outweighed by Aristobulus’ gift of three hundred talents. Accepting this sum Scaurus sent a herald to Hyrcanus and the Arabs, threatening them with the name of Pompey of the Romans unless they raised the siege. Back from Judæa to Philadelphia fled Aretas in a panic, and back to Damascus went Scaurus. Aristobulus was not satisfied with his escape, but collected his entire army and pursued the enemy; near Papyron he engaged them and killed over 6,000, among whom was Antipater’s brother Phallion {Latin text: Cephalon, mistake for Φαλλίωνα}. |
| 4 | |
| Hyrcanus vero et Antipater, Arabum privati auxilio, spem in adversarios transtulerunt. Et quum Pompejus, Syriam ingressus, Damascum pervenisset, ad ipsum confugiunt. Multisque muneribus ei datis, eadem illa quibus ad Aretam usi fuerant allegantes, magnopere precabantur ut, Aristobuli violentia damnata, regno Hyrcanum restitueret, cui tam ætate quam moribus deberetur. Sed nec Aristobulus sibi defuit, corruptione Scauri fretus. Venerat autem quantum potuit ornatus cultu regio : deinde offensus obsequiis, neque ferendum existimans abjectius quam regem deceret utilitati servire, a Diospoli {i.e., ab urbe Dio} regrediebatur. | Hyrcanus and Antipater, deprived of Arab help, transferred their hopes to the other side, and when Pompey entered Syria and arrived at Damascus they sought his protection. They brought no presents but relied on the same arguments as they had used with Aretas, begging him to repudiate the violent methods of Aristobulus and to restore to his throne the man to whom, as the elder and better of the two, it belonged. Nor was Aristobulus behindhand, knowing that Scaurus could be bribed. He too presented himself, decked out in all his royal splendor. But he became sick of servility and could not bear to abase himself in order to secure his ends at the cost of his dignity; so at the city of Dium he turned back. |
| 5 | |
| Ob hoc iratus Pompejus, etiam Hyrcano ejusque sociis hoc precantibus, Aristobulum petit, et Romano simul exercitu et Syrorum instructus auxiliis. Quum vero Pellam et Scythopolim prætergressus Coreas venisset, unde Judæorum fines incipiunt per mediterranea loca subeuntibus, cognito Aristobulum in Alexandrinum confugisse (castellum est magnifice structum, in monte præcelso situm) mittit per quos eum juberet inde descendere. Ille autem decreverat, quia pro imperio vocaretur, periclitari potius quam parere. Sed populum videbat horrescere : et amici monebant ut Romanam vim cogitaret, quam sustinere non posset. Itaque horum consiliis obœdiens, descendit ad Pompejum ; quodque juste regnaret multis pro se dictis, in castellum rediit. Et quum iterum descendisset provocatus a fratre, ac de suo jure cum eo disceptasset, denuo regreditur, non prohibente Pompejo. Erat autem inter spem timoremque medius ; et veniebat quidem velut exoraturus Pompejum ut sibi cuncta permitteret, ad montem vero revertebatur ne quid regiæ dignitate derogare videretur. Quia tamen castellis eum Pompejo cedere placebat, hisque præpositos monere litteris ut decederent quibus præceperat ut non nisi manu sua scriptis epistulis obtemperarent, jussa quidem facit, sed in Hierosolymam cum indignatione discessit ; belloque jam congredi cum Pompejo cogitabat. | This conduct stung Pompey, who yielding to the importunity of Hyrcanus and his friends set off in pursuit of Aristobulus at the head of the Roman army and numerous auxiliaries from Syria. Bypassing Pella and Scythopolis he came to Coreæ, where travellers from the interior cross into Judæa. Informed that Aristobulus had sought safety in Alexandreum, a most elaborately equipped fortress perched on a lofty eminence, he sent orders to him to come down. Summoned thus peremptorily the king was more inclined to risk everything in battle than to submit, but he saw that the people were frightened to death, and his friends begged him to realize that Roman power was irresistible. Taking their advice he came down to Pompey, attempted at great length to justify his claim to the throne, and went back to his stronghold. At his brother’s invitation he came down again, argued the rights and wrongs of the case, and went away without hindrance from Pompey. Hovering between hope and fear, he came down repeatedly in the expectation of talking Pompey into putting everything into his hands, and as often returned to his citadel to avoid the appearance of yielding too soon. Finally however Pompey insisted on his evacuating the forts, and as the commanders had instructions to take no notice of any order not written by Aristobulus himself, he forced him to send each one of them a written order to march out. Aristobulus complied, but withdrew to Jerusalem in a rage and planned for war with Pompey. |
| 6 | |
| Ille autem, nec enim tempus apparatui dandum putavit, statim eum insequitur. Multum quippe alacritati ejus addiderat, circa Hierichuntem Mithridatis mors nuntiata. (Ubi pinguissima Judææ regio et palmarum plurimum ac balsamum nutrit : cujus inciso lapidibus acutis robore stillantem lacrimam ex vulneribus colligunt.) Quumque illic pernoctasset, mane in Hierosolymam properabat. Itaque hoc ejus impetu perterritus Aristobulus, supplex occurrit, pecuniamque pollicitus ; quodque semetipsum ei cum Civitate permitteret, Pompejum mitigat sævientem. Nec tamen quicquam eorum quæ promisit effectum est. Gabinium enim, qui ad suscipiendam pecuniam missus fuerat, ne in oppidum quidem Aristobuli socii receperunt. | Pompey allowed him no time for these preparations but followed at once, stimulated by news of Mithridates’ death, received when he was near Jericho. (This is the most fertile spot in Judæa, rich in palms and in balsam: the stems of the balsam trees are slashed with sharp stones and the resin collected where it is exuded from the cuts.) After spending one night in camp there, at dawn he set off rapidly for Jerusalem. Panicking at his approach Aristobulus met him as a suppliant, and by promising money and putting the City and himself in his hands appeased his anger. But no part of this agreement was carried out: the officer sent to receive the money, Gabinius, was prevented by Aristobulus’ partisans from even entering the City. |
| ⇑ § VII | |
| Quomodo Pompejus, tradita sibi Hierosolymorum urbe, fanum cepit et in Sanctum sanctorum ingreditur ; et quæ præterea in Judæa fecit. | How Pompey had the city of Jerusalem delivered up to him but took the Temple by force. How he went into the Holy of Holies; As also what were his other exploits in Judea. |
| 1 | |
| His commotus, Pompejus Aristobulum in custodiam collocat ; ad civitatem vero profectus, explorabat qua ex parte facilior esset accessus. Nam et murorum ejus firmitatem oppugnari posse facile non videbat ; vallemque pro mœnibus horribilem, Fanumque illic cernebat proximum, adeo tutissima munitione circumdatum ut etiam si Civitas caperetur, secundum esset hostibus in eo refugium. | Stung once more by this treatment, Pompey placed Aristobulus under guard and, advancing to the City, reconnoitered the possible lines of attack, observing the almost imprègnable strength of the walls, the formidable ravine in front of them, and within the ravine the Temple, with its fortifications so strong that if the City was captured it would provide a further refuge for the enemy. |
| 2 | |
| Hoc autem diu quid faceret hæsitante, seditio intra civitatem orta est — Aristobuli quidem sociis bellum geri potius regemque liberati dignum esse censentibus, qui vero cum Hyrcano sentirent, Pompejo portas aperiri. Metus autem hos plures faciebat, Romanorum constantiam reputantes. Denique, victa pars Aristobuli concessit in templum ; et, ponte qui ab eo Civitati jungebatur abscisso, ut ad ultimum usque resisteret instruebatur. Quum autem alii Romanos recepissent in Civitatem, hisque domum regiam tradidissent, ad hanc obtinendam Pompejus unum e ducibus suis, Pisonem, cum militibus intromittit. Hisque præsidiis in Civitate dispositis, quia nemini eorum qui in Templum confugerant pace persuadere poterat, omnia quæ circum erant oppugnationi parabat ; Hyrcano ejusque amicis ad consilia conferenda et ad efficienda quæ juberet alacriter animatis. | While Pompey took time to make up his mind, party strife broke out in the City, the supporters of Aristobulus calling for war and the rescue of the king, those of Hyrcanus urging the opening of the gates to Pompey. The numbers of the latter were swelled by fear, when they considered the steel discipline of the Romans. Worsted in the struggle, the opposite faction retired into the Temple, destroyed the bridge linking Temple and City, and prepared to fight to the death. The others invited the Romans into the City and surrendered the Palace, to which Pompey sent Piso, one of his senior officers, and a large body of men. Piso posted sentry-groups about the City, and as none of the men sheltering in the Temple could be persuaded to come to terms, he readied everything around it for an assault, finding the supporters of Hyrcanus most free with advice and assistance. |
| 3 | |
| Ipse vero ad partes septentrionales fossamque vallemque replebat omni genere materiæ per milites comportato, quum per se opus esset difficillimum, propter immensam altitudinem, et præterea Judæi modis omnibus desuper obsisterent ; mansissetque labor imperfectus nisi Pompejus, observatis diebus septimis quibus Judæos religio ab omni opere manus abstinere compellit, per eos aggerem cumulare præcepisset, inhibitis a prœlio militibus. Pro solo enim corpore Judæis etiam per Sabbata pugnare licet. Igitur jam valle repleta et impositis aggeri turribus, admotisque machinis Tyro allatis, mœnia temptabat. Desuper obstantes lapidibus repellebantur, quum diu turres obsidentium, magnitudine simul et pulchritudine præstantes, vim repugnantium sustinerent. | Pompey himself on the north side was busy filling in the trench and the entire ravine with material collected by the troops. This was a formidable task, as the depth was immense and the Jews interfered from above in every possible way. The Romans would never have reached the end of their labors if Pompey had not availed himself of the Seventh Days, on which for religious reasons the Jews will not set their hands to any work, raising the level of his platform on those days while prohibiting his men from fighting; for only in self-defence will Jews fight on the Sabbath. When at last the ravine was filled in, he erected high towers on the platform, brought up the engines he had fetched from Tyre, and began to batter the walls while the stone-slingers prevented any interference from above. Meanwhile for a long time the towers of the besiegers, magnificent in their size and beauty, held out against the force of the opposing side. |
| 4 | |
| Verumtamen Romanis tunc plurimum defatigatis, Pompejus Judæorum tolerantiam et in aliis admiratus est ; et præcipue quod nihil cærimoniarum inter media tela versantes intermiserunt. Sed velut in alta pace Civitas ageret, quotidie sacrificia et victimas omnemque Dei cultum diligentissime celebrarunt, nec vel in ipso excidio, quum ad aram in dies singulos trucidarentur, legitimis religionis suæ muneribus abstinuerunt. Mense igitur obsidionis tertio, vix una turre dejecta, in Fanum irruptum est. Primus autem mutum transcendere ausus est Sullæ filius, Faustus Cornelius, et post eum centuriones duo Furius et Fabius cum suis cohortibus. Et circumsæpto undique Fano, alios alio confugientes vel etiam paulisper repugnantes interficiunt. | While the Romans were suffering severely Pompey was amazed at the unshakable endurance of the Jews, especially their maintenance of all the religious ceremonies in the midst of a storm of missiles. Just as if deep peace enfolded the City the daily sacrifices; offerings for the dead, and every other act of worship were meticulously carried out to the glory of God. Not even when the Temple was being captured and they were being butchered round the altar did they abandon the ceremonies ordained for the day. In the third month of the siege the Romans at last barely overthrew one of the towers and swarmed into the Temple. The first who ventured to surmount the wall was Sulla’s son, Cornelius Faustus. Next came two centurions, Furius and Fabius, followed by their respective units, which completely surrounded the Temple court and killed some as they fled to the Sanctuary, others as they put up a short-lived resistance. |
| 5 | |
| Ubi plurimi sacerdotum, quanquam hostes strictis gladiis irruentes videbant, intrepidi tamen in peragendis rebus divinis perseverabant ; et in ipso libandi Templumque adolendi ministerio mactabantur, saluti quoque præferentes religionis obsequium. Multos autem sui gentiles adversæ partis studiosi trucidabant, plurimi sese in rupes præcipitabant. Nonnulli furibundi, cunctis quæ circa murum erant in desperatione succensis, pariter conflagrabant. Itaque Judæorum quidem milia duodecim occubuerunt, Romanorum vero perpauci, sed plures sauciati sunt. | Many of the priests, though they saw the enemy approaching sword in hand, quietly went on with the sacred rites and were cut down as they poured libations and offered incense, putting the service of God before their own preservation. Many who fell were killed by their own countrymen of the rival faction; others beyond number threw themselves over the precipices; some, maddened by their hopeless position, fired the buildings round the wall and perished in the flames. The Jews lost 12,000 dead; of the Romans very few were killed, though a good many were wounded. |
| 6 | |
| Nihil autem gravius in illa clade Judæorum genti visum, quam sanctum illud Arcanum, neque cuiquam prius visum, alienis esse detectum. Denique Pompejus, una cum suis comitibus in Templum ingressus ubi neminem præter pontificem adesse fas erat, quæ intus erant candelabra cum lychnis, et mensis in quibus libare atque adolere moris est, et vascula ex auro cuncta spectavit ; congestamque pigmentorum molem, sacræque pecuniæ ad duo milia talentorum. Nec tamen vel hæc vel aliud quicquam de sacrosanctis opibus sive instrumentis attigit, sed postero die post excidium purgare Templum ædituos jussit, et sollemnia sacra celebrare. Ipse autem Hyrcanum pontificem declaravit, quod se et in aliis rebus alacrem obsidionis tempore præbuisset promptamque ad bellum agrestium multitudinem ab Aristobulo revocasset ; per quæ, sicut imperatorem bonum decuit, benevolentia potius quam timore plebem sibi conciliavit. Inter captivos etiam comprehensus Aristobuli socer idemque patruus tenebatur ; et illos quidem qui maxime belli fuissent, securi percussit. Faustum vero, et qui una fortiter operam navaverant, præclaris præmiis donat, et Hierosolomis tributum indicit. | Among the disasters of that time nothing sent such a shudder through the nation so much as the exposure by aliens of the Holy Place, hither-to screened from all eyes. Pompey and his staff went into the Sanctuary, which no one was permitted to enter but the pontiff, and saw what it contained — the lampstand and the lamps, the table in which it was customary to pour libations and make burnt offerings, and all the vessels of gold, and a great heap of aromatic spices and sacred money totalling 2,000 talents. Neither on this nor on any other of the sacred treasures did he lay a finger, and only one day after the capture he instructed the sacristans to purify the Temple and perform the normal sacrifices. He appointed Hyrcanus pontiff again, because he had shown himself most helpful during the siege, especially by holding off the crowds of countryfolk anxious to fight for Aristobulus. In such ways he proved his worth as a general, and by relying on considerateness rather than severity won the goodwill of the citizens. The prisoners included Aristobulus’ father-in-law, who was also his uncle. The chief authors of the war were beheaded. Faustus and the men who had given him such splendid support received magnificent rewards. The country and its capital were laid under tribute. |
| 7 | |
| Ablatas autem genti etiam quas in Cœlesyria ceperant civitates Romano qui tunc erat præsidi parere jussit, propriisque tantum finibus circumclusit. Instauravit autem — in gratiam cujusdam ex libertis suis Demetrii Gadarensis — etiam Gadaram, quam Judæi subverterant. Mediterraneas præterea civitates ab eorum imperio liberavit quas, præventi, non excīderant : Hippon et Scythopolim et Pellam et Samariam et Marisam, itemque Azotum et Jamniam et Arethusam, necnon et maritimas : Gazam et Joppen et Doram et quæ pridem « Stratonis Pyrgus » vocabatur, post autem, ab Herode rege clarissimis ædificiis transformata, « Cæsarea » nominata est, easque omnes indigenis civibus redditas provinciæ Syriæ conjunxit. Hujus autem et Judææ, cunctorumque administratione ad Ægypti usque fines et flumen Euphratem cum duabus legionibus Scauro permissa ; Romam ipse per Ciliciam properavit, captivum ducens Aristobulum cum familia. Erant autem filiæ duæ, totidemque filii, quorum unus, Alexander, ex itinere fugit, minor autem, Antigonus, cum sororibus Romam vectus est. | Pompey next deprived the Jews of the towns they had occupied in Cœle Syria, putting them under a Roman governor specially appointed; this meant that the nation was confined within its own boundaries. He rebuilt Gadara, which the Jews had razed to the ground, as a favor to a Gadarene among his own freedmen. He also freed from their rule all such inland towns as they had not already destroyed — Hippus, Scythopolis, Pella, Samaria, Jamnia, Marisa, Azotus, and Arethusa; likewise the coastal towns, Gaza, Joppa, Dora, and the city which at first was called Strata’s Tower66 and later was rebuilt by King Herod on the most magnificent scale and renamed Cæsarea. All these towns he gave back to their legitimate citizens and added to the province of Syria, which with Judæa and the whole area as far as Egypt and the Euphrates he entrusted to Scaurus, with two of his legions. He himself marched rapidly through Cilicia on his way to Rome, taking with him Aristobulus and his family as prisoners. Of the two sons and two daughters, one son, Alexander, escaped en route; the younger, Antigonus, and his sisters were conveyed to Rome. |
| ⇑ § VIII | |
| Alexander Aristobuli filius, qui Pompejum fugerat, bellum monet Hyrcano, et a Gabinio victus castella ei tradit : dein Aristobulus, Roma elapsus, exercitum colligit, et a Romanis victus Romam perducitur. Ad hæc et alia quædam de Gabinio et Crasso et Cassio. | Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, who ran away from Pompey, makes an expedition against Hyrcanus; But being overcome by Gabinius he delivers up the fortresses to him. After this Aristobulus escapes from Rome and gathers an army together; But being beaten by the Romans, he is brought back to Rome; With other things relating to Gabinius, Crassus and Cassius. |
| 1 | |
| — Caput A-6 — De bello Alexandri cum Hyrcano et Aristobulo. | |
| Interea Scaurus, in Arabiam ingressus, ad Petram quidem, regionum asperitate, prohibebatur accedere. Quæ autem circum erant omnia vastabant — multis et in hoc malis afflictus. Nam exercitum fames premebat, cui tamen Hyrcanus per Antipatrum victui necessaria suppeditabat. Quem velut Aretæ familiarem etiam Scaurus ad eum legavit, ut bellum pactione deponeret. Itaque persuasum est Arabi, ut CCC• talenta daret ; atque ita Scaurus ex Arabia transduxit exercitum. | Meanwhile Scaurus invaded Arabia, but was held up at Pella by the difficult terrain, and though he ravaged the country around he suffered severely in doing so as he ran out of food completely. From this plight he was saved by Hyrcanus, who sent supplies by Antipater. He as an old friend of Aretas was dispatched by Scaurus to persuade him to buy peace. The Arab agreed to pay three hundred talents, and on those terms Scaurus removed his army from Arabia. |
| 2 | |
| Alexander autem, Aristobuli filius qui Pompejum fugerat, magna manu medio tempore congregata, Hyrcano gravis imminebat, Judæamque depopulabatur. Quem quidem mature debellare posse credebat, quoniam disturbatum quoque a Pompejo murum Hierosolymis renovatum esse confidebat, nisi Gabinius, in Syriam missus, qui Scauro successerat, quum in aliis fortem se præbuisset, tum etiam in Alexandrum movisset exercitum. Hujus autem ille impetum veritus, et ampliorem militum manum congregabat donec facta sunt decem milia peditum et mille quingenti equites, locaque opportuna muris — hoc est, Alexandrium et Hyrcanium et Machærunta — non longe ab Arabiæ montibus muniebat. | The son of Aristobulus who had slipped out of Pompey’s hands, Alexander, having in time collected a large force, was threatening Hyrcanus seriously and ravaging Judæa. He believed he could soon dethrone him, since he also put trust in the fact that the wall in Jerusalem destroyed by Pompey was now repaired. But Gabinius had been sent to Syria as successor to Scaurus, and after showing his worth on many other occasions he marched against Alexander. In alarm at his approach, Alexander recruited vigorously till he had 10,000 heavy infantry and 1,500 cavalry, and fortified suitable positions — i.e., Alexandreum, Hyrcania, and Machærus — with walls near the Arabian hills. |
| 3 | |
| Igitur Gabinius, cum parte copiarum præmisso M. Antonio, ipse cum toto exercitu sequebatur. Lecti autem Antipatri comites alique Judæorum multitudo quorum Malichus et Pitholaus principes erant, junctis cum M. Antonio viribus suis, Alexandro obviam processerunt ; neque ita multo post aderat cum suis copiis Gabinius. Alexander autem, quod tum in unum confertam hostium multitudinem sustinere non poterat, abscessit. Quumque Hierosolymis appropinquasset, coactus prœlio decertavit, amissisque sex milibus, quorum tria viva capta sunt, tria vero prostrata, cum reliquis effugit. | Gabinius sent Mark Antony ahead with a detachment of his army, and followed in person with the main body. Antipater and his elite guard, with the other Jewish forces under Malichus and Peitholaus, put themselves under the command of Mark Antony’s officers and made contact with Alexander. Soon afterwards the heavy infantry arrived with Gabinius at their head. The united forces of his enemies were too much for Alexander, who retreated until near Jerusalem he was forced to give battle, losing in the engagement 6,000 men, half of them killed, half of them prisoners. With the survivors he fled to Alexandreum, |
| 4 | |
| Gabinius autem, ubi Alexandrium castellum venit, quia multos deseruisse castra cognovit, promissa delictorum venia, conabatur eos ante prœlium sibi conjungere. Quum autem illi nihil mediocre cogitarent, plerisque interfectis, reliquos in castellum concludit. In hoc prœlio dux M. Antonius multa præclare gessit, et quamvis semper et ubique vir fortis apparuisset, tamen nunc etiam suum vicit exemplum ; Gabinius autem, relictis qui castellum expugnarent, ipse civitates adire et intactas quidem confirmare, subversas autem erigere curabat. Denique jussu ejus et Scythopolis habitari cœpit, et Samaria et Anthedon et Apollonia et Jamnia et Raphia et Marisa et Dora et Gadara et Azotus aliæque multæ, lætis civibus atque incolis ad eas concurrentibus. | where Gabinius on his arrival found many of them encamped. Before using force he tried to win them over by promising to pardon their past offences; but when they would not think about moderation, he killed a large number and shut the rest into the stronghold. In this battle Mark Antony displayed superlative courage; on every field he had invariably proved his worth, but now he beat his own record. Gabinius left enough men to reduce the fort and went off himself to settle the towns that had not been sacked and to rebuild those that had been destroyed. On his instructions Scythopolis, Samaria, Anthedon, Apollonia, Jamnia, Raphia, Marisa, Dora, Gaza, Azotus, and many other towns were re-established, each of them attracting an influx of eager colonists. |
| 5 | |
| His autem recte dispositis, regressus Alexandrium, vehementius urgebat obsidium. Qua re territus Alexander, omnibus desperatis, legatos ad eum misit, et ignosci delictis orans et quæ sibi pārērent castella Machærunta et Hyrcanium tradere non dubitans, quinetiam Alexandrium ejusdem potestati permisit. Quæ quidem Gabinius omnia, consilio matris Alexandri, funditus eruit ne rursus belli alterius receptaculum fierent. Aderat autem quo suis Gabinium palparet obsequiis, viro suo ceterisque captivis metuens, qui Romam fuerant abducti. Posthæc ergo Gabinius, Hyrcano Hierosolymam deducto eique Fani cura mandata, ceteris reipublicæ partibus optimates præfecit, omnemque Judæorum gentem in conventus quinque divisit : uno Hierosolymis, altero Doris, itemque tertio ut apud Amathunta respondeat, destinatis, quarto Hierico ; et quinto Sepphoris, Galilææ civitas, attributa est. Singulari autem unius dominatione Judæi liberati, libenter ab optimatibus regebantur. | These arrangements complete, he returned to Alexandreum and intensified the siege till Alexander, abandoning hope entirely, sent a herald to implore pardon for his offences and to surrender his remaining fortresses of Hyrcania and Machærus. Finally he handed over Alexandreum as well. All these Gabinius demolished at the instigation of Alexander’s mother, that they might never be used as bases for a second war. The lady had come to ingratiate herself with him in her anxiety for her husband and the other captives who had been taken off to Rome. Gabinius next reinstated Hyrcanus in Jerusalem, entrusting him with the custody of the Temple, and set up a political system based on aristocracy. He divided the whole nation into five unions, assigning Jerusalem to one, Doris to the second and, similarly, so that those around Amathus should answer to the third, Jericho to the fourth; and Sepphoris, a city of Galilee, was assigned to the fifth. Only too pleased to be freed from the domination of one man, the Jews were thenceforth ruled by an aristocracy. |
| 6 | |
| Verumtamen non multo post evenit ut turbarum his fieret initium elapsus Roma Aristobulus qui, magna iterum Judæorum manu conflata, partim cupida mutationis, partim olim dilectus erat, primum occupat Alexandrium ; idque recingere muro temptabat. Deinde cognito quod Gabinius Sisennam et Antonium et Servilium duces contra se cum exercitu misit, in Machærunta conscendit, vulgique imbellis onere deposito, solos armatos prope ad octo milia militum secum duxit, inter quos et Pitholaus erat, secundarum partium rector cum mille viris ex Hierosolymis profugus. Romani autem sequebantur ; habitoque conflictu, aliquamdiu cum suis Aristobulus fortiter dimicando perseverabat donec, vi Romanorum subacti, cæsa sunt virorum V milia, prope vero ad duo milia in quendam tumulum confugerunt. Ceterique mille cum Aristobulo, perrupta Romanorum acie, in Machærunta coacti sunt. Ubi rex, quum in ruinis prima vespera tetendisset, sperabat quidem aliam se manum per indutias belli posse contrahere, castellumque bene munire. Impetum autem Romanorum supra quam poterat per biduum remoratus, postremo capitur ; et cum Antigono filio qui Romæ secum fuerat vinctus, ad Gabinium atque inde Romam perductus est. Sed illum quidem Senatus carceri inclusit. Filios autem ejus in Judæam transmisit, quia Gabinius scripserat per epistulas id pro traditione castellorum conjugi Aristobuli spopondisse. | It was not long before trouble broke out for them. Aristobulus escaped from Rome, and again rallied a large number of Jews, some eager for political change, others long devoted to him. His first act was to seize Alexandreum and to attempt its refortification; but when he learnt that Gabinius had sent an army under Sisenna, Antony, and Servilius to attack him, he retired towards Machærus. Shaking off a mass of useless followers he kept only those properly equipped, about 8,000. Among these was Peitholaus, chief of staff in Jerusalem, who had deserted to him with 1,000 men. The Romans followed close behind, and battle was joined. For a long time Aristobulus and his men offered a fierce and successful resistance, but in the end they were overwhelmed by the Romans and lost 5,000 killed. Some 2,000 escaped onto a hill and the remaining thousand led by Aristobulus hacked their way through the Roman ranks and drove on to Machærus. There, as he bivouacked the first night among the ruins, the king hoped through a truce in the war to gather another army, and to fortify the stronghold well; having held off the Roman attack beyond his ability for two days, he was captured, and with Antigonus, the son who had escaped with him from Rome, he was brought in fetters to Gabinius and by Gabinius sent back to Rome. The Senate imprisoned him himself, but sent his children to Judæa, as Gabinius sent a written statement that he had promised this to Aristobulus’ wife in return for the surrender of the strongholds. |
| 7 | |
| Parato autem Gabinio bellum Parthis inferre, Ptolemæus impedimento fuit. Qui, reversus ab Euphrate, petebat Ægyptum, Hyrcano et Antipatro amicis usus ad omnia quæ militiæ necessitas exigebat. Nam et pecuniis et armis eum et frumento Antipater et auxiliis adjuvit. Et Judæis in ea parte vias quæ Pelusium ducerent observantibus, transmittere Gabinium persuasit ; alia vero Syria, discessu Gabinii commota, et Judæos iterum Alexander, Aristobuli filius, ad defectionem reduxit ; et maxima multitudine conflata, Romanos omnes qui per eam terram degerent obtruncare decreverat. Quam rem Gabinius metuens (jam enim ex Ægypto redierat) hoc tumultu instante, nonnullis dissidentium, præmisso Antipatro, concordiam persuasit. Cum Alexandro autem milia triginta remanserant, et ille ad bellum promptus erat. Itaque ad pugnam egreditur. Occurrunt autem Judæi et, circa montem Itaburium congressi, decem milia sternuntur, ceteram vero multitudinem fuga dispersit. Et Gabinius ad Hierosolymam reversus (id enim Antipater voluit) rempublicam ejus composuit ; deinde hinc profectus, Nabathæos pugna superat et Mithridatem et Orsanem a Parthis perfugas clam dimittit, eosque militibus « aufugisse » dixit. | Gabinius had already sent off an expedition against the Parthians when he was stopped by Ptolemy {XIII}. He turned back from the Euphrates and restored that monarch to the Egyptian throne, supported throughout the campaign by all the resources of Hyrcanus and Antipater. Money, weapons, corn, and auxiliaries were furnished by Antipater, who also persuaded the Jewish frontier guards at the Pelusian Approaches to let Gabinius pass. In the absence of Gabinius there were risings all over Syria, and the Jews were again stirred to revolt by Alexander, Aristobulus’ son, who collected a huge army and started a massacre of all the Romans in the country. This alarmed Gabinius, who had already hurried back from Egypt on hearing of the upheaval in Palestine. He had sent Antipater ahead to win over the rebels, and met with some success; but 30,000 remained loyal to Alexander, and he was determined to fight. So when Gabinius took the field, the Jews met him, and in a battle near Mount Tabor lost 10,000 killed, the rest fleeing in all directions. Gabinius visited Jerusalem, where he reconstituted the government according to Antipater’s wishes; setting out from there he defeated the Nabatæans in battle. Mithridates and Orsanes, refugees from Parthia, got away with his connivance, “giving him the slip,” as he informed the soldiers. |
| 8 | |
| Interea Crassus ei successor datus Syriam suscepit. Is in Parthicæ militiæ sumptum, et omne aliud aurum Templi quod Hierosolymis erat, abstulit, et a quibus Pompejus temperaverat — duo milia talentorum. Euphratem vero transgressus, et ipse perit et exercitus ejus, de quibus non est hujus temporis commemorare. | At this point Crassus arrived to take over the governorship of Syria. For the campaign against the Parthians he removed all the gold from the Sanctuary in Jerusalem, including the 2,000 talents Pompey had not touched. He crossed the Euphrates and perished with his army, but that is irrelevant to our story. |
| 9 | |
| Post Crassum autem, Parthos in Syriam properantes irruere Cassius inhibuit, receptus in provinciam. Ejus autem favore quæsito, in Judæam festinabat ; captisque Tarichæis, prope ad tria milia Judæorum abducit in servitium. Occidit autem etiam Pitholaum, seditiosos Aristobuli colligentem, cujus necis suasor erat Antipater. Huic autem nupta fuit ex Arabia nobilis femina nomine Cypris, unde filios quattuor : Phasaëlem, et regem Herodem, et Josephum, et Pheroram ; et Salomen filiam habebat. Quum autem omnium qui ubique potentes essent, amicitiam hospitiis familiaritateque conquireret, præcipue regem Arabum per affinitatem sibi sociavit, ejusque fidei commendans filios suos ad eum misit, quoniam bellum cum Aristobulo gerendum susceperat. Cassius autem, compulso ad otium per condiciones Alexandro, ad Euphratem reversus est, Parthos transitu prohibiturus, de quibus alio loco referemus. | After their victory the Parthians swept forward to cross the river into Syria, but were driven back by Cassius, who had retreated to the Roman province. Having gained its support, he hurried towards Judæa, capturing Tarichææ, where he enslaved some 30,000 Jews and at Antipater’s suggestion executed Peitholaus, who was trying to rally Aristobulus’ partisans. Antipater had married a noble lady from Arabia called Cypros, who bore him four sons, Phasaël, {the future) King Herod, Joseph, and Pheroras, and a daughter Salome. He had won influential support on every side by kindness and hospitality; above all he had by his marriage made the Arab king his friend, and when he undertook the war against Aristobulus it was to him that he sent his children, trusting his loyalty. Cassius, after forcing Alexander through a treaty to keep the peace, went back to the Euphrates to prevent a Parthian crossing. A fuller account will be given in a later work. |
| ⇑ § IX | |
| Aristobulus a Pompeji amicis occiditur et filius ejus Alexander a Scipione. Antipater post Pompeji obitum in clientelam Cæsaris se confert, et auxilium ferens Mithridati præclare se gerit. | Aristobulus is taken off by Pompey’s friends, as is his son Alexander by Scipio. Antipater cultivates a friendship with Cæsar, after Pompey’s death; He also performs great actions in that war, wherein he assisted Mithridates. |
| 1 | |
| — Caput A-7 — De Aristobuli morte et bello Antipatri contra Mithridatem. | |
| Cæsar autem, post Senatus et Pompeji fugam trans mare Ionium, rebus omnibus Romaque potitus, solutum vinculis Aristobulum cum duabus cohortibus velociter ad Syriam misit, et hanc facillime et cuncta Judææ proxima per illum subjici posse ratus. Verum et spem Cæsaris et Aristobuli alacritatem prævenit invidia, nam veneno peremptus a Pompeji studiosis, aliquamdiu etiam sepultura in solo patrio carebat, corpusque mortui servabatur melle condītum, donec ab Antonio Judæis missum est in monumentis regalibus sepeliendum. | When Pompey and the Senate fled across the Adriatic, Cæsar became master of Rome and the Empire. He at once released Aristobulus from prison, put two legions at his disposal, and sent him posthaste to Syria, thinking to be able through him easily to subject it and everything adjacent to Judæa. But malice frustrated both Aristobulus’ enthusiasm and Cæsar’s hopes: Aristobulus was poisoned by Pompey’s adherents, and for a long time was even denied burial in his native land, his body lying preserved in honey till Antony delivered it to the Jews to be buried in the royal sepulchers. |
| 2 | |
| Occiditur autem Alexander quoque, filius ejus, a Scipione securi percussus Antiochiæ secundum Pompeji litteras, accusatione ejus pro tribunali prius habita super his quæ in Romanos admiserat. Ptolemæus autem, Minnæi filius, qui Chalcidem sub Libano tenebat, captis ejus fratribus, filium suum Philippionem qui eos arcesseret, mittit Ascalonem, atque ille abstractum ab Aristobuli conjuge Antigonum ejusque sorores adducit ad patrem. Amore autem captus, minorem earum conjugio sibi copulat, ob eamque postea causam a patre occiditur — ¡ accepit enim Ptolemæus in matrimonium Alexandram, perempto filio ! Hujusque affinitatis gratia, fratres ejus propensiore cura tuebatur. | Death came also to his son Alexander by the axe of Scipio in Antioch, by order of Pompey, after he had been put on trial for the damage he had done the Romans. Having taken his brother and sisters captive, Ptolemy, son of Mennæus and ruler of Chalcis at the base of Lebanon, who sent his son Philippion to fetch them from Ascalon. Philippion tore Antigonus and his sisters away from Aristobulus’ widow, and after taking them to his father fell in love with the younger one and married her – only to be killed on her account by his father, who after murdering his son married Alexandra himself! This marriage made him take still greater care of her siblings. |
| 3 | |
| Antipater autem, Pompejo mortuo, in clientelam Cæsaris se contulit ; et quia Mithridates Pergamenus, ab accessu Pelusii prohibitus, cum exercitu quem ducebat in Ægyptum apud Ascalonem morabatur, non solum Arabas, quamvis hospes esset, auxilium ferre persuasit, verum et ipse armata Judæorum tria circiter milia secum movit. Excitavit autem præsidio Syriæ quoque potentes, et incolam Libani Ptolemæum, et Jamblichum et Ptolemæum alterum, quorum gratia civitates illius regionis alacri animo bellum pariter incoharunt. Jamque fretus Mithridates auctis propter Antipatrum copiis, Pelusium proficiscitur. Et quia transire vetaretur, civitatem obsidebat ; Antipater vero in hac oppugnatione clarius enituit. Effracto enim ex parte sua muro, primus in civitatem cum suis insiluit. | On Pompey’s death {48 B.C.} Antipater switched to Cæsar’s faction; and because Mithridates of Pergamum, while leading an army to Egypt, was warned off the Pelusian Approaches and held up at Ascalon, he not only persuaded the Arabs, although he was their guest, to assist him, but himself advanced with about 3,000 Jewish heavy infantry. He further induced the powerholders of Syria to help: the Ptolemy resident in Lebanon, and Jamblichus, and a second Ptolemy — with whose aid the towns in their neighborhood all eagerly undertook war. Now supported by forces increased due to Antipater, Mithridates pushed on to Pelusium; finding the way barred, he laid siege to the town. In the assault too, chief honors went to Antipater; he broached the wall in front of him and was the first to dash into the town, followed by his men. |
| 4 | |
| Et Pelusium quidem captum est ; ulterius autem eos progredi non sinebant Judæi Ægyptii, terrarum incolæ, quæ appellantur Oniæ. Quibus tamen Antipater non modo ne obstarent, verum etiam, ut victui necessaria præberent militi, persuasit. Unde factum est ut nec Memphitæ ad manus venirent, ultroque sese traderent Mithridati, atque ille, Delta jam peragrato, pugnam cum ceteris commisit Ægyptiis in loco cui nomen est « Judæorum Castra » ; eumque in acie, omni dextro cornu liberavit Antipater, circumgressus fluminis ripam. Lævum enim cornu contra se positum superabat. Facto autem in eos impetu qui Mithridatem persequerentur, multos occidit ; tamque diu reliquos fugientes agebat, donec etiam castris eorum potitus est, octoginta tantum de suorum numero amissis. Octingentos autem fere Mithridates quum fugeret perdidit. Præter spem vero servatus ex prœlio, vacuus invidia testis rerum ab Antipatro gestarum fuit apud Cæsarem. | Pelusium fell; but as Mithridates advanced he was again held up by the Egyptian Jews who occupied the district named after Onias. But Antipater induced them not only not to oppose the army but even to furnish supplies; consequently at Memphis too the people refrained from opposition and volunteered to serve under Mithridates. He now rounded the Delta and met the rest of the Egyptians in battle at a place called “Jews’ Camp.” In the fight he was rescued with the whole right wing by Antipater, who had circled along the riverbank. For he had beaten the left wing opposite him. He fell on Mithridates’ pursuers, killed a great many and pursued the survivors so far that he even took their camp. He lost only eighty of his own men, whereas Mithridates in the rout had lost about eight hundred. Unexpectedly saved thus from the battle, he bore envy-free testimony before Cæsar to Antipater’s achievements. |
| 5 | |
| Unde ille tunc quidem Antipatrum, spe et laudibus incitatum, ad subeunda pro se pericula reddidit promptiorem. In quibus omnibus bellator audacissimus comprobatus est, multaque perpessus vulnera, toto corpore gerebat signa virtutis. Post autem quando, rebus in Ægypto compositis, ad Syriam rediit, et Romana eum civitate simul et immunitate donavit ; aliisque rebus honorando, amicissimeque tractando, dignum æmulatione reddit ; ejusdemque gratia etiam pontificatum confirmavit Hyrcano. | Thereupon Cæsar by praise and promise incited the veteran to face further hazards on his behalf. In all these he proved himself the most intrepid of fighters, and wounded again and again he bore on almost every part of his body the marks of his valor. Later, when order had been restored in Egypt and Cæsar returned to Syria, he bestowed Roman citizenship on him and exempted him from taxation, and by other honors and marks of friendship made him an object-lesson to all. For his sake also Cæsar confirmed the pontificate of Hyrcanus. |
| ⇑ § X | |
| Antipatrum Judææ procuratorem facit Cæsar, et Antipater Hierosolymis præficit Phasaëlum, et Herodi summam in Galilæa potestatem mandat ; qui non multo post in judicium vocatur et absolvitur. Sexto Cæsari a Basso insidiis perempto succedit Marcus. | Cæsar makes Antipater procurator of Judæa; As Does Antipater Appoint Phasaëlus to be Governor of Jerusalem, and Herod Governor of Galilee; Who, in some time, was called to Answer for Himself [before the Sanhedrin], Where he is Acquitted. Sextus Cæsar is Treacherously Killed by Bassus and is Succeeded by Marcus. |
| 1 | |
| — Caput A-8 — De accusatione Antipatri apud Cæsarem : de Pontificatu Hyrcani, et Herode bellum movente. | |
| Eodem vero tempore, Antigonus quoque, Aristobuli filius, quum venisset ad Cæsarem, majoris præter opinionem felicitatis causam præbuit Antipatro. Nam qui de patris morte queri deberet propter inimicitias Pompeji, veneno (quantum putabatur) perempti, et crudelitatis in fratrem accusare Scipionem, nullumque invidiæ dolum admiscere miseriis, ultra hæc Hyrcanum et Antipatrum criminabatur, veluti se patrio loco cum fratribus iniquissime pellerent, multisque gentem injuriis afficerent dummodo satiarentur ; quodque in Ægyptum auxilia ipsi Cæsari non benevolentia, sed timore veteris discordiæ miserint, et ut amorem Pompeji deprecarentur. | Soon after this Antigonus, son of Aristobulus, had an interview with Cæsar which had the unexpected result of winning Antipater further advancement. His wisest course would have been to express grief for his father, who was thought to have been poisoned because of his differences with Pompey, and indignation at Scipio’s brutal treatment of his brother, and not to mix his appeals for sympathy with an outburst of bitterness. But he went on to accuse Hyrcanus and Antipater, openly alleging that in a most iniquitous fashion they had driven him and his sisters right out of their native land; that they had afflicted the nation with many injustices until they were fed up; that they had sent assistance to Cæsar in Egypt, not out of loyalty to him, but through fear springing from old differences and in the hope that they could divert attention from their love of Pompey. |
| 2 | |
| Ad hæc Antipater, veste projecta, multitudinem vulnerum demostrabat. Et qua fide quidem Cæsarem coluisset, verbis non esse opus dixit ; nam corpus, etiam se tacente, clamare ; Antigoni autem mirari audaciam qui, quum hostis Romanorum sit filius, et fugitivi Romanorum, novarumque rerum studium votumque seditiosum patris habeat, apud Romanorum principem alios accusare conetur, bonique aliquid adipisci temptet ; quem hoc solum oportere, contentum esse quod viveret. Nam nunc eum non propter inopiam desiderare facultates, sed ut in eos qui dedissent Judæorum seditiones accenderet. | Antipater retorted by throwing off his garments and exposing his countless scars. Of his loyalty to Cæsar, he said, he need say nothing; his body shouted it aloud without his saying a word. The impudence of Antigonus passed belief; the son an enemy of Rome — and a fugitive from Rome — inheriting from his father a craving for revolution and a seditious will, trying to accuse other people before the Roman commander, and attempting to feather his own nest when the only right thing would be for him to be content that he was alive! It was not from being in want that his present lust for power arose, but so that he could stir up sedition against those who provided it among the Jews. |
| 3 | |
| Quæ ubi Cæsar audivit, Hyrcanum quidem pontificatu digniorem esse pronuntiavit ; Antipatro autem cujus vellet potestatis detulit optionem. Qui, permisso dignitatis modo ipsi qui daret, Judææ procurator declaratus est, et præter hoc impetravit ut subversa patriæ mœnia renovare sibi liceret. Et hos quidem honores Cæsar incīdendos in Capitolium misit ut justitiæ suæ virtutisque signum Antipatri memoriæ traderetur. | Having listened to both, Cæsar declared Hyrcanus the better candidate for the pontificate, and allowed Antipater to choose his own office. Antipater left it to the bestower of the honor to decide its magnitude, and was appointed commissioner for all Judæa, and in addition got authority to rebuild the demolished walls of his fatherland. These honors Cæsar ordered to be engraved in the Capitol, to commemorate both his own justice and the valor of Antipater. |
