Jordanes

GETICA

sive

De Origine Actibusque Gothorum

with “classicized” grammar, normalized spelling and some emendations
by
Ţeedrich Yeat

Second Half

— Chapters —
32	33	34	35	36	37	38	39	40	41
42	43	44	45	46	47	48	49	50	51
52	53	54	55	56	57	58	59	60

DE ORIGINE ACTIBUSQUE GETARUM	THE ORIGIN AND DEEDS OF THE GOTHS
XXXII 164
Dehinc jam quartus ab Alarico rex constituitur Wallia nimis destrictus et prudens, contra quem Honorius Imperator Constantium, virum industria militari pollentem multisque prśliis gloriosum, cum exercitu dirigit, veritus ne fśdus dudum cum Athawulfo initum ipse turbaret et aliquas rursus in Rem Publicam insidias moliretur, vicinis sibi gentibus expulsis, simulque desiderans germanam suam Placidiam subjectionis opprobrio liberare, paciscens cum Constantio ut, aut bello aut pace vel quoquo modo si eam potuisset ad suum regnum reducere, ei eam in matrimonium sociaret.	Then Wallia {“Selected one,” “Elite”}, the fourth from Ala-reik, was made king {mid-September, 415}, and he was an exceeding stern and prudent man. The Emperor Honorius {Emperor of the West, 394-423} sent an army against him {A.D. 415} under Constantius {III; Magister Militum (General of the Army) under Honorius, then briefly co-emperor (Augustus) in the West with him, 421. (Actually Constantius had already fought with Aţa-wulf.)}, who was famed for his achievements in war and distinguished in many battles, for he feared that Wallia would break the treaty long ago made with Aţa-wulf and that, after driving out the neighboring tribes, he would again plot evil against the Empire. Moreover Honorius was eager to free his sister Placidia from the disgrace of servitude, and made an agreement with Constantius that if by peace or war or any means so ever he could bring her back to the kingdom, he should have her in marriage.
165
Quo placito Constantius ovans cum copia armatorum et pćne jam regio apparatu Hispanias petit.	Greatly pleased with this promise, Constantius set out for Spain with an armed force and in almost royal splendor.
Cui Wallia rex Gothorum non cum minori procinctu ad claustra Pyrenći occurrit; ubi ab utraque parte legatione directa ita convenit pacisci ut Placidiam, sororem principis, redderet suaque solacia Romanć Rei Publicć, ubi usus exegerit, non denegaret.	Wallia, king of the Goths, met him at a pass in the Pyrenees with as great a force. Hereupon embassies were sent by both sides and it was decided to make peace on the following terms, namely that Wallia should return Placidia, the Emperor's sister {who then married Constantius on 417 January 1}, and should not refuse to aid the Roman Empire when occasion demanded.
Eo namque tempore Constantinus quidam apud Gallias invadens imperium, ﬁlium suum Constantem ex monacho fecerat Cćsarem; sed non diu tenens prćsumptum regnum, mox, fśderatis Gothis Romanisque, ipse occiditur Arelati, ﬁlius vero ejus Viennć.	Now at that time a certain Constantine usurped imperial power in Gaul and had appointed as Cćsar his son Constans who had formerly been a monk. But he had not long held the kingdom he had seized when, after the Goths and Romans had joined forces, he himself was killed at Arles {in 411} and his son at Vienne.
Post quos item Jovinus ac Sebastianus pari temeritate Rem Publicam occupandam existimantes pari exitio perierunt.	Jovinus and Sebastian succeeded them with equal presumption and thought they might seize the imperial power; but they perished by a like fate {in 413}.
166
Nam duodecimo anno regni Wallić, quando et Hunni — post pćne quinquaginta annorum invasa Pannonia — a Romanis et Gothis expulsi sunt, videns Wallia Wandalos in suos ﬁnes, id est, Hispanić solum, audaci temeritate ab interioribus partibus Gallicić, quo eos dudum fugaverat Athawulfus, egressos et cuncta in prćdas vastare, eo fere tempore quo Hierius et Ardabures consules processissent; nec mora, mox contra eos movit exercitum.	Now in the twelfth year of Wallia’s reign the Huns were driven out of Pannonia by the Romans and Goths, almost ﬁfty years after they had taken possession of it. Then Wallia found that the Vandals had come forth with bold audacity from the interior of Gallicia, whither Aţa-wulf {“Noble wolf”} had long ago driven them, and were devastating and plundering everywhere in his own territories, namely in the land of Spain, at about the time when Hierius and Ardabures had become consuls {A.D. 427}. So he made no delay but moved his army against them at once.
XXXIII 167