| 4 | |
| Antipater vero, ubi de Syria Cæsarem prosecutus est, in Judæam reversus, ante omnia patriæ muros a Pompejo dirutos reparabat, omniaque lustrando ne quid in illis regionibus turbatum esset, nunc interminando, nunc etiam suadendo curabat ; unumquemque admonens quod si cum Hyrcano sentirent, in otio atque opulentia victuri essent, fortunisque suis et communi pace potituri ; sin spe vana ducerentur eorum qui privati quæstus gratia res novas optarent, se quidem non procuratorem sed dominum omnium, Hyrcanum vero tyrannum pro rege, itemque Romanos et Cæsarem hostes pro amicis et rectoribus habituri, nec enim passuros hujus potestatem labefactari quem ipsi regem constituissent. Sed quamvis hæc diceret, tamen etiam per se (quoniam Hyrcanum segniorem videret, neque tam efficacem quam regni posceret sollicitudo) statum provinciæ componebat. Et Phasaëlum quidem natu maximum filiorum suorum militibus præpositum, Hierosolymæ ejusque territorio præfecit. Herodem vero ætate posteriorem, nimisque adulescentem, Galilææ destinat, similia curaturum ; | As soon as Antipater had escorted Cæsar out of Syria, he returned to Judæa. There he began first by re-erecting the wall of the fatherland which Pompey had demolished, and proceeded to suppress disturbances in various parts of the country, using in every case both threats and advice — if they went along with Hyrcanus they would live in prosperity and quiet, enjoying their own property and general peace; but if they deluded by the frigid hopes of those who for private profit were eager for revolution, they would find him not a protector but a master, Hyrcanus not a king but an autocrat, and Cæsar and the Romans not leaders and friends but enemies; they would never stand by while the Jews turned out of office the man they had appointed. While he talked in this way he was organizing the country along his own lines, knowing that Hyrcanus was too lethargic and spineless to be a real king. Phasaël, his eldest son, he appointed governor of Jerusalem and its district; the younger one, Herod, he sent with equal authority into Galilee, though he was quite young. |
| 5 | |
| qui, quum natura strenuus esset, cito materiam ubi animi magnitudinem exerceret invenit ; captumque latronum principem Ezechiam, quem prædari maximo agmine continentia Syriæ deprehendit, ipsum aliosque latrones multos interfecit. Eaque res adeo grata fuit Syris ut per vicos atque oppida caneretur Herodes veluti per eum pace reddita et possessionibus restitutis. Ex hujus denique operis gloria Sexto etiam Cæsari, propinquo magni Cæsaris et Syriam tunc administranti, est cognitus. Quin et Phasaëlus fratris indolem contentione bona superare certabat, augendo erga se benevolentiam Hierosolymis habitantium — atque illam quidem Civitatem possidens, nihil autem contumeliose per insolentiam potestatis admittens. Hinc et Antipater obsequiis regalibus ab ea gente colebatur, et honores ei tanquam rerum domino omnes habebant. Nec tamen ipse propterea minus fidelis aut benevolus Hyrcano fuit. | Herod, with an enterprising nature, soon found an outlet for his active spirit. Finding that Hezekiah, a bandit chief, was overrunning the district adjoining Syria with a very large gang, he caught and executed him along with many of his bandits. This stroke won Herod the gratitude of the Syrians; in all the villages and in the towns his praises were sung — had he not won back for them their peace and property? A further result was that he became known to Sextus Cæsar, a kinsman of the great Cæsar and governor of Syria. His reputation also served to arouse a spirit of friendly rivalry in his brother Phasaël, who became steadily more popular in Jerusalem and, while ruling over the City, nonetheless committed no arrogant abuse of his powers. Consequently Antipater was revered by the nation as if he were king, and honored by all as undisputed head of the state; yet his own loyalty and faithfulness to Hyrcanus remained unchanged. |
| 6 | |
| Verum fieri non potest ut livorem quisquam in secundis rebus effugiat. Namque Hyrcanus, quamvis et antea tacite sua sponte mordebatur adulescentium gloria, maximeque rebus ab Herode gestis — et crebris nuntiis laudes ejus per singula facta prædicantibus augerentur. A multis tamen invidis qui regias infestare solent, quibusque Antipatri ejusque filiorum probitas officiebat, instigabatur, dicentibus quod, Antipatro et filiis ejus rebus traditis — solo contentus, et hac potestate vacuo, regis nomine — sederet. ¿ Et quamdiu sic errabit ut in se reges producat ? Nec enim eos vel simulare jam procurationem, sed certe esse dominos, ipso rejecto ; cujus nec mandatis nec epistulis præter Judæorum legem tantam multitudinem peremisset Herodes ; illumque, nisi regnet sed adhuc privatus sit, ad judicium venire debere, rationem tam ipsi regi quam patriis legibus redditurum, quæ indemnatos occidi non sinerent. | But in success there is no way of avoiding jealousy. Hyrcanus, though he did not show it, was being eaten inside by the fame of the young men; he was grieved most of all by Herod’s achievements — and the praises grew, extolled in detail by frequent messengers. His bitterness was aggravated by the malignity of numerous courtiers, offended by the integrity either of Antipater or of the sons; to the three of them had gone by default the management of affairs, while Hyrcanus sat helpless, retaining only the name of king without the authority. How long would he be so foolish as to rear kings against his own interest? They no longer pretended to be viceroys but were the unquestioned heads of the state, while he had ceased to count; for without his giving any order, verbal or written, Herod had put all these people to death in defiance of the Jewish Law. If he was not king but a private citizen still, he ought to be put on trial and in the king’s presence justify his breach of the ancestral laws which forbade execution without trial. |
| 7 | |
| His paulatim accendebatur Hyrcanus. Ad extremum autem iracundia prodita, causam dicturum Herodem jubet accersiri ; atque ille, et patris monitu et quod ei fiduciam res gestæ darent, firmata prius Galilæa præsidiis, ad regem proficiscitur. Ibat autem cum forti caterva, ne vel derogare videretur Hyrcano, si plures duceret, vel invidiæ nudus pateret. Sextus autem Cæsar adulescenti metuens ne quid apud inimicos deprehenso mali fieret, ad Hyrcanum mittit, qui ei manifeste denuntiaret ut homicidii crimine liberaret Herodem. Hyrcanus autem, qui eum diligeret, per se quoque id cupiens, absolutionem decernit. | By these suggestions Hyrcanus was gradually inflamed, and at last in an outburst of fury he sent for Herod to stand his trial. Advised by his father and emboldened by the success of his own policy, Herod posted garrisons about Galilee and presented himself in Jerusalem, accompanied by a strong escort – not so swollen a force as to suggest the intention of dethroning Hyrcanus, nor small enough to leave him helpless in face of jealousy. But Sextus Cæsar, fearing that the young man, under arrest among enemies, would suffer disaster, sent Hyrcanus a categorical order to acquit Herod of the charge of homicide. The king, who as an admirer of Herod was in any case anxious to do this, found him not guilty. |
| 8 | |
| Atque is invito rege evasisse ratus, Damascum recessit ad Sextum, nequaquam paratus obœdire, si denuo fuisset accitus. Rursumque ab improbis irritabatur Hyrcanus, qui dicerent iratum Herodem abiisse et, ut se contra ipsum strueret, properasse. Hæc autem rex vero esse existimans, quid ageret nesciebat, quoniam potentiorem inimicum videbat. Quum vero a Sexto Cæsare dux militum per Syriam itemque per Samariam declaratus esset Herodes, neque solum propter gentis favorem sed etiam viribus suis terribilis putaretur, in timorem extremum incidit, jamjamque illum contra se credens cum exercitu esse venturum. | Herod, believing that the king was mortified by his escape, withdrew to Sextus’ headquarters in Damascus, with the intention of disobeying if summoned again. The malignant courtiers renewed their incitement of Hyrcanus, alleging that Herod had gone away in a rage and was hurrying to devise machinations against him. Thinking these allegations true, the king was at a loss what to do, as he saw the superiority of his opponent. But when Sextus Cæsar actually appointed Herod commander-in-chief of Syria and Samaria and not only the loyalty of the people but the forces at his disposal made him formidable, Hyrcanus was paralysed with fear, every minute expecting Herod to march against him with an army at his back. |
| 9 | |
| Neque opinione deceptus est. Namque Herodes, intentatæ sibi accusationis iracundia, conflatam militum multitudinem in Hierosolymam ducebat ut Hyrcanum regno deponeret. Idque fecisset ni pariter egressi pater et frater fregissent ejus impetum, deprecantes ut et ipse vindictam minis tantum, solaque indignatione mētiretur, regi autem parceret sub quo ad hoc potentiæ processisset ; ac si propterea quod in judicium vocatus esset, indignaretur, quia tamen absolutus est, gratias ageret, neque tristibus quidem paria referret, saluti vero esset ingratus. Quod si etiam momenta bellorum reputanda viderentur, iniquitatem militiæ consideraret ; neque omnino de victoria bene speraret, qui cum rege congressurus esset domestica consuetudine juncto et de se bene merito, sævo autem nunquam, nisi quod malevolorum consiliis impulsus, umbram ei tantum iniquitatis intentasset. Paruit his Herodes qui speratis putaverat posse sufficere, suasque vires demonstrare nationi. | And he guessed right. Herod, furious at the threat implied in his trial, collected an army and set out for Jerusalem to dethrone Hyrcanus. And he would soon have done it, if his father and brother had not hurried out and calmed him down, urging him to confine his revenge to threats and ferocity and to spare the king under whom he had grown so powerful. If he felt sore at being put in the dock, he ought at the same time to be grateful for his acquittal, and not to answer harsh attacks with their like and be ungrateful for his acquittal. And if the fortunes of war were taken into consideration, he should think about the injustice of war, and not put absolute hope in victory when he was about to fight a king with whom he was connected through family ties and who had treated him well and had never been harsh, except when he had been driven by malignant advisers to try to scare him with a shadow of injustice. Thus advised Herod gave way, satisfied that he had made his future secure by giving the people a demonstration of his power. |
| 10 | |
| Et inter hæc discordia Romanorum circa Apameam bellumque domesticorum oritur ; quoniam Cæcilius Bassus, favore Pompeji, Sextum Cæsarem dolo necaverat, ejusque militem occupaverat. Alii vero Cæsaris duces, mortis ejus ulciscendæ gratia, cunctis viribus Bassum petebant. Quibus tam interempti quam superstitis Cæsaris causa, quod ambobus esset amicus, Antipater per filios suos misit auxilia. Quum autem bellum traheretur, ex Italia successor ante dicti Sexti venit Murcus. | Meanwhile near Apamea peace was shattered for the Romans and civil war broke out. Cæcilius Bassus in loyalty to Pompey treacherously killed Sextus Cæsar and took over his army. Cæsar’s other generals in revenge for the murder assailed Bassus with all their forces. Antipater, for the sake of both the dead Cæsar and the living one, both friends of his, sent assistance through his sons. While the war dragged on, Murcus arrived from Italy as successor to Sextus. |
| ⇑ § XI | |
| Herodes fit totius Syriæ procurator, quem veritus Malichus Antipatrum veneno tollit ; Malichum vero interficere tribunis militum persuadetur. | Herod is made procurator of all Syria; Malichus is afraid of him, and takes Antipater off by poison; Whereupon the tribunes of the soldiers are prevailed with to kill him. |
| 1 | |
| — Caput A-9 — De Romanorum dissidiis, post mortem Cæsaris, et insidiis Malichi. | |
| Eodem tempore magnum bellum inter Romanos conflatur, dolo Cassii et Bruti Cæsare interfecto, postquam triennium septemque menses tenuit principatum. Maximo autem motu cædis ejus gratia concitato et optimatibus inter se dissidentibus, propria spe quisque ducebatur ad id quod existimabat esse commodius. Itaque Cassius Syriam petit, occupaturus militem qui Apameam circumsidebat ; ubi et Murcum et dissidentes cohortes Basso conciliavit, simulque obsidione liberavit Apameam. Ipse vero exercitum ducens stipendium civitatibus indicebat ; nec modus erat exactionum. | It was at this time that Rome’s great war broke out through the action of Cassius and Brutus, who treacherously murdered Cæsar when he had held supreme power for three years and seven months. A tremendous upheaval resulted from the murder and the most powerful citizens were divided into two camps, every man joining the party that promised him most. Cassius in particular went to Syria to take over the forces near Apamea. He reconciled Murcus and the opposing cohorts to Basso, and brought the siege of Apamea to an end. Then, taking command of the troops himself, he went from town to town levying tribute; but there was no limit to his exactions. |
| 2 | |
| Quum autem Judæos quoque septingenta talenta jussisset conferre, minas ejus veritus, Antipater filiis suis et aliis amicis mature pecuniæ cogendæ curam distribuit, et inter eos Malicho cuidam, ex inimicis — adeo necessitas urgebat. Primus autem Herodes Cassii favorem promeruit, qui ex Galilæa, parte sua, talenta centum attulit, proptereaque inter eximios amicos numerabatur. At vero ceteros tarditatis arguens Cassius, ipsis civitatibus irascebatur. Eoque Gophnam et Ammauntem et duas alias civitates ex vilioribus depopulatus, ibat quidem quasi Malichum interfecturus quod remissior in exigendo fuisset. Verum et hujus et ceterarum civitatum interitum repressit Antipater, centum ilico talentis Cassio delenito. | When the Jews were ordered to contribute 700 talents, Antipater, frightened by Cassius’ threats, divided the responsibility for its speedy collection among his sons and some of his acquaintances, including a certain Malichus, one of his enemies, in view of the pressing necessity. The first to satisfy Cassius was Herod, who brought his quota of one hundred talents from Galilee and earned Cassius’ hearty approval. The others Cassius abused for their slowness, and then poured forth his fury on the towns themselves. He laid waste to Gophna, Emmaus, and two less important places, and was on the point of executing Malichus because he was more remiss in exacting the money, when his death and the destruction of the other towns were prevented by Antipater’s prompt appeasement of Cassius with a present of one hundred talents. |
| 3 | |
| Nequaquam tamen Malichus post abitum Cassii, beneficiorum Antipatri memor fuit. Sed illi ipsi, quem sæpenumero memorabat sui servatorem fuisse, periculum moliebatur, iniquitatis suæ impedimentum abolere festinans. Itaque Antipater, et vires ejus et calliditatem metuens, flumen transit Jordanem, ad ulciscendas insidias collecturus exercitum. Deprehensus autem, Malichus Antipatri filios impudentia superat. Nam et Phasaëlum, apud Hierosolymam præsidiis appositum, et Herodem, qui custodiam curabat armorum, multis excusationibus et sacramentis circumventos impellit ut, ipsis intercedentibus, reconciliaretur Antipatro ; atque ita denuo per Antipatrum, exorato Murco tunc in Syria militem regente, servatus est ; qui Malichum statuerat occidere quod novis rebus studuisset. | When, however, Cassius was out of the way, Malichus, so far from showing gratitude to Antipater, devised a plot against the man who had so often saved him, anxious as he was to remove this obstacle to his career of crime. Antipater, alarmed at the strength and cunning of the man, crossed the Jordan with the intention of raising a force to crush the plot. Caught in the act, Malichus by sheer impudence got the better of Antipater’s sons: Phasaël, warden of Jerusalem, and Herod, responsible for arms and equipment, were deceived by a stream of excuses and oaths into undertaking to intercede on his behalf with their father. Thus Malichus was saved a second time by Antipater, who persuaded Murcus, then governor of Syria, to abandon his intention of executing him as a revolutionary. |
| 4 | |
| Cæsare vero adulescente et Antonio cum Bruto et Cassio bellum gerentibus, Murcus et Cassius exercitu de Syria conflato, quod magnum momentum, ubi usus poposcit, Herodes fuisset, ipsum quidem totius Syriæ procuratorem perficiunt, equitum illi manu peditumque attributa. Si autem bellum desiisset, regnum quoque Judææ Cassius se eidem delaturum esse pollicitus est. Evenit autem ut Antipatro et spes et fortitudo filii causa mortis fieret. Horum enim metu Malichus, ministro quodam regio pecunia corrupto, mixtum ei veneno poculum dari persuadet. Atque ille quidem injustitiæ Malichi præmium fuit post convivium mortuus, vir et alias strenuus rebusque administrandis idoneus, et qui regnum recuperatum conservasset Hyrcano. | When war was declared on Cassius and Brutus by young Cæsar and Antony, Cassius and Murcus raised an army in Syria, and as they hoped for valuable assistance from Herod they put him for the time being in charge of all Syria, giving him a contingent of horse and foot, Cassius promising that when the war was over he would make him king of Judæa. But it happened that for Antipater both the hope and power of his son were the cause of his death. Fearing Herod’s rise, Malichus bribed one of the royal cup-bearers to give Antipater poison. It was a triumph for the criminality of Malichus; for after the banquet Antipater died. He had at all times shown energy and initiative in the management of affairs, above all in putting Hyrcanus back on his throne and keeping him there. |
| 5 | |
| Malichus autem infensum propter suspicionem veneni populum negando placabat ; simulque, ut validior esset, armatorum sibi copias conquirebat. Nec enim Herodem cessaturum arbitrabatur, quinetiam mox cum exercitu necis paternæ ultor adveniret. Sed Phasaëli fratris consilio, qui eum palam minime persequendum esse dicebat ne vulgi seditio concitaretur, et purgantem se tunc Malichum patenter admisit et, suspicione liberum esse concedens, clarissimas paterno funeri celebravit exsequias. | Malichus, suspected of the poisoning, quieted the angry citizens by denying it and made himself more secure by raising a body of infantry; he did not suppose that Herod would take it lying down, and indeed Herod arrived almost instantaneously with an army to avenge his father. But as his brother Phasaël advised him not to settle accounts with the man openly, for fear of provoking a riot, he publicly accepted Malichus’ explanation and agreed that no suspicion attached to him. Then he performed the funeral rites for his father with magnificent ceremonial. |
| 6 | |
| Conversus autem in Samariam et civitatem composuit seditione turbatam, perque dies festos in Hierosolymam remeabat, præmissis ac comitantibus armatis ; cui Hyrcanus, ita suadente ob metum Malicho, denuntiat ne alienigenas superinducat indigenis festum pure casteque celebrantibus. Herodes autem, et ipso qui præceperat causaque contempta, nocte ingressus est. Iterumque Malichus ad eum veniens, Antipatrum flebat. Contraque ille se falli, quum vix animi dolorem premeret, simulabat ; et tamen de nece patris apud Cassium per epistulas questus est, cui propterea Malichus invisus erat. Itaque non modo ut mortem patris ulcisceretur, ei rescripsit, sed etiam tribunis quibus præerat, ut in causa justa Herodi opem ferrent, occulte præcepit. | He next turned his attention to Samaria which was torn by party strife, and after putting matters there to rights turned back to Jerusalem to attend the Feast [of Tabernacles], with his armed forces preceding and accompanying him. Hyrcanus, at the instance of Malichus who had panicked at Herod’s approach, sent orders that he was not to bring foreigners among the nationals while they were purifying themselves. Herod showed his contempt for the pretext and for the man who issued the order by entering during the night. Malichus again approached him and bewailed Antipater. In response, Herod pretended he had made a mistake, though he could hardly contain his anger; but he sent letters deploring his father’s murder to Cassius, who for that reason hated Malichus. Cassius not only wrote back that he should avenge his father’s death, but also gave secret instructions to his tribunes to help Herod in his just cause. |
| 7 | |
| Et quoniam capta Laodicea undique ad Herodem convenerant optimates cum muneribus et coronis, ipse quidem hoc ultioni tempus destinaverat. Malichus autem id Tyri fore suspicabatur ; et filium suum tunc apud Tyrios obsidem statuit subducere, et ipse in Judæam fugam parabat. Salutis autem desperatio stimulabat ut etiam majora cogitaret, nam et Judæorum gentem contra Romanos excitaturum se credidit, dum bello adversus Antonium Cassius occupabatur, dejectoque Hyrcano facillime regnaturum. | After Cassius’ capture of Laodicea the leading men of every district gathered at his headquarters, bringing him crowns and other gifts. This was the moment chosen by Herod for his revenge. But at Tyre Malichus suspected it was going to happen, and made preparations to steal away his son, then held as a hostage in Tyre, and make his own escape to Judæa. His slender chances of survival acted as a spur to thoughts of even bigger things, and he saw himself leading his nation in revolt against the Romans while Cassius had his hands full with the war against Antony, and easily becoming king after disposing of Hyrcanus. |
| 8 | |
| Sed profecto irridebat ejus spem fatale decretum. Etenim quo intenderet animum suspicatus Herodes, et ipsum et Hyrcanum ad cenam vocat. Deinde servorum quendam instruendi convivii specie mittit — sed res erat ut tribunis prædiceret ad insidias egredi. Atque illi, præceptorum Cassii memores, ad litus civitati proximum armati gladiis occurrunt, ibique circumsæptum Malichum multis vulneribus interficiunt. Hyrcanus autem statim concidit, stupore dissolutus ; vixque anima recepta, Herodem percontabatur quis Malichum occidisset. Et quum e tribunis unus respondisset, « Cassii præceptum ». « Plane », inquit, « et me et patriam meam Cassius servat incolumem, qui amborum insidiatorem peremit ». Utrum autem ex animo dixerit an quod timore factum probaret, incertum est. Sed enim Malichum hoc modo ultus est Herodes. | But fate had the last laugh. Herod, perceiving his game, invited him and Hyrcanus to dinner, and then calling one of his attendant slaves sent him home as if to prepare the meal, but really to warn the tribunes to come out and put the ambush into effect. They had not forgotten Cassius’ instructions and came out to the seashore in front of the city with sword in hand, and there surrounded Malichus and hacked him to death. Hyrcanus promptly fainted from shock and collapsed; when at last he recovered consciousness and asked Herod who had killed Malichus, one of the tribunes answered, “Cassius’ orders.” “Then Cassius,” replied Hyrcanus, “has saved me and my country too, by destroying the mortal enemy of both.” Whether he really thought this or accepted the fait accompli out of fear, will never be known. Anyway, in this manner Herod got his revenge on Malichus. |
| ⇑ § XII | |
| Felicem superat Phasaëlus, et Antigonum pugna vincit Herodes. Judæi Herodem et Phasaëlum accusant, eosque absolvit Antonius et Tetrarchas facit. | Phasaëlus is too powerful for Helix, Malichus’ brother; Herod also overcomes Antigonus in battle; And the Jews accuse both Herod and Phasaëlus but Antonius acquits them, and makes them tetrarchs. |
| 1 | |
| — Caput A-10 — De Herode accusato et vindicato. | |
| Postquam vero Cassius excessit e Syria, iterum Hierosolymis orta seditio est, quum Helix in Phasaëlem movisset exercitum, et in Herodem fratris pœna vellet necem Malichi vindicare. Casu autem, Herodes cum Fabio, Romano duce, apud Damascum habitabat ; et ne, cupiens, auxilio foret, morbo impediebatur. Interea Phasaëlus etiam sine cujusquam auxilio superavit Helicem ; probrumque ingrati objiciebat Hyrcano qui et Helici studuisset, fratremque Malichi castella occupare permisisset. Jam enim multa tenuerat, omniumque tutissimum Massadam. | When Cassius withdrew from Syria strife again broke out in Jerusalem. Helix, backed by a body of soldiers, rose against Phasaël with the intention of avenging Malichus by punishing Herod through his brother. As it happened, Herod was with Fabius the Roman general at Damascus, and though anxious to help he was immobilized by sickness. Meanwhile Phasaël overpowered Helix without assistance, and denounced the ingratitude of Hyrcanus in collaborating with Helix and permitting Malichus’ brother to seize the forts. He had indeed seized many of these, among them the strongest of all, Masada. |
| 2 | |
| Nec tamen ei quicquam contra vim Herodis potuit sufficere qui, mox ut convaluit, et alia recepit et illum ex Massada supplicem dimisit et Marionem Tyriorum tyrannum ex Galilæa pepulit — tria enim castella possederat. Tyriisque quos ceperat vitam concessit omnibus, nonnullos etiam donatos abire jussit, una et sibi civitatis benevolentiam et tyranno comparans odium, Marion autem a Cassio quidem meruerat tyrannidem qui tot Syriæ tyrannos præfecerat ; sed ob Herodis inimicitias etiam Antigonum Aristobuli secum ducebat, et Ptolemæum propter Fabium, quem Antigonus sibi pecunia sociatum, adjutorem incepti habebat. Cuncta vero socer Ptolemæus Antigono sumministrabat. | But he was helpless against the might of Herod, who as soon as he was well again recaptured all the forts and kicked him out of Masada grovelling. Next he expelled from Galilee Marion, the autocrat of Tyre, who had already possessed himself of three of the strongholds, sparing every Tyrian he captured and even sending some away laden with gifts, thereby ensuring the good will of the citizenry toward himself and hostility toward their own ruler. Marion had received his authority from Cassius, who had appointed so many autocratic rulers all over Syria; through hatred of Herod he had brought back from exile Aristobulus’ son Antigonus — as well as Ptolemy, on account of Fabius whom Antigonus had bribed to be his assistant in the enterprise. Ptolemy, the father-in-law of Antigonus, paid for all expenses. |
| 3 | |
| Contra quos Herodes instructus, in aditu Judææ commisso prœlio, victoria potitur ; fugatoque Antigono, redit in Hierosolymam, pro merito gestæ rei omnibus carus ut etiam quibus antea despectus erat, tunc in ejus familiaritatem sese dederint, propter Hyrcani affinitatem. Namque is Herodes jampridem ex indigenis habuerat uxorem non ignobilem, quæ Doris vocabatur, et Antipatrum ex ea susceperat filium. Tunc autem duxerat Alexandri (cujus pater fuit Aristobulus) filiam Mariammem, Hyrcani neptem ex filia, atque inde regi familiaris erat. | Herod met and defeated these men at the approaches to Judæa; then, banishing Antigonus again, he went back to Jerusalem to receive universal congratulations on his success. Even those who had hitherto regarded him coldly now warmed towards him in view of his marriage into the family of Hyrcanus. For he had previous married a Jewess of good birth named Doris, who had borne him a son, Antipater; but now he wedded Mariamme, daughter of Alexander the son of Aristobulus, and grand-daughter of Hyrcanus, so becoming a kinsman of the king. |
| 4 | |
| Sed ubi Cassio circa Philippos interfecto, Cæsar in Italiam et Antonius in Asiam discesserunt ; legatis ab aliis civitatibus ad Antonium missis in Bithyniam, etiam Judæorum optimates accusatum veniunt Phasaëlum et Herodem : quod illis rerum summam vi possidentibus, nomen tantum honorabile superesset Hyrcano. Ad quæ Herodes, qui præsto erat magna pecunia, placatum sic Antonium affecit ut ne verbum quidem inimicorum ejus pateretur audire. Et tunc quidem ita digressi sunt. | When at Philippi Cassius had met his end {42 B.C.}, Cæsar went back to Italy and Antony to Asia. Various cities sent deputations to Antony to Asia. Numerous cities sent deputations to Antony in Bithynia, and with them came influential Jews to accuse Phasaël and Herod of obtaining control of affairs by force, with only an honorary name remaining for Hyrcanus. To counter this propaganda Herod appeared on the scene with huge bribes, and put Antony so much at ease that he would not let Herod’s enemies say a word. Thus for the time being they left. |
| 5 | |
| Quum autem denuo Judæorum primates centum viri Antiochiæ proximam Daphnen ad Antonium venissent, amori Cleopatræ jam servientem, delecti a ceteris, qui eloquentia et dignitate præstabant, adversus fratres accusationem proponunt. Respondebat autem Messala, causæ defensor, astante etiam propter affinitatem Hyrcano. Auditis deinde utrisque partibus, Antonius percontabatur Hyrcanum, quinam essent regendis rebus aptissimi. Quumque is Herodem ejusque fratres aliis prætulisset, voluptate repletus (nam et hospes eorum paternus erat, humanissimeque ab Antipatro susceptus eo tempore quo in Judæam cum Gabinio venerat) tetrarchas ambos declarat, totius eis Judææ procuratione permissa. | But later on a hundred Jewish officials arrived at Daphne near Antioch to appeal to Antony, now a slave to his passion for Cleopatra. They put forward the most highly esteemed and eloquent men among them to accuse the two brothers. {M. Valerius} Messala {Corvinis} replied for the defense, backed by Hyrcanus because of the marriage-connection. Antony listened to both sides and then asked Hyrcanus which party was the more fit to govern. When Hyrcanus recommended Herod and his associates, Antony was delighted. (Years before he had been the guest of their father, who had given him a royal welcome when Gabinius and he were invading Judæa.) So he appointed the two brothers tetrarchs, with the task of administering all Judæa. |
| 6 | |
| Legatis autem id ægre ferentibus, quindecim eorum correptos carceri tradidit, quos etiam pæne occidit. Ceteros autem rejecit cum injuria, unde major tumultus Hierosolymis excitatus est. Denique mille legati iterum Tyrum missi sunt ubi commorabatur Antonius, in Hierosolymam paratus irruere. Et contra eos vociferantes magistratus Tyriorum directus est, data ei licentia ut quos comprehendisset, occideret, præceptoque ut eorum potestatem confirmare curaret, qui tetrarchæ ipsius essent Antonii suffragio constituti. | The delegates exploded with fury, and Antony arrested fifteen and locked them up, with the fixed intention of putting them to death; the rest he threw out the rest ignominiously. The result was greater turmoil in Jerusalem. A second delegation — a thousand strong — was sent to Tyre, where Antony was staying, ready to march to Jerusalem. His reply to their clamor was to send out the governor of Tyre with instructions to execute all he could catch and to back up the authority of the men who had been made tetrarchs by the appointment of Antony himself. |
| 7 | |
| Ante hæc autem, Herodes usque ad litus cum Hyrcano progressus multis eos admonebat ne et sibi interitūs et patriæ belli causa fierent dum inconsiderate contendunt. Illis autem tanto magis id indigne ferentibus, Antonius, missis armatis, multos occidit, multos etiam vulneravit. Quorum et saucios cura et mortuos sepultura Hyrcanus dignatus est. Non tamen ideo qui effugerant quiescebant ; perturbando enim Civitatem, Antonium irritabant ut etiam quos in vinculis haberet occideret. | This procedure was forestalled by Herod, who went on to the beach with Hyrcanus and strongly advised them not to bring about their own destruction and land their country in war by senseless strife. This made them more furious still, so Antony dispatched a body of infantry that killed or wounded many of them: Hyrcanus saw to it that the dead were buried and the wounded cared for. Even so the survivors would not keep quiet, but created such disorder in the City that Antony was actually goaded into executing the prisoners. |
| ⇑ § XIII | |
| Parthi, Antigonum in Judæam reducentes, Hyrcanum et Phasaëlum in vincula conjiciunt. Herodis fuga, Hierosolymorum direptio, et clades Phasaëli et Hyrcani. | The Parthians bring Antigonus back into Judea, and cast Hyrcanus and Phasaëlus into prison. The flight of Herod, and the taking of Jerusalem and what Hyrcanus and Phasaëlus suffered. |
| 1 | |
| — Caput A-11 — De bello Parthorum contra Judæos : et fuga Herodis ac fortuna. | |
| Barzapharne autem, Parthorum satrapa, Syriam biennio post cum regis filio Pacoro detinente, Lysanias, patris sui mortui successor Ptolemæi, Minnæi filii, mille satrapæ talenta pollicitus et mulieres quingentas, ei persuadet ut Antigonum in regnum inducerent Hyrcanumque deponerent. Impulsus igitur ab eo, Pacorus ipse quidem per maritima loca perrexit, Barzapharnem autem itinere mediterraneo jussit irrumpere. Sed maritimorum Tyrii Pacorum excluserunt, quum Ptolemaidenses eum et Sidonii recepissent. Ille autem quendam regium pincernam, cognominem suum, equitatūs ei parte attributa, ad Judæam jussit accedere et exploraturum hostium consilium et, ubi usus exegisset, præsidio futurum Antigono. | Two years later Barzapharnes, the Parthian satrap, serving under Pacoras, the king’s son, seized Syria. Lysanias, successor to his late father, Ptolemy son of Mennæus, by promising him 1,000 talents and five hundred women, persuaded the satrap to make Antigonus king and dethrone Hyrcanus. Pacoras accepted the bribe and, choosing the coastal route for himself, instructed Barzapharnes to drive through the interior. Of the seaside towns Tyre would not admit Pacoras, though Ptolemais and Sidon did so. Then to one of the royal cup-bearers who had the same name as himself he entrusted a detachment of cavalry, ordering him to gallop on into Judæa, to reconnoiter the enemy position and be a backup to Antigonus where necessary. |
| 2 | |
| Quibus Carmelum populantibus, multi Judæi ultro ad Antigonum confluunt, ad expeditionem alacriter animati. Ille autem ad locum qui « Drymos » dicitur occupandum eos præmittit ubi, commissa pugna, depulsisque hostibus et effugatis, Hierosolymam cursu petebant ; auctique multitudine, usque ad regiam processerunt. Excepti autem ab Hyrcano et Phasaëlo, forti acie in foro confligunt. Ibique hostes in fugam versos pars Herodis in Fanum concludit ; custodesque his sexaginta viros apponit per ædes proximas collocatos. Sed hos quidem infensus fratribus populus igne consumit. Herodes autem, iracundia peremptorum congressus cum populo, multos obtruncat ; inque dies singulos invicem sese per insidias incursantibus, assiduæ cædes erant. | While the troopers plundered Carmel, Jews flocked to Antigonus’ standard, eager to take part in the invasion. He sent them ahead to seize a position called “The Oaks.” Here they clashed with the enemy, drove them back and chased them helter-skelter to Jerusalem and, having attracted strong support, advanced to the Palace. Hyrcanus and Phasaël me them with a powerful force and battle raged in the marketplace. Routing the enemy, Herod’s forces herded them into the Temple, and to keep watch on them posted sixty men in the houses nearby. These guards the party opposed to the brothers assailed and burnt to death; Herod, furious at their destruction, attacked and killed many of the citizens; and day after day they sallied out against each other in small groups and bloodshed continued without pause. |
| 3 | |
| Instante vero die festo qui Pentecoste vocatur, omnia circa Templum totaque Civitas plebe rustica repleta est, et pleraque armata. Et Phasaëlus quidem muros, Herodes autem cum paucis domum regiam custodiebat. Invasisque de improviso hostibus in suburbano, complures quidem peremit, omnes autem in fugam vertit, et hos in Civitatem, alios in Fanum, alios in extremum vallum includit. Interea pacis arbitrum Pacorum Antigonus petit admitti. Exoratus autem Phasaëlus et Civitate et hospitio cum quingentis equitibus Parthum recepit, prætextu quidem componendæ seditionis venientem, re autem vera ut adjuvaret Antigonum. Denique Phasaëlum dolo perpulit ut ad Barzapharnem legatus de pace proficisceretur, quamvis multa dissuadente Herode, atque ut insidiatorem occideret neve se ejus fallaciis dederet, admonente « natura enim Barbaros fidem neglegere ». Exiit etiam Pacorus cum Hyrcano, quominus suspectus esset ; nonnullisque relictis equitibus apud Herodem, quos « Eleutheros » vocant, cum ceteris Phasaëlum prosequebatur. | Now came the Feast of Pentecost, and all the vicinity of the Temple — in fact the whole City — was filled with people from the countryside, most of them armed. Phasaël was guarding the wall, Herod, with a handful of men, the Palace. By suddenly sallying out against the enemy in the suburb, he inflicted very heavy casualties, routed them all and herded some into the City, some into the Temple and others to the outermost wall. At this stage Antigonus requested the admission of Pacorus as mediator. Phasaël, persuaded, hospitably accepted the Parthian with five hundred cavalrymen into the City. Pacorus had come avowedly to end the strife, but in reality to assist Antigonus; he cunningly persuaded Phasaël to go as legate to Barzapharnes about peace, though Herod did his best to dissuade him and urged him to kill the schemer, not walk into his trap, warning that “by nature barbarians ignore treaties.” Pacorus left, taking Hyrcanus with him so that he would not be suspect, leaving some of the so-called “Freeborn” Cavalry, and with the rest escorted Phasaël. |
| 4 | |
| Sed ubi ad Galilæam venerunt, indigenas quidem dissidentes atque armatos offendunt ; satrapam vero conveniunt satis callide et officiis dolos tegentem. Denique postquam dona eis dedit, redeuntibus insidias posuit. Illi autem in maritimum quendam locum deducti, cui nomen est Ecdippon, fraudem intellegunt. Ibi enim de promissis mille talentis audierunt, et quod Antigonus plerasque mulieres ex his quas ipsi haberent inter quingentas, Parthis devovisset, quodque sibi semper a barbaris præstruerentur insidiæ, ac olim capti essent nisi mora fuisset dum Hierosolymis caperetur Herodes ne sibi, præscius quæ de his agerentur, caveret. Hæc jam non verba erant solum, nam et custodes haud procul abesse conspiciebat. | On reaching Galilee they found the inhabitants in a state of armed revolt. They had an interview with the satrap, a very subtle rogue who wrapped up his scheming in friendly protestations. He bestowed gifts on them, and then as they departed set a trap for them. The nature of the plot dawned on them when they arrived at a seaside town called Ecdippon. There they heard of the promised 1,000 talents and learned that most of the five hundred women dedicated by Antigonus to Parthian use were their own, and that they themselves were spied on by the foreign troops every night, and would have been kidnapped long ago if the plotters had not been waiting to seize Herod in Jerusalem first, before news of what had happened to them put him on the lookout. This was no longer just a rumor: they could now see sentries not far away. |
| 5 | |
| Et tamen Phasaëlus Hyrcanum deserere non sustinuit, quamvis eum sæpius moneret Ophellius ut fugeret, cui Saramalla Syrorum tunc ditissimus dixerat quemadmodum essent omnia de insidiis constituta. Sed convenire satrapam maluit atque in os exprobare quod se insidiis appetisset, ac maxime quia pecuniæ causa talis exstitisset, quum plus ipse pro salute daturus esset quam pro regno promisisset Antigonus. Ad hæc Parthus, subdola satisfactione jureque jurando suspicionem deprecatus, perrexit ad Pacorum. Statimque a Parthis qui remanserant quibusque jussum erat, Phasaëlus atque Hyrcanus comprehenduntur, perjuriam simul ac perfidiam exsecrantes. | But though Ophellius, who had learnt every detail of the plot from Saramalla, the richest Syrian of his generation, did his best to persuade Phasaël to make his escape, nothing could induce him to desert Hyrcanus. He went straight to the satrap and told him plainly what he thought of the plot, and especially of his sinking so low for the sake of money; moreover, he himself was prepared to pay more for his life than Antigonus for his crown. Whereupon the Parthian, after giving excuses with cunning apologies and oaths, went to Pacorus {the king’s son}. In accordance with his orders, some of the Parthians left behind at once kidnapped Phasaëel and Hyrcanus, who cursed them bitterly for their perjury and broken faith. |
| 6 | |
| At interim pincerna ad hoc missus, Herodem capere moliebatur, eumque fallere ut extra murum procederet, sicut sibi mandatum fuerat, conabatur. Ille autem, suspectos habere solitus barbaros, et tunc minime dubitans in hostes incidisse litteras quæ insidias indicarent, prodire nolebat, quanquam satis idoneam causam Pacorus obtenderet, epistulas portantibus obviam ire debere — nec enim ab hostibus esse captos aut quicquam de insidiis, sed quæ Phasaëlus gessisset, his contineri. Jamdudum autem ab aliis audierat Herodes fratrem suum Phasaëlem esse correptum ; et Hyrcani filia Mariamme, prudentissima feminarum, multis eum precibus ne prodiret orabat — neve se crederet manifestis jam conatibus barbarorum. | Meanwhile the cupbearer who had been sent to kidnap Herod was trying to carry out the plot by enticing him outside the walls, as instructed. He, however, had from the beginning suspected the barbarians and, now not questioning that a letter notifying him of the plot had fallen into enemy hands, refused to go outside, though Pacorus gave very convincing reasons why he ought to go to meet the letter-bearers — that they had not been captured by the enemy, nor was there anything contained in the letters about treachery, but only what Phasaëlus had accomplished. But as it happened, Herod had previously learnt from another informant that his brother had been kidnapped; and he was visited by Hyrcanus’ daughter Mariamme, the shrewdest of women, who implored him not to go outside or entrust himself to the manifest attempts of the barbarians. |
| 7 | |
| Adhuc autem Pacoro cum sociis deliberante, quonam modo clam patraret insidias, nec enim fieri posse ut tantæ sapientiæ vir ex aperto circumveniretur, nocte Herodes cum propinquissimis sibi ad Idumæam, ignaris hostibus, proficiscitur. Eo cognito, Parthi persequebantur. Et ille matrem quidem fratresque suos, desponsatamque puellam cum matre minimoque fratre, prætendere iter jussit. Ipse autem caute cum famulis suis barbaros retentabat ; multisque per omnes conflictus interemptis, ad castellum Massada properabat. | Pacorus and his staff were still seeking some means of stealthily carrying out their scheme, as it was impossible to get the better of so alert a man openly, when Herod forestalled them by setting out at night, unbeknownst to the enemy, with those to whom he was most attached, to reach Idumæa. The Parthians, learning what had happened, went in pursuit. Herod made his mother and sisters, the girl he had promised to marry, with her mother and the youngest of his brothers, go straight on, while he and his servants held the barbarians back. Every time he attacked the enemy he inflicted heavy casualties, finally making a dash for Masada. |
| 8 | |
| Graviores autem in fuga Parthis, Judæos expertus est ; qui quum semper molesti fuissent, a sexagesimo tamen civitatis stadio aliquamdiu etiam acie decertaverunt. Ubi Herodes, victoria potitus, quum multos interfecisset, ipsumque locum in memoriam præclari facinoris ædificatum, locupletissima exornavit regia, arcemque in eo munitissimam condidit, ac de suo nomine « Herodion » vocavit. Et tunc quidem quum fugeret, multos sibi adjungebat. Postea vero quam Rhesam Idumææ pervenit, occurrit ei frater Josephus, turbamque sequentium diminui persuadet : nec enim capacem esse tantæ multitudinis Massadam. Erat autem supra quam novem milium multitudo. Itaque paruit Herodes ejus consilio et impares quidem necessitati per Idumæam dimisit cum viatico, lectissimos autem maximeque necessarios tenuit, atque ita in castellum receptus est. Deinde octingentis ibi relictis qui mulieres defenderent, itemque commeatu qui satis esset obsessis, ipse in Petram, civitatem Arabiæ, perrexit. | In his flight he had less trouble with the Parthians than with the Jews who harried him all the way and, seven miles from the City, began a pitched battle which lasted quite a long time and ended in their utter defeat. Here later on Herod commemorated his victory by building up the place, gracing it with a palace on which no expense was spared, and defended by a citadel of enormous strength. This city he called “Herodium” after himself. For the rest of his flight he was daily joined by large numbers, and at Rhesa in Idumæa his brother Joseph met him and advised him to disburden himself of most of his followers, as Masada could never hold so large a number — over 9,000. Herod agreed and sent those who were of no use to him to various parts of Idumæa, providing them with food for their journey; then, keeping the toughest fighters as well as his family and close friends, he was taken into the fortress. Leaving eight hundred men there to protect the women, with provisions sufficient for a siege, he hurried on to Petra in Arabia. |
| 9 | |
| Parthi autem, apud Hierosolymam in prædam versi, in fugientium domos ac regiam irruebant, solis Hyrcani pecuniis abstinentes quæ <non> trecenta talenta superabant. Aliorum vero spe minores inveniebantur, quoniam Herodes, jampridem barbarorum perfidiam suspicans, quicquid in opibus pretiosum in Idumæam multo ante comportaverat, ejusque sociorum itidem quisque fecerat. Verumtamen postquam præda potiti sunt Parthi, ad hoc injuriæ processerunt ut omnem terram illam bello implacato replerent, Marisa quoque civitate vastata, nec solum Antigonum regem constituerent, verum etiam Phasaëlum et Hyrcanum vinctos ei traderent verberandos. At ille Hyrcani quidem auriculas dentibus truncat, ut ne solutus quidem, mutatis rebus, unquam pontificatum recipiat. Ab integris enim celebrari sacra oportet. | The Parthians in Jerusalem turned to looting, breaking into the houses of those who had fled and into the Palace, and sparing only Hyrcanus’ money, <not> exceeding three hundred talents. Of other men’s money less was found than had been hoped for; for Herod, long suspecting Parthian perfidy, had long before transferred the most valuable of his treasures to Idumæa, an example followed by all his friends. The looting finished, the Parthian conduct became so outrageous that they filled the whole country with war without possibility of mediation, wiped out the city of Marisa and not only made Antigonus king but actually handed Phasaël and Hyrcanus over to him in fetters to be tortured. Moreover, Antigonus with his own teeth mutilated his ears so that, even if freed, he might never again resume the pontificate; for the rites need to be celebrated by physically perfect priests. |
| 10 | |
| Phasaëli vero virtute præventus est Antigonus. Qui, quum nec ferri copiam nec manus liberas haberet, ad saxum fracto capite interiit ; atque ita, probato quod verus Herodis frater esset — Hyrcanusque degenerasset —, viriliter moritur, dignum anteacta vita obitum assecutus. Fertur tamen et aliud : quod ex illa quidem plāga resipuerit sed, veluti curandi ejus causa missus ab Antigono medicus, venenis malis vulnus expleverit, eoque illum păcto peremerit. Utrumvis autem verius sit, præclarum habet initium. Denique ajunt eum, priusquam efflaret animam, cognito ex quadam muliercula quod Herodes evasisset, dixisse, « Nunc bono animo discedam qui ultorem inimicorum reliquerim ». | But Antigonus was forestalled by Phasaël’s courage; he dashed his head against a rock and died, as he was not free to use sword or hand. Thus he showed himself a true brother of Herod — and Hyrcanus, a cowardly poltroon; he died like a hero, achieving a death worthy of his previous life. A rival version of the incident states that he revived after the first shock, but that a doctor sent by Antigonus to “look after him” filled the wound with noxious drugs and finished him off. Whichever version is correct, its beginning is glorious. It is said that before he breathed his last he was told by some woman that Herod that Herod had escaped. “Now,” he whispered, “I shall die happy, as I’m leaving behind me the man who will wreak vengeance on my enemies.” |
| 11 | |
| Ille quidem hunc exitum habuit. Parthi autem, quanquam mulieribus caruerint quas maxime cupiebant, rebus tamen cum Antigono apud Hierosolymam compositis, vinctum in Parthiam Hyrcanum ducunt. | So he died in this way. The Parthians had missed their main target — the women — but after putting Antigonus at the head of affairs in Jerusalem, they carried Hyrcanus off in fetters to Parthia. |
| ⇑ § XIV | |
| Arabia pulsus Herodes Romam properat ; ubi Antonii et Cæsaris opera Judæorum rex constituitur. | When Herod is rejected in Arabia, he makes haste to Rome where Antony and Cæsar join their interest to make him king. |
| 1 | |
| Herodes autem obstinatus in Arabiam, velut adhuc vivo fratre suo, festinabat, ut pecunias a rege acciperet quibus solis exoratum iri pro Phasaëlo sperabat avaritiam barbarorum. Etenim cogitabat, si Arabs minus memor fuisset paternæ amicitiæ, animoque liberali parcior, vel mutuum ab eo sumere quod redemptionis causa præberet — pignori opposito ipsius filio quem redimeret. Secum enim habebat fratris filium, septem annos natum ; trecentaque talenta dare decreverat, interpositis precationi Tyriis. Sed profecto studium fortuna prævenerat et, Phasaëlo mortuo, nēquīquam fratrem diligebat Herodes. Non tamen vel apud Arabas salvam amicitiam reperit. Denique Malichus, rex eorum, præmissis qui hoc admonerent, quamprimum reverti eum ex finibus suis jubet, simulatione quidem Parthos per legatos petisse ut Herodem Arabia pelleret. Certa vero causa quod vicem Antipatro debitam negare proposuerat, neque pro beneficiis ab eo perceptis aliquid ejus filiis gratiæ rependĕre, consolationis egentibus. Impudentiæ vero suasores habebat qui Antipatri vellent abjurare deposita. Erant autem circa eum potentissimi. | A determined Herod was driving on farther towards Arabia, thinking his brother was still alive and anxious to get money from the king, as without it he could not hope to save Phasaël by appealing to Parthian cupidity. He reckoned that if the Arab was too forgetful of his friendship with Herod’s father and too close-fisted to make him a gift, he could borrow the ransom from him by leaving in pledge the son of the man to be ransomed. (He had his nephew with him, a boy of seven.) He had decided to give 300 talents, putting forward Tyrian intermediaries. But fate had forestalled his earnest efforts; Phasaël was dead, and Herod’s brotherly affection was of no avail. Nor did he find any friendship now even among the Arabs. Their king, Malchus, sent him orders to leave the country immediately, on the pretext that the Parthians had formally demanded the expulsion of Herod from Arabia; in actual fact he had made up his mind to deny the recompense owed to Antipater, and not to repay Antipater’s generosity by any kindness to his children in their distress. He was abetted in his shameless behavior by men equally anxious to embezzle the money which Antipater had deposited with them — the most powerful of his courtiers. |
| 2 | |
| Proinde Herodes, ubi Arabas ex ea sibi causa hostes esse deprehendit unde amicissimos existimabat, eaque respondit nuntiis quæ dolor imperavit, Ægyptum versus recedit. Et prima quidem vespera in quodam agreste fanum, dum post se relictos reciperet, devertit. Postero autem die, quum Rhinocururam pervenisset, fratris ei mors nuntiatur. Acceptoque tanto luctu quantum curarum æstum deposuit, ibat ulterius. Itaque Arabem sero facti pænituit, et qui revocarent eum quem contumeliose tractaverat, velociter misit. Herodes autem in Pelusium pervenerat, ibique transitu prohibitus ab ejus rei speculatoribus, rectores adit ; et illi, famam viri dignitatemque reveriti, Alexandriam eum prosequuntur. Ingressus autem civitatem, a Cleopatra honorifice susceptus est, ducem sibi militum fore eum ad ea quæ parabat, existimante. Posthabitis autem reginæ precibus, neque hiemis asperitatem neque marina discrimina quominus navigaret Romam extimuit. | Meeting with the hostility of the Arabs for the very reason that had led him to expect their warmest friendship, Herod gave the messengers the answer suggested by his disappointment and turned back towards Egypt. The first night he bivouacked at one of the country’s temples, after picking up the men he had left behind. The next day he went on to Rhinocorura, where the news of his brother’s death reached him. After taking on an amount of grief equal to the tide of cares he had to lay aside, he continued on his way. Belatedly regretting his behavior, the Arab king hastily sent messengers to recall the man he had wronged. But Herod had already reached Pelusium where, refused passage by the boat guards, he approached their superiors; they, impressed by his rank and reputation, conducted him to Alexandria. When he entered the city he received a splendid welcome from Cleopatra, who hoped to employ him as commander in a projected campaign; but he evaded the queen’s pressing request and let fear neither of winter storminess nor of the dangers of the sea keep him from sailing for Rome. |
| 3 | |
| Circa Pamphyliam vero periclitatus, majore oneris parte rejecta, vix in Rhodum vehementer bello Cassii vexatam salvus evadit. Amicorum autem suorum, Ptolemæi et Sapphinii receptus hospitio, licet rei pecuniariæ premeretur inopia, maximam tamen ædificat navem triremem ; eaque cum amicis delatus Brundisium atque inde continuo Romam profectus, familiaritatis paternæ gratia primum convenit Antonium, eique tam suas quam totius generis clades exponit, quodque, affinibus suis in castello relictis atque obsidione cinctis, ad eum hieme supplex navigasset. | In serious danger off Pamphylia he jettisoned the bulk of the cargo and with difficulty made Rhodes, which had suffered grievously in the war against Cassius. There he was received by his friends Ptolemy and Sapphinius. Shortage of money did not prevent his having a very large trireme built; in this he sailed with his friends to Brundisium. From there he hurried on to Rome, where he first applied to Antony as the friend of his father, telling him of his own and his whole family’s misfortunes, and how he had had to leave his nearest and dearest besieged in a fortress while he endured a winter crossing to appeal for his assistance. |
| 4 | |
| Itaque tantæ miserationis casu miseratus Antonius, et memoria quidem junctæ cum Antipatro dexteræ, tum vero ipsius qui aderat contemplatione virtutis, etiam tunc eum regem constituere proposuit Judæorum quem ipse tetrarcham antea fecerat. Non minus autem quam favore Herodis, odio ducebatur Antigoni. Hunc enim et seditiosum et Romanis inimicum esse arbitrabatur. Cæsarem quidem habebat multo quam ipse paratius renovantem Antipatri expeditiones quas in Ægypto cum ejus patre pertulerat, et hospitium et in rebus cunctis benevolentiam — quum præter hæc, ipsius quoque Herodis strenuitatem cerneret. Verumtamen et Senatum convocat ubi Messala, et post eum Atratinus, astante Herode, patris ejus merita et ipsius circa populum Romanum fidem prosequebantur, quo simul hostem Antigonum demonstrarent ; non solum quod intra breve tempus is dissidēre cœpisset, verumetiam quod antea quoque, populo Romano despecto, Parthorum suffragio regnum curavisset accipere. His autem commoto Senatu, quum Antonius etiam bello contra Parthos gerendo utile esse diceret Herodem regem creari, omnes assentiunt. Dimissoque Senatu, Antonius quidem et Cæsar egrediebantur, medium stipantes Herodem. Consules autem cum aliis magistratibus antecedebant, cæsuri hostias, decretumque Senatus in Capitolio reposituri. Primo autem die regni Herodis apud Antonium cenatum est. | Antony was very grieved at the change in his fortunes: recalling Antipater’s hospitality and filled with admiration for the heroic character before him, he decided on the spot that the man he had once made tetrach should now be king of the Jews. If regard for Herod moved him, dislike of Antigonus moved him just as much; he considered him an agitator and an enemy of Rome. Herod found Cæsar {(i.e., Octavian)} even more readily remembering than Antony the Egyptian campaigns which Antipater had gone through with his father {(i.e., with Julius Cæsar)}, and his hospitality and unshakable loyalty; and he could see Herod’s appetite for action. He convened the Senate, to which Messala, supported by Atratinus, introduced Herod, and gave a full account of his father’s services and his own loyalty to Rome, at the same time making it clear that Antigonus was their enemy, not only because recently he had begun to rebel, but also because before, too, he had worked to accept the crown from the Parthians in defiance of the Romans. These revelations angered the Senate, and when Antony rose to suggest that the Parthian war was an added reason for making Herod king, they all voted in favor. The House adjourned, and Antony and Cæsar went out with Herod between them, the consuls and other magistrates leading the way in order to offer sacrifice and to deposit the decree in the Capitol. This first day of Herod’s reign Antony celebrated with a banquet. |
| ⇑ § XV | |
| Antigonus Masadæ inclusos obsidet, quos Herodes Roma reversus liberat, et mox Hierosolyma profectus Silonem pecunia corruptum deprehendit. | Antigonus besieges those that were in Masada, whom Herod frees from confinement when he came back from Rome, and presently marches to Jerusalem where he finds Silo corrupted by bribes. |
| 1 | |
| — Caput A-12 — De bello Herodis e Roma redeuntis pro Hierosolyma, et contra latrones. | |
| Eodem vero tempore, Antigonus apud Massadam inclusos obsidebat, aliis quidem victui necessariis abundantes, aquæ autem inopes. Unde Josephus quoque, frater Herodis, cum ducentis familiaribus suis ad Arabas confugere cogitabat, audito quod eorum quæ in Herodem commiserat Malichum pæniteret ; castellumque reliquisset, nisi circa noctem qua exiturus erat plurimum imbrium contigisset effundi. Aqua enim repletis puteis, fugiendi causa non erat — adeo ut etiam ultro in Antigoni militem eruptiones auderent, multosque nunc aperto prœlio, nunc insidiis, neci darent ; non tamen illis omnia pro voto cedebant, sed ipsi quoque interdum cum adverso casu revertebantur. | All this time Antigonus was besieging Masada, whose defenders had plenty of supplies of every other kind but were short of water. In view of this, Joseph, Herod’s brother, with two hundred of his men planned to make a dash for Arabia, being informed of Malchus’ regret for what he had done to Herod. He would actually have left the fortress had it not happened that close to the night of his departure rain fell in torrents; the reservoirs were filled to the brim, and there was no reason to escape. Indeed, they began to make sorties against Antigonus’ forces and, now engaging them in the open, now luring them into ambushes, destroyed large numbers. Of course not everything came out as they wished; sometimes they were worsted and had to retreat. |
| 2 | |
| Interea dux Romani militis, Ventidius, prohibitum missus Parthos a Syria, post illos in Judæam venit — verbo quidem ut Josepho et qui una obsidebantur ferret auxilium, re autem vera ut pecunias auferret Antigono. Itaque, quum non longe ab Hierosolymis tetendisset, quæstu expletus, ipse quidem cum maxima exercitus parte discessit. Silonem vero cum paucis (ne furtum deprehenderetur si omnes abduxisset) reliquit. Antigonus autem, sperans iterum Parthos sibi adjumento fore, Silonem interim placabat ut, pendente spe, nihil inquietaret. | Meanwhile Ventidius, the Roman commander sent from Syria to check the Parthians, after dealing with them had crossed into Judæa, allegedly to assist Joseph, but really to extort money from Antigonous. He encamped very close to Jerusalem and, after his greed had been sated, withdrew with most of his troops; but he left Silo with a few of them (so that his extortion would not be exposed by taking them all away). Antigonus meanwhile, hoping the Parthians would help him again, placated Silo so that there would be no interruptions while he awaited this hope. |
| 3 | |
| Jam vero nave ex Italia in Ptolemaidem devectus Herodes, non parva manu coacta externorum atque gentilium, per Galilæam adversus Antigonum properabat, Ventidii et Silonis fultus auxilio ; quibus Dellius, ab Antonio missus ut Herodem in regnum deducerent, persuasit. Horum autem, Ventidius quidem turbas in civitatibus, quæ propter Parthos evenerant, componebat, Silonem vero Antigonus in Judæa mercede corruperat. Non tamen Herodes opis egebat ; in dies enim singulos, quo magis iter promovebat, augebantur ejus copiæ. Nam præter paucos omnis ei Galilæa consensit, et propositum habebat præmium necessarium Massadam, ut primum affines suos obsidione liberaret, sed impedimento fuit Joppe. Hæc enim prius, quod hostilis esset, eximenda videbatur ; dum ipse peteret Hierosolymam, receptaculum a tergo aliquod inimicis relinqueretur. Silo autem jungit agmina, invenisse gaudens resistendi occasionem, quod eum persecutio premeret Judæorum. Hos autem Herodes parvæ manus excursatione perterritos, mature in fugam vertit et Silonem, male repugnantem, periculo eripit. | But by this time Herod had sailed from Italy to Ptolemais and, having raised a substantial force of Jews and foreigners, was marching through Galilee against Antigonus, with the cooperation of Ventidius and Silo, whom Dellius on Antony’s behalf had induced to assist Herod’s return. But of these two, Ventidius was busy settling sporadic disturbances resulting from the Parthian occupation, while Silo remained in Judæa, bribed with Antigonus’ money. Not that Herod lacked support: the more he proceeded on his way, his strength steadily grew and, apart from a few localities, all Galilee took up his cause. Of necessity his main priority was Masada: he must first of all rescue his family and friends from the siege. But Joppa stood in the way; because was in enemy hands, this city had to be taken out first; otherwise, while he went on to Jerusalem, his opponents would remain in possession of a stronghold at his back. He was joined by Silo, who was happy to have found an excuse for pulling back, because the attacks of the Jews were putting pressure on him. But Herod swooped on them with a handful of men, routing them easily and rescuing Silo, whose efforts at defense were feeble. |
| 4 | |
| Deinde, capta Joppe, suos liberaturus ad Massadam festinabat, dum indigenarum alios amicitia paterna sibi sociaret, alios ipsius gloria, nonnullos utriusque beneficiis debita vicissitudo, plurimos tamen spes ut a rege certissimo. Jamque validissimas quæsierat militum copias : sed Antigonus iter ejus impediebat, loca insidiis opportuna præoccupans — unde nullum aut minimum afferebat hostibus detrimentum. Herodes autem, facile receptis ex Massada pignoribus suis et rebus, a castello in Hierosolymam perrexit. Cui se Silonis milites et multi ex civitate junxerunt, virium ejus timore perculsi. | He then took Joppa and hurried on to Masada to rescue his friends. Some of the country-folk were drawn to him by their friendship with his father, some by his own fame, some by the desire to repay the kindnesses of both, but the largest number by the prospect of his being the most certain king; by now he had now gotten together an almost invincible army. Antigonus tried to check his progress by laying ambushes at suitable points on his route, from which he caused no or minimum damage to his enemy. Herod had no difficulty in freeing his friends and belongings in Masada. He then left the stronghold for Jerusalem and was joined by Silo’s men and many Jews from the City, thunderstruck with fear at his strength. |
| 5 | |
| Castris autem positis ad occiduam regionem oppidi, custodes ejus partis ipsum sagittis et jaculis impetebant ; ab aliis vero per cuneos excurrentibus primæ frontis acies temptabantur. Herodes autem primo circa muros præconis voce declarari jussit, populi se bono et saluti civitatis advenisse ; pœnasque ab nullo quamvis manifesto inimico repetiturum, sed discordissimis etiam offensarum oblivionem daturum. Deinde cum allocutionibus contrariis pars Antigoni obstaret quominus aut præcones exaudire aut voluntatem mutare quispiam posset : quod reliquum erat, suis imperat murorum defensores deturbare ; atque illi statim sagittis cunctos ex turribus in fugam verterunt. | With his camp set up on the west side of town, the guards of that side attacked him with arrows and javelins, while his front lines were probed by others sallying out in wedges. Herod at once had a proclamation made all round the walls that he had come for the good of the people and the preservation of the City, and that he would take no action even against his undisguised enemies but would grant even his bitterest foes an amnesty. Antigonus’ staff countered this appeal by forbidding anyone to listen to the proclamations or to cross over; it then remained only for Herod to give his men leave to return the shots from the battlements, and they hurled their missles to such effect that the towers were quickly cleared of defenders. |
| 6 | |
| Ibique tunc Silonis detecta corruptio est. Multis enim militum subornatis qui rebus egere se necessariis acclamarent, pecuniamque alimentis poscerent atque hiemandi gratia in loca opportuna dimitti (nam civitati proxima deserta erant, ita omnibus ab Antigono ante provisis), et incitabat exercitum et ipse recedere conabatur. Herodes autem non solum duces qui Siloni parērent, sed etiam milites ubi plurimi essent conveniendo, rogabat ne se destituerent quem scirent a Cæsare et Antonio et Senatu deductum, in uno die pollicitus eos penuria solvere. Deinde hæc precatus ipse agros adit ; tantamque his exhibuit copiam commeatus ut Silonis omnes accusationes perimeret. Simulque prospiciens ne vel in posterum ministrare desinerent, accolas Samariæ per epistulas admonebat (nam civitas ejus se clientelæ dederat) ut alimenta et vinum et oleum et pecora in Hierichunta deferrent. Hoc ubi audivit Antigonus, statim qui frumentatu hostes prohiberent atque insidiis opprimerent, per agros dimittit. Illique jussis obœdiunt et magna jam manus armatorum super Hierichunta fuerat congregata. Discreti autem montibus insidebant, si qui exportarent victui necessaria, speculantes. Non tamen Herodes otiosus erat, sed decem cohortibus comitatus, quinque Romanorum et quinque Judæorum, quibus permixti erant etiam mercede conducti trecenti, præterea paucis equitibus Hierichunta pervenit ; et civitatem quidem vacuam habitatoribus reperit, quingentos vero cum mulieribus ac familiis montium occupasse cacumina ; et hos quidem captos dimisit. Romani autem in reliquam civitatem irruunt, eamque diripuere, quum plenas domos offendissent omnigenis opibus. Rex autem, apud Hierichunta præsidio collocato, reversus est, Romanumque militem in his quæ sibi accesserant civitatibus — hoc est, Idumæa et Galilæa et Samaria — hiematurum dimisit ; Antigonus quoque, Silonis corruptione, meruit ut exercitus partem Lyddenses susciperent in Antonii gratiam. | At this point Silo’s venality became evident. He suborned a number of his men to raise a clamor about short rations and demand money for food, and to insist on being marched to winter quarters in a suitable locality; there was nothing to be had anywhere near the City, as Antigonus’ men had taken the lot! Silo thereupon got his army busy and himself tried to withdraw. But Herod approached the Roman officers and then appealed to the rank and file not to leave him in the lurch when he had come with the authority of Cæsar, Antony and the Senate. That very day he would supply their wants. He had no sooner ended this appeal than he set out in person for the countryside, returning with supplies in such abundance as to counter all of Silo’s accusations; and to guard against any possible shortage in the coming days, he requested the people living round Samaria — that city having espoused his cause — to bring grain, wine, oil and cattle to Jericho. Hearing of this, Antigonus sent orders round the country to block or ambush the food convoys. The people obeyed, and a large number of armed men gathered above Jericho and stationed themselves on the hills to watch for the supply column. However Herod was not idle; he set off with ten cohorts, five Roman, five Jewish, with three hundred mercennaries and also a few cavalry, and arrived at Jericho, which he found deserted; but the hilltops had been occupied by five hundred men with their wives and families. These he captured but set free, while the Romans poured into the rest of the town and looted it, as they found the houses full of luxuries of every kind. Leaving a garrison in Jericho, the king returned and sent away the Roman contingent to winter in the territories that had come over to him — Idumæa, Galilee and Samaria. Antigonus for his part, by taking advantage of Silo’s venality, persuaded him to billet a portion of his army with the people of Lydda, showing their high esteem of Antony. |
| ⇑ § XVI | |
| Herodes Sepphorim capit, et latrones in speluncis latitantes subigit : deinde a Machæra tanquam ab hoste pœnas repetit, et ad Antonium Samosata oppugnantem proficiscitur. | Herod takes Sepphoris and subdues the robbers that were in the caves ; He after that avenges himself upon Machæras, as upon an enemy of his and goes to Antony as he was besieging Samosata. |
| 1 | |
| Et Romani quidem, armorum cura soluti, rebus omnibus abundabant. Herodes autem non quiescebat, sed Idumæam duobus milibus peditum et quadringentis equitibus, misso etiam fratre suo Josepho, communivit, ne quid novi cum Antigono temptaretur. Ipse autem, matre, cum aliis quos ex Massada liberaverat affinibus suis, in Samariam translata, ibique tutissime collocata, ut cetera Galilææ subverteret atque Antigoni præsidia expelleret proficiscitur. | While the Romans enjoyed every comfort and a complete rest from fighting, Herod was not idle. He occupied Idumæa with 400 horse and 2,000 foot led by his brother Joseph, to forestall any movement in support of Antigonus. His own task was to transfer his mother and all the kinsmen and friends he had brought out of Masada, to Samaria; when he had settled them safely there, he marched on to secure the remainder of Galilee and expel Antigonus’ garrisons. |
| 2 | |
| Quumque Sepphorim, licet vehementissime ningeret, pervenisset, facillime civitatem capit, custodibus ejus ante aggressionem fuga dilapsis, ibique suis militibus quos hiems fatigaverat recreatis (erat enim magna copia commeatus), adversus latrones in speluncis degentes direxit animum ; qui, pleraque illius regionis incursantes, non minoribus quam belli cladibus incolas afficiebant. Præmissis autem tribus peditum cohortibus, unaque ala equitum in vicum Arbelam, ipse diebus quadraginta post cum reliqua manu supervenit. Nec tamen ejus incursum hostes extimuere, sed armati obviam procedebant, peritia bellatoris fisi et ferocitate latronis. Deinde, prœlio commisso, dextro ipsorum cornu sinistrum Herodis in fugam pellitur. Ille autem, de suo dextro circumgressus, velociter subvenit et suos quidem a fuga retrahit ; irruendo autem in hostes, impetum persequentium refrenabat, donec a fronte pugnantes violentiæ concesserunt ; | Forcing his way through a blizzard to Sepphoris, he occupied the city without opposition, the defenders fleeing at his approach. There he refreshed his followers, battered by the winter storm, with the plentiful supplies available, setting out next against the bandits who lived in caves and overran a great part of the country, causing the inhabitants as much misery as a war could have done. Sending on three infantry brigades and one troop of cavalry to the village of Arbela, he joined them forty days later with the rest of his army. His coming failed to frighten the enemy, who went out armed to meet him with all the skill of warriors as well as the fearlessness of bandits and, joining battle, routed Herod’s left wing with their right. Promptly swinging round his own right wing, Herod came to the rescue, made his fleeing troops face about and, falling on the pursuers, halted their advance until the men frontally attacking gave way to his onslaught. |
| 3 | |
| qui tamen eos usque ad Jordanem cædendo persequebatur ; et magna fugientium parte perempta, ceteri trans fluvium disjecti sunt ; et Galilæa metu est purgata nisi quod in speluncis latitantes reliquerant, eorumque causa diutius ibi remorandum fuit. Quamobrem primum laboris fructum militibus rependebat, centum quinquaginta argenti drachmas singulis dividendo, eorumque ducibus multiplicatam summam ad hiberna mittendo. Pheroræ autem, fratri minimo, scripsit ut et foro venalium consuleret, muroque castellum Alexandrium cingeret ; quæ ab illo curata sunt. | He pursued them to the Jordan, attacking all the way and destroying a large proportion of them, the survivors scattering beyond the river. Galilee could now breathe again; the only bandits left were lurking in caves, and it would take time to deal with them. So Herod’s next act was to bestow on his soldiers the fruits of their toil, awarding each man 150 silver drachmas and sending a multiple of that sum to the officers in the various camps in which they were wintering. Pheroras, his youngest brother, he appointed to see to it that there was a provisions market for them and to surround Alexandreum with a rampart. Both tasks Pheroras faithfully performed. |
| 4 | |
| Interea circum Athenas versabatur Antonius. Ventidius autem ad bellum contra Parthos Silonem atque Herodem accersit, mandato eis per epistulas ut Judææ statum ante componerent. Sed Herodes, libenter ad Ventidium Silone dimisso, ipse adversum latrones in speluncis habitantes movet exercitum. Istæ autem speluncæ in præruptis montibus erant, undique inaccessæ transversosque tantum ac perangustos ascensus habebant, saxumque ab earum fronte usque ad fauces altissimas pertingebat, rectum vallibus imminens ut aliquamdiu quidem rex pro loci difficultate quid ageret incertus esset. Postremo autem placuit ut molimine uteretur satis incauto. Etenim valentissimus quisque, demissus arculis, exponebatur in ostia speluncarum. Hique cum familiis eos mactabant, ignemque repugnantibus injiciebant. Quumque aliquos ex his conservare vellet Herodes, ut ad se accederent voce præconis edixit. Sed illorum neque voluntarius se quisquam ei tradidit, sed et quos vis coëgerat, multi mortem captivitati prætulerunt. Ubi etiam senior quidam, septem filiorum pater, orantes cum matre pueros ut egredi sibi ad fœdera permitteret, occidit hoc modo : jussit exire singulos, ipse ad ostium stabat et prodeuntem quemque filiorum trucidabat. Herodes autem e specula hæc prospiciens et dolore conficiebatur ; et ut filiis parceret, seni dexteram cum precibus porrigebat. Ille autem, dictis ejus nequaquam mitior factus, insuper humilem animum Herodi exprobravit. Et post filios occidit uxorem, dejectisque desuper mortuis, postremo semetipsum præcipitem misit. | At this period Antony was living near Athens, and Ventidius sent for Silo and Herod to take part in the Parthian war, instructing them first to settle the problem of Judæa. Herod was delighted to send Silo to Ventidius, while he himself took the field against the bandits in the caves. These caves opened onto almost vertical slopes and could not be reached from any direction except by winding, steep and very narrow paths; the cliff in front stretched right down into ravines of immense depth, vertically overhanging the gorges, so that for some while the king was uncertain about what to do because of the difficulty of the region. He finally resorted to a plan fraught with the utmost danger. He lowered the toughest of his soldiers in cradles till they reached the mouths of the caves; they then slaughtered the bandits with their families and threw firebrands at those who resisted. Wishing to save some of them, Herod invited them to come up to him. Not a man voluntarily surrendered, and of those who were brought out forcibly, many preferred death to captivity. One old man, father of seven children, was begged by the children and their mother to let them come out, as their lives were guaranteed. He killed them in the following way: one by one he ordered them to come out, while he stood at the cave-mouth and killed each son as he emerged. Herod, in good position to watch, was cut to the heart, and stretched out his hand to the old man, begging him to spare his children; but he, treating the suggestion with contempt, went so far as to sneer at Herod for his lack of guts. And after disposing of the last of his sons he killed his wife too, flung their bodies over the precipice and finally leapt over the edge himself. |
| 5 | |
| Speluncis igitur et qui in his erant subactis, Herodes, relicta exercitus parte quantum ne quis rebellare temptaret satis esse arbitrabatur, eique parti Ptolemæo præposito, in Samariam rediit, scutatorum quidem tria milia, sescentos vero equites in Antigonum ducens. Tuncque propter ejus abscessum nacti licentiam quibus Galilæam turbare mos erat, Ptolemæum quidem ducem aggressi, nec opinantem interficiunt. Agros autem vastabant, in paludes atque in abditissima loca refugientes. Quibus cognitis Herodes mature succurrit ; et magnam quidem eorum multitudinem morte consumit. Omnibus autem castellis obsidione liberatis, hujus mutationis causa multam exegit a civitatibus pecuniam, centum talenta. | Master now of the caves and the cave-dwellers, Herod left what he deemed a sufficient force to deal with any rising, with Ptolemy in command, and turned back towards Samaria, leading 600 cavalry and 3,000 heavy infantry against Antigonus. His departure removed all restraint from the habitual trouble-makers in Galilee; they killed his general Ptolemy in a surprise attack and systematically ravaged the country, establishing their lairs in the marshes and other inaccessible places. Informed of the rising, Herod speedily came to the rescue, destroyed a large number of the insurgents, reduced all their fortresses by siege, and as a penalty for their fickleness made the towns pay a monetary fine of 100 talents. |
| 6 | |
| Jam vero Parthis expulsis, occiso etiam Pacoro, Ventidius, Antonii litteris monitus, equitum mille auxilia duarumque legionum adversus Antigonum mittit Herodi. Eorum autem ducem Machæram, ut se adjutum veniret, per epistulas rogavit Antigonus et, de injuria Herodis multa conquestus, et pecuniam dare pollicitus. Sed is nec enim ad quos missus fuerat neglegendum putabat, quum præsertim plura daret Herodes. In proditione quidem ei non paruit, simulata vero amicitia, res Antigoni exploratum perrexit, non admisso Herodis consilio — dissuadentis id fieri. Antigonus autem, quia præsensit quid cogitaret, civitatem ei clausit et tanquam hostem arcebat a mœnibus donec Machæram incepti puduit et in Amathuntem ad Herodem recessit. Iratus autem quod res aliter cesserat, quoscunque Judæos offendisset interficiebat, ut nec vel Herodianis parceret, sed ut Antigonianis omnibus abutebatur. | By now the Parthians had been driven out and Pacorus killed: so Ventidius was able at Antony’s suggestion to send support to Herod in his struggle with Antigonus — two legions and 1,000 horse. Their commander, Machæras, received a letter from Antigonus begging him to come to his aid instead, complaining bitterly of Herod’s unscrupulous use of force against his kingdom and promising to make it worth his while. Machæras, however, did not think he ought to abandon those to whom he was sent, especially as Herod was offering more; so he refused to turn traitor and, simulating friendship, went to spy out Antigonus’ position, disregarding the warnings of Herod who urged him not to do so. Antigonus was not deceived, but shut the City gates in his face and shot at him from the ramparts as an enemy, till Machæras, ashamed of his attempt, returned to Herod at Emmaus, so furious at his failure that he killed every Jew he met on the way, not sparing even Herod’s men but treating everyone as a supporter of Antigonus. |
| 7 | |
| Hæc quum ægre ferret Herodes, in Machæram quidem vindicare voluit tanquam in hostem ; iracundiam vero repressit et ad Antonium properabat, apud eum accusaturus Machæræ iniquitatem. Ille autem, delicta sua reputans, velociter regem consequitur, utque in gratiam secum redeat, multis precibus efficit. Neque tamen Herodes a proposito suo revocatus est quominus ad Antonium pergeret. Sed quum audisset eum magnis viribus oppugnare Samosatam, juxta Euphratem validissimam civitatem, acrius festinabat, opportunum hoc tempus esse perspiciens demonstrandæ virtutis, et ut magis magisque placeret Antonio. Denique mox ut ad eum venit, finem attulit obsidioni, multis barbaris interfectis magnaque prædæ parte sibi destinata, ut Antonius quidem, quanquam ejus virtutem antea mirabatur, tamen etiam tunc magis eandem opinionem haberet, multumque ad honores ejus spemque regni adderet, Antiochus vero tradere Samosatam cogeretur. | This made Herod so angry that he was on the point of attacking Machæras as an enemy but, mastering his rage, he set out for Antony’s headquarters to expose the outrageous conduct of his subordinate. Machæras, realizing his mistake, followed on the king’s heels and by eating humble pie mollified him. But Herod continued his journey all the same; and when he heard that Antony was conducting a large-scale attack on Samosata, a well-fortified city near the Euphrates, he increased his speed, seeing an excellent chance of showing his mettle and placing Antony under an obligation. And so it proved. As soon as he arrived he finished the siege for them, killing masses of the enemy and capturing large quantities of booty, so that Antony’s old admiration for his prowess was greatly strengthened, and he heaped new honors upon him, confirming his hopes of mounting the throne, while King Antiochus was forced to surrender Samosata. |
| ⇑ § XVII | |
| Josephi mors, et Herodis de eo somnium. Ejusdem mira et iterata conservatio. Pappo fratris occisori caput amputat, et Pheroræ mittit. Non multo post Hierosolyma obsidet, et Mariamnen in uxorem ducit. | The Death of Joseph [Herod’s brother] Which Had Been Signified to Herod in Dreams. How Herod Was Preserved Twice after a Wonderful Manner. He Cuts Off the Head of Pappus, Who Was the Murderer of His Brother and Sends That Head to [His Other Brother] Pheror, and in No Long Time He Besieges Jerusalem, and Marries Mariamne. |
| 1 | |
| — Caput A-13 — De morte Josephi, et obsidione Hierosolymæ per Herodem, et Antigono occiso. | |
| Dum hæc agerentur, res Herodis in Judæa fractæ sunt. Reliquerat enim Josephum fratrem suum qui omnia procuraret, cum mandatis hujusmodi ut nihil ante reditum suum adversus Antigonum moveret, quia non firmum esset auxilium Machæræ — quantum ex delictis superioribus appareret. Verum Josephus, ubi fratrem procul abesse cognovit, immemor præceptorum, Hierichunta, cum quinque cohortibus a Machæra secum missis, petit ut maturo messium tempore frumenta diripiat. Incursu autem hostium per montana atque aspera loca oppressus, et ipse cadit, magnam viri fortis in ea pugna gloriam consecutus, et omnes Romani milites pereunt. Recens autem lectæ de Syria cohortes erant, nec veteranorum quenquam permixtum habebant qui belli imperitis opitulari posset. | Meanwhile a heavy blow befell Herod’s fortunes in Judæa. He had left his brother Joseph in complete charge, instructing him to make no move against Antigonus till his return, since the unreliability of Machæras as an ally was evident from what had been done. But as soon as Joseph heard that his brother was a long way off, he disregarded his instructions and marched toward Jericho with five cohorts contributed by Machæras; he went with the intention of seizing the grain crop at the height of summer. In hilly and difficult country he was set upon by his adversaries; he himself was killed after playing a hero’s part in the battle, and the Romans perished to a man. The cohorts were new levies from Syria, unskilled in war, and had no veterans mixed in with them to help them. |
| 2 | |
| Antigonus autem victoria minime contentus fuit, sed eo processit iracundiæ ut mortuum quoque Josephum verberaret. Denique, nactus corpora mortuorum, etiam caput ejus abscidit, quamvis L• talenta Pheroras frater pretium redemptionis offerret. Tanta vero novitas post Antigoni victoriam Galilææ res occupavit ut qui partibus ejus magis faverent productos primates Herodis studiosos lacu submergerent, multaque in Idumæa quoque mutarentur ubi Machæra castelli cujusdam instaurabat mœnia, cujus nomen est Gittha. Nec horum quicquam Herodes audierat. Captis enim Samosatis, Antonius, et præposito Syriæ Sosio jusso ut Herodem quoque adversus Antigonum adjuvaret, discessit in Ægyptum. Sosius autem, duabus cohortibus in Judæam præmissis, quarum Herodes uteretur auxilio, ipse cum cetera manu militum sequebatur. | Not satisfied with his victory, Antigonus went to such an extreme of fury that he even mutilated Joseph’s corpse. Having got possession of the bodies of the dead, he cut off his head, although his brother Pheroras offered to redeem it for fifty talents. Antigonus’ victory was followed by such a revolution in Galilee that his partisans dragged the more important of Herod’s adherents to the lake and drowned them. Many parts of Idumæa too changed sides, though Machæras was there, rebuilding a stronghold called Gittha. Not a word of all this had yet come to Herod’s ears. After the fall of Samosata Antony had made Sosius governor of Syria, instructing him to assist Herod against Antigonus while he himself returned to Egypt. Sosius accordingly sent two cohorts ahead into Judæa to reinforce Herod, following on his heels with the rest of his army. |
| 3 | |
| Herodi autem degenti prope Daphnem Antiochiæ, mortem fratris somnia manifesta significant. Quumque turbatus prosiluisset e stratis, ecce nuntii cladis intrabant ; quare præ dolore paululum questus, maxima parte luctus dilata, in hostes properabat, ultra vires iter accelerans. Et ubi ad Libanum venit, octingentos montis accolas assumit auxilio unamque his jungit Romanorum cohortem. Cum quibus non expectata luce, Galilæam ingressus est, hostesque obvios in eum quem reliquerant locum avertit, et assidue quidem castellum oppugnare temptabat ; sed priusquam id caperet, asperrima hieme coactus, in vicum proximum recepit exercitum. Paucis autem diebus post, auctus etiam alterius cohortis præsidio quam Antonius miserat, tanto hostibus terrori fuit, ut castellum nocte desererent. | Now when Herod was at Daphne near Antioch, vivid dreams informed him of his brother’s death, and as he sprang in alarm from his bed messengers came in with news of the disaster. For a brief while he gave vent to his distress then, postponing further mourning, hurried off at a killing pace in the directions of his enemies. Arriving at Lebanon, he was reinforced by eight hundred of the mountain men and combined them with one Roman cohort. Without waiting for daylight he led this mixed force into Galilee where he was met by the enemy, but drove them back to the place they had left and mounted an unrelenting assault on their fort. Before he could take it a fierce winter storm compelled him to seek shelter in the village nearby. When a few days later the second cohort sent by Antony joined forces with him, his increased strength so alarmed the enemy that in the night they abandoned the fort. |
| 4 | |
| Jamque per Hierichunta properans ibat ut quamprimum interfectores fratris sui posset ulcisci, ubi etiam mirabilis ei monstrique similis casus evenit — unde, præter spem liberatus, opinionem quod Deo carus esset adeptus est. Nam quum multi honorati vespera illa apud eum cenavissent, postquam, dimisso convivio, omnes egressi sunt, confestim cenaculum concidit. Id autem, commune sibi tam periculorum quam salutis præsagium, quantum ad futurum bellum pertineret, esse conjiciens, mane primo castra movet ; hostiumque sex circiter milia de montibus decurrentes, prima temptabant agmina ; et manum quidem cum Romanis conserere non satis fidebant, lapidibus autem ac telis eos, dummodo plurimos sauciarent, eminus appetebant. Ubi Herodes quoque ipse præteriens, latus jaculo vulneratur. | Hurrying on, Herod next passed through Jericho, determined to take the speediest vengeance on his brother’s killers. There a fantastic, prodigy-like event happened to him from which he unexpectedly escaped, which gained him the reputation of being beloved by God. Many of the local magistrates had dined with him that evening, and when the banquet was over and everyone had left, the building suddenly collapsed. Deeming this a joint portent of dangers and deliverance in the coming campaign, at the crack of dawn he moved forward with his army. About 6,000 of the enemy charged down from the hills and engaged his advance guard; they did not have the confidence to meet the Romans hand to hand, but pelted them at long range with stones and javelins, wounding a large number. Amidst this, Herod himself — his side —, as he was going along, was wounded by a javelin. |
| 5 | |
| Antigonus autem se non solum audacia suorum, sed etiam multitudine, superiorem videri cupiens, Pappum quendam ex contubernalibus suis cum manu militum in Samariam mittit, quibus quidem Machæra erat præmium victoriæ. Herodes vero terram pervagatus hostilem, quinque municipia capit duoque habitatorum milia consumit. Exustisque domibus, ad exercitum redit, circa vicum qui appellatur « Cana » tendentem. | It was the wish of Antigonus to give the impression that his men were superior not only in daring but also in numbers; so he sent Pappus, one of his associates, with an army to Samaria. Their objective was conquering Machæras. Herod for his part overran the enemy country, took five little towns and destroyed 2,000 of the inhabitants, burned down the houses and returned to his camp near a village called “Cana.” |