Sed Gaisaricus rex Wandalorum jam a Bonifacio in Africam invitatus qui, Valentiniano Principi veniens in offensam, non aliter se quam malo Rei Publicć potuit vindicare; is ergo, suis precibus eos invitans, per trajectum angustiarum qui dicitur Fretum Gaditanum et vix septem milibus Africam ab Hispaniis dividit ostiaque maris Tyrrheni in Oceani ćstum egeritur, transposuit.	But Gaisa-reik {“Spear Ruler, Javelin Ruler”}, king of the Vandals, had already been invited into Africa by Boniface, who had fallen into a dispute with the Emperor Valentinian {III, Emperor of the West, 425-455} and was able to obtain revenge only by injuring the empire. So he invited them urgently and brought them across {in May 429} the narrow strait known as the Strait of Gades, scarcely seven miles wide, which divides Africa from Spain and discharges the mouth of the Tyrrhenian Sea into the waters of Ocean.
168
Erat namque Gaisaricus jam Romanorum clade in urbe notissimus, statura mediocris et equi casu claudicans, animo profundus, sermone rarus, luxurić contemptor, ira turbidus, habendi cupidus, ad sollicitandas gentes providentissimus, semina contentionum jacere, odia miscere paratus.	Gaisa-reik, still famous in the City for the disaster of the Romans, was a man of moderate height and lame in consequence of a fall from his horse. He was a man of deep thought and few words, holding luxury in disdain, furious in his anger, greedy for gain, shrewd in winning over the barbarians and skilled in sowing the seeds of dissension to arouse enmity.
169
Talis Africć Rem Publicam, precibus Bonifacii, ut diximus, invitatus intravit, ubi a divinitate, ut fertur, accepta auctoritate diu regnans, ante obitum suum ﬁliorum agmen accitum ordinavit, ne inter ipsos de regni ambitione contentio esset, sed ordine quisque et gradu suo, alii si superviveret — id est, seniori suo ﬁeret sequens successor et rursus ei posterior ejus. Quod observantes per annorum multorum spatia regnum feliciter possederunt, nec, ut reliquis gentibus assolet, intestino bello fśdati sunt, suoque ordine unus post unum regnum excipiens in pace populis imperavit.	Such was he who, as we have said, came at the solicitous invitation of Boniface to the political rule over Africa. There he reigned for a long time, receiving authority, as they say, from God Himself. Before his death he summoned the band of his sons and ordained that there should be no strife among them because of desire for the kingdom, but that each should reign in his own rank and order as he survived the others; that is, the next younger should succeed his elder brother, and he in turn should be followed by his junior. By giving heed to his command they ruled their kingdom in happiness for the space of many years and were not disgraced by civil war, as is usual among other nations, one after the other receiving the kingdom and ruling the people in peace.
170
Quorum ordo iste ac successio fuit: primum Gaisaricus, qui pater et dominus; sequens Huniricus; tertius Gunthamundus; quartus Thrasamundus; quintus Hildirix quem, malo gentis suć, Gelimer, immemor atavi prćceptorum, de regno ejectum et interemptum tyrannide prćsumpsit.	Now this is their order of succession: ﬁrst, Gaisa-reik who was father and lord; next, Huni-reik {“Power-ruler,” “Prince of Force”}; the third Gunţa-mund {“Battle-protection,” “War-defense”}; the fourth Ţrasa-mund {“Strident defense,“ “Roaring protection”}; and the ﬁfth Hildi-reik {“Battle-ruler”}. After ejecting him from power and killing him, Gaila-mer {“Happy renown,” “Glad fame”}, heedless of his progenitor’s instructions and to the demise of his nation, arrogated control to himself with a tyrannical system.
171
Sed non ei cessit impune quod fecerat, nam mox Justiniani Imperatoris ultio in eo apparuit, et cum omni genere suo opibusque quibus more prćdonis incumbebat, Constantinopolim delatus per virum gloriosissimum Belisarium Magistrum Militum Orientalem, Exconsulem Ordinarium atque Patricium, magnum in circo populo spectaculum fuit ; seramque suam pćnitudinem gerens quum se videret de fastigio regali dejectum, in privatam vitam, cui noluit famulari, redactus occubuit.	But what he had done did not remain unpunished, for soon the vengeance of the Emperor Justinian was manifested against him. With his whole family and that wealth over which he gloated like a robber, he was taken to Constantinople by that most renowned warrior Belisarius, Master of the Soldiery of the East, Ex-Consul Ordinary and Patrician. Here he afforded a great spectacle to the people in the Circus. His repentance, when he beheld himself cast down from his royal state, came too late. He died reduced to the status of a commoner, a life to which he had formerly been unwilling to submit.