| 6 | |
| In dies autem singulos magna ei multitudo Judæorum vel ex ipsa Hierichunte vel ex aliis regionibus accedebat : quum hos odium moveret Antigoni, alios ipsius Herodis præclara facinora. Enimvero multos, ratione carentes, mutationis cupiditas impellebat. Hōc autem congredi festinante, Pappi milites, neque multitudine hostium neque impetu perterriti, acriter ad pugnam ex altera parte procedunt. Sed ubi agmina conflixerunt, ceteri quidem paulisper restiterunt. Herodes autem fraternæ cædis recordatione periculosius dimicans, dummodo ejus ulcisceretur auctores, adversam aciem facillime superat. Deinde semper integros aggrediendo, universos in fugam vertit. Erat enim plurima occumbentium strages, quum alii quidem in vicum unde venerant compellerentur. Novissimum autem ipse instaret atque infinitos occideret. Postremo tuens inter fugientes hostes in vicum irrupit ; quum omnes domus armatis essent refertæ, plenaque propugnatorum desuper tecta, et quoniam foris deprehensos facillime superabat, disturbando ædes intus abditos extrahebat, alios convulsis obrutos tectis multos simul necabat. Si quis autem subterfugisset ruinam, eum gladiis armati milites excipiebant, tantaque cadaverum per omnes vias multitudo coacervata est ut etiam victoribus ipsis transitus obstrueretur. Hanc plāgam hostes adeo non tulerunt ut confluentium turba, conspectis qui in vico perissent, fuga discederent. Statimque successu fretus Herodes ad Hierosolymam perrexisset nisi eum hiemis asperitas prohibuisset. Hæc enim perficiendæ victoriæ fuit impedimentum et ne penitus opprimeretur Antigonus obstitit, qui civitatem jam deserere cogitabat. | He was joined by a steady stream of Jews either from Jericho itself or other places, some through hatred of Antigonus, others impressed by Herod’s successes, but many in the grip of an unaccountable longing for change. Herod was impatient for a fight and Pappus, completely confident in the face of superior numbers and Herod’s extraordinary energy, advanced against him eager for the fray. When the clash came, the other side stood firm for a little while; but Herod, remembering his murdered brother and risking everything to get his revenge on the murderers, quickly overcame the troops facing him and then attacked in turn all the groups that still held out, till in the end the whole army was in flight. The carnage was immense, with some driven back into the village from which they had set out, with Herod himself mercilessly assailing their rear guard and killing more than could be counted. Along with the enemy he finally rushed into the village; since every house was packed with armed men and the roofs crowded with defenders from above, and because he easily defeated those caught in the open, he dragged out those hiding inside by collapsing the buildings, simultaneously killing many others by tearing down the roofs on top of them. Soldiers armed with swords took out any who fled underneath the ruins: so vast were the piles of corpses that the streets were blocked to the victors themselves. This blow was so unbearable to the enemy that those who reassembled after the battle, seeing the dead in the village, fled in all directions. Emboldened by his victory, Herod would at once have driven on to Jerusalem if he had not been held up by a violent winter storm. This circumstance robbed him of completely defeating Antigonus, who was already planning to abandon the City. |
| 7 | |
| Herodes autem ad vesperam, quum lassos amicos reficiendi corporis gratia dimisset, ipse, adhuc ab armis calidus, more militis lavatum ibat ; siquidem unus tantum puer eum sequebatur. Et priusquam in balneum perveniret, obvius ei quidam ex hostibus gladio armatus occurrit, deinde alter et tertius et plures. Et hi confugerant armati ex acie in balneum, sed perculsi etiam tum metu ac latitantes, ut regem viderunt, illum quidem stupore debilitati ac trementes, quum inermis esset, prætereunt ; exitus vero, qua fugerent, cursu petebant. Itaque quum alius, casu, qui eos deprehenderet nullus adesset, Herodi autem nihil pati satis fuisset, omnes effugiunt. | In the evening Herod dismissed his weary comrades to refresh themselves while he himself, still hot from the fight, went to take a bath like any other soldier, attended by a single slave. He was on the point of entering the bathhouse when one of the enemy dashed out in front of him sword in hand, then a second and a third, with others in their train. These men had fled from the battlefield into the bathhouse fully armed. There they had cowered unnoticed for a time, but when they saw the king, they lost their nerve entirely and, shaking with fear, ran past him, unarmed as he was, and dashed for the exits. As it happened, no one else was there to seize the men and Herod was content to have come to no harm, so they all got away. |
| 8 | |
| Postero autem die Pappum quidem, Antigoni militum ducem, abscisso capite, obtruncant, idque Pheroræ magistro exercitus fratri suo mittit in perempti fratris ultionem. Namque Pappus erat qui Josephum interfecerat. Ubi autem rigor hiemis cessit, Hierosolymam repetiit ; murisque admoto milite (annus autem tertius agebatur ex quo Romæ rex fuerat declaratus), pro Templo castra posuit, qua facilior erat expugnatio, et antea Pompejus ceperat civitatem. Exercitu autem in opera distributo, suburbanisque divisis, tres quidem levare aggeres et super eos turres ædificare jubet. Relictis autem qui operibus instarent impigerrimis amicorum, ipse in Samariam vadit uxorem accepturus, Alexandri, filii Aristobuli, filiam, sibi desponsatam, ut diximus, et dum obsidet, subsiciva opera, nuptias curaturus ; quippe, jam hostes despiciebat. | Next day he cut off the head of Pappus, Antigonus’ general, who had perished in the fighting, and sent it to his brother Pheroras as reparation for their murdered brother; for it was Pappus who had killed Joseph. When the winter storm died down Herod resumed his march towards Jerusalem and brought his army up to the walls. (It was now the third year since he had been proclaimed king in Rome.) He pitched his camp opposite the Temple, as from that direction an attack could be launched, and it was from there that Pompey had captured the City. Dividing the task among the troops, he stripped the suburbs of trees and ordered three artificial platforms to be raised and towers erected on them. Then, leaving his most competent subordinates to supervise the work, he went off to Samaria to fetch the daughter of Alexander, son of Aristobulus, the woman he had promised to marry, as mentioned before. So while he was conducting the siege, he busied himself with the leisure activity of his wedding — he no longer took the enemy seriously. |
| 9 | |
| Igitur ubi eam duxit, ad Hierosolymam redit, auctus militum copiis ; eique Sosius cum magna manu equitum peditumque sociatur, qua mediterraneo itinere præmissa, ipse per Phœnicem iter fecit ; universo autem exercitu congregato, ad peditum legiones undecim, equitumque sex milia, præter auxilia Syrorum, non pro minima parte ducenda ; prope a Septentrionali muro castra collocarunt ; Herodes quidem Senatus consulto fretus quo rex fuerat declaratus, Sosius vero Antonio — a quo milites quibus præerat sciret missos Herodi auxilio. | The wedding over, he returned to Jerusalem with still stronger forces. Sosius too joined him at the head of a very large army of horse and foot which he had sent on by the inland route while he himself marched through Phœnicia. The combined forces totalled eleven infantry legions and 6,000 cavalry, not counting the Syrian auxiliaries, who added considerably to the strength. They encamped together near the north wall, Herod relying on the senatorial decree appointing him king, Sosius on Antony, knowing he had sent the army under his command to support Herod. |
| ⇑ § XVIII | |
| Quomodo Herodes una cum Sosio Hierosolyma vi expugnat, quæque passus est Antigonus. De Cleopatræ avaritia. | How Herod and Sosius took Jerusalem by force ; and what death Antigonus came to. Also concerning Cleopatra’s avaricious temper. |
| 1 | |
| Judæorum autem intra Civitatem agentium populus varie turbatus erat. Nam circa Templum infirmior multitudo conveniens, furore agebatur : multaque veluti divinitus de temporibus dictitabat ; et qui audaciores essent, in catervas conglobati, multis modis latrocinabantur. Maxime ex locis oppido proximis victui necessaria proripientes, neque aut equis aut viris alimenta relinquebant. Bellatorum autem constantiores obsidentibus oppositi, e muris opus aggerum prohibebant et contra instrumenta oppugnantium semper novum aliquod obstaculum moliebantur. In nulla re autem æque ac cuniculis superabant. | The Jewish masses throughout the City showed their agitation in various ways. Crowding round the Sanctuary and feigning inspiration, the feebler creatures behaved as if possessed and, feigning inspiration, poured out a mass of “prophecies” to fit the situation; the bolder spirits went out in gangs marauding in every way, especially seizing all supplies within reach of the City, leaving no food for man or horse. Of the fighting-men, the more disciplined were organized to resist the besiegers; from the ramparts they hindered the piling up of the siege ramps and countered the engines with a succession of new devices: but in nothing did they score so much over the enemy as in their tunneling operations. |
| 2 | |
| Rex autem adversus latrocinia quidem occultas excogitavit militum insidias quibus eorum reprimerentur excursus ; inopiam vero alimentorum longinquis transvectionibus adjuvari disponit. Ac pugnæ intenti, quamvis omnem modem audaciæ supergrederentur, Romanorum tamen peritia vincebantur. Nihilominus aperte cum his, certa morte proposita, confligebant ; ex improviso autem Romanis per cuniculos intermedios emergentibus ; priusquam muri aliqua pars dirueretur, alteram ejus vicem muniebant. Prorsus autem neque manibus neque machinis deficiebant, quoniam usque ad ultimum repugnare decreverant ; denique tanto exercitu circumsidente, per quinque menses obsidium toleraverunt, donec quidam ex his quos lectos habebat Herodes ausi murum transgredi, Civitatem irrupere, et post eos Sosii centuriones. Igitur ante omnia, Fano proxima capiebantur ; et infuso exercitu plurima ubique mors erat : Romanis quidem propter obsidionis moras iratis, Herodis vero manu Judaica, summo intenta studio ne quis penitus ex adversariis evaderet. Mactabantur autem quamplurimi et, per angustiores vicos oppidi et in domos compulsi, etsi ad Templum etiam confugissent ; nec ulla erat aut senectutis aut muliebris infirmitatis miseratio. Denique, licet rex ubique mittens rogaret ut parcerent, nemo tamen dexteram continuit, sed veluti furentes omnem persequebantur ætatem. Ibi tunc etiam Antigonus, neque priorem neque præsentem fortunam cogitans, domo descendit et a pedes Sosii prosternitur. Ille autem. nihil eum tantæ mutationis causa miseratus, et intemperanter derisit et « Antigonam » appellavit ; neque tamen etiam custodia liberum dimisit, ut feminam. Itaque ille quidem, vinctus, asservabatur. | The king parried the marauding by devising ambushes which put a stop to their excursions; he overcame the food shortage by fetching supplies from a distance; and he got the better of the fighting-men by using Roman tactical skill, though they showed amazing audacity, in broad daylight hurling themselves against the Roman lines to certain death, also suddenly appearing through their tunnels amidst the Romans; and before any section of wall was battered down they would build another in its stead — in short, with neither hand nor brain did they show the slightest weariness, determined as they were to hold out to the last. Indeed, despite the overwhelming strength of the besieging army, they maintained their resistance for more than four months. Finally some of Herod’s stormtroopers ventured to scale the wall and leap into the City, followed by Sosius’ centurions. First to be captured was the area around the Temple; and then the army poured in and there was frightful carnage everywhere, as the Romans were furious at the length of the siege, and Herod’s Jewish soldiers determined that not one opponent should survive. They were massacred by the thousands, crowded together in streets and houses or even if they had fled to the Sanctuary. No mercy was shown to infants or the aged, or to defenseless women. Although the king sent round imploring them to discriminate, no one stayed his hand, but as if raging mad they vented their fury on every age alike. At this point Antigonus, paying no regard to his past or to his present position, came down from his Palace and fell at Sosius’ feet. The Roman, not in the least moved by his changed situation, laughed uproariously and called him “Antigone.” But he did not treat him like a woman and let him go free: he put him in fetters and kept him in custody. |
| 3 | |
| Herodes autem, quum jam hostes vicisset, ut externa quoque auxilia compesceret providebat. Visendi enim Templi Sanctorumque ejus studio, omnis multitudo peregrina fuerat incitata. Ob eamque rem, hos minis, alios precibus, nonnullos armis etiam refrenabat — acerbiorem quam si victus fuisset existimans sibi fore victoriam, si quod videri nefas esset, culpa sua visum fuisset. Mox autem etiam rapinas in civitate prohibuit, multa invectus in Sosium si, vacuefacto viris et pecuniis oppido, Romani regem se solitudinis reliquissent — qui pro tanta civium cæde, totius orbis terræ imperium vile pretium judicaret. Illo autem justum esse dicente, ut pro labore obsidionis, prædandi licentiam milites haberent, ipse de suis facultatibus mercedem singulis distributurum se asseveravit. Atque ita redemptis patriæ reliquiis, promissa complevit. Nam et militum quemque liberaliter et, pro merito, duces, ipsumque Sosium regia largitate donavit, ut nemo egens pecuniis abiret. Posthæc Sosius, aurea corona Deo dedicata, ex Hierosolymis remeavit, Antonio vinctum Antigonum ducens. Et illum quidem, vana spe vitæ cupidum usque ad ultimum diem, ignavia digna securis excepit. | After conquering his enemies, Herod next had to see about restraining his foreign allies; for the alien masses were determined to see the Temple and the sacred things inside the Sanctuary. The king threatened some, appealed to others, and drove yet others back by force of arms, thinking victory would be worse than defeat if it was through his fault that what it was sacrilegious to see were in fact seen. At the same time he stopped all looting in the City, strongly arguing with Sosius that if the Romans stripped the City of money and men, they would leave him king of a desert, and that for the slaughter of so many citizens he would regard a worldwide empire as inadequate compensation. When Sosius insisted that after the strain of the siege it was only right to let the men pillage, Herod promised to distribute rewards to the whole army out of his own pocket. Ransoming thus what was left of his father-city, he kept his promises; he rewarded every soldier handsomely, and the officers in proportion to their service, Sosius himself right royally, so that no one went short of money. Sosius dedicated a golden crown to God and then bade farewell to Jerusalem, taking Antigonus in fetters to Antony. The fallen ruler, clinging to life to the very end though hope was dead, died as such a coward deserved — by the ax. |
| 4 | |
| Rex autem Herodes discreta multitudine civitatis, suarum quidem partium studiosos, quo magis benevolos sibi faceret, honorifice tractabat ; Antigonianos autem neci tradebat. Et quum pecunia defecisset, diviso quicquid ornamentorum haberet, Antonio ejusque comitibus misit. Non tamen omnino ne quid pateretur redemit : jam enim Antonius, Cleopatræ amore corruptus, in omni re cupidini cesserat. Etenim Cleopatra, ubi tanta cognationem suam sævitia persecuta est ut neque propinquus sanguine superesset, cædis rabiem contulit in extraneos, Syrorumque optimates apud Antonium criminando, suadebat eos interfici, ut eo modo cujusque possessiones dominio suo facilius quæreret. Postea vero quam in Judæos atque Arabes usque extendit avaritiam, ut reges eorum — Herodes et Malichus — interirent occulte moliebatur. | King Herod did not make the mistake of treating all the citizens alike: by bestowing honors on those who had taken his side, he increased their devotion; the supporters of Antiqonus he liquidated. As money was now tight, he turned all his personal treasures into cash and sent it to Antony and his staff. Even so he could not buy freedom from all trouble: Antony, ruined by his passion for Cleopatra, had become the complete slave of his desire, while Cleopatra had gone right through her own family till not a single relation was left alive, turned her bloodlust on strangers and, slandering the authorities in Syria, urged Antony to have them executed, thinking that in this way she would easily become mistress of all their possessions. Indeed, after extending her avarice even to Jews and Arabs, she worked in secret to get their kings — Herod and Malchus — put to death. |
| 5 | |
| Cui quum verbotenus annuisset, Antonius occidere quidem bonos viros tantosque reges injustum esse duxit ; verum inter amicos ultra non habuit sed, multa terra ex eorum præcisa finibus, et quod erat in Hierichunte palmetum (in quo balsamum gignitur), et civitates præter Tyrum et Sidonem cunctas intra flumen Eleutherum ipsi dedit. Quorum potita dominio, ad Euphratem usque — Parthis bellum inferentem prosecuta Antonium — per Apamiam et Damascum in Judæam venit. Atque hic Herodes, licet magnis muneribus infensum ejus animum mitigasset, tamen ducentis talentis annuis abscissas regno suo possessiones impetrat sibi locari ; ipsamque omnibus obsequiis placans, Pelusium usque deducit. Nec multum interea tempus, et Antonius ex Parthis aderat, captivumque Artabazen, Tigranis filium, dono Cleopatræ ducebat. Nam cum pecuniis omnique præda, Parthus illi statim condonatus est. | While he assented to her verbally, Antony indeed considered it unjust to kill honest men and famous kings; but he cut them to the heart by withdrawing his friendship. He sliced off large parts of their territory, including the palm-grove at Jericho (in which the balsam is produced), and gave them to Cleopatra along with all the cities except Tyre and Sidon south of the river Eleutherus. Mistress now of this domain, she escorted Antony as far as the Euphrates on his way to fight the Parthians, and then came via Apamea and Damascus into Judæa. Herod placated her hostility with costly gifts and managed to get the lands broken off from his kingdom leased back from her, at two hundred talents a year! Finally, he escorted her all the way to Pelusium, showing her every attention. It was not long before Antony reappeared from Parthia, bringing a prisoner — Artabazes, the son of Tigranes — as a present for Cleopatra to whom, along with the money and all the booty, the Parthian was immediately handed over. |
| ⇑ § XIX | |
| Quomodo Antonius, Cleopatræ verbis adductus, mittit Herodem ad bellum contra Arabas : utque multis prœliis factis tandem victoriam reportat. Deque magno terræ motu. | How Antony at the persuasion of Cleopatra sent Herod to fight against the Arabians ; And how after several battles, he at length got the victory. As also concerning a great earthquake. |
| 1 | |
| — Caput A-14 — De insidiis Cleopatræ in Herodem, et Herodis prœlio contra Arabes et ingenti terræmotu. | |
| Concitato autem bello Actiaco, Herodes quidem cum Antonio proficisci paratus erat — et aliis per Judæam turbis liberatus, et Hyrcanio potitus, quem vicum Antigoni soror tenebat. Verumtamen a Cleopatra callide, ne periculorum Antonii particeps fieret, interclusus est. Regibus enim, ut diximus, insidias tendens, bellum in Arabas ut Herodi committeret, persuadet Antonio ; quos si vicisset, Arabiæ — sin autem victus esset, Judææ — domina constitueretur, alterumque potentium per alterum pessumdaret. | When the war that ended at Actium broke out, Herod prepared to take the field with Antony, having settled all disturbances in Judæa and captured the Hyrcanion, a fortress till then in the hands of Antigonus’ sister. But he was blocked by Cleopatra’s cunning from sharing Antony’s dangers; as mentioned already, she was scheming against the kings, and now she persuaded Antony to entrust Herod with the war against the Arabs — if he won, she would become mistress of Arabia; if he lost, of Judæa, and she would be using one ruler to get rid of the other. |
| 2 | |
| Sed hoc ejus consilium Herodi feliciter cessit. Nam primum in Syros hostes ducens, magnum quem conflaverat equitatum circa Diospolim in eos mittit et quamvis fortiter resistentes superavit. Qui, quum jam victi essent, magno motu Arabes suscitantur : et infinita manus in Syriæ Cœles Canatham congregati, exspectabant Judæos. Ubi rex eos Herodes cum exercitu aggressus, bellum consultius administrare temptabat, castraque muro cingi præcipiebat. Non tamen ei paruit multitudo sed, priore victoria freti, Arabas impetunt. Et prima coitione in fugam versos urgebant ; in persecutione vero insidiis periclitatur Herodes, Canathensibus ab Athenione immissis, qui ex Cleopatræ ducibus semper ei fuerat inimicus. Namque horum incursu recreati Arabes, pugnam repetunt ; junctique agminibus circa saxosa loca et devia, Herodis militem fugant, plurimis cæde prostratis. Qui vero ex prœlio servati sunt, in vicum Ormizam confugiunt, ubi etiam castra eorum cum hominibus circumventa Arabes, sicut erant plena, ceperunt. | But this plan of hers ended up to Herod’s benefit. Starting out by advancing against the Syrian enemy, he got together a large force of cavalry and sent them into battle near the city of Diospolis, emerging victorious despite determined resistance. This defeat led to feverish activity among the Arabs, who gathered at Canatha in Cœle Syria in enormous strength and awaited the Jews. There King Herod arrived with his army and, endeavoring to conduct his campaign with great circumspection, ordered a camp to be fortified. His soldiers, however, disregarded his commands and, elated by their earlier success, attacked the Arabs, routed them at the first charge and followed in pursuit. But in the pursuit Herod was perilously ambushed when the inhabitants of Canatha were sent against him by Athenio, one of Cleopatra’s generals who had always been hostile to him. Their onslaught restored the morale of the Arabs who turned about and, joining forces on rocky, difficult ground, routed Herod’s men, slaughtering them wholesale. Those who escaped from the battle sought shelter in Ormiza, but their camp was surrounded and captured with all its defenders by the Arabs. |
| 3 | |
| Neque multo post, accepta clade, Herodes aderat cum auxiliis, serius quam usus poposcit. Hujus ei vulneris causa fuit præpositorum militibus contumacia — quod jussis obœdire noluerunt. Non enim repentino commisso prœlio, ullum Athenio insidiandi tempus habuisset. Rursus tamen ultus est Arabas, assiduis fines eorum incursionibus infestans, quodque semel victus est, sæpe rependit. Sed dum inimicos persequitur, incurrit ei divinitus alia calamitas, septimo regni anno, Actiaco bello fervente. Namque veris initio terra mota, infinita quidem pecorum, triginta vero hominum milia peremit, quum exercitus mansisset incolumis quoniam sub divo tendebat ; ibique Arabas in majorem audaciam fama sustulit, tristibus nuntiis gravius semper aliquid affingens. Unde velut omni subversa Judæa, terræ obtinendæ spe, quia neminem superesse credebant, in eam irrunt, legatis prius interfectis qui ad se venerant a Judæis. Herodes autem, adventu hostium perterritam suorum multitudinem, tam magnitudine quam assiduitate calamitatum fractam, ad repugnandum incitare temptabat, hæc dicens : | Soon after this disaster Herod brought up reinforcements, but he was too late. The reason for the disaster was the insubordination of his military commanders; if battle had not been joined prematurely, Athenio would have found no opportunity for an ambush. Still, Herod got even with the Arabs later by repeatedly overrunning their country, so that the fact that he had been beaten once was paid for again and again. But while he was settling accounts with his enemies, another disaster befell him, an act of God occurring in the seventh year of his reign at the height of the Actian War. At the beginning of spring there was an earthquake which destroyed 30,000 people and innumerable cattle. The army escaped unhurt, as it was camping in the open. At once Arab confidence was raised by rumor, which always makes disasters seem worse than they are. Convinced that Judæa was one vast ruin, in the hope of taking over the land and believing that no one had survived, they descended on it, first offering as sacrificial victims the envoys who had just arrived from Judæa. This invasion by their enemies completely demoralized the people — their spirit was broken by the succession of overwhelming disasters; so Herod, by the following appeal, made the effort of awakening the spirit of resistance: |
| 4 | |
| « Rationem habere non videtur, cur vos præsens formido perculerit : nam divinæ quidem indignationis plāgas mærori vobis esse non miror ; ignavum autem est, perpeti idem etiam quum incursus hominum repellendi sunt. Ego enim — tantum abest, ut hostes post terræmotum pertimescam, quod magis putaverim Deum hanc illis illecebram immisisse ut pœnas redderent ; non enim tantum manu armisque freti, quantum nostris calamitatibus, veniunt. Fallax autem spes est quæ non suis viribus nititur, sed alienis adversis. Neque vero vel secundæ res, vel contrariæ, apud homines certæ sunt ; sed in utramque partem videas fortunam nutare vicissim, ut exempla vobis propria demonstrabunt. Nempe prœlio superiore victores, post ab hostibus victi, sumus. Et nunc ergo, quantum æstimare licet, illi capiuntur, victores se fore credentes. Nimis enim confidens incautus est ; metus autem providentiam docet. Itaque mihi quidem hoc ipsum quod timetis, fiduciam suggerit. Nam quum ferociores quam opus erat fuistis, et præter voluntatem meam in hostes egressi estis, Athenion insidiandi tempus invenit. Nunc autem vestra cunctatio et minus alacer animus, ut videtur, certam mihi victoriam spondet. Convenit tamen ante prœlium sic esse affectos, in ipso autem opere virtutem exserere, consceleratisque hostibus planum facere, quod neque humanum aliquod malum, neque ira cælestis unquam deprimit fortitudinem Judæorum, donec spiritum vitæ ducunt vel eorum quisquam in bonis suis Arabas dominari patietur quos aliquoties pæne captivos abduxit. Nihil autem vos terreat rerum anima carentium metus ; neque arbitremini terræ concussionem alicujus futuræ cladis esse portentum. Naturalia namque sunt elementorum quoque vitia ; nullumque damnum inferunt nisi quod ex ipsis evenerit. Nam pestilentiæ quidem, vel famis, vel terræmotus signum aliquod, tardante malo, fortasse præcesserit ; ipsa vero, quum exstiterint, sui magnitudine finiuntur. Ceterum, ¿ quid nobis amplius quam terræ concussio, bellum nocere poterit etiam victis ? Immo enim vero, maximum imminentis excidii monstrum, sponte sua, neque alienis manibus, inimicis accidit qui legatos, præter omnium hominum leges, crudeliter mactaverunt — talesque Deo pro belli eventu hostias cecīderunt. Non enim effugient maximum ejus lumen invictamque dexteram, sed continuo pœnas dabunt ; si patrio repleti spiritu, in vindictam violati fœderis animos excitemus, pergite quisque non pro conjugibus neque pro liberis aut pro patriæ periculis pugnaturi, sed legatorum cædis ultores. Illi melius quam nos qui vivimus exercitum regent ; vobisque mihi obœdientibus, periclitabor ipse pro ceteris. Pro certo enim sciatis, fortitudinem vestram sustineri non posse, nisi temeritate lædatur. » | “It is surely quite unnecessary to take fright like this. For I am not surprised that the blows of divine wrath are a cause of your grief; but it is cowardly to give in to the same thing even when the attacks of men need to be repelled. I for one am so far from being alarmed because the enemy have come after the earthquake that I believe God sent it to trap the Arabs and make them pay us the penalty for what they have done. It was not so much their own strength and skill as our accidental misfortunes that gave them confidence to come here — and it is a poor hope that depends not on one’s own ability but on other people’s troubles! No one can count on either bad luck or good going on for ever — everybody knows how fickle fortune is. You can see an example of that very near home. You won the first battle, they won the second; now they expect to win and are pretty certain to lose. Cocksure people are caught napping, while apprehension teaches wariness; so your nervousness makes me feel all the safer. When you were overbold and went for the enemy against my wishes, Athenio seized his chance to catch us out; now your reticence and seemingly less eager mood makes me certain that we will win. That is how you should feel while waiting for something to happen: when it does happen, you must see red, and show these criminals that nothing God or man can do to us will ever damp the fighting spirit of Jews as long as they have breath in their bodies, and that no Jew will stand by while his property goes to an Arab who time and time again has only just missed becoming his prisoner. Again, do not let the fear of things lacking breath terrify you, or imagine that the earthquake is a warning of another disaster to come. These elemental disturbances are quite natural and do us no harm beyond the immediate damage. Plague, famine and earth tremors may perhaps be foreshadowed by some slighter indication, but the actual calamities are too big to go beyond their own limits. Do you think we could suffer more than we did in the earthquake, even if we lost the war? No; the most significant omen of their coming crash comes, not from some natural occurrence or the action of someone else, but from their own guilty consciences. In defiance of international law they have brutally murdered our envoys; such are the victims they have sacrificed to get God on their side! But they will not escape His all-seeing eye and invisible right arm; they will soon pay us the penalty if we show something of the spirit of our fathers and rouse ourselves to give these treaty-breakers what they deserve. Let every man take up arms to champion, not his wife, his children or his threatened country, but our murdered envoys; they will be more inspiring leaders in the war than we who are alive can ever be. For my part, if you will obey my orders, I will be in the forefront of the battle; you know well enough that unless by some rash act you injure your own cause, your gallantry is irresistable.” |
| 5 | |
| His adhortatus milites, ubi eos alacres vidit, sacra Deo celebravit ; deinde cum exercitu Jordanem fluvium transgressus est. Castris autem Philadephiæ positis, haud procul ab hostibus, quasi de interjacente castello contenderet. Pugnam eminus irritabat, quamprimum cupiens congredi. Nam et hostes præmiserant qui castellum occuparent. Sed illos quidem regii facile repulerunt, collemque tenuerunt. Ipse vero, quotidie producto ad prœlium milite instructaque acie, Arabes lacessebat. Quum autem nemo contra procederet (quædam enim eos vehemens formido tenebat, et ante multitudinem dux Elthemus timore obriguerat), vallum eorum disturbat, ipse aggressus ; eoque modo coacti, ad pugnam, confusis ordinibus mixtique cum equitibus, pedites egrediuntur ; etsi multitudine superiores, Judæis tamen alacritate impares, quamvis audaciores eos faceret victoriæ desperatio. | By this speech Herod put new spirit into his soldiers and, satisfied with their enthusiasm, he sacrificed to God, immediately afterwards crossing the Jordan with his army. Pitching his camp near Philadelphia quite close to the enemy, he began skirmishing with them for the possession of a for in No Man’s Land, being anxious for an early trial of strength. It happened that the enemy had sent a party forward to seize this strongpoint; the king’s men quickly drove them back and occupied the hill. Herod himself daily led out his forces, deployed them for battle, and challenged the Arabs. Not a man came forward to oppose him — they were in a state of utter panic, and even more than the rank and file their general Elthemus was incapacitated by terror — so Herod advanced to their palisade and began to tear it down. At that they had to do something, and they came out to battle in disorder, infantry mixed with cavalry. In numbers they had the advantage of the Jews, but in enthusiasm they could not be compared, though desperation made even them show reckless courage. |
| 6 | |
| Et quamdiu quidem restiterunt, non magna eorum cædes facta est ; ubi vero terga nudaverunt, multi a Judæis, multi vero a semetipsis conculcati perierunt. Denique milia V• in fuga ceciderunt, ceteraque multitudo intra vallum compulsa est, eosque statim circumsæptos obsidebat Herodes. Et licet armis prope adesset excidium, tamen aquæ penuria vehementer urgebat. Quumque rex arrogantius eorum legatos despiceret, et talenta quinquaginta pro redemptione offerentibus, magis instaret, denique ardescente siti, catervatim exeuntes, ultro se Judæis tradebant adeo ut quinque diebus quattuor milia vincirentur, sexto reliqua multitudo ad pugnam desperata salute procederet. Quibus congressus, Herodes iterum septem milia circiter sternit ; et tam magna plāga ultus Arabiam, exstincto virorum ejus spiritu, tantum profecit ut ejus patronus ab ea gente optaretur. | So as long as they stood their ground their losses were few, but when they turned tail, many were killed by the Jews and many trampled to death by their friends. 5,000 fell in the rout; the remainder lost no time in crowding within their palisade. Surrounded and besieged by Herod, their destruction would have been close at hand, but the lack of water was intolerable for them. The king treated their envoys with contempt, and the offer of five hundred talents only made him intensify his attacks. Parched with thirst, the defenders came out en mass and voluntarily gave themselves up, so that in five days 4,000 were taken prisoner. On the sixth day in desperation the remainder came out to give battle. Herod engaged them and killed about 7,000 more. By this overwhelming blow he settled his account with Arabia and humbled the pride of her people so triumphantly that the nation chose him as their Protector. |
| ⇑ § XX | |
| Ab Augusto regnare jussus Herodes, magnificis imperatorem muneribus demeretur. Ab illo vicissim recipit partem regni, quam ei ademerat Cleopatra, adjecta insuper dicione, quæ fuerat Zenodori. | Herod is confirmed in his kingdom by Cæsar, and cultivates a friendship with the Emperor by magnificent presents ; While Cæsar returns his kindness by bestowing on him that part of his kingdom which had been taken away from it by Cleopatra with the addition of Zenodorus’s country also. |
| 1 | |
| — Caput A-15 — Herodes exaltatus in regnum. | |
| Mox autem illum excepit desueta rerum sollicitudo, propter amicitiam Antonii, post victoriam Cæsaris apud Actium. Verumtamen plus timoris habebat quam ipse patiebatur. Nec enim Cæsar victum judicabat Antonium, donec Herodes cum eo superesset. Itaque rex periculis decrevit occurrere ; Rhodumque transmissus, ubi Cæsar eo tempore morabatur, adiit eum sine diademate, veste quidem cultuque privato, sed fastu regio, neque dissimulata veritate coram eo hæc dixit : « Ego quidem, Cæsar, rex factus ab Antonio, fateor utilem me fuisse regem Antonio. Neque dissimulaverim quod omnimodo armis quoque me gravem expertus esses, nisi Arabes prohibuissent. Verumtamen et auxilia ei pro viribus meis misi, et multa frumenti milia ; sed nec accepta apud Actium plāga, bene de me meritum deserui. Nam quum auxilii minus commodarem, optimum ei consilium dedi, unam esse dicens Cleopatræ mortem adversorum correctionem. Quam si occidisset, et pecunias ei, et muros ad tuitionem, et exercitum, et memetipsum contra te socium pollicebar. Sed profecto ejus aures Cleopatræ amores, et Deus, qui tibi victoriam donaret, obstruxit. Una ergo cum Antonio victus sum, et diadema cum ejus fortuna deposui. Ad te autem veni, spem salutis de virtute præsumens et, ut in examen adduceretur properans, qualis amicus alicujus fuerim. » | Soon, however, an unusual worry about his position overtook him because of his friendship with Antony, after Cæsar’s victory at Actium. Actually he had more fear than he himself would suffer; for Cæsar was not sure than Antony was finished as long as his ally Herod remained. But the king determined to face his danger head on and, sailing to Rhodes where Cæsar was at the time, sought an audience without his crown, in the dress and with the appearance of a commoner, but with the haughtiness of a king. He kept back nothing and spoke as man to man. “It was Antony, Cæsar, who set me on the throne, and I freely admit that to Antony I have rendered every possible service. Nor do I hesitate to say that you would certainly have found me fighting loyally be his side if the Arabs had not prevented it. As it was, I sent him all the reinforcements I could and many thousand sacks of grain; and not even after his defeat at Actium did I desert my benefactor — I gave him the best possible advice, as it was no use sending any more soldiers; I told him there was only one way of retrieving his disasters — Cleopatra’s death. If he would kill her, I promised money, protecting walls, an army and my active participation in the war against you. But instead his ears were stopped by his passion for Cleopatra — and by God who has given the victory to you. I am defeated with Antony and with his fall I lay aside my crown. I have come to you, placing my hope of safety in my steadfastness, and hurrying so that the kind of friend of anyone I am be taken into consideration.” |
| 2 | |
| Ad hæc Cæsar: « Immo vero salvus esto », inquit, « et nunc regnato certius. Nam meritus es, qui plurimos regas, quum amicitiam tanta fide tuearis. Experire autem, ut etiam felicioribus fidus permaneas ; siquidem ego præclarissimam spem de tua magnanimitate mihi promitto. Recte tamen fecit Antonius, qui magis Cleopatræ quam tibi paruit. Te namque lucrati sumus propter ejus amentiam. Prior autem ab officiis cœpisti, quantum apparet, quem adversus eorum gladiatores idonea auxilia misisse Ventidius perscribit. Quare interim tibi decreto firmitatem regni præbeo. Experiar autem ipse quoque bene tibi aliquid facere, ut non desideres Antonium. » | Cæsar replied, “You are perfectly safe, and now go ahead and reign more confidently. You deserve to rule over many subjects after showing such loyalty to your friend. Try to be as faithful to those who enjoy better success; for my part, I see a dazzling prospect for such a bold spirit as yourself. It is a very good thing that Antony listened to Cleopatra and not to you: we have gained you through his folly. You have already begun to render services, it seems, as {Quintus Didius} Ventidius writes to tell me you have sent him a good contingent against their gladiators. I now therefore issue a decree that the throne is securely yours. Before long I myself shall endeavor to show you some futher favor, so that you may not miss Antony.” |
| 3 | |
| Hujus sermonis humanitate regem ne quid de amicitia sua dubitaret hortatus, et diadema illi imposuit, et indulgentiam decreto consignat ; in quo multa magnifice in ejus laudem commemoravit. Ille autem prius eum muneribus delenitum rogabat, ut Alexandrum quendam supplicem, ex amicis Antonii, juberet absolvi. Sed vicit iracundia Cæsaris, multa illum et gravia pro quo rogabatur admisisse dicentis, quibus repulit deprecantem. Postea vero ad Ægyptum euntem per Syriam Cæsarem Herodes cunctis accepit regni divitiis, tumque primum cum eo milites recensente, circa Ptolemaidem equo vectus est, cenamque illi cum omnibus amicis exhibuit atque insuper exercitus ejus epulis cuncta distribuit. Prospexit etiam, ut per arida loca proficiscentibus ad Pelusium atque inde redeuntibus, aquarum copia non deesset. Nec fuit quicquam utensilium quod desideraret exercitus. Pro his denique meritis, parvum esse Herodi regnum tam Cæsar quam milites existimabant. Ideoque postquam venit in Ægyptum, jam Cleopatra et Antonio mortuis, non solum ceteros ejus honores auxit, verum etiam regno partem finium addidit quam Cleopatra dempserat. Et præterea Gadara, Hippon, Samariam, maritimarumque insuper civitatum Gazam et Anthedonem, et Joppen et Pyrgum Stratonis ; et ad hæc satellites quadringentos Gallos ei donavit, quos antea Cleopatra stipatores habebat. Nulla autem res magis liberalitatem Cæsaris incitabat quam magnus animus accipientis. | After addressing these gracious words to the king and setting the crown on his head, he published a decree announcing the award and expressing with the utmost generosity his high opinion of the beneficiary. After placating him with presents, Herod interceded on behalf of a certain Alexander, a friend of Antony, who had asked for mercy. But Cæsar’s anger brooked no opposition; he vigorously and bitterly condemned the petitioner, firmly rejecting Herod’s appeal. Later, when Cæsar travelled to Egypt via Syria, Herod welcomed him for the first time with all his kingly wealth, rode by his side as he reviewed his army near Ptolemais, and gave a dinner for him and all his friends, and in addition provided his army with everything in a banquet. As the troops were to march through the desert to Pelusium and back, he took care to supply water in abundance, and the army lacked nothing in the way of supplies. The thought naturally occurred to Cæsar and his men that in view of his generosity Herod’s kingdom was far too small. So when Cæsar arrived in Egypt, and Cleopatra and Antony were now dead, he showered honors upon him restored to his kingdom the area sliced off by Cleopatra, and added Gadara, Hippus and Samaria, with the coastal towns Gaza, Anthedon, Joppa, and Strato’s Tower. He further made him a present of four hundred Gauls, to be his bodyguard as they had formerly been Cleopatra’s. Of all his liberality there was no more potent cause than the generosity of the recipient. |
| 4 | |
| Post primam vero Actiada, etiam regionem quæ Trachon vocatur ejus dicioni subdidit, eique continentem Batanæam, itemque Auranitin, ex hujusmodi causa : Zenodorus, qui domus Lysaniæ conductor erat, non cessavit unquam, ex regione quæ Trachon dicitur, latrones Damascenis immittere. Illi autem ad Varronem — tunc rectorem Syriæ — confugerunt, eumque deprecati sunt quo suas miserias Cæsari declararet. Cæsar autem, his cognitis, ei rescripserat ut latrocinium penitus curaret exstinguere. Varro autem milite aggressus loca suspecta, expurgavit latronibus terram, ipsamque Zenodoro abstulit ; quam Cæsar, ne latronum denuo contra Damascum receptaculum fieret, Herodi dedit, eumque præterea totius Syriæ procuratorem constituit. Et decimo anno reversus iterum in provinciam, ne quid, eo inconsulto, procuratoribus liceret administrare, præcepit ; ac Zenodoro mortuo, terram omnem quæ inter Trachonem et Galilæam erat eidem attribuit. Quod autem majus his omnibus existimabat Herodes, a Cæsare quidem post Agrippam amabatur, ab Agrippa vero post Cæsarem. Hinc ad summum felicitatis evectus, et ad majorem sublevatus animum, maximam providentiæ partem obsequio pietatis impendit. | After the first Actiad {(= 4-year period)}, Cæsar added to Herod’s kingdom Trachonitis, Batanæa that adjoined it, and Auranitis. This is how it came about: Zenodorus had leased the estate of Lysanias, and he never stopped sending bandits from Trachonitis to waylay the Damascenes. These sought the protection of Varro, governor of Syria, and begged him to bring their plight to the notice of Cæsar; Cæsar’s response was to authorize the destruction of the nest of bandits. Varro therefore mobilized his forces, cleared the district of these rogues, and dispossessed Zenodorus; to prevent it from again becoming a base for raids on Damascus, Cæsar later transferred it to Herod, and made him besides the procurator of all Syria. When after an interval of ten years he paid a second visit to the province, he ordered that the procurators could not take any measures without consulting Herod; and when Zenodorus died, he assigned to him also the whole area between Trachonitis and Galilee. What counted still more with Herod was that in Cæsar’s affections he was second only to Agrippa, in Agrippa’s second only to Cæsar. From then on he climbed to the peak of success, while his moral stature increased and his farsightedness was largely devoted to works of piety. |
| ⇑ § XXI | |
| De urbibus ab Herode instauratis et a fundamento exstructis ; deque aliis ab eo conditis. Utque magnificentiam etiam exteris gentibus demonstravit, prosperaque in omnibus fortuna usus est. | Of the [Temple and] cities that were built by Herod and erected from the very foundations ; As also of those other edifices that were erected by him ; And what magnificence he showed to foreigners ; And how fortune was in all things favorable to him. |
| 1 | |
| — Caput A-16 — De urbibus et ædificiis instauratis et conditis ab Herode, deque munificentia, qua usus est erga exteras gentes, ejusque felicitate. | |
| ITAQUE, anno regni sui quintodecimo, et Templum instauravit, et duplum terræ spatium quam fuerat circa Templum, muro amplexus est, ingenti sumptu et magnificentia singulari. Argumento erant in ambitu Fani magnæ porticus, eique junctum a Septentrione castellum. Et illas quidem a fundamentis erexit, hoc autem nulla re minus quam regni sedes, largis opibus renovatum : Antoniam vocavit, in honorem Antonii. Quin etiam domo sibi regia in superiori parte civitatis exstructa, duas ædes in ea maximas atque pulcherrimas, quibus ne Templum quidem usquam conferri posset, ædificavit ; easque amicorum vocabulis, unam Cæsaream, Agrippium alteram nominavit. | In the fifteenth year of his reign he restored the existing Sanctuary and round it enclosed an area double the former size, keeping no account of the cost and achieving a magnificence beyond compare. This could be seen particularly in the great colonnades that ran round the entire Temple and the fortress that towered over it to the north. He built the former from the ground up, the latter an extremely costly reconstruction, in no way inferior to a palace, and named Antonia in honor of Antony. His own Palace, built in the Upper City, consisted of two very large and very lovely buildings to which not even any temple anywhere could be compared: these he named after his friends, one Cæsareum, one Agrippeum. |
| 2 | |
| Ned vero solis tectis memoriam eorum et cognomina circumscripsit, sed in totas etiam civitates studium liberalitatis extendit. Nam in Samaritica regione oppidum muro pulcherrimo per viginti stadia circumdatum, « Sebasten » appellavit, deductis eo sex milibus colonorum, terraque fecundissima his attributa, ubi templum quoque maximum inter ædificia, et circum id aream trium et semis stadiorum Cæsari dedicavit, ejusdemque oppidi habitatoribus præcipua legum beneficia præstitit. | But it was not in buildings only that he enshrined their memory and names; through his lavish generosity whole cities came into being. In the district of Samaritis he built a city with magnificent walls over two miles long, calling it “Sebaste” {(from Greek Σεβαστός, “Augustus”)}, settled in it 6,000 colonists, allotted to them some land of excellent quality, where the temple was the largest among the buildings, and dedicated an open space around it of 3½ stades to Cæsar. To the citizens he granted a very special charter. |
| 3 | |
| Ob hæc alterius terræ adjectione donatus a Cæsare, aliud ei templum circa Jordanis fontem candido marmore posuit, qui locus appellatur Panium. Ubi montis quidem vertex in præcelsum editus, propter subjecti lateris vallem specus aperit umbrosum, qua profundæ altitudinis rupes, ad immensum liquentis guttæ receptaculum concavatur, ut stagnantis aquæ copia demittentibus aliquid donec terram inveniant, longitudo nulla sufficiat. Foris autem, e speluncæ radicibus oriuntur fontes, et (ut quidam putant) hoc est Jordanis principium. Sed veri fidem in posterioribus indicabimus. | Endowed by Cæsar with the addition of a second territory because of these actions, he erected a second temple of white marble to him around the source of the Jordan, a place called Paneum. There is a mountain here whose top is lost in the clouds; in the lower slopes is a dark cavern, inside of which a sheer precipice descends, sculpted out into a cavity of dripping liquid so immeasurably deep in its amount of still water that, for people letting down something to find the bottom, no length of cord has sufficed. From the roots of the cavern outside well up the springs which some consider to be the headwaters of the Jordan. A true account will be given later. |
| 4 | |
| Quin et apud Hierichunta, inter castellum Cyprum et priores domos regias, meliores alias et quæ commodiorem viam præberent advenientibus fabricatas, eorundem amicorum nominibus vocitavit. Prorsus, non est idoneus regni locus quem honore Cæsaris nudum reliquerit. Postea vero quam fines suos templis replevit, in provinciam quoque honores ejus effudit, et in multis civitatibus templa quæ Cæsarea vocantur constituit. | At Jericho, between the fortress of Cypros and the old palaces, he built other new buildings, better and offering a more comfortable pathway for visitors, named after the same friends. In fact there is no suitable spot in his kingdom that he left without some tribute of esteem for Cæsar. When he had filled his own country with temples, these tributes overflowed into the province, and in city after city he erected temples which are called Cæsarea. |
| 5 | |
| Quum autem, inter maritimas civitates vidisset unam vetustate jam fessam quæ Stratonos Pyrgos vocabatur, et pro loci natura munificentiæ suæ capacem, totam eam candido saxo reparatam, clarissima regia decoravit et in ea maxime innatam sibi animi magnitudinem demonstravit. Nam inter Doram et Joppen, quarum media civitas sita est, omnis ora maritima adeo fuit importuosa ut omnes qui ad Ægyptum ex Phœnice navigarent in salo fluctuare cogerentur, minas Africi metuentes ; cujus etiam mediocris aura, tantas undarum moles ad scopulos erigit ut, remeante æstu gurgitis, per aliquantum spatium maris feritas augeatur. Sed rex, liberalitate ac sumptibus devicta natura, Piræo majorem portum fabricavit, et in ejus penetralibus alias navibus stationes fecit altissimas. | He noticed on the coast a town called Strato’s Tower, in a state of decay, but thanks to its admirable situation capable of benefitting by his generosity. He rebuilt it entirely with white rock and adorned it with a most splended palace. Nowhere did he show more clearly the liveliness of his imagination. The city lies midway between Dora and Joppa, and hitherto the whole of that shore had been harborless, so that anyone sailing from Phoenicia towards Egypt had to ride the open sea and fear being threatened by the southwest wind; even when this is moderate, such huge waves are dashed against the rocks that the backwash makes the sea rough a long way out. But the king, overcoming nature by lavish expenditure, constructed a harbor bigger than the Piræus, and built additional, deep-draft docking stations for ships in its inner portions. |
| 6 | |
| Et quanquam totus ei locus adversabatur, tamen ita cum difficultate certavit, ut firmitas quidem structuræ nequaquam mari cederet ; pulchritudo vero tanta esset, quasi nulla res ardua præpedisset ornatum. Mētītus enim quantum diximus portui spatium, per viginti ulnas in profundum saxa demisit, quorum pleraque pedum quinquaginta longitudinis, et altitudinis novem, et latitudinis decem, nonnulla vero etiam majora fuerunt. Expleto autem spatio quod unda celabat, in ducentos pedes murum dilatavit. Ex quibus centum repellendis erant fluctibus ante constructi — unde etiam « procȳmia » dicebantur ; ceteri autem saxeo portus quo cingitur muro subjecti sunt, magnis turribus interpositis, quarum maxima atque pulcherrima ex nepote Cæsaris « Drusium » cognominata est. | The site was as awkward as could be, but he wrestled with the difficulties so triumphantly that on his solid fabric the sea could make no impression, while its beauty gave no hint of the obstacles encountered. He first marked out the area for a harbor of the size mentioned, and then lowered into 20 fathoms of water blocks of stone mostly 50 feet long, 9 deep and 10 broad, but sometimes even bigger. When the foundations had risen to water-level he built above the surface a levee 200 feet wide, of which the front hundred feet were built up to break the waves, and so was called the Breakwater {(προκῡμία, lit. “fore-waves”)}; but the rest were lower than the rock wall surrounding the harbor. Along this were spaced massive towers, of which the most conspicuous and most beautiful was called “Drusium” after Cæsar’s stepson. |
| 7 | |
| Crebri autem fornices ad deducenda quæ portus haberet. proque fornicibus et circum eos crepīdo saxea, et lata, quæ naves egredientes exciperet, deambulatio. Aditus autem Septentrionalis erat. Ventorum enim pro situ loci placidissimus est boreas. Ad ostium vero colossi tres, utrimque fulti columnis : quarum a læva quidem intrantibus stantes, solida turris sustinet ; dextra vero duo prōcēri lapides juncti, et partis adversæ turris magnitudinem superantes. Domus autem portui connexæ, candido item lapide ; parique mensura spatiorum, civitatis viæ tendentes in portum. Contra ostium vero portūs, in colle, Cæsaris templum magnitudine simul et pulchritudine præcipuum ; in eoque, Cæsaris colossus non minor quam Jovis apud Olympiam, cujus ad exemplar factus est, Romano autem par, et Junoni quæ Argis est. Oppidum autem proviniciæ dedicavit, rebusque advecticiis portum, Cæsari vero conditoris honorem — unde civitati nomen « Cæsareæ » imposuit. | For docking there were many arched berths for accommodating what the port would have. And in front of these was a circular stone quai forming a broad walk for those disembarking. The harbor mouth faced north, as in that locality the north wind is the gentlest, and on either side rose three colossal statues supported by pillars on either side; those on the left of ships entering were supported by a solid tower, those on the right by two tall stones clamped together, even higher than the tower on the other side. Adjoining the harbor were houses, also of white stone ; and to the harbor led the streets of the town, laid out the same distance apart. On rising ground opposite the mouth of the harbor mount stood Cæsar’s temple, of exceptional size and beauty; in it was a colossal statue of Cæsar, no whit inferior to the Olympia Zeus which it was intended to resemble, and one of Rome comparable with the Hera of Argos. Herod dedicated the city to the province, the harbor to foreign trade, and to Cæsar the honor of founder: hence the name he gave it was “Cæsarea.” |
| 8 | |
| Quinetiam et cetera opera — forum, theatrum, amphitheatrum — digna vocabulo collocavit ; et quinquennali certamine instituto, nomen ei Cæsaris donavit. Primusque ipse in centesima nonagesima et secunda Olympiade maxima præmia proposuit, ut non solum victores, sed et proximi et tertii successores eorum regalibus divitiis potirentur. Anthedona quoque renovatam, quam bella subverterant, Agrippium vocavit ; nimiaque benevolentia, nomen amici etiam portæ inscripsit quam ipse in Templo ædificavit. | He built the rest of the buildings — theater, ampitheater and marketplace — in a style worthy of that name. The king also instituted quadrennial games and called them too after Cæsar, gracing the first contest — held in the 192nd Olympiad — and was himself the first to establish magnificent prizes such that not only the winners but their second and third runner-ups won regal compensation. Herod also rebuilt Anthedon, a coastal town destroyed in war, and renamed it Agrippeum ; out of his effusive affection for his friend he even engraved his name over the gate which he himself had erected in the Temple. |
| 9 | |
| Sed nec parentes suos ita quisquam dilexit. Nam et patri monumentum optimo regni campo civitatem condidit, fluminum arborumque ditissimam, eamque « Antripatridem » nuncupavit. Et super Hierichunta castellum, natura tutum et pulchritudine præcipuum, muro cinxit, atque in honorem matris « Cyprum » vocavit ; fratrique Phasaëlo turrim cognomine « Phasaëlidem » Hierosolymis ædificavit, cujus ambitus, et in magnitudine liberalitas, postea declarabitur. Aliamque civitatem in regione quæ a Hierichunte in boream tenditur, « Phasaëlum » nominavit. | If ever a man was full of family affection, that man was Herod. In memory of his father he founded a city, abundant in rivers and trees, in the finest plain of his kingdom and named it “Antipatris”; and he built a wall around the citadel overlooking Jericho, a fortress secure by nature and outstanding in beauty, and in honor of his mother named it “Cypros.” To his brother Phasaël he erected the tower named Phasaëlis in Jerusalem; its design and tremendous size we shall describe later. He also founded another city in the valley running north from Jericho and called it “Phasaëlus.” |
| 10 | |
| Cognatis autem et amicis æternæ gloriæ traditis, ne sui quidem fuit immemor, sed castellum contra montem Arabici lateris propugnaculo permunitum, de suo nomine Herodium vocavit ; tumulumque in mammæ formam manu factum, qui stadiorum sexaginta spatio ab Hierosolymis aberat, similiter nominatum, munificentius accuravit. Etenim rotundis quidem turribus cacumen ejus amplexus est, ambitum autem complevit ædibus regiis liberalissime exornatis, ut non solum interna membrorum facies clarior esset, verum etiam foris parietes ac maceriæ tectaque largis infusa divitiis elucerent. Aquam etiam plurimam ingenti sumptu ex longo intervallo induxit, perque ducentos gradus marmoris candidissimi fabricavit ascensum. Erat enim totus collis manu factus, et vehementer excelsus. Quin et aliam circa radices ejus regiam, ac deversoria quæ et sarcinas et amicos recipere possent, ædificavit ut, pro rerum quidem omnium copia, civitas esse videretur castellum, circumscriptione vero, domus regalis. | Having immortalized his family and friends, he did not neglect to make his own memory secure. Against a mountain on the Arabic side he built a fortress protected with a rampart and called it Herodium after himself, and seven miles from Jerusalem he gave the same name to an artificial hill, the shape of a woman’s breast, adorning it more elaborately. For he encircled the top with round towers, filling the enclosed space with a palace so magnificent that in addition to the splended appearance of the interior of the apartments, outside the walls of houses and gardens, and the roofs had wealth lavished on them without stint. At very heavy cost he brought in an unlimited supply of water from a distance, and furnished the ramp with 200 steps of the whitest marble; the mound was of considerable height, though entirely artificial. Around the base he built another palace, and hostels which could take in both luggage and friends, so that in its supply of everything the stronghold resembled a town, in its compactness a palace. |
| 11 | |
| Tantis autem constructis ædificiis, animi sui magnitudinem in plurimis etiam externis civitatibus demonstravit. Namque apud Tripolim et Damascum et Ptolemaidem, publicas balneas quæ gymnasia dicunt, Bibli autem murum, exedras vero et porticus, foraque et templa Beryti ac Tyri, necnon et apud Sidonem et Damascum theatra condidit. Maritimis autem Laodicensibus aquæ ductum ; apud Ascalona vero Nymphæa sive lacus ornatissimos, et balneas, item peristylia tam opere quam magnitudine miranda constituit. Sunt quibus etiam lucos portusque præstitit. Multæ civitates ab eo, tanquam regni sociæ, agris quoque donatæ sunt. Ad exhibitionem vero thermarum, aliis reditus annuos ac perpetuos delegavit, quemadmodum Cois, ne quando beneficii gratia deficeret. Ad hæc, frumenta cunctis ministravit egentibus ; et Rhodiis ad instruendam classem pecunias sæpe multisque in locis præbuit, incensumque Pȳthium in meliorem formam reparavit sumptibus suis. ¿ Quid dicam ejus in Lycios aut Samios liberalitatem ? ¿ Perque omnem Ïoniam, eorum quæ desiderasset quisque, largitiones ? ¿ Nonne etiam Athenienses et Lacedæmonii et Nicopolitani et in Mysia Pergamus, Herodis sunt plena donariis ? ¿ Nonne Antiochensium Syriæ plateam, quum plena cæni ab omnibus vitaretur, per viginti stadia prolixam, stravit polito marmore, declinandisque imbribus, quam longa esset porticibus ornavit ? | After this spate of building he extended his generosity to a great many cities outside his boundaries. For Tripolis, Damascus and Ptolemais he provided baths which they call gymnasia, for Byblus a wall, for Berytus and Tyre halls, colonnades, temples and marketplaces, for Sidon and Damascus theatres, for the coastal Laodicea an aqueduct, and for Ascalon nymphæa or magnificent pools, and baths, and cloistered quadrangles remarkable for both scale and craftsmanship; in other places he dedicated woods and ports. Many towns, as though part of his kingdom, received gifts of land; others he endowed with permanent annual revenues to finance the maintenance of the public sports complexes — as the people of Cos, for instance — so that the honor of awards might never fail. In addition he provided grain to all who needed it. To Rhodes he over and over again gave money for naval construction, and when the temple of Apollo was burnt down, he rebuilt it with new splendor out of his own purse. What need be said of his gifts to Lycia or Samos, or of his liberality to the whole of Ionia, to everyone who needed anything? Even Athens and Sparta and Nicopolis and Mysian Pergamum are full of Herod’s offerings, are they not? And the wide street in Syrian Antioch, once avoided by everyone because of the mud, did he not pave — two and a quarter miles of it — with polished marble and, to keep the rain off, furnish it with a colonnade of matching length? |
| 12 | |
| Sed hæc quidem propria, quis dixerit, illorum, quibus ea detulit, populorum. Quod autem Elidensibus præstitit, non solum Achajæ commune, sed etiam totius orbis terræ munus videtur per quem Olympiaci certaminis gloria diffunditur. Nam quum hoc deficere sumptuum videret inopia, quodque solum ex veteri Græcia restabat collabi, non solum agonotheta ipse factus est, eo lustro quod, quum Romam navigaret, offendit, sed etiam perpetuos pecuniarum reditus instituit, ut nunquam ejus memoria agonothetæ munere fungi desineret. Inextricabile opus fuerit, debitorum sive tributorum remissiones exponere, sicut Phasaëlitas et Balaneotas, aliaque circa Ciliciam municipia levavit annuis pensionibus — licet multum ejus animi magnitudinem timor fregerit, ne quam pateretur invidiam ; velut majus aliquid aucuparetur, si beneficiis amplioribus afficeret civitates quam qui eas haberent. | It may be suggested that all these benefits were enjoyed only by the particular community favored; but his endowment of Elis was a gift not only to Greece in general but to every corner of the civilized world reached by the fame of the Olympic Games. For, seeing that the games were declining for lack of funds and that the only thing left of ancient Greece was slipping away, he not only acted as president of the quadrennial celebration held when he happened to be on his way to Rome, but endowed them for all time with an income so that the remembrance of him would never cease having an effect on the presidency. We would go on forever if we tried to list his remission of debts and dues, as when he lightened the annual taxation of Phasaëlis, Balanea and the smaller Cilician towns. However, his superb generosity was severely limited by the fear of arousing jealousy, or of being suspected of an ulterior motive if he did more for the cities than did their own masters. |
| 13 | |
| Quin et corpore usus est, quod animo conveniret. Quumque summus venator esset, in hoc tamen ipso, equitandi peritia quæ cuperet assequebatur. Denique uno die quondam quadraginta feras subegit. Est autem aprorum altrix illa regio, sed magis cervis et onagris frequentatur. Bellator autem erat qui sustineri non posset. Itaque multos etiam in exercitatione terrebat ; quibus et torquendo jaculo directissimus et sagittarum librator videbatur egregius. Præter animi autem corporisque virtutem, fortuna quoque secunda usus est. Raro enim contra votum ejus, belli cessit eventus. Et si quando id accidit, non ipsius culpa, sed aut proditione quorundam aut temeritate militum factum est. | Herod’s had a body which matched his mind. He had always excelled in hunting, owing his success mainly to his horsemanship. On a single day he once brought down forty beasts: the country breeds boars, and stags and wild asses are still commoner. He was also an irresistable fighter; on the training-ground many were overawed by his accuracy in throwing the javelin, and the regularity with which his arrows found the target. Beside his bodily and mental advantages, he enjoyed the best of luck; rarely was the outcome of a war contrary to his aims, and if this did sometimes happen, it was not his fault, but due either to the treachery of some or to his soldiers’ rashness. |
| ⇑ § XXII | |
| Aristobuli Hyrcanique Pontificum et Reginæ Mariamnes mors. | The murder of Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, the pontiffs, as also of Mariamme the queen. |
| 1 | |
| — Caput A-17 — De dissidio Herodis cum filiis Alexandro et Aristobulo. | |
| At vero publicam ei felicitatem mærores invidere domestici, et adversi casus ex muliere cœperunt quam maxime diligebat. Nam quia regis meruit potestatem, repudiata quam prius acceperat uxorem ex Hierosolymis genus ducentem, quæ Doris vocabatur, Mariammen sibi conjunxit, Alexandri filiam, Aristobuli filii ; unde domus ejus in discordiam venit, et antea quidem, maxime vero postquam Roma regressus est. Nam primum Antipatrum, ex Doride filium, eorum causa quos e Mariamme susceperat, expulit civitate, solis festis diebus eo commeandi facultate concessa. Deinde avum conjugis, Hyrcanum, ex Parthis ad se reversum, propter insidiarum suspicionem peremit ; quem captum quidem, occupata Syria, Barzapharnes abduxerat ; miserati vero gentiles liberaverant qui ultra Euphratem colebant. Et si monitis eorum paruisset ne ad Herodem transiret, non interisset. Verum mortis ejus illecebra fuit neptis matrimonium. Hoc enim frētus, multoque amplius patriam desiderans, venit. Herodem autem commovit, non quod regnum affectaret, sed quod ipsi jure deberetur. | For his public successes fortune made Herod pay a terrible price in his own house. His woes began with a woman whom he loved passionately. At the start of his reign he had divorced the wife he had married when a commoner, a native of Jerusalem called Doris, and wedded Mariamme, the daughter of Alexander, son of Aristobulus. She was the cause of the divisions in his house, which began early and grew worse after his return from Rome. First of all he banished from the City his son by Doris, Antipater, for the sake of his children by Mariamme, permitting him to return for the festivals alone. Next he executed his wife’s grandfather Hyrcanus on his return from Parthia, accusing him of conspiracy. Hyrcanus had been taken prisoner by Barzaphanes when he overran Palestine, but freed at the request of his sympathetic countrymen beyond the Euprates. If only he had taken their advice not to go across the river to Herod, he would not have perished when innocent; but he was lured to his death by his granddaughter’s marriage, relying on that and unable to resist the pull of his homeland. He provoked Herod not by claiming the throne, but because, legalistically, the throne was owed to him. |
| 2 | |
| Quinque autem filiorum, quos ex Mariamme susceperat, duæ feminæ, ceteri mares erant, horumque minimo Romæ in studiis mortuo, duos majores natu et propter matris nobilitatem et quod jam regnanti sibi fuissent geniti, regie producebat. Sed enim fortior amor his Mariammes suffragabatur qui, in dies singulos proficiens, adeo succendebat Herodem ut eorum nihil sentiret quæ propter dilectam sibi dolerent. Tantum namque in eum Mariammes erat odium quantum ipse illam amabat. Habens igitur ex rebus quidem ipsis inimicitiarum probabiles causas, ex amore vero fiduciam, in os ei quæ Hyrcano avo suo fecisset objiciebat, quæque in fratrem Aristobulum egisset. Nec enim vel huic, quanquam puer erat, parcebat, quem pontificem in decimoseptimo ætatis anno creatum, post honorem statim occidit. Atque ille quidem, quum sacra veste amictus ad aram accessisset festo die, populus omnis illacrimavit. Et tamen noctu missus in Hierichunta, ibi, sicut mandatum fuerat, lacu summersus a Gallis interiit. | Of Herod’s five children by Mariamme, two were girls and three boys. The youngest of the boys died while at school in Rome; the two eldest he brought up as crown princes on account of their mother’s noble birth and because he was king when they were born. Driving him more compellingly than these things was his passionate love of Mariamme which, growing stronger every day, consumed him so fiercely that on account of his beloved he felt nothing of the things which were to cause him pain; for Mariamme’s hatred toward him was as great as his love for her. She had good reason to be revolted by his actions and could speak freely because of her hold on him, so she openly took him to task for what he had done to her grandfather Hyrcanus and her brother Aristobulus {Jewish name: Jonathan}. For he had not spared even him, child as he was; he had given him the pontificate in his seventeenth year and, after bestowing the honor, had immediately executed him, because when he put on the sacred vestments and approached the altar during a feast, the whole crowd had burst into tears. The boy was nonetheless sent at night to Jericho and there, by Herod’s command, the Gauls took him to a swimming-pool and drowned him. |
| 3 | |
| Hæc igitur Herodi Mariamme probro dabat, sororemque ejus et matrem maledictis atrocioribus dehonestabat. Sed ille quidem amore mutus erat. Gravi autem indignatione mulieres sæviebant et, quo maxime commoveretur Herodes, insimulabant eam adulterii, præter alia multa quæ verisimilia fingerentur, hæc accusantes quod in Ægyptum imaginem suam misisset Antonio, proque immoderata libidine, absentem se properasset ostendere viro mulierum cupidine insanienti, et qui vim posset inferre. Id veluti fulmen aliquod emissum perturbavit Herodem, maxime quidem amoris causa zelotypia succensum — deinde etiam cogitantem Cleopatræ sævitiam, cujus gratia et Lysanias rex et Malichus Arabs erant perempti. Non enim conjugis amissione, sed morte sua, periculum mētiebatur. | These were the things for which Mariamme reproached Herod; she then turned her attention to his mother and sister and insulted them atrociously. Herod was muzzled by his infatuation, but the women were furious and, knowing that it was the most likely way of angering Herod, brought against her the baseless charge of adultery. Among much false evidence concocted to convince him, they accused her of having sent a portrait of herself to Antony in Egypt, and in her overmastering licentiousness shown herself, in spite of the distance, to a man who was woman-mad and able to get his way by force. Herod was thunderstruck; he was also aware of Cleopatra’s savagery through which King Lysanias and Malichus the Arab had been done away with — for he was measuring his danger not by the loss of his wife but by his own death. |
| 4 | |
| Itaque profecturus Josepho — Salomes, sororis suæ, viro — quem fidum habebat et pro affinitate benevolum, commendabat uxorem, mandato ei clam ut eam interficeret, si etiam se occidisset Antonius. Verum Josephus non maligne, sed regis amorem mulieri cupiens demonstrare — quod ab ea nec mortuus pateretur divelli —, secretum ei sermonem aperit. Et illa, reverso Herode, multaque inter fabulas de affectu jurante, quodque nunquam esset alterius mulieris amore captus, « ¡ Valde », inquit, « amor erga nos tuus mandatis Josepho comprobatus est, quibus ut me occideret præcepisti ! » | So, as he was bound for foreign parts, he put Mariamme in the care of Joseph, husband of his sister Salome, a trustworthy man, loyal because of their kinship, giving him secret instructions to kill her if Antony killed Herod himself. Joseph, with no evil intention but simply to prove to her how passionately the king loved her, as even in death he could not bear to be torn apart from her, disclosed the secret. On his return Herod, during pillow talk, protested with many oaths his devotion to her, the only woman he had ever loved. “And a nice way,” she exclaimed, “to show your love to me — giving Joseph instructions to kill me!” |
| 5 | |
| His auditis quæ occulta credebat, amens erat Herodes ilico ; nec unquam Josephum mandata sua proditurum fuisse ratus nisi eam corrupisset, præ dolore insaniebat. Quumque stratis exsiluisset, in regia spatiatur ; ibique tunc Salome soror ejus, arrepto tempore criminandi, suspicionem de Josepho confirmavit. Unde Herodes, immoderata zelotypia furens, confestim utrumque jussit interfici. Deinde pænitudo sequebatur insaniam ; et postquam iracundia concidit, amor iterum calescebat. Tanta vis autem cupidinis erat, ut ne mortuam quidem putaret eam, sed præ ægritudine tanquam vivam alloqueretur donec processu temporis, funere cognito, mæroris magnitudine eum quo superstitem dilexerat æquavit affectum. | When he learnt that the secret was out, Herod was frantic, and declared that Joseph would never have revealed his instructions unless he had seduced her. Blind with rage, he leapt from the bed and rushed wildly about the palace. Whereupon his sister Salome, seizing on this opportunity for accusation, then assured him that his suspicion of Joseph was true. Driven mad by uncontrollable jealousy, he ordered the instant execution of them both. But rage quickly gave way to remorse, and as anger died down love was rekindled. The force of his desire was so great that he would not believe her dead, but in his sickness talked to her as if still alive until, with the passage of time and the realization of her death, this force equalled in profundity of grief that emotion with which he had loved her when living. |
| ⇑ § XXIII | |
| Calumniæ in filios Mariamnes. Antipater iis præpositus. Eorundem accusatio apud Cæsarem, et reditus in gratiam cum Herode. | Calumnies against the sons of Mariamme. Antipatris preferred before them. They are accused before Cæsar, and Herod is reconciled to them. |
| 1 | |
| Maternæ autem iracundiæ succedunt filii et, immanitatem sceleris reputantes, non aliter suspectum patrem quam si hostis esset habebant — idque et antea, quam diu Romæ in studiis erant, et multo magis postquam in Judæam reversi sunt. Siquidem cum ætatibus eorum, mentium quoque roborabatur affectio. Jam vero maturi conjugio, unus amitæ suæ Salomes — quæ matrem amborum accusaverat — filiam duxit ; alter Archelai, Cappadocum regis. Unde accessit etiam libertas odio, et occasiones ex eorum confidentia delatoribus collatæ sunt. Itaque apertius quidam cum rege colloquebantur, quod ei per utrumque filium struerentur insidiæ : et alter quidem ultrices materni exitii simul cum fratre armaret manus ; alter vero, hoc est Archelai gener, socero frētus etiam fugam pararet, ipsum apud Cæsarem accusaturus Herodem. His igitur criminationibus repletus, Herodes, veluti propugnaculo sibi futurum adversus filios, adducit Antipatrum ex Doride susceptum ; hisque illum præponere modis omnibus cœpit. | The mother bequeathed her bitterness to her sons who, aware of the blood on their father’s hands, viewed him as an enemy, first at the time of their schooling in Rome, and still more when they returned to Judæa. Indeed, with their increasing years this feeling grew steadily stronger. When they reached an age to marry, one {(Aristobulus)} wedded the daughter {(Berenice)} of his aunt Salome, the accuser of their mother, and the other {(Alexander)} the daughter ((Glaphyra)} of King Archelaus of Cappadocia. From then on frankness was added to their hatred, and informers gathered their opportunities from this overconfidence: suggestions were made more openly to the king that both sons were plotting against him, and that one of them, together with his brother, was arming a band of avengers of his mother’s death, while the other, that is, the son-in-law of Archelaus, relying on his father-in-law, was getting ready to flee in order to accuse his father before Cæsar. Stuffed with these slanders, Herod, as a bulwark against his other sons, recalled his son by Doris, Antipater, and began in every way to show him preference. |
| 2 | |
| Qui, quum hanc mutationem tolerabilem non putarent, ac privata matre editum proficientem viderent, indignationem cohibere pro sua nobilitate non poterant ; sed in singulis quibus offenderentur, iram prodebant. Et illi quidem in dies singulos magis magisque neglegebantur. Antipater autem etiam sui causa favorabilis erat ; nam et patri blandiri callide noverat et varias in fratres suos calumnias conferebat, quædam ipse dictitans, amicos vero suos ad alia divulganda summittens, donec omnino spem regni abscidit fratribus suis. In testamento enim ipse aperte quoque jam successor fuerat declaratus. Denique, tanquam rex etiam ad Cæsarem missus est, cultuque regio et ceteris obsequiis præter diadema utebatur. Tempore autem voluit etiam suam matrem in cubile Mariammes inducere ; duobusque armorum generibus in fratres usus — blanditiis et calumniis — regi obrepsit ut etiam de filiorum mortem cogitaret. | This new attitude was more than the two sons could stomach; when they saw the commoner’s son promoted, pride in their own birth made their anger uncontrollable, and every new annoyance called forth an outburst of wrath; as a result, day by day they were neglected more and more, while Antipater was now winning favor by his own efforts. He was very clever at flattering his father, and concocted a variety of slanders against his brothers, putting some of them into circulation himself and getting his close friends to broadcast others, till he destroyed any chance of his brothers’ coming to the throne. Both in his will and by his public actions Herod declared him to be the heir: he was sent as if king to Cæsar {13 B.C.}, with the robes and all the other trappings except for the crown. Eventually his desire was even to bring his mother to Mariamme’s bed; and by employing two weapons against his brothers — flattery and slander — he cleverly coaxed Herod into contemplating the execution of his sons. |
| 3 | |
| Quapropter, Alexandrum quidem secum Romam pater abstractum veneni sibi dati reum apud Cæsarem postulavit. Ille autem, vix deplorandi copiam nactus, et (licet apud imperitissimum judicem, tamen Herode et Antipatro prudentiorem) delicta quidem patris verecunde suppressit ; in se vero delata crimina fortiter diluit ; periculorumque socio fratre purgato, mox de Antipatri calliditate et de suis injuriis questus est, quum præter innocentiæ conscientiam eloquentia juvaretur. Erat enim acerrimus in dicendo. Postremo prolocutus quod eos pater libenter occideret, crimen illi objecit. Et lacrimas quidem cunctis excussit ; verum Cæsarem sic affecit ut, eorum accusationibus spretis, Herodem statim revocaret in gratiam. Hac autem lege reconciliatio facta est, ut adulescentes quidem patri in omnibus obœdirent, ille autem relinqueret regnum cui vellet. | Alexander was dragged by his father to Rome to be charged before Cæsar with an attempt to poison him. Having at last a chance to bring his grievances into the open before a judge (granted, an inexperienced one, but nevertheless wiser than Antipater and Herod), the accused kept a respectful silence about his father’s faults, but vigorously combatted the imputations against himself. Having next made it clear that his brother and companion in danger was as innocent as he was, he went on to denounce the villainy of Antipater and the wrong done to himself. He was aided not only by a clear conscience but by the vigor of his oratory — he was a very effective speaker. Declaring as his peroration that his father might acceptably put them both to death, he brought the charge up to him; he reduced the whole court to tears, and so moved Cæsar that he dismissed the charges and effected an immediate reconciliation, on the understanding that the sons should obey their father in everything, and that he should be free to choose his successor. |
| 4 | |
| Postea rex Roma reversus, licet solvisse criminibus filios videretur, nondum tamen erat suspicionibus liberatus, quoniam argumentum odii sequebatur Antipater, etsi verecundia reconciliatoris palam proferre inimicitias non auderet. Quum autem Ciliciam præternavigans Eleusam delatus esset, suscepit eum benignissime Archelaus, pro salute generi gratiam referens, et redintegratæ concordiæ causa lætus, quippe nihil moratus amicis Romæ scripserat ut in causa dicenda suffragarentur Alexandro ; et usque ad Zephyrium deduxit talentis XXX• donatum. | The king then took his leave of Rome, to all appearance abandoning the charges against his sons, but still retaining his suspicions; for he was accompanied by Antipater, the instigator of his hate, who however dared not openly reveal his enmity through respect for the reconciler. As he skirted Cilicia, Herod landed at Eleusa and was hospitably entertained by Archelaus, who expressed delight at his son-in-law’s acquittal and the greatest satisfaction at the reconciliation: he had previously written to his friends in Rome to stand by Alexander at his trial. He escorted Herod to Zephyrium and gave him presents to the value of thirty talents. |
| 5 | |
| Postea vero quam Hierosolymam pervenit Herodes, populo convocato, tribusque filiis prope astantibus, causam reddit profectionis ; multasque Deo gratias agit, multas etiam Cæsari qui domus suæ perturbationem sedasset et — quod regno majus esset — concordiam filiis præstitisset, « Quam ego », inquit, « artius copulabo. Nam ille quidem me regni dominum et successorum judicem constituit. Ego autem cum mea commoditate illi gratias refero, tresque filios meos reges designo, hujusque sententiæ meæ socium primum Deum fieri precor, deinde vos. Namque huic ætas, illis nobilitas successionem regni conciliat — et quidem, magnitudo ejus etiam pluribus sufficit. Quos autem Cæsar junxit et pater instituit, observate — non injustis eos, neque disparibus, sed meritis colentes honoribus. Nec enim tantā quis afficiet eum lætitiā cui præter ætatem obsequitur, quantum ei quem despiciet doloris infliget. Quos autem singulis conjunctos esse oporteat “Propinquos” atque “Amicos”, ego distribuam, et concordiæ sponsores illos constituam, pro certo sciens seditionum contentionumque causas ex contubernalium nasci malitia — hosque si boni fuerint, affectiones tueri. Rogo autem ut non solum isti sed etiam primates ordinum exercitus mei, in me solo spem habeant in præsentia. Non enim regnum, sed regni honorem filiis meis trado, et jucunditate quidem quasi rectores potientur, pondus autem rerum, tametsi nolim, meum est. Consideret autem quisque vestrum ætatem meam, vitæque institutum, necnon etiam pietatem. Nam neque senex adeo sum ut de me cito desperetur, neque voluptatibus assuetus, quæ adulescentium quoque vitam spatio breviore concludunt. Divinitatem vero ita coluimus, ut in longum nos ævum progressuros esse credamus, quod si quis in contemptum meum filiis meis placere maluerit, etiam pro illis mihi supplicium dabit. Ego enim, non quod invideam ex me genitis, honorifice eos haberi veto, sed quia novi hæc studia adulescentibus ferociæ nutrimenta suggerere. Itaque si cogitent qui ad eos se applicant, bonis quidem apud me paratum esse præmium, seditiosis vero apud ipsos etiam quibus lenocinabantur, infructuosam fore malignitatem, omnes profecto mecum — hoc est, cum filiis meis — sentient. Namque ipsis expedit me regnantem, meque his esse concordem. Vos autem, o boni filii, sacram primum retinentes mente naturam, cujus affectiones inter feras bestias salvæ sunt, deinde Cæsarem qui nos reduxit in gratiam, meque tertium qui ea, quæ jubere liceat, rogem : fratres permanete. Jam nunc autem vobis et vestimenta et obsequia dabo regalia, Deumque oro ut conservet judicium meum, si concordes eritis. » Hæc locutus, singulos benigne consalutavit, populumque dimisit, alios convenientia dictis ejus optantes, qui vero mutationis erant cupidi, ne audisse quidem se quicquam simulantes. | Back in Jerusalem, Herod assembled the citizens, presented his three sons, explained his absence, and expressed his deep gratitude to God and to Cæsar for setting his troubled household to rights and bestowing on his sons something more precious than the throne — concord. “That concord,” he went on, “I shall myself knit together. Cæsar made me lord of the realm and judge of the succession, and I, while acting in my own interest, will requite his kindness. I proclaim these three sons of mine kings, and call first on God, then on you, to confirm this decision of mine. The succession belongs to one by priority of birth, to the others by their noble parentage: my kingdom is big enough for more than three. Those whom Cæsar has joined together and whom their father nominates, you must defend, honoring them justly and equally, but each according to his proper seniority: to pay one more respect than his age entitles him to would give less pleasure to him than annoyance to the one neglected. The “Counsellors” and “Associates” who are to attend each king I shall myself choose, appointing them guarantors for the preservation of concord, knowing full well that divisions and rivalries are engendered by the malignity of the companions of princes, but if companions are good men they encourage feelings of affection. I must insist, however, that not only these officials but also the officers in my army place their hopes for the present in me alone: it is not kingship, but the honor due to kingship that I am bestowing on my sons. The sweets of power they will enjoy as if rulers, but the burden of responsibility is mine, however unwelcome. Let each of you consider my age, my way of life and my piety. I am not so old that an early end is in sight, or given up to self-endulgence, which cuts men off even in their prime, and I have served the Almighty with such devotion that I may hope for a very long life. So any man who puts himself at the service of my sons in order to bring me down I shall punish for their sakes too: it is not meanness towards my own children that makes me limit the reverence to be paid them; it is the knowledge that for the young, adulation fuels arrogance. If everyone who comes into contact with these young men reflects that, if he upholds what is right, I shall reward him, but that if he promotes division, not even the man he is serving will give him any recompense for his malice, then everyone, I think, will be loyal to me — and that means to my sons; for it is in their interest that I should be on the throne, and in mine that their concord should be unbroken. You, my good sons, turn your thoughts first to the sacred laws of nature, which keep even beasts in the bonds of affection; then to Cæsar, who brought about our reconciliation; and, lastly, to me, who entreat when I might command — and continue as brothers. I give you henceforth the robes and attendants of kings; and I pray that God will uphold my decision if your concord remains.” So saying, he gave each of his sons an affectionate embrace and dismissed the people, some of whom said “Amen” to his prayer, and others, who wanted a change, pretended they had not even heard it! |
| ⇑ § XXIV | |
| Antipatri et Doridis malitia. Propter Glaphyram invisus Alexander. Pheroræ merito suspecto, Salomæ etiam convictæ, data venia. Torquentur Herodis Eunuchi, et Alexander in vincula conjicitur. | The malice of Antipater and Doris. Alexander is very uneasy on Glaphyras account. Herod pardons Pheroras, whom he suspected, and Salome whom he knew to make mischief among them. Herod’s eunuchs are tortured and Alexander is bound. |
| 1 | |
| Fratres autem dissensio non reliquit, sed pejora suspicantes alius de alio digressi sunt. Namque Alexander et Aristobulus ægre ferebant confirmatum esse Antipatro meritum, Antipater autem suscensebat vel secundo loco fratres haberi. Sed tamen ille, pro varietate morum, et reticere secreta noverat et quanto sibi essent odio multa fraude celabat. His autem pro nobilitate generis, in lingua erat quicquid venisset in mentem. Et multi quidem his instigandis operam dabant ; plures autem « Amicorum » sese explorandi causa insinuabant. Itaque omne quod dictum esset apud Alexandrum, statim apud Antipatrum erat, et ab Antipatro ad Herodem cum adjectione deferebatur. Nec vel simpliciter aliquid prolocutus adulescens innoxius habebatur, sed cuncta ejus verba in crimina vertebantur, maximaque minimis affingebantur sicubi liberior paulo fuisset. Semper autem qui eum irritarent summittebat Antipater, ut mendacia sua veras occasiones haberent — multisque falso vulgatis, unum quid comprobatum fidem omnibus faceret. Sed hujus quidem Amicorum quisque aut natura taciturnus erat, aut muneribus parabatur ne quid occultum expromeret ; nec errasset aliquis, si Antipatri vitam malitiæ dixisset arcanum. Alexandri vero familiares, aut pecunia corruptos aut impulsos blanditiis (quibus expugnavit omnia), fures ac proditores eorum quæ contra se dicerentur sive agerentur effecerat. Quum autem caute universa committeret, astutis etiam criminationibus aditus ad Herodem moliebatur, fratrisque personam gerens, aliis delatoribus subornatis utebatur. Si quid in Alexandrum nuntiassent, favore simulato, id quod primo reprehendisset, mox otiose astruendo, regis iracundiam provocabat omniaque ad insidias referebat, et ut necem patris Alexander optare videretur. Nihil enim majorem fidem calumniis suggerebat quam si eum « purgaret » Antipater. | However, the brothers did not leave their divisions behind, but parted still more suspicious of each other, Alexander and Aristobulus resenting the confirmation of Antipater’s rights as the eldest, Antipater grudging even second place to his brothers. Antipater, however, with his chameleon-like personality, was able to keep his mouth shut, concealing with the utmost cunning how much they were hated by him; whereas they, proud of their birth, made no secret of their feelings. In addition many people goaded them further, while many more of their “Associates” snaked their way in with the aim of spying on them. Every word uttered in Alexander’s circle was immediately repeated in Antipater’s, and passed on, with additions, by Antipater to Herod. Not even the simplest utterances of the young man were taken as harmless; everything he said was given an incriminating twist, and if he spoke unguardedly, mountains were manufactured out of molehills. To provoke him, a succession of agents was sent in by Antipater so that his own lies should have some element of truth and, among many false assertions, if one proved true it would lend credence to the rest. But of his own Associates all were either naturally secretive or induced by gifts to divulge absolutely nothing ; Antipater’s life might fairly be described as a mystery of evil. By bribery or subtle flattery (Antipater’s invariable weapon), he had turned Alexander’s companions into thieves and informers of the things that were then said or done against him. By the most adroit stage-management Antipater showed himself a past master in the art of making slander sink into Herod’s ears, himself acting the role of a brother and leaving the tale-bearing to others. Whenever a story was told to the discredit of Alexander, he would make his entrance and act his part, first tearing the story to pieces, then casually reconstructing it and stirring the king to anger. Everything was turned into proof of conspiracy, and nothing did so much to win acceptance for the slanders as Antipater’s appeals on his brother’s behalf. |
| 2 | |
| His accensus Herodes, quantum in dies singulos de affectu adulescentium detrahebat, tantum adjiciebat Antipatro. In eandem vero partem inclinati sunt etiam qui regno parebant ; hi volentes, alii pro imperio — sicut Ptolemæus, Amicorum clarissimus, regisque fratres ac tota progenies. Omnia namque in Antipatro sita erant et — quod Alexandro fuit acerbissimum — cuncta in eorum perniciem matris Antipatri consilio gerebantur. Noverca enim sævior erat, multoque plus quam privignos oderat quos regina mater ediderat. Sed quanquam omnes, ut Antipatro magis obsequerentur, spes inducebat, non minus tamen præcepta regis quemque ab adulescentibus separabant, qui carissimis edixerat, ne quis ad Aristobulum vel ejus fratrem accederet aut se ad eos applicaret. Non solum autem regalibus erat formidini, verumtamen externis amicis. Nulli enim regum tantum potestatis Cæsar dederat, ut fugitivos suos quamvis ex civitatibus non subjectis ei liceret educere. Adulescentes autem delata in se facinora nesciebant, hisque propterea capiebantur incautius. Nullus enim palam incusabatur a patre, sed affectu refrigescente paulatim intelligentes, adversus dolorem asperius excitabatur ; eodem autem modo etiam Pheroram patruum, et Salomem amitam, contra illos commovit Antipater — assidue velut cum uxore sermocinando —, quibus in eos instigaretur. Hujus autem inimicitias augebat Alexandri quoque uxor Glaphyra, multa de sua nobilitate commemorans, cunctarumque se quæ in regno viverent dominam esse dictitans ; paternum enim genus a Temeno, maternum autem a Dario, Hystaspis filio, ducere, multumque ignobilitatem despiciens sororis et uxorum Herodis, quarum quæque propter formam, non propter nobilitatem esset electa. Namque multas ei fuisse diximus uxores ; quod liceret Judæis more patrio plures habere, quodque rex pluribus oblectaretur. Omnibus igitur propter superbiam et contumelias Glaphyræ invisus erat Alexander. | Thus inflamed, Herod grew savage, and everyday cared less for the youths and proportionately more for Antipater. The courtiers followed his example, some willingly, some under compulsion — for instance, Ptolemy, his most valued Associate, the king’s brothers and all his family. Antipater was omnipotent and — the bitterest pill for Alexander to swallow — so was Antipater’s mother, his fellow-conspirator and the cruellest of stepmothers, who hated her stepsons the more because their mother had been a princess. But as much as everyone fawned on Antipater now in the hope of advantage, no less die the king’s orders separate everyone from the young men — he had told his dearest friends not to go near Aristobulus or his brother, or have anything to do with them. And he intimidated not only those of his own kingdom, but his friends abroad too: to no other king had Cæsar given the right to demand the extradition from another sovereign state of a fugitive national. Blissfully ignorant of these slanders, the youths exposed themselves to them all the more, as neither was openly accused by their father; but gradually the truth dawned on them, as they perceived his coldness and growing exasperation over annoyances. In the same way, Antipater also poisoned against them the mind of their uncle Pheroras and aunt Salome — constantly talking with her as if with his wife! —, by means of whom Herod was incited against them. Her enmity was further stimulated by Alexander’s wife Glaphyra, who vaunted her noble lineage and claimed precedence over all the ladies at court, as the descendant of Temenus through her father and of Darius son of Hytaspes through her mother, while she was never tired of sneering at the low birth of Herod’s sister and wives, all of them chosen for their looks, not their parentage. For we say he had many wives, as ancestral custom had always allowed Jews a lot of them, and the king enjoyed many. Every one of these, provoked by Glaphyra’s contemptuous boasting, detested Alexander. |
| 3 | |
| Salomen autem Aristobulus, et si socrus ejus erat, ipse inimicam sibi reddidit et ante quidem propter maledicta Glaphyræ sævientem : frequenter enim humilitatem generis objiciebat uxori, quodque ipse privatam, reginam vero frater suus duxisset Alexander. Hoc Salomes filia cum fletu matri nuntiavit. Addebat autem quod aliorum quoque fratrum matres idem Alexander et Aristobulus, si regnum obtinuissent, textrices cum ancillis facere minitarentur, ipsos quoque vicorum scribas, scilicet irridentes quod litterarum studiis operam darent. His commota Salome, quod iracundiam cohibere non posset, Herodi cuncta indicavit. Satis autem idonea videbatur contra generum dicens. Et præter hæc alia, quædam criminatio divulgata est quæ succendit animum regis. Audivit enim Alexandrum et Aristobulum crebro matrem implorare, casumque ejus cum gemitu atque imprecationibus conqueri ac sæpe, illo quædam ex Mariammes vestimentis posterioribus dividente conjugibus, minitari solitos esse quod cito pro regalibus deliciis nigris vestibus induerentur. | Salome, already enraged by Glaphyra’s insults, was alienated by her own son-in-law Aristobulus himself, who was constantly sneering at his wife for her humble origin, and lamenting that he had married a commoner and his brother Alexander a princess. Between her sobs she repeated this to her mother Salome, adding that Alexander and Aristobulus were threatening, if they succeeded to the throne, to force the mothers of the other brothers to work at the loom with the slaves, and to make the brothers themselves village clerks — a mocking allusion to the fact that they were engaged in scholarly studies. Unable to contain herself, the shaken Salome repeated the whole story to Herod: she was naturally believed, as it was her son-in-law she was accusing. A further slander was brought at the same time to the king’s ears, adding fuel to the flames. He was informed that the two brothers were constantly invoking their mother, bewailing her loss while they called down curses on him, and that often, when he distributed some of Mariamme’s garments among his newer wives, they would threaten that instead of royal finery they would soon be wearing black clothing. |
| 4 | |
| His de causis Herodes, licet constantem animum adulescentium formidaret, tamen, ne spem correctionis abscīderet, ad se eos vocavit ; Romam enim migraturus erat ; et quasi rex pauca interminatus, pluribus quasi pater monuit ; rogavitque ut fratres diligerent, promissa priorum peccatorum venia, si posthæc meliores fierent. Illi autem, criminationum invidiam deprecando, fictas eas esse dicebant, purgationisque suæ fidem rebus ipsis posse constare. Verum, ipsum quoque debere, omissa facilitate credendi, aditum maledictis obstruere. Nunquam enim calumniatores defore dum cui persuadeatur exstabit. | For these reasons Herod, although he was anxious about the boldness of the young men, nonetheless, in order not to cut off hope of correcting them, summoned them before him on the eve of a voyage to Rome and, after briefly threatening them as their king, admonished them at great length as their father, urging them to love their brothers, and overlooking their past offenses on condition that they behave better in the future. They replied with a complete denial of the charges, declaring them to be baseless, and assuring him that their actions would provide justifying proof; at the same time it was his duty to stop the accusations by putting an end to his easy credulity; there would never be an end to the lies told about them as long as there was someone to believe them. |
| 5 | |
| Quum his eum mature placavissent ut patrem, præsenti metu rejecto, de futuris mærēre cœperunt. Etenim cognovere Salomen sibi esse infensam, et patruum Pheroram ; uterque autem sævi et graves erant, sed amplius Pheroras, qui totius quidem regni præter diadema socius esset ; proprios autem reditus haberet centum talentorum, totiusque trans Jordanem terræ fructus ipse caperet, a fratre sibi dono datæ. Quinetiam tetrarcham eum fieri beneficio Cæsaris, idem Herodes impetraverat, regalique conjugio dignatus erat, sorore uxoris suæ nuptum ei collocata. Et post illius mortem, desponderat ei filiarum suarum maximam, trecentis talentis in dotem datis. Sed regale matrimonium Pheroras, ancillæ amore captus, refugerat. Quamobrem iratus Herodes, filiam nuptum dedit fratris filio qui post a Parthis occisus est. Mox autem, morbo Pheroræ venia data, indignationem remisit. | As he was their father, they soon convinced him by these declarations and rid themselves of their immediate fears; but they began to worry about the future now that they knew of the hostility of Salome and their uncle Pheroras. There two were dangerous enemies, especially Pheroras, who shared all the appurtenances of royalty except the crown. He had a private income of a hundred talents, and enjoyed the revenue of all trans-Jordan, a gift from his brother who, beside obtaining Cæsar’s permission to appoint him tetrarch, honored him with a royal marriage by giving the hand of his own wife’s sister. On her death he promised him his eldest daughter with a dowry of three hundred talents; but Pheroras ran away from the royal marriage for the love of a slave-girl. This enraged Herod, who married his daughter to his nephew, later killed by the Parthians. But before long he got over his annoyance with Pheroras and pardoned his love-sickness. |
| 6 | |
| De hōc autem erat vetus opinio, quod etiam vivā reginā Herodem opprimere voluisset veneno. Sed tunc plurimis delatoribus aditus erat ut, quamvis amantissimus fratris esset Herodes, fide tamen eorum quæ audisset adduceretur ad metum. Itaque de multis qui suspecti erant habita quæstione, postremo ad Pheroræ amicos venit, quorum nulla quidem fuit de maleficiis aperta confessio, quod, cum amica surrepta, in Parthos cogitasset effugere prodiderunt ; hujus autem consilii et fugæ conscium esse Aristobulum, Salomes maritum, cui rex eam tradidit postquam superior, adulterii causa, peremptus est. Sed nec Salome criminatione libera manserat. Nam et hanc frater Pheroras accusabat, quod cum Syllæo, procuratore Obodæ regis Arabum, de nuptiis constituisset, quem inimicissimum Herodes habebat. Convicta autem et in hoc et in omnibus quæ Pheroras detulerat, indulgentiam meruit ; itaque ipsum etiam rex Pheroram criminibus solvit. | Pheroras had at an earlier date, when the queen was still alive, been falsely accused of conspiring to poison Herod; and now great numbers of informers came forward, so that Herod, though a most devoted brother, began to believe their stories and to become afraid. After torturing many suspected persons, he came finally to Pheroras’ friends. None of these made a direct admission that there was a conspiracy, although they revealed that Pheroras had been thinking about snatching up his loved one and making a dash for Parthia, partnered in his projected flight by Costobar {(Latin text: Aristobulus)}, Salome’s husband, to whom the king had given her hand after the execution of her former husband for adultery. Salome herself did not escape slander: her brother Pheroras accused her of pledging herself to marry Syllæus, regent for Obodas, king of Arabia and a bitter enemy of Herod. Found guilty of this and every other offence with which Pheroras charged her, she was nevertheless pardoned. Pheroras himself was acquitted by the king on all counts. |
| 7 | |
| Domus vero tempestas in Alexandrum transiit, totaque capiti ejus incubuit. Tres erant eunuchi regis carissimi, et ex genere famulatus neminem id latebat. Uni enim vinum ministrare fuit cura, alteri cenam apponere, tertius autem dormitum eum collocabat, et cum ipso cubabat ; hos muneribus maximis Alexander cupiditati suæ subjecerat. Itaque postquam regi hæc sunt indicata, vi tormentorum coacti, et stuprum statim confessi sunt, et quibus essent ad hoc promissis inducti aperuerunt, quomodo eos fefellisset Alexander, nullam in Herode spem habendam esse, improbo sene, commemorans, et qui capillos inficeret ut ob hoc etiam eum juvenem putarent ; verum se coli oportere, qui etiam invito eo regni esset futurus successor ; neque multo post ab inimicis pœnas repeteret, fortunatosque amicos suos beatosque faceret, ac præ ceteris ipsos. Quin et obsequia potentium Alexandro clam parere, militumque rectores, itemque ordinum principes occulte ad eum convenire dixerunt. | The storm that threatened Herod’s house then struck Alexander, bursting about his head with all its violence. There were three eunuchs whom the king valued most highly, and this fact was hidden from no one, due to the offices entrusted to them. One was detailed to pour out his wine and one to serve his dinner, while the third put him to bed and slept in his room. These Alexander had induced by large presents to minister to his homosexualit lust. When this came to the king’s ears he put them to the torture, and they at once confessed the sodomy, disclosing also the promises which had tempted them to it; they had been deceived by Alexander, who told them not to rest their hopes on Herod, a shameless old man who dyed his hair (so that for that reason they would also think he was young), but to turn to Alexander, who would succeed to the throne whether Herod liked it or not, and at no distant date would settle accounts with his enemies and bring prosperity and happiness to his friends, above all to themselves. They added that leading citizens had secretly offered their services to Alexander, and that the generals and other officers of the army were conferring with him behind closed doors. |
| 8 | |
| Hæc Herodes adeo pertimuit ut non auderet statim delata proferre, sed exploratores die noctuque summittens, dicta factaque singula scrutabatur ; et de quibus suspicio esset, ilico trucidabat. Itaque regnum ejus acerbissima iniquitate repletum est. Nam pro suo quisque odio vel inimicitiis, calumnias finxere, multique regis iracundiā cædis cupidā contra adversarios abutebantur. Et mendacio quidem confestim fides habebatur ; erant autem criminationibus ipsis velociora supplicia. Denique accusabatur qui modo accusaverat, et cum eo qui ante se convictus esset ducebatur ad pœnam. De vita namque periculum, regis quæstiones breviore compendio terminabat. Ad hoc autem sævitiæ processerat, ut nec eorum quenquam humane aspiceret qui accusati non essent, verumetiam amicis immitissimum sese præberet. Itaque multis etiam regno interdixit ; et in quos potestatem non habebat, in eos dictis asperis sæviebat. Accessit malis Antipater, collectaque Propinquorum caterva, nullum criminationis genus omisit. Tantus autem ineptia sua regem commentisque delatorum timor invasit ut stricto instare sibi gladio videretur videre Alexandrum. Denique subito et ipsum correptum in vincula conjecit, et in Amicorum ejus tormenta perrexit, multi autem tacite moriebantur, nulla voce supra conscientiam prodita. Alii vero, quibus mendacium impatientia doloris extorsit, de patris eum insidiis cum fratre Aristobulo cogitasse dixerunt, tempusque observare ut, illo dum venaretur occiso, Romam profugerent. His, tametsi verisimilia non erant, sed necessitate cruciatus ex tempore fingebantur, libenti tamen animo rex credebat, pro consolatione accipiens vincti filii, ne id fecisse videretur injuste. | These revelations so alarmed Herod that he dared not immediately publish them, but sent out secret spies, night and day, to investigate all that was done or said; all suspects were at once executed. The kingdom was full of the most grisly evil: everyone, to suit his personal animosity or hatred, invented slanders, and many availed themselves of the royal bloodlust to get rid of their rivals. And credence was immediately given to any lie: the punishment came more swiftly than the slander itself. The man who had just accused another was himself accused; and he and his victim were led off to execution together; for the king’s inquiries were cut short by the danger to his life. He became so embittered that he did not look in a kindly manner even at those not accused and was ready to bite off the heads of his friends; many of these he debarred from the court, and those who were safe from his hand felt the lash of his tongue. On top of Alexander’s misfortunes came Antipater who, with the collaboration of his Counsellors slandered him in every imaginable way. To such a pitch of terror was the king reduced by the absurdities and fabrications of his informers that he was convinced Alexander stood over him sword in hand. So he suddenly arrested and imprisoned him and proceeded to put his Associates to the torture. Many died without a word, or after saying only what they knew to be true; but others, driven by their agonies to tell lies, said he had been plotting for himself and his brother Aristobulus to murder their father by ambush, and was awaiting a chance to kill him while out hunting and make a dash for Rome. This improbable story, extemporized under torture, the king was glad to accept, feeling more comfortable about the imprisonment of his son now that he would not seem to have done it unjustly. |
| ⇑ § XXV | |
| Alexandrum et Pherorum Herodi reconciliat Archelaus. | Archelaus procures a reconciliation between Alexander, Pheroras and Herod. |
| 1 | |
| Verum Alexander, quoniam suspicionem patris nullo modo aboleri posse arbitrabatur, ultro malis assentiendum putavit ; ac digestis adversis inimicos quattuor libris, fatetur insidias, earumque se plurimos socios habere perscribit — ante omnes autem Pheronem et Salomen. Hanc enim etiam stupro sibi quondam esse mixtam, quum vim noctu adhibuisset invito. Jamque libri in manibus erant Herodis ; multa et gravia de optimatibus clamantes, quum mature in Judæam Archelaus venit, metuens genero simul ac filiæ, quibus etiam providentissimo consilio succurrit, regisque minas arte dissolvit. Mox enim cum eo congressus, « ¿ Ubinam est », clamat, « exitiabilis gener meus ? ¿ Aut ubi parricidale caput aspiciam, quod meis manibus ipse lacerabo addamque filiam meam bono marito novo ? Nam etsi consilii particeps non est, quia tamen ejusmodi viri conjunx fuit, inquinata est. Miror autem patientiam tuam, cujus periculum agitur, quod adhuc vivit Alexander ; ego namque ita ex Cappadocia properans veniebam, ut qui et illum reperirem olim dedisse supplicium, et de filia quæstionem tecum haberem, quam tui tuæque dignitatis contemplatione illi desponderam. At nunc de utroque nobis consulendum est ; licet nimium pater sis, et ad puniendum insidiatorem filium minus fortis. Permutemus dexteras, et alter alterius iracundiæ vicarii succedamus. » | When Alexander saw there was no way of shaking his father’s belief, he concluded on his own that it was best to go along with his perils and composed a four-volume indictment of his enemies, admitting the plot but naming most of them as accomplices, of whom the chief were Pheroras and Salome; the latter, he alleged, had once engaged in illicit sex with him, at night forcing him against his will. These volumes quickly made their way into Herod’s hands; they were shouting out dreadful allegations against the highest in the land, when Archelaus then made a hurried journey to Judæa, in alarm for his daughter and son-in-law. In assisting them he showed remarkable tact, and by using guile he brought the king’s threats to nothing. The moment he met Herod, he let fly, “Where is that murderous son-in-law of mine? Where shall I find that damned parricide? I will flay him alive with my own hands; and I will make my daughter join her fine new husband! Even if she was not a participant in the plot, she is his wife and tarred with the same brush. I can’t understand how you, the intended victim, can take it so calmly — if it is true that Alexander is still alive! I came full speed from Cappadocia expecting to find that he had paid the penalty long ago, and to undertake an investigation of my daughter whom I gave away to that scoundrel because of you and your great name; but now we must put our heads together about the pair of them, and if you are too much of a father or haven’t the nerve to give your son what he deserves, we had better change places and carry out each other’s sentences.” |
| 2 | |
| Talibus increpans, quamvis pertinacem fallit Herodem. Itaque ille quos Alexander præscripserat libros, legendos ei præbet, singulisque capitulis insistens, cum eo deliberabat. Unde occasionem sui consilii nactus Archelaus, paulatim causam in eos qui scriptis continebantur, et in Pheroram contulit. Quum autem sibi credere regem videret, « Considerandum est », inquit, « ne forte adulescentulus tot nequissimorum insidiis circumveniatur, non tu ab adulescentulo. Nec, enim, apparere causam cur in tantum ruerit scelus, qui et nunc regno potiretur, et successionem regni speraret, nisi aliquos haberet hujus persuasionis auctores qui ad deteriorem partem lubricum ætatis impellerent. Ab ejusmodi namque hominibus non solum adulescentulos falli, verumetiam senes, domosque clarissimas totaque regna solere subverti. » | Herod was taken in by this tirade of Archelaus, although against his better judgement. At any rate, he gave him the documents compiled by Alexander to read and went through them with him, dwelling on each section. Archelaus then seized the chance of furthering his own scheme and gradually shifted the blame onto the people mentioned in them, especially Pheroras. When he saw that the king believed him, he said, “We have to ask ourselves whether perhaps the young man was not tricked by the treachery of so many evil men, and not you by the young man. For there is no obvious reason why he should have plunged into such a foul crime, when he was already enjoying a royal position and expecting to succeed you, unless there were people working on him and taking advantage of the instability of youth. People like that can impose on the elderly as well as on the young and overthrow illustrious families and whole kingdoms.” |
| 3 | |
| Consentiebat dictis Herodes, iramque paulatim remittebat in Alexandro, et in Pheroram excitabatur. Namque hic erat librorum quattuor argumentum. Qui ubi propensiorem esse regis animum sensit, et in omnibus apud eum amicitiam Archelai prævalere quam honeste non posset, ex impudentia salutem quæsivit. Relictoque Alexandro, confugit ad Archelaum. Et ille negat se videre quo pacto eximat tot criminibus involutum quibus manifeste convinceretur regem insidiis voluisse decipere, omniumque malorum præsentium adulescenti causa fuisse ; nisi malit, omissis artibus callidis et negandi pertinacia de quibus insimularetur, omnia confiteri et a fratre, præsertim cui dilectus esset, veniam petere. Namque ad hoc ei modis omnibus se quoque opem laturum. | Seeing the force of this argument, Herod gradually backed off from Alexander and became angry at Pheroras, the main subject of the four volumes. Pheroras, observing this sudden change in the king’s attitude and his complete acceptance of the suggestions of his friend Archelaus, saw no hope of saving himself by honest means, so decided to do it by sheer impudence. He dropped Alexander and applied to Archelaus. That monarch answered that he did not see how he could plead for a man mixed up in such a shady business — which made it as plain as could be that he had plotted against the king and brought all the lad’s present troubles upon him — unless he were prepared to abandon his tricks and denials and plead guilty to the crimes he was charged with, and then ask pardon of his brother, who was especially fond of him: for, given that, he would help him in every possible way. |
| 4 | |
| Paruit Archelao Pheroras, atraque veste cum lacrimis, ut quam miserabilis appareret, instructus, ad pedes Herodis accessit, veniamque meriti postulans. Et se quidem sceleratum esse fatebatur ; namque omnia quæ sibi objicerentur fecisse, horum autem causam esse deminutionem mentis atque insaniam ex mulieris amore conceptam. Itaque postquam stetit Pheroras suimet ipse accusator ac testis, tunc eum jam Archelaus excusando Herodis iracundiam mitigabat, propriis usus exemplis. Etenim se quoque a fratre multo graviore perpessum, naturale jus dicebat anteposuisse vindictæ. Quippe in regnis, velut in magnis corporibus, semper aliquam partem pondere ipso tumescere ; quam recidi quidem non oportere, leniter vero curari. | Pheroras took his advice and, after making careful preparations to look as woebegone as possible, clothed in black and with streaming eyes, grovelled at Herod’s feet and begged for mercy. He admitted he was a dirty scoundrel, guilty on every count, but blamed his unbalanced and frenzied state of mind, brought on, he said, by his passionate love for his wife. Having thus brought Pheroras to accuse and give evidence against himself, Archelaus now began to plead for him, and to mitigate Herod’s anger by quoting parallels in his own house: why, he himself had suffered much worse treatment at his brother’s hands, but had never let revenge weaken the ties of blood; kingdoms were like obese bodies — one part or other was always swelling up due to the weight itself; but this called, not for the surgeon’s knife, but for curing it gently. |
| 5 | |
| Multa in hunc modum locutus Archelaus, Herodem quidem Pheroræ placidum reddidit, ipse autem Alexandro tamdiu manebat iratus, filiamque ab eo distractam secum abducturum se ajebat, donec Herodem compulit ultro pro adulescentulo deprecari, ut iterum ei filiam desponderet. Satis autem gravatim Archelaus cui vellet eam præter Alexandrum collocari permisit, maximi enim pendēre, quo jura inter se affinitatis inviolata permaneant — rege autem sibi filium ab eo donatum affirmante nisi matrimonium diremisset : quod et liberos jam haberent, uxor quoque ab adulescente diligeretur ; quæ si remaneret, peccatorum foret oblivio ; si vero discederet, causa de omnibus desperandi ; molliorem namque fieri audaciam, si domesticis affectionibus distrahatur. Vix tandem cessit ; unaque et ipse rediit cum adulescente in gratiam, et patrem ejus reduxit. Procul dubio tamen eum Romam mitti debere ait, cum Cæsare collocuturum ; de omnibus enim sese litteras ad eum fecisse. | These arguments and others to the same effect softened Herod’s anger with Pheroras, but Archelaus continued to fume against Alexander, insisting that he would get his daughter divorced and take her home, until he brought Herod round to the point of pleading with him on the lad’s behalf, and once more requesting the hand of his daughter for his son. With a most convincing appearance of sincerity, Archelaus gave him leave to marry her to anyone he pleased — except Alexander; he was most anxious to preserve inviolate the marriage-backed alliance between himself and Herod. The king replied that he would be receiving back his son as a gift from him if he refrained from breaking the marriage; they already had children and the lad was most devoted to his wife; if she stayed with him, she would help him to be ashamed of his misdeeds, but if she was torn from him, his despair would be complete: a reckless spirit was tamed when diverted by domestic affection. After long hesitation Archelaus gave in; and he himself became reconciled to the young man, and together with that also reconciled his father to him. However, he said that it was necessary to send him to Rome for an audience with Cæsar, to whom he had himself dispatched a detailed report. |
| 6 | |
| Vafrum igitur Archelai consilium, quo generum periculo liberavit peractum erat, et redintegrata concordia in epulis et humanitate convīctūs familiariter versabantur. Abeuntem autem muneribus talentorum septuaginta, solio quoque aureo gemmis ornato, et eunuchis, et concubina donat Herodes quæ Pannychis vocabatur ; itemque Amicorum ejus quemque pro merito, quin et cognati regis omnes, jussu ejus Archelao dona splendidissima dederunt ; eumque tam ipse quam optimates Antiochiam usque prosecuti sunt. | Thus the stratagem by which Archelaus rescued his son-in-law was a complete success. After the reconciliation they spent their time in feasting and mutual entertainment. When he said goodbye, Herod made him a present of seventy talents, a golden throne set with precious stones, eunuchs, and a concubine called Pannychis, and rewarded all his Associates according to their rank. By the king’s command all his relatives similarly gave Archelaus magnificent gifts. Finally he was escorted by Herod and the nobility all the way to Antioch. |
| ⇑ § XXVI | |
| Euryclis calumniæ contra filios Mariamnes, frustraque eos purgat Euaratus Cous. | How Eurycles calumniated the sons of Mariamme ; and how Euaratus’s apology had no effect. |
| 1 | |
| Non multo post quidam in Judæam venit, Archelai consiliis multo potentior, qui non solum reconciliationem gratiæ Alexandro quæsitam fecit irritam, verumetiam causa fuit, ut periret. Laco erat genere, nomine Eurycles, ad regni desiderium amore pecuniæ corruptus. Jam enim luxum ejus, regia tolerare non poterat. Is amplissimis donis Herodi oblatis, velut eorum quæ aucuparetur illecebra, quum statim multiplicata recepisset, immaculatam liberalitatem nihil esse ducebat nisi regum sanguine comparasset. Itaque regem adulatione falsisque de ipso laudibus, et sermonis calliditate circumvenit ; matureque perspecto ejus ingenio, dictis simul et factis quæ illi placerent, inter primos ejus amicos habetur. Nam et rex et omnes ejus comites libenter civem Spartæ, patriæ causa, præcipuo dignum honore ducebant. | Alas! It was not long before Judæa was visited by a man who could do far more than the stratagems of Archelaus, and who not only brought to an end the reconciliation which Archelaus had contrived for Alexander but actually caused his death. He was a Spartan by birth named {Gajus Julius} Eurycles, driven to the kingdom by his corrupt love of money: his royal {(Greek)} court could no longer support his extravagance. He brought splendid gifts for Herod as a bait for the things he was after, instantly receiving much bigger ones in return; but he considered unstained generosity as nothing if he could not make acquisitions through royal bloodshed. So he got round the king by compliments, subtle suggestion, and hollow flattery. He quickly summed up Herod’s character and, playing up to him in all he said and did, he soon became one of his closest friends ; for the king and all his court were only too glad to show special regard for this Spartan on account of his country of origin. |
| 2 | |
| Ille autem, postquam fragilitatem domus animadvertit, fratrumque inimicitias, et quemadmodum pater in singulos esset animatus, Antipatri quidem hospitio præventus erat. Simulata vero amicitia, fallebat Alexandrum, olim se et Archelai socium esse mentitus, quo etiam citius quasi probatus obrepsit. Moxque ab eo fratri quoque Aristobulo commendatus est. Pertemptatis autem personis omnibus, aliam alio modo subibat ; ac primum fit Antipatri mercennarius et Alexandri proditor, illum exprobrando castigans, quod et quum fratrum sit maximus, spei suæ neglegat insidiatores ; Alexandrum vero, quod regina creatus et regiæ vir conjugis, filium privatæ mulieris pateretur regno succedere — præsertim quum haberet magnam occasionem Archelaum ; quæ quidem adulescenti bona fide suadere videbatur, quod amicitiam simulasset Archelai. Unde nec Alexander quicquam metuens, et de Antipatro quæ se moverent apud eum querebatur, et quod nihil mirum faceret Herodes si, quum matrem illorum interemit, ipsis quoque regnum ejus auferret. Quorum causa Eurycles et miserari eos et condolere simulans, etiam Aristobulum ad ea dicenda pellexit ; atque ita querelis in patrem utroque devincto, referens ad Antipatrum secreta discedit, afficto quoque insidiarum mendacio, quas ei fratres parasse affirmabat, ac pæne jam strictis gladiis in eum irruere. Ob hæc autem multa pecunia donatus ab Antipatro, laudator ejus erat apud patrem ; et ad extremum, necis Alexandri et Aristobuli redempta opera, ipse accusatoris partibus fungitur. Quumque adisset Herodem, |
He soon became thoroughly acquainted with the fragility of he royal house, the brothers’ quarrels and their father’s attitude to each, and though Antipater, in view of his hospitality, had the first claim on his gratitude, he simulated friendship for Alexander, falsely claiming that he had long been an intimate friend of Archelaus. This won him instant acceptance as a proved ally and an early introduction to Alexander’s brother Aristobulus. Playing first one part and then another, in various ways he won the confidence of everybody; but his primary rôles were those of hireling to Antipater and traitor to Alexander. He upbraided Antipater if he, the eldest son, stood by while other people were after his expectations; and on Alexander if he, whose mother and wife were king’s daughters, allowed the crown to pass to a commoner’s son — and that when he had Archelaus as his great opportunity! The lad trusted him as a counsellor since he claimed the friendship of Archelaus; so, keeping nothing back, he told him of all the wrongs Antipater had done him, and of the likelihood that after killing their mother Herod would deprive him and his brother of her kingdom. With these grievances the tender-hearted Eurycles pretended to sympathize. Then he tricked Aristobulus into saying the same things and, having involved both in criticism of their father, he went off to repeat their private conversation to Antipater, adding the lie that his brothers were after his blood and on the point of swooping on him sword in hand. These efforts having earned him a handsome dividend, he sang the praise of Antipater to his father. Finally, after the business of killing Aristobulus and Alexander had been contracted for, he undertook to accuse them before their father. Presenting himself before Herod, he declared that
|
| 3 | |
| His Eurycles in Alexandrum falso delatis, Antipatri laudes prosequebatur, illum solum qui patrem diligeret esse confirmans, quique adhuc insidias retardasset. Rex autem, nondum præteritæ suspicionis dolore compresso, intolerabilis iracundiæ feritate perturbatur. Iterumque hoc tempus nactus Antipater, alios accusatores fratribus subornavit qui eos dicerent cum Jucundo et Tyranno clam colloqui solitos esse, equitum regis olim principibus, tunc vero propter quasdam offensiones ordinibus motis. Hac denique indignatione succensus, confestim eos tormentis Herodes subdidit. Illi autem nihil eorum se, quæ crimini darentur, scire confessi sunt. Sed oblata est quædam velut ad præfectum castelli Alexandrii ab Alexandro scripta epistula, deprecante ut cum Aristobulo fratre se in castellum reciperet, si patrem interfecissent ; tamque armis quam aliis subsidiis eos uti permitteret. Hanc Alexander Diophanti commentum esse dicebat, qui regis erat notarius, homo audacissimus et cujulibet manus litteras imitari percallidus. (Itaque multis sæpe falso conscriptis, ob hoc postremo occisus est.) Torto autem castelli præfecto, nec ejus indicio quicquam Herodes eorum quæ delata erant verum esse cognovit. | When he had concluded this scandalous diatribe against Alexander, Eurycles delivered a length eulogy of Antipater as the only son with any affection for his father, and for that reason an obstacle to the plot hitherto. The king, who had not yet completely got over the earlier shocks, boiled over with uncontrollable anger. Antipater again seized his chance and sent a fresh set of hush-hush informers to accuse his brothers of having held secret conferences with Jucundus and Tyrannus, once officers of the king’s cavalry, but now, because of some offenses, deprived of their commissions. At this Herod lost his temper completely and at once had the two men tortured. They admitted none of the charges, but a letter was produced from Alexander to the commandant at Alexandreum, requesting him to admit Aristobulus and himself to the fortresss when he had killed their father, and to let them use the weapons and other resources of the place. Alexander protested that this letter had been forged by Diophantus, the king’s secretary, a man without scruples and very clever at imitating any hand. (After a lifetime of forgery he was ultimately executed for that very offense.) Herod put the commandant to the torture, but failed to extract any information from him about the allegations. |
| 4 | |
| Sed quamvis nullum documentum validum proferretur, filios tamen asservari præcepit. Euryclem vero domus suæ pestem, ac totius sceleris fabricatorem, bene de se meritum datoremque salutis appellans, talentis quinquaginta donavit. Ille autem, priusquam certa fama nuntiaret, ad Archelaum properat ; aususque dicere, quod Herodem reconciliasset Alexandro, ab illo quoque pecunias capit. Deinde in Achajam transgressus, ad similia facinora male quæsitis abusus est. Postremo apud Cæsarem accusatus, quod dissensionibus replevisset Achajam et civitates spoliaret, in exilium mittitur, atque hoc eum modo pœnæ Alexandri et Aristobuli persecutæ sunt. | He found the evidence unconvincing, but nevertheless kept his sons under surveillance. The curse of his house and stage-manager of the whole filthy business, Eurycles, he called “savior” and “benefactor” and rewarded with fifty talents. Thus enriched, Eurycles did not wait for the truth to come out, but hurried off to Cappadocia, where he got money out of Archelaus too by brazenly asserting that he had reconciled Herod to Alexander. Then crossing to Greece, he employed his ill-gotten gains in promoting further mischief. Twice accused before Cæsar of fostering sedition all over Greece and fleecing the townships, he was deported. So he paid the penalty for what he had done to Alexander and Aristobulus. |
| 5 | |
| Hoc loco dignum est Coum Evaratum huic Spartiatæ conferre. Namque is, quum amicissimus esset Alexandro, eodemque tempore quo Eurycles ibidem erat, advenisset, percontanti regi super his quæ ille insimularet, juratus nihil se ab adulescentibus audisse affirmavit. Nec tamen id quicquam miseris profuit apud Herodem, solis maledictis aures paratissimas aperientem, eumque gratiosissimum sibi judicantem, qui secum eadem crederet iisdemque moveretur. | How different from the Spartan was Evarestus of Cos! One of Alexander’s closest friends, he was in the country at the same time as Eurycles, and when the king put to him the allegations made by the latter, he declared on oath that he had not heard the youngsters say any such thing. But he could do nothing to help the unfortunate pair: Herod was only too eager to listen to evil tongues and no others, and welcomed only men as gullible and irascible as himself. |
| ⇑ § XXVII | |
| Herodes, permittente Cæsare, Beryti filios suos accusat. Illi, nec in concilium producti, damnantur, et paulo post Sebasten missi strangulantur. | Herod by Cæsar’s direction accuses his sons at Eurytus. they are not produced before the courts but yet are condemned ; and in a little time they are sent to Sebaste, and strangled there. |
| 1 | |
| Incitabat præterea Salome crudelitatem ejus in filios. Nam ad hanc Aristobulus, quo periculis involveret quam et socrum habebat et amitam, monitum miserat ut saluti suæ consuleret, quasi rex eam decrevisset occidere, iterum insimulatam quorum ante fuerat accusata : quod Syllæo Arabi nubere cupiens, quem sciret ejus inimicum, occulte illi secreta regis nuntiaret. Et hoc fuit extremum quo, tanquam tempestate oppressi, adulescentes, non secus ac turbine, pessumdati sunt. Salome enim protinus contendit ad regem, eique monita Aristobuli prodit atque ille, ulterius durare non passus, utrumque filium vinxit et separatos asservari præcepit. Deinde Voluminium militiæ magistrum et, ex Amicis suis, Olympum, descripta ferentes judicia proficisci jussit ad Cæsarem. Qui, postquam Romam navi delati, regis litteras reddiderunt. Vehementer quidem Cæsar ob adulescentes indoluit, verum potestatem in filios a patre auferendam non duxit. Denique rescribit ei ut ipse sui dominus esset arbitrii, melius tamen facturum dicens, si in communi consensu Propinquorum suorum provinciæque rectorem de insidiis quæreret, eosque, si delato crimini reperiret astrictos, occideret ; si vero fugam tantum esse meditatos, mediocri supplicio contentus esset. | His savage treatment of his children received a further impetus from Salome, the aunt and mother-in-law of Aristobulus. Aristobulus wanted to involve her in his own dangers, and so sent her a warning to look after herself; the king, he said, was ready to kill her on the charge previously brought against her — that in her determination to wed the Arab Syllæus, she had treacherously disclosed to him the secrets of the king, his enemy. This proved to be the final element that sent the storm-tossed youths to the bottom. Salome immediately ran to the king and betrayed to him the warnings she had received. Herod, unable to endure it any longer, put both his sons in fetters and in solitary confinement; then, losing no time, he sent Volumnius the military tribune and one of his Associates, Olympus, to Cæsar with Salome’s report in writing. They sailed for Rome and delivered the king’s dispatches. Cæsar was very grieved for the youths, but did not think that he ought to undermine the father’s authority over his sons; so he wrote back leaving the matter to Herod’s discretion, but saying it would be better to convene a joint committee of his own Counsellors and the provincial governor to inquire into the alleged conspiracy: if the charges were proved, he should put his sons to death; if they had merely intended to flee, a lesser penalty would suffice. |
| 2 | |
| Paret scriptis Herodes : quumque Berytum, quo Cæsar jusserat, pervenisset, cogit judicium. Præsederunt autem rectores quibus a Cæsare scriptum fuerat, Satorninus et Pedanius legati, et cum his Volumnius procurator, itemque Propinqui regis et Amici, necnon et Salome et Pheroras, et post hos optimates Syriæ — præter Archelaum regem, namque hunc Herodes, quod Alexandri socer esset, suspectum habebat. Sed filios quidem, satis provido consilio, in judicium non produxit ; sciebat enim quod si tantum visi fuissent, omni modo ad misericordiam cunctos impellerent ; si vero etiam dicendi copiam nacti essent, facillime Alexander objecta dilueret. Igitur illi quidem custodiebantur in Platane, vico Sidoniorum. | Herod complied with this suggestion and, going to Berytus, the place indicated by Cæsar, he convened the court. In obedience to the Emperor’s written instructions, the bench was occupied by Roman officers, the legates Satorninus and Pedanius, together with Volumnius the procurator. Also present were the king’s Counsellors and Associates, Salome, and Pheroras, and finally the nobility of all Syria with the sole exception of King Archelaus who, as Alexander’s father-in-law, was distrusted by Herod. The sons were not brought into court — Herod was too shrewd for that, knowing that if they were only even seen, they would absolutely melt all hearts and, if in addition they were allowed to speak, Alexander would easily refute the charges. So they were kept in custody at Platana, a village near Sidon. |
| 3 | |
| Exorsus autem rex, velut cum præsentibus ageret, commovebatur. Et insidias quidem timide objiciebat, nam probationibus deficiebat. Maledicta vero et probra et injurias, et peccata plurima in se admissa prosequebatur — eaque morte graviora esse consessoribus demonstrabat. Postremo, quum nemo contradiceret, semetipsum argui miserabiliter questus, acerbamque victoriam vincere, singulos sententiam proferre rogat in filios. Et primus Satorninus condemnandos esse adulescentulos, sed non morte pronuntiavit. Nec enim fas esse, quum tres ipse astantes habet filios, mortem alienis decernere. Idem etiam duobus legatis visum est, eosque nonnullis alii secuti sunt. Tristem vero sententiam primus Volumnius dixit, cunctique post eum, Herodis æmulatione vel odio, neque indignatione quisquam necandos esse adulescentes indicavit. Tum autem universa Judæa et Syria, suspensa quidem, operiebatur hujus tragœdiæ finem ; sed nemo existimabat Herodis crudelitatem ad parricidium usque processuram. Ille tamen filios Tyrum traxit ; atque inde navi Cæsaream devectos quo mortis genere perimeret, cogitabat. | The king rose and, as if they were present, displayed much emotion. He brought up the issue of conspiracy in a timid way, owing to lack of evidence; but he stressed the insults, mocking speeches, outrages and countless offenses directed against him — harder to bear than death itself, as he told his co-jurors. Finally, after nobody contradicted him, he complained mournfully that he was accusing himself, winning a bitter victory over his sons. Finally he asked them for their several opinions. First to reply was Satorninus, who was for condemning the youths, but not to death: it would not be right for a man with three children present in court to vote for the execution of another man’s children. Plus two legates voted the same way, and several others followed their lead. Volumnius was the first to advocate the death sentence, and all who spoke after him were for condemning the lads to death, some from flattery and some from hatred of Herod, but no one out of indignation that the accused were guilty. And now all Judæa and Syria were in suspense, waiting for the last scene of the drama; but no one guessed that Herod would be so barbarous as to murder his children. He, however, dragged his sons to Tyre and, after shipping them from there to Cæsarea, weighed the possible methods of putting the lads to death. |
| 4 | |
| Interea vetus quidam regis miles, Tiro nomine, qui et filium habebat Alexandro assuetum atque amicum, et ipse diligebat adulescentulos ; præ nimia indignatione mentis postremo circumveniens clamitabat conculcatam esse justitiam, veritatem periisse, naturam esse confusam, vitamque hominum iniquitatis esse plenam, et omnia quæ dolor contemptori vitæ dictasset. Deinde ipsum etiam regem ausus adire : « Mihi vero », inquit, « omnium videris infelicissimus qui, contra carissimos, nequissimis credas. Siquidem Pheroras et Salome fidem apud te adversus filios tuos habent quos sæpe ipse mortis supplicio dignos esse judicasti ; neque advertis hoc eos agere ut, justis successoribus destitutus, cum solo remaneas Antipatro, capi facile regem optantes. Verumtamen cogita ne ille quoque militibus odiosus sit propter cædem omnium fratrum. Nullus enim est, qui non adulescentium misereatur, principum autem plurimi etiam palam graviter ferunt. » Hæc dicens, simul eos quibus res indigna videretur nominabat. Rex autem statim illos et ipsum cum filio comprehendi jubet. | There was an old soldier of the king called Tiro, whose son was a bosom friend of Alexander, and who was very fond of both lads himself. He was so overcome with indignation that his reason gave way and he went around shouting that justice had been trampled underfoot, truth was no more, nature in confusion, life in a state of anarchy — and anything else that pain could dictate to a man who did not care for his own life. At length he went boldly to the king: “You miserable wretch!” he thundered, “that is what I think of you! To turn against your own flesh and blood at the bidding of utter scoundrels! Over and over again you have condemned Pheroras and Salome as worthy of death — and now you take their word against your children! Don’t you see that they are cutting off your legitimate heirs and leaving you with only Antipater, choosing a king they can twist around their little finger? Take care, take care the army doesn’t one day hate him, because of his killing all of his brothers: there is no soldier who doesn’t pity the lads, and of the officers most are expressing their antagonism openly.” He proceeded to give the names of those by whom the affair was viewed as criminal. But the king at once had them arrested, along with Tiro and his son. |
| 5 | |
| Ibique tum alius quidem regius tonsor, nomine Tryphon, nescio qua exagitatus insania, semetipsum indicans prosilit. « Ac mihi quoque Tiro », inquit, « iste persuasit ut occasione tondendi novacula te occiderem, magnaque inde Alexandrum daturum munera pollicebatur. » His auditis, Herodes et Tironem ejusque filium, et tonsorem subdidit quæstioni. Quumque ille pernegarent, tonsor autem amplius nihil diceret, Tironem vehementius torqueri jussit ; tumque filius ejus, patris miseratione commotus, cuncta se regi, si eum sibi condonasset, indicaturum promisit. Eoque relaxato, ipsius occidendi patrem suum habuisse voluntatem dixit, impulsum ab Alexandro. Hoc autem quibusdam fictum ab adulescente videbatur quo tormentis eriperet patrem, nonnulli verum esse affirmabant. | Directly after this one of the court barbers, called Trypho, sprang forward in the grip of some frenzy and informed against himself. “I am in it too,” he shouted, “Tiro here told me to cut your throat with my razor when I was shaving you, and promised that Alexander would pay me well.” Hearing this, Herod examined Tiro, with his son and the barber, under torture, and when the first two denied everything and the other had nothing to add, ordered Tiro to be racked still more severely. At last the son, greatly distressed, promised to tell the king everything if he would spare his father ; and when Herod let up, he stated that his own father, incited by Alexander, had had the intent of killing him. Some people thought that he had made this up in order to end his father’s agony ; others, that it was true. |
| 6 | |
| Herodes tamen, et militum principibus et Tirone pro contione accusatis, in eos armavit populum ut ibidem cum tonsore lignorum et lapidum ictibus interirent. Filios vero in Sebasten missos, quæ non longo a Cæsarea intervallo distaret, profocari jubet ; eaque re mature perfecta, in castellum Alexandrium mortuos asportari, cum Alexandro materno avo sepeliendos. Hic finis Aristobulo et Alexandro vitæ fuit. | Herod called a mass meeting at which he accused the officers and Tiro, and enlisted the help of the people to dispose of them; along with the barber they were killed then and there with clubs and stones. Then he sent his sons to Sebaste which was not far from Cæsarea, giving orders that they be strangled. The order being instantly carried out, he gave instructions for the bodies to be brought to the fortress of Alexandreum, to be buried by the side of Alexander, their mother’s father. Thus ended the lives of Aristobulus and Alexander. |
| ⇑ § XXVIII | |
| Qualiter omnibus invisus erat Antipater : et quomodo rex occisorum liberos consanguineis suis despondit : alias autem nuptias eis excogitavit Antipater. De Herodis conjugiis et liberis. | How Antipater is hated of all men ; and how the king espouses the sons of those that had been slain to his kindred ; but that Antipater made him change them for other women. Of Herod’s marriages and children. |
| 1 | |
| — Caput A-18 — De conspiratione Antipatri contra patrem. | |
| Antipatrum vero, quum jam sine controversia successionem regni speraret, intolerabile gentis excepit odium, cunctis scientibus illum omnes fratribus suis conseruisse calumnias ; nihiloque minus timor eum non mediocris sollicitabat, crescente subole peremptorum. Erant enim Alexandro ex Glaphyra filii duo, Tigranes et Alexander ; itemque Aristobulo ex Berenice, Salomes filia, Herodes et Agrippa et Aristobulus, filiæque Herodias et Mariamme. Sed Glaphyram quidem Herodes cum dote sua in Cappadociam dimisit postquam Alexandrum interfecit ; Berenicem autem, Aristobuli conjugem, avunculo Antipatri nuptum dedit ; ut enim Salomen, quam infensam habebat, sibi reconciliaret Antipater, istas nuptias excogitavit. Īdem vero etiam Pheroram muneribus aliisque obsequiis, atque amicos præterea Cæsaris, ambiebat, magnas Romam mittendo pecunias. Satorninum enim cum aliis omnibus apud Syriam donis expleverat. Hōc autem magis invisus erat cunctis, quo plura donabat, velut opes tantas non munificentia largiretur, sed metu consumeret. Itaque eveniebat, ut nec accipientium benevolentia quicquam profecerit, quibusque nihil dedisset, acerbiores inimicos haberet. In distributionibus autem munerum quotidie largior erat, quum præter spem videret orbos pueros ab Herode curari, quantumque illum peremptorum cædis pæniteret, prolis eorum miseratione significari. | Antipater, now undisputed heir, had called down on his own head the utter loathing of the nation; for everyone knew that he had contrived all of the slanders against his brothers. And no less did a deep fear worry him as the dead men’s children grew older. Glaphyra had borne Alexander two sons: Tigranes and Alexander. Likewise, Berenice, Salome’s daughter, had borne Aristobulus three sons — Herod, Agrippa and Aristobulus — and the daughters Herodias and Mariamme. Herod sent Glaphyra back to Cappadocia with her dowry after he killed Alexander; Aristobulus’ widow Berenice he married to Antipater’s maternal uncle: it was to placate the hostility of Salome towards himself that Antipater arranged this marriage. He solicited the favor of Pheroras with gifts and other attentions, and of Cæsar’s friends by sending large sums of money to Rome. Satorninus and his staff in Syria all received more than enough of his presents. But the more he gave, the more was he hated by everyone, given that he was not giving away such great wealth out of generosity but squandering it out of fear. The result was that, while the recipients liked him no better than before, those to whom he gave nothing became more bitter enemies. Yet he made his largesse daily more lavish, as he saw that, contrary to his expectations, the king was looking after the orphans and showing how sorry he was for having killed his sons through his compassion for their offspring. |
| 2 | |
| Convocatis enim Propinquis atque Amicis suis, et pupillis astantibus, quum lacrimis opplesset oculos, dixit : « Horum quidem mihi patres fortuna quædam tristis eripuit ; ipsos, autem, orbitatis misericordia cum natura commendat. Experiar, itaque, ut etsi pater infortunatissimus fui, avus tamen sim providentior, et a quibus post me regantur amicissimos mihi relinquam. Despondeo igitur filiam tuam, Pherora, maximo filiorum Alexandri, ut ei curator sis necessarius ; tuo vero, Antipater, filio, Aristobuli filiam ; eris enim hoc modo pater orbatæ. Sororem vero ejus meus Herodes accipiet, ex pontifice avo materno prognatus. Et de his quidem hoc sit judicium meum, neque id quisquam dirimat qui me amabit. Precor autem etiam Deum bono regni mei meorumque nepotum copulare nuptias, atque hos pueros placidioribus quam patres eorum oculis aspicere. » | One day Herod assembled his Counsellors and Associates, set the children before them and, with brimming eyes, began: “The fathers of these children were snatched from me by some malevolent fate: they themselves are commended to my care both by natural ties and by pity for their orphanhood. I will try, though I have been most unfortunate as a father, at any rate to show myself a more attentive grandfather, and to leave them my dearest friends by whom they may be guided. I therefore betroth your daughter, Pheroras, to the elder of Alexander’s two boys, and so make you automatically his guardian; and to your son, Antipater, I give Aristobulus’ daughter {(Mariamme)}, so that you will become father to the orphan girl. Her sister {(Herodias)} my own Herod shall have, since on his mother’s side he had a pontiff for grandfather. Let my wishes be carried out in this way, and let no one who cares for me go against them. I pray God to seal these unions to the good of my kingdom and of my descendents, and to look with gentler eyes on these little children here than He ever looked on their fathers.” |
| 3 | |
| Postquam hæc locutus est, flevit, et puerorum dexteras junxit, benignissime consalutatis singulis, dimisit concilium. Statim deriguit Antipater, quantoque dolore affectus esset, neminem latuit pupillorum. Namque honorem apud patrem quoque sibi derogatum existimabat ; iterumque de rebus cunctis periculum fore, si Alexandri filiis præter Archelaum etiam Pheroram tetrarcham adjutorem habere licuisset. Ad hæc reputabat odium suum, et orbitatis miserationem qua tota gens flectebatur, quanto viventium puerorum studio, et quanta memoria mortuorum ipsius scelere tenerentur Judæi. Itaque omnimodo dirimere sponsalia statuit. | And now the tears flowed faster and he clasped the children’s hands; then after warmly embracing each in turn he dismissed the gathering. His decision struck a sudden chill into Antipater, and none of the orphans missed seeing how much pain he was struck with. He felt that the honor shown by his father to them meant that his own honor was finished, and that his prospects of succession would again be in danger if not only Archlaus but Pheroras, a tetrarch, supported Alexander’s heirs. He thought of the nation’s hatred for himself and compassion for the orphans, of the devotion the Jews had felt for his brothers while they lived, and their tender memories of them now that, thanks to his crime, they were dead. So he made up his mind by fair means or foul to break these betrothals. |
| 4 | |
| Et callide quidem patri surrepere timuit, sævienti acriterque vigilanti ad suspicandum, palam vero eum supplex adire ausus est, coramque deposcere ne se honore privaret quo dignum esse judicasset, nudumque regis nomen habere vellet, regni autem substantiam penes alios esse. Nec enim posse rerum obtinere dominatum, si præter avum Archelaum, etiam Pheroras Alexandri filiis socer esset adjunctus. Instantissime vero precabatur, quia numerosa esset regia progenies, nuptias permutari. Novem namque regi uxores erant, sed harum septem unde filios susceperat : ipsum Antipatrum ex Doride ; Herodem autem ex Mariamme, pontificis filia ; itemque Antipam et Archelaum ex Malthace Samaritide ; filiamque Olympiadem, quam frater ejus Josephus habuerat ; ex Hierosolymitide vero Cleopatra Herodem et Philippum ; necnon ex Pallade Phasaëlem. Habebat autem filias quoque alias, Roxanen et Salomen, unam ex Phædra, et alteram ex Elpide ; duasque uxores sine filiis, consobrinam et fratris filiam ; et præter has, Alexandri et Aristobuli sorores duas ex Mariamme. Quum igitur tanta prolis copia superesset, aliter nuptias jungi postulabat Antipater. | He was afraid to try any tricks on a father so difficult and so prone to suspicion, so he took the bull by the horns and asked him directly not to rob him of the honor of which he had judged him worthy, or to give the mere name of king to him and the power to others; he would never be in control if, with Archelaus as his grandfather, Alexander’s son should also have Pheroras as his father-in-law; as the royal family was so large, would he please reconsider the proposed marriages? The king, indeed, had nine wives and children by seven of them. Antipater himself was the son of Doris, Herod {II} of Mariamme {II}, the pontiff’s daughter, {Herod} Antipas and Archelaus of Malthace the Samaritan, their sister Olympias being married to Herod’s nephew Joseph. By Cleopatra, a girl from Jerusalem, he had Herod {III} and Philip, and by Pallas Phasaël. He had other daughters also, Roxane and Salome, the first by Phædra, the second by Elpis. Two wives were childless, a cousin and a niece. Apart from these there were the two sisters of Alexander and Aristobulus, children of Mariamme. The family being of such exceptional size, Antipater asked for the marriage arrangements to be reconsidered. |
| 5 | |
| Rex autem, perspecto ejus animo, quid de pupillis cogitaret, vehementer iratus est ; quippe, filiorum quos interfecerat casum reputans, verebatur ne etiam hi quandoque criminationum Antipatri præmium fierent. Sed tunc quidem sævioribus dictis eum protelat. Postea vero blanditiis ejus adductus, sponsalia reformavit ; ac primum ipsi Antipatro Aristobuli filiam collocat, filium vero ejus jungit filiæ Pheroræ. | On realizing how Antipater regarded the orphans, the king was extremely angry; indeed, thinking about the sons he had killed, he worried that they too might also become prey to Antipater’s slanders. So for the moment he drove him away with a fierce reply. Later, however, he succumbed to his flatteries and altered the arrangements, first marrying Aristobulus’ daughter {(Mariamme)} to Antipater himself and his son to Pheroras’ daughter. |
| 6 | |
| Hinc licebat advertere quantum Antipatri valuerit adulatio quod idem in simili causa impetrare Salome non potuit. Hanc enim, quamvis soror esset — atque hæc, sæpe intercedente Julia, uxore Cæsaris, postulasset — Arabi Syllæo nubere non passus est ; sed inimicissimam sibi fore juravit, nisi ab hoc studio destitisset. Posteaque invitam Alexæ cuidam ex amicis suis in matrimonium dedit ; ejusque filiarum unam Alexandri filio, alteram Antipatri avunculo tradidit. Natarum autem Mariammes una sororis filium habebat Antipatrum, altera fratris Phasaëlum. | How effective was his flattery in this instance can be seen from Salome’s failure in a like case. Even though she was Herod’s sister — and this woman had frequently, backed by the intercession of Cæsar’s wife Julia {(Livia)}, requested it — he did not permit her to marry the Arab Syllæus ; rather he swore he would count her his worst enemy if she did not abandon this ambition, and ended by marrying her against her will to a certain Alexas, one of his friends, and one of her daughters to Alexas’s son, the other to Antipater’s maternal uncle. Of his own daughters by Mariamme {I}, one {(Cypros)} wedded Antipater {II}, the son of Herod’s sister, the other {(Salampsio)} his brother’s son, Phasaël. |
| ⇑ § XXIX | |
| Antipater intolerabilis. Cum Herodis testamento Romam mittitur. Pheroras ne uxorem deserat, fratrem relinguit. Domi moritur. | Antipater becomes intolerable. he is sent to Rome, and carries Herod’s testament with him ; Pheroras leaves his brother, that he may keep his wife. He dies at home. |
| 1 | |
| Sic interrupta pupillorum spe, Antipater, et pro sua commoditate affinitatibus junctis, exspectatione certa nitebatur ; adjectaque malignitati fiducia, nequaquam erat tolerabilis. Nam quia singulorum odium vitare non poterat, securitatem sibi ex terrore quærebat — quum præterea Pheroras ei veluti jam confirmato regi obsecundaret. Quin et mulierum conflata in aula conflictio novas turbas excitabat. Etenim Pheroræ uxor cum matre ac sorore sua, necnon et matre Antipatri, multa in regia insolenter agebat, ausa etiam duas regis filias contumeliose tractare ; cui rei maxime ab Antipatro erat objecta. Itaque, quum illi invisæ essent, alias quidem morigeras habebant ; sola vero Salome adversabatur eorum concordiæ ; quodque non bono regis coirent, apud ipsum insimulabat. Cognita vero ejus delatione mulieres, quodque Herodes ægre tulisset, aperto quidem conventu et familiaritate abstinuerunt, contra vero et discordare inter se, rege audiente, simulabant ; cum his adeo colluderet Antipater, ut palam Pheroram minime dubitaret offendere ; occultos autem cœtus et nocturnas comissationes agebant ; earumque consensionem fecit observatio firmiorem ; quum horum nihil ignoraret Salome, sed Herodi cuncta nuntiaret. | Having cut off the orphans’ hopes and arranged the marriages for his personal benefit, Antipater felt that his own hopes were safely in port and, as confident now as he was wicked, became insufferable. To overcome the detestation in which he was universally held was beyond him, so he relied on terror to maintain his security. Pheroras helped him along as though he had already been confirmed as king. There was also a group of women who stirred up fresh troubles at court. Pheroras’ wife, with the cooperation of her mother and sister and of Antipater’s mother, was insolently creating a great deal of upheaval in the palace — even daring to affront two of the king’s daughters {(Roxane & Salome)} ; she had been put up to to this by Antipater above all. Thus, although they were detested by the king, they kept other women obsequious. The only person to stand up to their confederacy was Salome, who denounced them to the king as a danger to himself. They, learning of her denunciation and of Herod’s displeasure, left off meeting openly and exchanging friendly greetings, and instead pretended to quarrel with each other in the king’s hearing: Antipater joined in the pretense to the point of publicly disagreeing with Pheroras. But they held secret meetings and caroused in the night ; the watch kept over them only served to strengthen the conspiracy. But every detail of their doings was known to Salome, and duly passed on to Herod. |
| 2 | |
| Ille autem, ardens iracundia, maximeque adversus Pheroræ conjugem, quod eam præter ceteras accusaret Salome, advocato Cognatorum Amicorumque concilio, et alia multa mulieri et filiarum contumelias crimini dedit, quodque Pharisæis mercedem contra se præbuisset fratremque sibi hostem reddidisset, expugnatum venenis. Postremo conversus ad Pheroram, ¿ utrum, ait, se — fratrem an uxorem — vellet optare ? Quumque ille se citius vita dixisset quam conjuge cariturum, incertus quid ageret, ad Antipatrum sermonem contulit, ac ne cum Pherora vel ejus conjuge, aut quovis alio qui ad eam pertineret, unquam colloqueretur edixit. Verum ille, palam præcepta custodiens, in occulto cum his pernoctabat ; metuensque observationem Salomes, per amicos in Italia degentes ut Romam proficisceretur effecit, ipsorum perlatis litteris ubi Antipatrum aliquanto post tempore ad Cæsarem mitti oportere perscriberent. Igitur Herodes nihil moratus eum misit, cunctis quæ usui forent, magnaque pecunia liberaliter instructum, testamentumque una ei portandum dedit in quo rex ipse Antipater inscriptus erat, et Antipatri successor Herodes, ex Mariamme pontificis filia procreatus. | The king blazed with anger, especially against Pheroras’ wife, whom Salome accused most vehemently. He convened a committee of his Counsellors and Associates and laid both a great many other things, and the affront to his daughters, to the woman’s charge, accusing her also of paying money to the Pharisees to spite him, and turning his brother against him after having overcome him through aphrodisiacs. Finally he turned to Pheroras and told him he must choose one or the other, his brother or his wife. When Pheroras replied that he would rather be bereft of his life than his wife, Herod, at a loss, went off to Antipater and forbade him ever to talk with Pheroras, his wife or anyone connected with her. Antipater conformed with this command in public, but in secret he spent the night with them. Afraid, however, of surveillance by Salome, he arranged through friends in Italy to visit Rome. In their own mailed letters they wrote that Antipater ought in the near future to be sent to Cæsar, and without hesitation Herod sent him off with everything necessary, a vast sum of money, and his will which named Antipater as the next king and, as Antipater’s successor, Herod {II}, son of Mariamme {II}, the pontiff’s daughter. |
| 3 | |
| Quin et Syllæus Arabs itidem Romam, neglecto Cæsaris præcepto, navigavit, de his cum Antipatro certaturus de quibus cum Nicolao causam ante dixerat. Non leve autem cum Areta, rege suo, certamen habebat, cujus et alios amicos interfecerat, et Soæmum in Petra oppido potentissimum ; redemptoque Fabato, procuratore Cæsaris, fautore utebatur etiam in Herodem. Sed majore pecunia data, Herodes Fabatum a Syllæo alienavit, ac per eum quæ Cæsar jusserat exigebat. Ille autem, quum nihil dedisset, accusabat apud Cæsarem Fabatum, dispensatorem esse dicens non quæ ipsi, sed quæ Herodi expedirent. Quibus commotus ad iracundiam, Fabatus adhuc autem apud Herodem in honore maximo habebatur, secretorum Syllæi proditor factus est, regique indicavit quod Syllæus Corinthum, ejus satellitem, pecunia corrupisset, eumque asservari oporteret. Neque rex id facere dubitavit ; quoniam Corinthus iste, licet in aula regis esset educatus, ex Arabia tamen fuerat oriundus. Igitur mox non illum solum corripi, sed etiam duos alios Arabas jussit apud eum repertos, unum Syllæi amicum, alterum phylarchum. Qui, subditi quæstioni, magna pecunia Corintho, ut Herodem occideret, persuasisse confessi sunt ; atque etiam a Satornino, Syriæ rectore, interrogati, Romam transmissi sunt. | Syllæus the Arab also sailed to Rome, in disregard of Cæsar’s commands and with the intention of arguing against Antipater the case about which he had previously been arraigned by Nicolaus. There was also a serious dispute between him and Aretas {IV}, his own king, a number of whose friends he had executed, among them Soæmus, the most powerful man in Petra. By a heavy bribe he won over Fabatus, Cæsar’s treasurer, and employed him as his patron even against Herod. But by giving him a larger bribe, Herod detached Fabatum from Syllæus and through him demanded the money that Cæsar had ordered. Syllæus would not pay a penny, and even accused Fabatus to Cæsar, saying his treasurer treasured not his interests but Herod’s. Furious at this, and still high in Herod’s favor, Fabatus betrayed Syllæus’ secrets, telling the king that Syllæus had bought the services of his bodyguard Corinthus who should be taken into custody. The king did not hesitate to do this, since this Corinthus, though brought up in the king’s court, was by birth an Arab. Thus he immediately arrested both him and two other Arabs found with him — one a friend of Syllæus and the other a tribal chief. Under torture they admitted that Corinthus had given them heavy bribes to murder Herod. After further examination by Satorninus, governor of Syria, they were sent under escort to Rome. |
| 4 | |
| — Caput A-19 — De veneno Herodi parato, et quomodo compertum sit. | |
| At Herodes Pheroræ vehementius imminebat ut repudiaret uxorem, neque quomodo mulierem plecteret inveniebat, quum multas in eam odii causas haberet, donec ipsum etiam fratrem cum ea supra modum indignatus ejecit. Pheroras autem, æquo animo accepta injuria, in tetrarchiam suam recessit, juratus unum sibi exilii finem fore mortem Herodis, neque ad eum reversurum esse dum vixerit. Denique nec ægrotum quamvis sæpe accitus fratrem invisere voluit, quum quibusdam mandatis eum quasi moriturus vellet instruere. Sed ille quidem præter spem convaluit. Postquam autem Pheroras in morbum incidit, tum Herodis patientia demonstrata est. Nam et venit ad eum et humanissime curarum voluit, sed morbum superare non quivit : intra dies enim paucos est mortuus. Quem licet usque ad ultimum vitæ diem dilexisset Herodes, tamen quod illum quoque veneno peremisset fama vulgatum est. Verum ejus corpore in Hierosolymam deportato, luctum maximum cunctæ genti denuntiavit, clarissimaque funus sepultura dignatus est. Unus quidem interfector Alexandri et Aristobuli hunc exitum vitæ sortitus est. | Herod maintained his relentless pressure on Pheroras to divorce his wife, but could find no means of punishing the woman — many as were his motives for hating her — till he lost his temper and banished her, along with her brother. Pheroras swallowed the insult and went off to his tetrarchy {(Peræa)}, swearing that the only end to his exile would be the death of Herod — never while he lived would he go back to him! He did not return even when his brother was sick, despite the most pressing invitation; for Herod wanted to leave him certain instructions, believing himself on the point of death. But he unexpectedly recovered; later, on the other hand, Pheroras fell sick. It was then that Herod’s forbearance appeared: he went to him and looked after him sympathetically. But he could not master the sickness, and after a few days Pheroras died. Herod had loved him till his dying day, but for all that it was still rumored that he had poisoned him. However, he conveyed the body to Jerusalem, ordered prolonged mourning by the whole nation, and honored his funeral with the most magnificent burial. Such was the end that came to one of the murderers of Alexander and Aristobulus! |
| ⇑ § XXX | |
| Dum Herodes de Pheroræ morte quæstionem habet, comperit sibi venenum ab Antipatro paratum. Inter conscios Doridem et Mariamnen abjicit Herodes, hujusque filium Herodem exheredat. | When Herod made inquiry about Pheroras’s death a discovery was made that Antipater had prepared a poisonous draught for him. Herod casts Doris and her accomplices, as also Mariamme, out of the palace and blots her son Herod out of his testament. |
| 1 | |
| Transit autem in Antipatrum auctorem pœna sceleris — ex interitu Pheroræ nacta principium. Quidam enim ex ejus libertis, quum regem tristes adiissent, fratrem ipsius Pheroram veneno interceptum esse dicebant. Nam quendam ei cibum obtulisse conjugem suam, et non eo quo solebat modo condītum ; eoque sumpto, illum morbo protinus esse correptum. Venisse autem ante biduum — matris ac sororis ejus accitu — quandam veneficam mulierculam ex Arabia ut venenum Pheroræ conficeret amatorium ; et pro amatorio dedisse mortiferum, Syllæi consilio ; namque illi notam fuisse. | But arising out of Pheroras’ death retribution was at last finding the true author of that crime. Some of the dead man’s freedmen came in a dejected state to the king and declared that his brother Pheroras had been killed by poison; his wife had served him a meal, but one not prepared in the way it normally was, and as soon as he had eaten it he had taken ill. Two days earlier her mother and sister had called in an Arab woman with a knowledge of drugs to prepare aphrodisiac for Pheroras; and instead of the aphrodisiac, she had given him deadly poison at the instigation of Syllæus, to whom she was known. |
| 2 | |
| Perculsis igitur plurimis suspicionibus, rex ancillas et nonnullas libertinas quæstioni subjecit. Ibique tum exclamat aliqua doloris impatiens, « ¡ Deus, cæli terræque rector, in matrem Antipatri quæ horum nobis malorum causa est, vindicet ! » Hoc rex initium nactus, persequebatur ulterius indaginem veritatis. Mulier vero, et matris Antipatri familiaritatem cum Pherora ejusque mulieribus, et occultos eorum conventus aperuit ; quodque Pheroras et Antipater, redeuntes a rege, tota cum illis nocte potare soliti essent, servis omnibus exclusis et ancillis. Una quidem libertinarum hæc indicavit. | Shaken with suspicions of every kind, the king put the maidservants and several freedwomen to the torture. One of them in her agony cried out, “May God, the ruler of heaven and earth, wreak vengeance on Antipater’s mother, the source of these sufferings of ours!” Seizing on this hint, the king went still further in his search for the truth. The woman disclosed the friendship of Antipater’s mother with Pheroras and his womenfolk and their surreptitious meetings. She told how Pheroras and Antipater, after returning from the king, would drink with them all night, rigidly excluding every servant, whether man or woman. It was one of the free women who gave this information. |
| 3 | |
| Quum autem ancillæ separatim singulæ torquerentur, patuit omnium dicta congruere, qua de causa Romam quidem Antipater ex composito, Pheroras vero trans flumen secedere curavisset — nam sæpe illos in sermone dixisse quod, post Alexandrum et Aristobulum, ad ipsos eorumque conjuges transiturus esset Herodes. Nec alicui posse parcere qui Mariammæ ejusque filiis minime pepercisset ; ideoque melius esse ab hac belua quam longissime fugere. Sæpe autem dixisse matri Antipatrum conquerentem quod, quum ipse jam canus esset, pater in dies singulos juvenesceret, seque fortasse prius quam regnare incipiat moriturum, aut si unquam ille decesserit (¿ quando autem istud futurum ?) voluptatem sibi successionis omnino fore brevissimam. Pullulare præterea hydræ capita, hoc est Alexandri et Aristobuli filios ; sibi autem filiorum quoque spem ademptam esse, patris injuria, qui non eorum quenquam post mortem suam regni successorem, sed Mariammes filium, scripsisset heredem. Qua quidem in re, prorsus eum senectute delirare, si testamento suo standum arbitraretur. Se namque, ut ex ejus progenie nemo superesset, curaturum. Quinetiam, quum omnes patres quibus invisi unquam filii fuerunt odio vincat, plus tamen eum etiam fratres odisse. Denique nuper sibi, ne cum Pherora colloqueretur, centum talenta donasse ; atque quum Pheroras diceret, « ¿ Quid enim per nos lædebatur ? », respondisse Antipatrum, “utinam cunctis ablatis nudos se dummodo vivos relinqueret. Verum hoc nequaquam fieri posse ut tam pestiferam bestiam quisquam effugiat, sub qua nec amicis esse palam liceret”. Denique, « Nunc occulte », inquit, « convenimus ; licebit autem aperte, si virorum spiritum manusque habeamus. » | The slave-girls Herod tortured one at a time. Their evidence in every case tallied with that already given, with the addition that it was according to an agreed plan that Antipater had gone off to Rome and Pheroras to Peræa; for they had often said that, after Alexander and Aristobulus, Herod would switch to them themselves and their wives. After killing Mariamme and her sons he would spare no one, so it was better to put as many miles as possible between them and the beast. Again, Antipater had often grumbled to his mother that he was grey-haired already while his father got daily younger; as likely as not he would die before he began to reign. Or when his father died — if he ever did — his enjoyment of the succession would be extremely short. And those hydra-heads were shooting up, the sons of Aristobulus and Alexander. He had been robbed by his father of his hopes for his children, since his father had designated as his heir and successor in the kingship after his death not one of them but Mariamme’s son. In that respect anyway the king must be going senile if he imagined that in this matter his will would be carried out; he himself would see that none of his progeny survived. Hating his children more than any father had ever done, Herod hated his brothers even more. Only a day or two ago he had given him, Antipater, a hundred talents not to speak with Pheroras. When Pheroras asked, “What harm were we doing him?” Antipater had replied, “I only wish he would strip us of everything and leave us to live naked. But there is no way to escape such a murderous beast, who will not even let us be with friends openly. Now we meet in secret; we shall be able to meet openly if ever we have the arms and fortitude of men.” |
| 4 | |
| Hæc in tormentis ancillæ prodiderunt — et quod Pheroras cum illis Petram fugere cogitasset. Ut omnibus autem dictis Herodes crederet, centum talentis effectum est. De his enim soli Antipatro dixerat. Igitur ante alios in Doridem, Antipatri matrem, furor ejus erumpit ; eamque omni ornatu quem illi donaverat spoliatam, multis comparato talentis, expellit. Deinde, ira deposita, Pheroræ mulieres a tormentis recreabat. Timore autem pavidus erat, et ad omnes suspiciones excitabatur ; multosque innocentes, metu ne quem nocentium prætermitteret, in tormenta ducebat. | To these disclosures, wrung from them by torture, they added that Pheroras had planned to flee with them to Petra. Herod believed every word because of the hundred talents, which he had mentioned to nobody but Antipater. His anger descended first on Doris, Antipater’s mother; he stripped her of all the adornments he had lavished on her at fantastic expense and expelled her a second time. Finally, after calming down, he helped Pheroras’ wives heal from their tortures. But he was in constant terror and blazed up on any suspicion, dragging many guiltless persons off to torture for fear of missing any of the guilty. |
| 5 | |
| Hinc ad Samaritam se convertit Antipatrum qui procurator erat Antipatri, et ex illius tormentis comperit, necandi sui causa, ex Ægypto Antipatrum venenum malum petiisse, per quendam Antiphili amicum ; idque ab eo Antipatri avunculum accepisse Theudionem, ac Pheroræ tradidisse, cui mandasset Antipater ut Herodem occideret, dum ipse Romæ abesset, ac suspicione careret ; Pheroram vero venenum uxori suæ dedisse servandum. Itaque hanc evocatam statim rex quod acceperat afferre jubet. Illa vero quasi allatura egressa, de tecto se præcipitem dedit, ut eo modo probationes et regis tormenta præveniret. Sed Dei providentia, sicut apparet, quæ ab Antipatro pœnas repeteret, non in caput, sed in diversam delata partem, periculum mortis evasit. Portataque ad regem ubi resipiscere potuit (nam casus eam perturbaverat) quamobrem se præcipitasset interrogata, adjurante rege quod vera dicenti remitteret omne supplicium, sin falsa promere maluisset, corpus ejus tormentis absumeret, neque sepulturæ quicquam relinqueret, | He now turned to the Samaritan Antipater, Antipater’s administrator. By torturing him he found out that Antipater had sent one of his companions to Egypt for a poisonous drug meant for him; Antiphilus had handed it to Theudion, Antipater’s uncle, who had passed it on to Pheroras, Pheroras being required by Antipater to assassinate Herod while he himself was at Rome out of reach of suspicion; and Pheroras had given the drug to his wife for keeping. The king sent for her and commanded her to fetch that very moment what she had received. She went out as if to fetch it, but threw herself from the roof, to forestall inquisition by the king’s torturer. However, by the providence of God who, it would seem, was resolved to punish Antipater, she did not fall on her head but on a different part of her body, and survived. She was taken to the king, where she was able to regain consciousness (for the fall had knocked her unconscious); the king asked her why she had jumped and swore that if she told the truth she would be immune from any punishment, but if she held anything back he would tear her to pieces by torture and leave nothing for burial. |
| 6 | |
| paulisper tacuit. Deinde inquit, « ¿ Secreta custodio, quum Pheroras obierit, Antipatro, qui nos omnes perdidit, servitura ? Audi rex, et tecum Deus testis mihi veritatis, qui falli non potest : quum Pheroræ morituro lacrimans assĭdērem, tunc ille me ad se vocavit. “En multum”, inquit, “conjunx, de fratris erga me animo sum deceptus. Nam qui sic me diligeret, invisum habui et necare cogitavi — qui tanto nunc mei, quamvis necdum mortui, dolore confunditur. Sed ego quidem impietatis pretium fero ; tu, vero, quod in eum servas relictum nobis ab Antipatro venenum, huc affer propere, meque vidente consume ne ad inferos quoque ultricem hujus sceleris conscientiam deferam”. Ita ut jussit attuli, et magnam quidem veneni partem sub obtutibus ejus in ignem effudi ; modicum vero mihi propter dubios casus, et quæ metuerem, reservavi. » | After a brief hesitation the woman answered, “Well, why should I go on keeping these secrets, now that Pheroras is dead? To save Antipater who has ruined us all? Listen, Your Majesty, and may God listen too and witness the truth of my words, for there is no deceiving Him! When Pheroras was dying and you sat beside him in tears, he called me to him and said, ‘I have been badly mistaken, my dear, about my brother’s attitude towards me. He loves me like this and yet I hated him, and planned to kill a man who is so terribly distressed about me even before my death. I am only receiving what I deserve for my disloyalty; you go quickly and fetch the drug you are keeping to poison him with, that Antipater left with us, and destroy it at once before my eyes, lest I carry the avenging consciousness of this crime down to the netherworld.’ Thus bidden, I fetched it and emptied most of it into the fire before his eyes, but kept a little for myself in case of emergency and because I was afraid of you.” |
| 7 | |
| His dictis, illa quidem omnino paululum quiddam veneni habentem pyxidem profert ; rex vero in matrem fratremque Antiphili contuli quæstionem. Verum hi quoque Antiphilum ex Ægypto attulisse pyxidem fatebantur. Illumque venenum a fratre apud Alexandriam exercente medicinam accepisse dicebant. Totum autem regnum circumeuntes Alexandri et Aristobuli manes ipsi erant incertarum rerum exploratores atque indices, et a suspicionibus remotissimos ad probationes trahebant. Denique etiam pontificis filiam Mariammem consciam esse maleficiorum patuit. Hoc enim tortis ejus fratribus demonstratum est. Rex autem matris audaciam filii quoque pœna coercuit. Nam quem illa pepererat Herodem, patri successorem scriptum ex testamento delevit. | So saying, she produced the box, containing very little indeed of the poison. The king then turned his tortures against Antiphilus’ mother and brother, who both admitted that he had fetched the box from Egypt, and stated that he had obtained the drug from a brother who practiced medicine in Alexandria. The ghosts of Alexander and Aristobulus were prowling around the whole kingdom; they were themselves the detectives and informers of obscurities, and dragged those most remote from suspicion to the inquisition. Even the pontiff’s daughter Mariamme {II} was found to be privy to the conspiracy; torture extracted this information from her brothers. The king punished the mother’s audacity through her son: for he deleted the Herod {II (i.e., his own son)} to whom she had given birth from his will as the designated successor to his father. |
| ⇑ § XXXI | |
| A Bathyllo indicatus Antipater ; sed illud nesciens, Roma revertitur. Herodes illi diem dicit. | Antipater is convicted by Bathyllus ; but he still returns from Rome without knowing it. Herod brings him to his trial. |
| 1 | |
| — Caput A-20 — De Antipatri in Herodem malignis studiis deprehensis et ultis. | |
| Posthæc etiam Bathyllus, novissima consiliorum Antipatri fides, documentis accessit. Namque is erat quidem libertus ejus, aliud autem venenum ferens, hoc est aspidum virus, advenerat, aliorumque serpentum sucos ut, si prius fuisset invalidum, hōc se Pheroras cum sua conjuge in regem armaret. Idem vero — præter susceptam contra salutem patris audaciam — velut operam subsicivam habebat epistulas adversum fratres compositas ab Antipatro. Erant autem Romæ in studiis Archelaus et Philippus, jam adulescentuli, magnique animi, regis filii quos Antipater, velut imminentes spei suæ removere festinans, quasdam in eos litteras ipse finxit, amicorum nomine Romæ degentium. Nonnullis autem corruptis scribere persuasit quod multis patrem maledictis carperent, ac de Alexandri et Aristobuli nece manifeste quererentur, seque accitos esse graviter ferrent ; jam enim pater eos redire præceperat, idque maxime sollicitabat Antipatrum. | After and on top of this, the final confirmation of Antipater’s plot, Bathyllus, came in with his proofs. He was a freedman of Antipater and he arrived bringing with him another concoction, a noxious compound of the poison of asps and the secretions of other reptiles, so that if the first drug proved ineffectual, Pheroras and his wife would be armed with this weapon against the king. Indeed, over and above the attack on their father’s physical constitution, as a kind of bonus activity, he brought letters forged by Antipater to incriminate his brothers Archelaus and Philip, sons of the king at school in Rome, now adulescent and proud-spirited. Determined to nip in the bud this growing danger to his hopes, Antipater forged incriminating letters in the names of their friends in Rome, and bribed others to write that they regularly criticized their father, openly denouncing the fate of Alexander and Aristobulus and protesting against their own recall; for their father had already sent for them, and this was the chief cause of Antipater’s alram. |
| 2 | |
| Quinetiam priusquam proficisceretur, in Judæa constitutus, Antipater ejusdem modi contra eos Romæ litteras mercabatur, patremque adeundo, vitandæ suspicionis causa, fratres purgare simulabat, quædam falso scripta, quædam vero adulescentiæ peccata esse commemorans. Quo quidem tempore, scriptoribus epistularum quas in fratrum perniciem simulabat plurimis pecuniis datis, sumptuum confundere temptabat indicia, vestem pretiosam variaque stragula, poculaque argentea necnon et aurea comparando, aliaque plurima instrumenta, ut pretiorum magnitudine mercedes falsariis erogatas celaret. Denique, ducenta talenta rettulit expensa, et eorum maxima fuit occasio, causa Syllæi. Universis autem malis, tunc minoribus majore contectis — quum omnia quidem tormenta de parricidio, epistulæ vero de iteratis fratricidiis, conclamarent —, nemo tamen ex Judæa venientium, quo loco fortunæ Domus essent, ei nuntiavit, quamvis inter scelus probatum et ipsius reditum septem mensium intervalla fluxissent. Ita erat invisus omnibus. Fortasse autem etiam quibus indicandi voluntas fuit, per interfectorum fratrum mānes obmutescebant. Denique Roma litteras misit, continuo se venturum esse, quodque honorifice dimissus esset a Cæsare nuntians. | Even before his absence from the country, while still in Judæa, he had paid for similar incriminating letters to be written in Rome, and to avoid suspicion had gone to his father on purpose pretending to excuse his brothers’ conduct, maintaining that some of the things were untrue, and others merely boyish indiscretions. Having disbursed vast sums to the writers of these incriminating letters, his task now was to cover up his tracks; so he bought up costly wardrobes, multicolored carpets, cups of silver and gold and many other valuables, in order that his huge expenditure under these heads might conceal the prices demanded by the forgers. His accounts showed outgoings totalling two hundred talents, attributed mostly to his legal battle with Syllæus. But with all of his transgressions, the lesser ones covered by the greater — while on the one hand all of the tortures were screaming about parricide, and on the other, the letters about redoubled fratricide —, yet no one coming from Judæa told him in what condition the fortunes of the Palace were in, though between the discovery of his guilt and his homecoming a period of seven months went by — so great was the detestation with which all regarded him. Perhaps, too, the mouths of those prepared to tell him were stopped by the ghosts of his murdered brothers. Anyway, he wrote from Rome announcing the good news of his imminent arrival, and of the honor paid him paid him by Cæsar at his final interview. |
| 3 | |
| Rex autem, insidiatorum manibus tenere desiderans, timensque ne, si quid præscisset, forte caveret, ipse quoque litteris benevolentiam simulans et alia familiarissime scripsit, et ut reversionem suam maturet oravit. Nam si properasset, matris suæ quoque offensionem posset componere, quam expulsam esse non ignoravit Antipater. Primam quidem jam de morte Pheroræ susceperat epistulam apud Tarentum, eumque vehementur luxerat. Id autem nonnullis de patruo laudabile videbatur. Sed quantum intellegi datur, causa doloris erat quod insidiæ pro voto non cesserant. Neque tam Pheroram flebat, quam maleficiorum ministrum. Præterea metus eum quidam ob ea quæ confecerat occupabat, ne quando forte deprehenderetur venenum. Tunc autem, in Cilicia patris epistula sibi reddita quam supra memoravi, statim quidem festinabat ; sed postquam in Celenderin delatus est, subit eum quædam materni casus cogitatio — anima jam per semetipsam divinante. Et amicorum quidem prudentiores ei suadebant ne prius patrem conveniret quam pro certo cognosceret quibus ex causis matrem suam repudiasset ; namque timere ne forte criminibus matris adderetur. Minus autem prudentes, et visendæ patriæ cupidi magis quam quid Antipatro esset utile considerantes, ut properaret monebant ne ex ipsa mora et patri causam pravæ suspicionis et occasionem præberet calumniantibus. Nunc enim si quid motum est, in absentem esse factum ; nec enim præsente illo quemquam id ausurum fuisse. Absurdum autem videri, propter suspiciones incertas certis bonis carere, neque mature se patri reddere, ab eoque regnum accipere quod solo ipso niteretur. Paruit his Antipater, impellente fortuna, transmissusque in Sebastum, Cæsareæ portum, defertur. | Itching to lay hands on this murderous scoundrel and afraid of his being forewarned and on the lookout, the king replied in a letter pretending kindness and other affectionate feelings, and urged him to hurry home; if he came quickly, Herod could also lay to rest his mother’s misdoings. For Antipater was now aware of her banishment from the court. He had earlier received at Tarentum a letter describing Pheroras’ death and had made a great show of grief which much impressed those who thought it was for his uncle. But so far as can be known, the cause of his grief was that his plot had not succeeded according to his wishes and he was weeping not for Pheroras but for his tool; and he was already assailed by terror at what he had done: perhaps the poison had been discovered! Now when he received in Cilicia the letter from his father mentioned above, he pushed on without delay; but as he sailed into Celenderis he was overcome by the thought of his mother’s fate — his unaided soul giving him a premonition of disaster. The more farseeing of his friends advised him not to put himself in his father’s power till he knew for certain the grounds of his mother’s banishment: they were afraid there might be something added to the charges against her. The less prudent, more anxious to see their own country again than interested in Antipater’s welfare, urged him to push on and not be lingering to give his father an excuse for base suspicion and his enemies a handle for slander. Even if there had been a movement against him, it was due to his absence: no one would have dared if he had been there. It was ridiculous to let doubtful suspicions deprive him of unmistakable benefits, and not to put himself as soon as possible in his father’s hands to take over the kingdom which depended on him alone. It was to these advisers that Antipater, driven by fate, listened; he made the crossing and landed at the Augustan Harbor of Cæsarea. |
| 4 | |
| Occurrit autem illi præter opinionem maxima solitudo, quum omnes eum devitarent, nullusque auderet accedere. Nam etsi semper æque invisus erat, odio tamen ut proderetur tunc data libertas est. Multos autem avertebat ex rege formido, quoniam cunctas jam civitates de Antipatro fama repleverat, solusque de se quid ageretur Antipater ignorabat. Nec enim vel clarius eo quisquam deductus est quum Romam navigaret, vel ignobilius inde susceptus est. Enimvero clades ille domesticas intellegens, calliditate celabat, metuque pæne mortuus, vultu confidentiam simulabat. Et neque fugæ spes ulla erat, neque circumstantibus malis emergere poterat ; certumque nihil ei de Domo, ne ibi quidem nuntiabatur ; id enim regis interminatio prohibuerat. Unde interdum etiam spes eum pertemptabat hilarior : aut nihil esse deprehensum ; aut si quid esset, hoc sese impudentia sua diluturum, ac dolis, quæ sola instrumenta salutis haberet. | He was amazed to find himself utterly alone: everyone avoided him and no one ventured near him; for while he had been hated just as much in the past, now at last this hatred was not afraid to show itself. Many, too, were kept away by fear of the king, since every city was now full of rumors about Antipater, and the only person unaware of his situation was Antipater himself. No one ever had a more wonderful sendoff than he when he sailed for Rome, or a more miserable welcome back. He now began to suspect the disasters at home, but he was cunning enough to hide it and, though inwardly dead with fear, put on a show of confidence. There was no possibility now of running away or, given the surrounding dangers, of getting his head above water; and not even there was he given any definite news of the Palace because of the king’s threats, and a glimmer of hope was left: perhaps nothing had been discovered; perhaps, even if it had, he might resolve it by brazenness and trickery, by which alone he could survive. |
| 5 | |
| Itaque, his armatus, sine Amicis in regiam venit, qui a prima janua cum injuria sunt repulsi. Forte autem Varus, Syriæ rector, intus aderat. Ingressus inde ad patrem, confirmatusque audacia, velut ejus salutandi causa, propius accedebat quum ille, objecta manu et capite declinato, exclamat, « ¡ Et hoc parricidæ est, ut me amplexari velis, qui tot maleficiis involutus sis ! ¡ Dispereas, impium caput, neque me attingas priusquam criminibus te exuas ! Dabo enim tibi judicium et judicem qui opportune præsto est : Varum. Abi, et quemadmodum te purgas in diem crastinum meditare. Nam et tempus indulgeo calliditatibus tuis. » Ad hæc metu obstupefactus Antipater, quia respondere nihil potuit, reversus est. Quum autem ad eum venissent mater et uxor, cunctas ei probationes exposuerunt. Tumque, recepta mente, quo pacto sese defenderet cogitabat. | Armed with these vain hopes, he came into the palace without his Associates who had been rudely turned back at the outer gate. It happened that inside was {Publius Quintilius} Varus, governor of Syria. Antipater went in to his father and, in an attempt to brazen it out, went up to him as if to embrace him. Herod put his hands in front of him and turned away his head, crying, “How like a parricide — to want to put his arms round me with so much on his conscience! To hell with you, disgusting wretch! Don’t touch me till you have disproved the accusations! You shall have a fair trial, and Varus has come at the right time to be your judge. Go and think out your defense for tomorrow; I will give you a chance to prepare some of your little tricks.” Too taken aback to answer a word, Antipater turned and went, and his wife and mother came to him with full details of the charges. Then, having recovered his composure, he got to work on his defense. |
| ⇑ § XXXII | |
| Apud Varum accusatus Antipater, manifestissimis indiciis convincitur. Supplicium ejus differt Herodes, donec ipse convalescat, et interea testamentum corrigit. | Antipater is accused before Varus, and is convicted of laying a plot [against his father] by the strongest evidence. Herod puts off his punishment till he should be recovered, and in the meantime alters his testament. |
| 1 | |
| Postero autem die rex, adhibito Propinquorum atque Amicorum concilio, Antipatri quoque Amicos vocat. Ipse autem cum Varo resĭdens, cunctos indices jussit adduci, in quibus erant etiam servi matris Antipatri quidam, pridem comprehensi, qui ab ea litteras ad eum deportaverunt hujuscemodi : « Quoniam illa omnia patri tuo cognita sunt, cave ne ad eum venias nisi aliquod auxilium a Cæsare impetraveris. » Itaque his una cum aliis introductis, ingreditur Antipater. Quumque pronus ante pedes patris cecidisset, « Oro, inquit, pater, ne quid de me præjudices, sed integras aures satisfactioni meæ præbeas. Demonstrabo enim me innoxium, si tu velis. » | Next day the king summoned a court consisting of his Counsellors and Associates, summoning Antipater’s Associates too. Presiding jointly with Varus, he had all the witnesses brought in. These included some servants of the accused’s mother, who had been caught some time before carrying a note from her to her son as follows: “Your father has found out everything, so don’t go near him unless you can count on help from Cæsar.” When these had been brought in with the rest, Antipater entered and fell on his face at his father’s feet. “I beg you, father,” he began, “not to condemn me in advance but to lend an unbiased ear to my defense: I shall prove my innocence, if you will let me.” |
| 2 | |
| Ille autem, magna voce imperato ei silentio, ad Varum locutus est : « Quod et tu, Vare, et quivis justus judex, Antipatrum morte dignum indicaverit, certo scio. Vereor autem ne mea quoque tibi sit invisa fortuna, omnique calamitate dignum deputes, qui tales filios genuerim. Atqui hoc tibi magis miserandus videri debeo, quod erga tam scelestos indulgentissimus pater fui. Nam illis prioribus adhuc adulescentulis regnum detuleram, eosque Romæ educatos amicos Cæsaris feceram, sed quos aliis invidendos regibus æmulandosque constitui, meæ salutis hostes inveni, quorum tamen interitus Antipatro magis profuit. Isti enim, quod juvenis et successor meus futurus esset, maxime securitas quærebatur. At vero hic belua, patientia mea, supra quam satis erat, expletus, in me satietatem suam profudit ; eique diu vivere sum visus, meamque senectutem graviter tulit, rexque fieri non nisi parricido passus est, quæ quidem profecto nōvi qua ratione cogitavit : quod eum ex agro abjectum reduxerim et, exclusis quos mihi regina pepererat filiis, regni mei vicarium declaraverim. Equidem tibi, Vare, confiteor meæ mentis errorem. Ego illos contra me filios irritavi qui Antipatri gratia spes eorum justas abrupi. ¿ Quid enim tantum de illis, quantum de isto bene sum meritus ? Cui vivus etiam potestatem meam pæne concessi ; aperte autem regni successionem testamento reliqui, et præter destinatos ei separatim quinquaginta reditus talentorum, sumptum passim mea pecunia sumministravi ; ac nuper Romam quoque navigaturo dedi trecenta talenta, quemque solum ex omni familia mea, tanquam patris servatorem, Cæsari commendavi. ¿ Aut quid illi tantum sceleris, quantum Antipater, admiserunt ? ¿ Quodve de his habui indicium, quale demonstravit hujus insidias ? Etiam approbo, quia ausus est aliquid parricida, rursumque veritatem dolis sperat obtegere ; tibi, Vare, cavendum. Nam ego istam beluam nōvi ; et quam sit verisimilia dicturus, jam nunc prospicio, fletusque simulatos. Hic est qui me quondam monebat ut vivum Alexandrum caverem, neque meum corpus omnibus crederem. Hic est qui usque ad cubile meum solebat ingredi et circumspicere, ne quis mihi forte parasset insidias. Hic somni mei custos erat, et securitatis dator, qui consolaretur luctum peremptorum, et viventium fratrum benevolentiam dijudicaret ; hic propugnator et satelles meus. Quum ejus calliditas, Vare, in mentem venit, et quemadmodum singula simulasset, vix me credo vivere, tamque gravem insidiatorem quo pacto effugerim miror. Verumtamen, quia fortuna quædam excitat contra me domum meam, mihique amicissimi semper infensi sunt, ego quidem fatorum iniquitatem flebo, et mecum ipse solitudinem gemam. Nemo autem qui meum sanguinem sitierit elabetur, etiamsi per omnes filios meos indicia ventura sint. » | Loudly commanding him to be silent, Herod turned to Varus. “That you, Varus, and every upright judge will condemn Antipater as a hopeless scoundrel I am quite certain. But I am afraid my own wretchedness will disgust you, and you will judge me worthy of every calamity for having fathered such sons. Yet for that very reason you ought to feel the more sorry for me, because I have been the most indulgent of parents to such foul wretches. My other sons I named kings when they were quite young, and in addition to having them educated in Rome I made them Cæsar’s friends, the envy of other kings — and I found them plotting against me! They are dead, chiefly for Antipater’s sake; for he was young and he was the heir, so that his safety was my principal concern. And this filthy beast, oversatiated with my indulgence, has poured out that satiety of his on me! He thought I lived too long; he was bored with my old age; he could not bear to become king except by parricide! Indeed, I know he planned these things for the reason that I brought him back from the hinterlands after throwing him out, and thrust aside the sons of a princess to make him heir to my throne! I freely admit, Varus, that I have been an utter fool: I provoked those other sons against me, robbing them of their just expectations for Antipater’s sake. When did I ever show them the kindness I showed him? While still alive I very nearly abdicated in his favor; I openly named him in my will as heir to my throne with a yearly allowance of fifty talents; I showered gifts upon him from my privy purse; when he recently sailed for Rome I gave him three hundred talents, and commended him, alone of all my family, to Cæsar, as his father’s preserver! What crime did the others commit to compare with Antipater’s? What evidence was brought against them as strong as that which reveals this fellow’s conspiracy? I even acknowledge it, because this parricide has dared something, and hopes to cover up the truth again with his tricks! Varus, be careful! I know the beast; and I can guess what specious pleas and crocodile tears he will produce! This is the man who in the days when Alexander was alive warned me to beware of him and not to trust my person to all and sundry; this is the man who escorted me to my bed and searched the room for any lurking assassin; this was the guardian of my sleep, my protector from anxiety, my comforter when I grieved for my dead sons, the one who determined the good intentions of his surviving brothers, my shield, my bodyguard! When I remember, Varus, his cunning hypocrisy on every occasion, I can hardly believe I am alive and wonder how I escaped so deep a conspirator. But since some evil fate turns my house against me and makes my dearest ones rise against me one by one, I shall indeed lament my cruel fate and inwardly grieve for my loneliness, but I will let no one escape who thirsts for my blood, not even if judgement finds every one of my children guilty!” |
| 3 | |
| Hæc dicens, ipse quidem interrupto sermone tacuit, dolore confusus. Nicolaum autem, unum ex Amicis, probationes jussit exponere. Inter hæc autem, Antipater, sublato capite (quum prostratus ante patris pedes maneret), exclamat : « Tu, pater, meas partes defendisti. ¿ Nam quomodo ego parricida, quem tu semper servatorem te habuisse commemorans ? Aut si ficta, ut dicis, simulataque mea pietas fuit, ¿ cur in aliis tam callidus, in hoc adeo demens fuit, ut non intellegerem, quod si homines lateret tanti sceleris cogitatio, cælestem latere Judicem omnino non posset, Qui ubique præsto esset et cuncta conspiceret ? ¿ An fratrum exitus ignorabam, quos ob id Deus ultus est, quia tibi male cogitaverant ? ¿ Quid autem fuit cur me tua salus offenderet ? ¿ Spes regni ? Sed regnabam. ¿ Odii suspicio ? Sed diligebar. ¿ An ex te metus aliquis ? Quin tui servans, aliis timendus eram. ¿ Fortassis egestas causa fuit ? Multo minus. ¿ Quis enim magis expensarum habuit potestatem ? Si autem omnium hominum perditissimus essem, immanisque bestiæ animum gererem, certe mansueti patris beneficiis vincerer : quem, sicut tu dixisti, reduxeris, totque filiis anteposueris, vivusque regem declaraveris, aliorumque bonorum magnitudine reddideris invidendum. ¡ Ô me miserum acerbissimamque peregrinationem meam, quam longum livori tempus magnumque insidiantibus spatium præbui ! Sed tamen tibi, pater, tuisque rebus abieram, ne Syllæus tuam contemneret senectutem. Roma mihi testis est pietatis, et princeps orbis terræ, Cæsar, qui me patris amatorem sæpe vocitabat. Accipe, pater, has ejus litteras, hæ fictis in me criminationibus veriores. His me defendo. Hæ affectus erga te mei argumenta certissima. Recordare quam invitus hinc navigaverim, latentes in regno contra me inimicitias non ignorans. Tu, pater, imprudens me perdidisti, tu compulisti ut darem accusandi tempus invidiæ. Verum ad indicia veniam. Ecce assum, terra marique nihil usquam parricida perpessus. Sed nondum me hoc argumento diligas, nam et apud Deum et apud te, pater, condemnatum me esse scio. Condemnatus autem deprecor ne aliorum tormentis fidem habeas ; in me feratur ignis, per viscera mea pergant instrumenta pœnarum, ne parcas scelesto corpori. Nam si parricida sum, tormentorum expers mori non debeo. » Talia cum lacrimis ac ejulatu vociferans, et omnes alios, et Varum ad misericordiam provocavit ; solum Herodem, quominus fleret, iracundia continebat, documentis veris intentum. | Overcome by emotion, he could say no more, so he beckoned to Nicolas, one of his Associates, to repeat the depositions. But at this point Antipater, who had remained prone at his father’s feet, raised his head and cried; “You, father, have made my defense for me. How can I be a parricide if, as you agree, I have been your protector through thick and thin? You call my devotion to my father a hypocritical defense: how could I, so cunning in other ways, have been such a fool as not to realize that it was hard enough to hide from human eyes the preparation of so hideous a crime, and quite impossible to hide it from the Judge above, who sees everything and is everywhere present? Was I unaware of my brothers’ end, and the terrible punishment they received from God for their evil designs against you? And what provoked me to injure you? The hope of being king? But I was a king! Suspicion of your hate? But wasn’t I most tenderly loved? Fear of you on some other ground? But my care of you made others fear me! Shortage of money? All the less! Who had more to spend than I? Suppose I had been the most degraded of men with the soul of a savage beast, father, should I not have been tamed by your kindness when you brought me back from exile, as you yourself said, preferred me to your many sons, proclaimed me king in your own lifetime and, by showering on me honors of all kinds made everyone envy me? Oh, what a pity I went abroad, opening the doors wide to envy and playing into the hands of intriguers! Yet it was for your sake, father, that I went abroad; I went to fight your battles, so that Syllæus would not treat your old age as a joke. Rome can bear witness to my love of my father; and so can the ruler of the whole world, Cæsar, who often called me ‘Philopater’. Here is the letter he has sent you. This is more trustworthy than local slander; this is my sole defense; this I put forward as testimony to my warm affection for you. Remember that I undertook the voyage against my will, knowing only too well the enmity against me lurking in this kingdom. It was you, father, who unintentionally ruined me by forcing me to give envy an opportunity for slander. However, here I am to face the charges; I have travelled over land and sea, nowhere coming to grief as a parricide should! But do not take me back into favor now because of that evidence; for I am convicted in God’s eyes and in yours, father. But convicted as I am, I beg you not to base your beliefs on what others have admitted under torture. Let the fire be used against me; let the instruments of torture pass right through my entrails; do not spare this foul body! If I am a parricide, I ought not to die without being tortured!” At these cries, laments and tears, Varus and all the rest were overcome with emotion. Anger kept Herod alone from weeping — he was backed by authentic proofs. |
| 4 | |
| Ibi autem Nicolaus, jussu regis, multa de Antipatri calliditate præfatus, et misercordiæ spem abstulit et atrocissimam accusationem instituit, cuncta quidem regni maleficia ascribens ; maxime vero fratrum interitum, quos ipsius calumniis interfectos esse demonstrans, etiam superstitibus eum insidiari quasi successionis captatoribus affirmabat. Nam qui patri venenum parasset, multo minus a fratribus abstineret. Quum autem ad veneni probationem venisset, per ordinem proferebat indicia, etiam de Pherora crimen exaggerans, veluti illum quoque Antipater fratricidam fecisset, corruptisque regis amicissimis, scelere omnem domum replevisset. Atque ita multis aliis dictis et probatis peroravit. | Then Nicolas rose and, on the king’s instructions, began with a thoroughgoing exposure of Antipater’s duplicity, scattering all sympathy for him to the winds. Next he poured out a torrent of bitter accusations, holding him responsible for all the crimes in the kingdom, and especially the murder of his brothers, proving that their deaths were due to his slanders. He further charged him with conspiring against the survivors as though men lying in wait in the line of succession. Was it likely that one who had prepared poison for his father would spare his brothers? Dealing next with the poisoning charge, he went down the list of evidence, even going to extremes of accusation on the subject of Pheroras — to think that Antipater should have turned even him, of all people, into a fratricide and, by bribing the king’s nearest and dearest, filled the whole palace with corruption! After putting forward many other arguments and demonstrating their truth, Nicolas resumed his seat. |
| 5 | |
| Varus autem, quum respondere jussisset Antipatrum, et ille nihil amplius elocutus quam « ¡ Deus testis est innocentiæ meæ ! », silensque jaceret, venenum petiit, idque cuipiam damnatorum capitis ex custodiis bibendum dedit ; eoque statim mortuo, quædam in secreto cum Herode sermocinatus, gesta in concilio Cæsari scripsit ; posteroque die inde discessit. Nihiloque minus rex, Antipatro vinculis tradito, cladis suæ nuntios ad Cæsarem misit. | Varus now called on Antipater to make his defense; but he only said, “God is the witness of my innocence,” and remained prone and silent. So Varus sent for the poison, gave it to a prisoner sentenced to death, and made him drink it. Death was instantaneous. He then conferred with Herod in private, wrote a report of the court proceedings for Cæsar, and left Jerusalem the next day. For his part, the king threw Antipater into prison and dispatched messengers to Cæsar to inform him of these calamitous events. |
| 6 | |
| Posthæc Salomen appetisse insidiis arguebatur Antipater. Quidam enim e servis Antiphili Roma venerat, epistulas ferens cujusdam Acmes nomine, ancillæ Juliæ ; quibus ad regem scriptis indicaverat, Salomes epistula inter litteras Juliæ reperta, clam ei, benevolentiæ causa, misisse. Ipsius autem Salomes epistulis et maledicta in regem acerbissima et accusatio maxima continebantur. Sed hæ ab Antonio erant fictæ ; isque Acmen pecunia corruptam ad Herodem eas mittere persuaserat. Epistula enim ejusdem mulierculæ ad ipsum scripta id prodidit, cujus verba hæc sunt : « Sicut voluisti, patri tuo scripsi, et alias epistulas misi, certo sciens regem sorori suæ minime posse parcere si eas recitavit. Bene autem facias si, consummatis omnibus, pollicitationum tuarum memor fueris. » | Shortly afterwards it was discovered that Antipater had plotted against Salome too. One of Antiphilus’ slaves arrived from Rome with a letter from a maidservant of Julia {i.e., Livia}, Acme by name. Through this letter, addressed to the king, she disclosed that, having found Salome’s letter among Julia’s {i.e., Livia’s} letters, she was secretly sending it to the king out of good will. The letter of Salome herself contained the most bitter abuse of the king and the most vehement accusations. But it had been forged by Antipater who had bribed Acme to send them to Herod. For a letter written to him by the same woman revealed that with the words: “In accordance with your wishes I have sent those letters to your father with a covering note; I am certain he will not spare his sister when he reads them. When it is all over, kindly remember your promise.” |
| 7 | |
| Hac epistula et quæ in Salomen sunt composita deprehensis, regem subiit cogitatio ne forte etiam Alexander falsis epistulis fuisset oppressus ; quodque pæne sororem propter Antipatrum occidisset, anxius erat. Itaque non est ultra cunctatus quominus ab eo sumeret omnium causa supplicium ; sed ne propositis satisfaceret gravi morbo impeditus est. De Acme tamen ancilla, et in Salomen fictione constata, dedit litteras ad Cæsarem. Ac propterea testamento mutato, exemit nomen Antipatri, regemque scripsit Antipam, præteritis Archelao et Philippo, natu majoribus. Nam et hos Antipater insimulaverat. Cæsari autem, post alia, pecuniaria munera mille talenta, et uxori ejus ac filiis, itemque et libertis, prope quinquaginta ; ceterisque omnibus agrorum et pecuniarum non parum distribuit, ac sororem Salomen luculentissimis donis honoravit. In testamento quidem ista correxit. | When this letter was discovered along with those forged to ruin Salome, it occurred to the king that perhaps the documents inculpating Alexander had not been genuine either, and his emotions were painful indeed when he thought how near he had been to executing his sister too through Antipater’s machinations. So he decided to lose no time in punishing him for all his crimes. But as he was taking action against Antipater he was crippled by a severe illness; however, he sent word to Cæsar about Acme and the crooked attempt to involve Salome. He also sent for his will and altered it; as his successor he nominated {(Herod)} Antipas, cutting out the two eldest, Archelaus and Philip, both of whom Antipater had slandered. To Cæsar, in addition to other gifts, he bequeathed 1,000 talents; to the emperor’s wife, children, Associates and freedmen almost 500 talents; to the rest of his own children generous legacies in land and money. He set aside gifts as a special honor to his sister Salome. These were the amendments he made to his will. |
| ⇑ § XXXIII | |
| Aquila aurea dejicitur. Morituri Herodis immanitas. Sibi manus inferre conatur. Antipatrum occidi jubet. Quinto post die ipse moritur. | The Golden Eagle is cut to pieces. Herod’s barbarity when he was ready to die. He attempts to kill himself. He commands Antipater to be slain. He survives him five days and then dies. |
| 1 | |
| — Caput A-21 — De aquila aurea, morteque Antipatri et Herodis. | |
| Morbus autem ingravescebat quod quum senectus, pariter ac mæror, urgeret, et annos jam septuaginta natus esset ; et filiorum cladibus animum adeo habebat afflictum ut nec bona valetudine quicquam jucunditatis admitteret. Acriorem autem faciebat ægritudinem, quod Antipater viveret. Hunc enim non obiter et aliud agens, sed quum ipse convaluisset, cogitabat occidere. | His illness was getting steadily worse, the disease having attacked him when old and despondent. He was now seventy, and his spirit had been broken by the dreadful troubles with his children, so that even in health the good things of life meant nothing to him. His sickness was intensified by bitterness that Antipater was still alive; he was determined that the execution should be no offhand, casual affair, and so must wait for his own recovery. |
| 2 | |
| Ad has ei calamitates accidit etiam populi quidam tumultus. Erant in Civitate sophistæ duo qui summe scire leges patrias videbantur ; et propterea per omnem gentem maxima gloria prædĭcabantur : Judas, filius Sepphoræi, et alter, Margali Matthias. Hos non pauci adulescentium sectabantur, quum leges exponerent, at in dies singulos puberum exercitum congregabant. Qui, quum regem audissent mærore ac morbo tabescere, apud notos loquebantur opportunum jam tempus esse ut Deus vindicaretur, fabricataque adversus leges patrias opera destruerentur, siquidem in Templo nefas sit imagines, aut vultus, aut cujuslibet animalis cognomine simulacrum haberi. Hoc propterea dicebatur quod supra maximam portam Templi Aquilam collocaverat auream. Eumque tunc monebant sophistæ ut tollerent, pulchrum esse dicentes, etiamsi quod inde periculum immineret, pro legibus patriis mori non recusare ; sic enim decedentibus et animam immortalem et bonarum rerum sensum perseverare perpetuo ; minus autem fortes et sapientiæ suæ nescios, amare animam imperitia ; magisque morbo cupere quam virtute defungi. | In the midst of his troubles there occurred a popular uprising. There were two rabbis in the City with a great reputation as exponents of national tradition, and for that reason held in the highest esteem by the whole nation — Judas, son of Seppheræus, and Matthias, son of Margalus. Many young students came to them for instruction in the laws; in fact they daily attracted a host of men in their prime. When they learnt that the king was succumbing to his sickness of body and mind, they let their acquaintances know that here was a wonderful chance to wreak vengeance for God and to pull down the works erected contrary to the laws of their fathers, given that it was forbidden to have images or portrait-busts or a likeness of anything called a living creature in the Temple. This was being said because the king had put up over the Great Gate of the Temple a golden eagle. The rabbis now urged them to cut this down, saying that even if danger was involved, it was a glorious thing not to refuse to die for the laws of their fathers: for those who came to such an end there was a sure hope of immortality and the eternal enjoyment of blessings, whereas the poor-spirited, knowing nothing of the rabbinical wisdom, through ignorance clung to life and chose death by disease rather than death in a righteous cause. |
| 3 | |
| Dum hæc illi dissererent, rumor subito pervagatur regem fere jam mori ; unde etiam confidentius adulescentes coronam adorti sunt : ipsoque meridie, quum plurima multitudo versaretur in Templo, crassis demissis funibus, Aquilam ex tecto auream securibus abscidebant. Qua re statim regis duci nuntiata, non parva ille manu comitatus ad Templum cucurrit, et prope ad quadraginta juvenes comprehensos regi exhibuit. Qui, primum interrogati an Aquilam ipsi auream concidere ausi essent, fecisse confessi sunt ; deinde quo jubente, lege patria responderunt. Quum vero, quid exultarent tantum quibus mors immineret ab his quærertur, quia post mortem bonis plurimis frui sperarent asseruerunt. | While they were preaching thus, it was rumored that the king was actually dying, so that the young men attacked the crown with more confidence: right at midday, when masses of people were walking about the Temple courts, they lowered themselves by stout ropes from the roof and began to chop down the golden eagle with axes. The news quickly reached the king’s police chief, who hurried to the spot with a large force, seized about forty young men and took them before the king. He began by asking them whether they had dared to cut down the golden eagle. They said they had. Who told them to do it? The law of their fathers. What made them so cheerful when they were about to be executed? The knowledge that they would enjoy greater blessings after their death. |
| 4 | |
| His itaque rex commotus, magnitudine iracundiæ morbum superat, atque in contionem procedit. Deinde multum in eos quasi sacrilegos invectus, et quod, occasione legis patriæ, quædam majora temptassent, velut impios supplicio dignos esse judicavit. Populus autem, metuens ne per multos quæstio iret, precabatur ut primum facinoris suasoribus, deinde in eo deprehensis pœnæ subditis, ceteris indignationem remitteret. Tandem igitur exoratus, et ipsos rex qui funibus demissi erant cum sophistis vivos incendi, et reliquos qui una comprehensi sunt, obtruncandos carnificibus tradidit. | At this the king exploded with rage and, forgetting his sickness, went out to address a public meeting. He attacked them at great length as Temple-robbers who, pleading the Law as an excuse, had some ulterior purpose, and demanded their punishment for sacrilege. But the people, fearing an inquisition involving a great many, begged him to punish first those who had suggested the attempt, then those who had been caught in the act, and to take no action against the rest. The king reluctantly conceded: those who had lowered themselves from the roof together with the rabbis he burned alive; the rest of the men seized he handed over to his attendants for execution. |
| 5 | |
| Hinc totum ejus corpus morbo occupatum variis doloribus differebatur. Nam febris quidem non mediocris erat ; prurigo autem intolerabilis habebat omnem corporis superficiem. Assiduis autem vexabatur coli tormentis, pedesque tanquam ex intercutis vitio tumerant. Quin et inflatio ventriculi, putredoque virilis membri vermiculos generans, ac præterea creber anhelitus et irrupta eum suspiria, membrorumque omnium contractio fatigabat ; ut qui hæc ad divinitatem referrent, ultionem eam esse dicerent sophistarum. Ille autem, quamvis quum tot morborum cruciatibus luctaretur, vitæ tamen cupidus erat et, remediis excogitatis, salutem sperabat. Denique Jordanem transgressus, apud Callirrhoën aquis calidis utebatur quæ, in lacum feracem bituminis qui Asphaltites vocatur effluentes, præ dulcedine potui sunt. Ibi autem corpus ejus, quod medicis oleo calidiori foveri placuerat, in solium plenum demersum ita dissolutum est, ut etiam lumina quasi mortuus resoluta torqueret. Deinde perturbatis qui eum curabant, ad clamorem quidem illorum resipiscere visus est. Desperata vero salute, militbus quingenas drachmas, multamque pecuniam rectoribus atque amicis dividi jussit. | From then on the sickness spread through his entire body, accompanied by a variety of painful symptoms. For the fever was not a moderate one; but there was an unbearable itching all over his body, constant pains in the lower bowel, swellings on the feet as in dropsy; he was exhausted by inflammation of the abdomen and gangrene of the genitals producing worms, as well as frequent panting and fits of wheezing coming over him, and cramps in all his limbs. All, so that the diviners said that his many diseases were a punishment for what he had done to the rabbis. But though he was wrestling with so many disorders he hung on to life and, devising treatments, hoped for recovery. Finally he crossed the Jordan and tried the hot baths at Callirrhoë whose waters, flowing into a lake rich in bitumen called the Asphalt Lake, are drinkable due to their sweetness. The doctors there decided to warm his whole body with hot oil by lowering him into a full bath; but his body became so incapacitated that his eyes even turned up as if he were dead. The attendants were panicked and at their loud shouting he was then seen to return to consciousness but, having no further hope of recovery, he ordered the distribution of fifty drachmas a head to the soldiers and large gratuities to the officers and to the Counsellors. |
| 6 | |
| Quum autem rediens ad Hierichunta venisset, atra jam bili correptus et pæne ipsi morti minabatur, factumque nefarium excogitavit. Collectos enim cujusque vici ex omni Judæa nobiles in locum cui nomen est Hippodromus concludi præcepit. Deinde Salome sorore et Alexa marito ejus ad se vocatis, « Scio », inquit, « mortem meam festis gaudiis celebraturos esse Judæos. Verum per alios lugeri potero, et præclarissimos honores sepulturæ assequi, si quæ præcipio feceritis. Hos viros qui habentur in custodia, quum animam efflavero, statim militibus circumdatos occidite, ut etiam invita omnis mihi Judæa, omnisque domus illacrimet. » | By the time he arrived at Jericho on the return journey he was melancholy-mad, and in a virtual challenge to death itself he proceeded to devise a monstrous outrage. He brought together the most eminent men of every village in the whole of Judæa and had them locked up in the Hippodrome. Then he sent for his sister Salome and her husband Alexas and said, “I know the Jews will greet my death with wild rejoicings; but I can be mourned on other people’s account and make sure of a magnificent funeral if you will do as I tell you. These men under guard — as soon as I die, kill them all — let loose the soldiers among them; then all Judæa and every family will weep for me — they can’t help it.” |
| 7 | |
| Et simul his mandatis, legatorum quos Romam miserat, epistulæ sunt allatæ quibus Acmen ancillam Juliæ jussu Cæsaris interemptam et Antipatrum morte damnatum indicabatur. Quin et si pater eum in exilium dare mallet, id quoque permisisse Cæsarem, scriptum erat. Herodes autem, paululum hoc nuntio recreatus, doloribusque rursum victus (nam inedia tussisque pariter violentia distendebatur), fatum prævenire conatus est ; sumptoque mālo, etiam cultellum poposcit ; sectum enim comedere consueverat. Deinde, circumspecto ne quis arbiter impediret, tanquam se percussurus dexteram sustulit. Quum vero Achiabus, consobrinus ejus, accurrisset manumque continuisset, ululatus maximus in regia statim, quasi rex mortuus esset, excitatus est. Eoque propere audito, Antipater fiduciam recepit ; lætusque jam custodes, promissa etiam pecunia, rogabat ut se solverent atque dimitterent ; quod eorum princeps non solum ne fieret obstitit, sed etiam regi velociter nuntiavit. Ille autem, fortius exclamans quam vires ægrotantis valebant, continuo satellitibus missis occidit Antipatrum ; mortuumque sepeliri præcepit in Hyrcanio. Deinde rursum corrigit testamentum et successorem quidem Archelaum, natu maximum, Antipæ fratrem, scripsit, tetrarcham vero Antipam. | While he was giving these instructions, a dispatch arrived from his ambassadors at Rome to notify him that at Cæsar’s command Acme had been executed and Antipater condemned to death; it went on to say that if his father preferred merely to banish him, Cæsar had no objection. For a while Herod felt rather more cheerful, but later he was so tormented by lack of food and a racking cough that his sufferings mastered him and he made an effort to anticipate his appointed end. He took and apple and asked for a knife, it being his habit to cut up apples when he ate them; then looking around to make sure there was no one to stop him, he raised his hand to stab himself. But his cousin Achiab dashed up and stopped him by grasping his wrist. At once loud cries went up in the palace as if the king had gone. Antipater soon heard the news and regained his confidence; and in his delight he offered his jailers a bribe to loose him and let him go. But the prison chief not only blocked this but ran and told the king of his attempt. Herod uttered a shout louder than seemed possible in so sick a man, and at once sent his bodyguards to put Antipater to death. After ordering his body to be interred at Hyrcania, he again modified his will, naming as heir Archelaus, his eldest son and the brother of {(Herod)} Antipas, and as tetrarch Antipas. |
| 8 | |
| Post interitum autem filii, quinque diebus exactis, moritur. Annos quidem triginta quattuor ex quo interfecit Antigonum regno potitus, triginta vero septem, postquam rex a Romanis declaratus est. Et in aliis quidem omnibus secunda fortuna usus est, si quis alius. Regnum enim, quod privatus sibi quæsierat, tanto servatum tempore, filiis suis reliquit. In rebus autem domesticis infelicissimus fuit. Salome autem, antequam resciret mortem regis exercitus, cum marito progressi, vinctos absolvit quos occidi mandaverat, ipsum dicens mutasse consilium et unumquemque jussisse domum dimitti. Atque ita post horum abitum militibus indicatur. Quibus in contionem cum alia turba in amphitheatrum apud Hierichunta collectis, Ptolemæus, anuli regis custos, quo signare solitus erat, et fortunatum illum cœpit dicere et multitudinem consolari. Relictamque ab eo militibus epistulam recitavit, in qua multum rogabat ut benevolo animo successorem suum foverent. Deinde post epistulam testamentum legebat in quo Philippum quidem heredem Trachonis, proximarumque regionum — tetrarcham vero, sicut supra diximus, Antipam — regem autem Archelaum scripserat ; eidemque anulum ad Cæsarem ferre mandaverat, assignatamque regni administrati notitiam. Omnium namque dispositionum suarum dominum et confirmatorem Cæsarem esse voluit, cetera vero servari juxta superius testamentum. | He survived his son’s execution by only five days. Reckoning from the date when he put Antigonus to death and became master of the state, his reign had lasted thirty-three {(text: 34)} years; reckoning from his proclamation by the Romans as king, thirty-six {(text: 37)}. In most respects he enjoyed good fortune if ever a man did: he came to the throne though he was a commoner, occupied it a very long time, and left it to his own children; but in his family life he was the most unfortunate of men. Before the military knew that Herod was dead, Salome went out with her husband and freed the prisoners whom the king had ordered to be murdered. She told them the king had changed his mind and was permitting them all to go home again. When they were safely out of the way, she informed the soldiers of the true situation and summoned them to a joint meeting with a civilian crowd in the amphitheater at Jericho. Here Ptolemy, the keeper of the king’s signet-ring, began to speak of him as blessed and to console the crowd. Next he read aloud the letter Herod had left for the troops, in which he made a lengthy appeal for loyalty to his successor. After the letter he opened and read the final will, in which Philip was named as heir to Trachonitis and the neighboring districts, {(Herod)} Antipas as tetrarch, as explained above, and Archelaus as king. Archelaus was to take Herod’s ring to Cæsar, with the state documents under seal, for he wanted Cæsar to be in sole charge of all his dispositions and executor of his will. All other provisions of the earlier will remained valid. |
| 9 | |
| Quo perlecto, confestim clamor secutus est omnium Archelao gratulantium ; militesque per cuneos et populus adeuntes, suamque promittebant, Deique benevolentiam precabantur. Hinc ad sepeliendum regem operam contulerunt. Nihil autem munificentiæ prætermisit Archelaus, sed omnem ornatum extulit in funeris pompa ducendum. Lĕctus quippe totus erat gemmis auroque distinctus, torus autem purpura variatus, corpusque super eum velatum itidem purpura. Capiti autem diadema erat impositum ; corona vero desuper aurea, sceptrumque in dextera, et circa lĕctum filii cum propinquis. Præterea satellites agmenque Thracium, Germanique et Galli, velut ad bellum instructi omnes antecedebant. Cetera vero militum manus armata, ducesque suos ordinumque principes sequebantur decenter. Quingenti autem servi ac liberi odores ferebant ; corpus autem per ducenta stadia portatum est in castellum Herodion ; ibique secundum ipsius regis mandata sepultum est. Et Herodis quidem regis hic finis fuit. | Vociferous congratulations were at once heaped upon Archelaus, and the soldiers came forward in companies with the civilians, pledged their loyalty, and prayed for the blessing of God. Then they turned to the task of the king’s burial. Everything possible was done by Archelaus to add to the magnificence: he brought out all the royal ornaments to be carried in procession in honor of the dead monarch. The entire bier was adorned with gems and gold, its mattress striped with crimson. On it lay the body likewise wrapped in crimson, with a diadem resting on the head and above that a golden crown, and a scepter in his right hand. The bier was escorted by Herod’s sons with his kinsmen. In addition bodyguards, the Thracian regiment, and his Germans and Gauls, all in full battle array, led the way. The rest of the army was in battle gear, and they followed their commanders and officers in perfect order. Five hundred of the house slaves and freedmen carried aromatic spices. The body was borne twenty-four miles to the stronghold of Herodium where, by the command of the late king himself, it was buried. So ends the story of Herod. |