172
Sic Africa, quć in divisione orbis terrarum tertia pars mundi describitur, centesimo fere anno a Wandalico jugo erepta in libertatem revocata est regni Romani, et quam dudum ignavis dominis ducibusque inﬁdelibus a Rei Publicć Romanć corpore gentilis manus abstulerat, a sollerti domino et ﬁdeli ductore tunc revocata hodieque congaudet.	Thus after a century Africa, which in the division of the earth's surface is regarded as the third part of the world, was delivered from the yoke of the Vandals and brought back to the liberty of the Roman Empire. The country which the hand of the heathen had long ago cut off from the body of the Roman Empire, by reason of the cowardice of emperors and the treachery of generals, was then restored by a skillful prince and a faithful leader and today is flourishing happily.
Quamvis et posthćc aliquantulum intestino prślio Maurorumque inﬁdelitate attritam sese lamentata sit, tamen triumphus Justiniani Imperatoris a deo donatus, quć incohaverat, ad pacem usque perduxit.	And though, even after this, for a while it had to bewail its being ground down by civil war and the disloyalty of the Moors, yet the triumph of the Emperor Justinian, vouchsafed him by God, brought to a peaceful conclusion what he had begun.
ż Sed nobis quid opus est, unde res non exigit, dicere ? Ad propositum redeamus.	But why need we speak of what the subject does not require? Let us return to our theme.
173
Wallia siquidem, rex Gothorum, adeo cum suis in Wandalos sćviebat ut voluisset eos etiam et in Africam persequi, nisi eum casus qui dudum Alarico in Africam tendenti contigerat revocasset.	Now Wallia {“Selected one,” “Elite”}, king of the Goths, and his army fought so ﬁercely against the Vandals that he would have wanted to pursue them even into Africa, had not such a misfortune recalled him as had once befallen Ala-reik {“All-ruler”} when the latter was setting out for Africa {in 410}.
Nobilitatus namque intra Hispanias incruentaque victoria potitus, Tolosam revertitur ; Romano Imperio fugatis hostibus aliquantas provincias quod promiserat derelinquens, sibique adversa post longum valetudine superveniente, rebus humanis excessit.	So when he had won great fame in Spain, he returned after a bloodless victory to Toulouse, leaving several provinces to the enemies he had chased out of the Roman Empire, because he had promised it; and after a long period, overcome by bad health, he departed from human affairs {in 418}.
174
Eo videlicet tempore quo Beremud, Thorismudo patre progenitus (de quo in catalogo Amalorum familić superius diximus), cum ﬁlio Widirico ab Ostrogothis, qui adhuc in Scythić terris Hunnorum oppressionibus subjacebant, ad Wisigotharum regnum migravit.	Just at that time Baíri-mođ {“Bear mood”}, the son of Ţaúris-mođ {“Daring mood”}, whom we have mentioned above in the genealogy of the family of the Amals {Ch. XIV, § 81}, departed with his son Wiđi-reik {“Forest ruler”} from the Ostrogoths, who were still subject to the oppression of the Huns in the land of Scythia, and came to the kingdom of the Visigoths.
Conscius enim virtutis et generis nobilitatis, facilius sibi credens principatum a parentibus deferri, quem heredem regum constabat esse multorum.	Well aware of his valor and noble birth, he believed that the leadership would be the more readily bestowed upon him by his kinsmen, inasmuch as he was known to be the heir of many kings.
ż Quis namque de Amalo dubitaret, si vacasset, eligere ? Sed nec ipse adeo voluit, quis esset, ostendere.	And who would hesitate to choose one of the Amalos, if there were an empty throne? But he was not himself so eager to make known who he was.
175
Et illi jam post mortem Wallić Theodoridum ei dederunt successorem.	And so upon the death of Wallia the Visigoths made Ţiuđa-ređ {“People-counsellor,” “Advisor of the folk”} his successor.
Ad quem veniens, Beremud, animi pondere quo valebat, eximiam generis sui amplitudinem commoda taciturnitate suppressit, sciens regnantibus semper regali stirpe genitos esse suspectos.	Baíri-mođ came to him and, with the strength of mind for which he was noted, concealed his noble birth by prudent silence, for he knew that those of royal lineage are always distrusted by kings.
Passus est ergo ignorari, ne faceret ordinata confundi.	So he suffered himself to remain unknown, that he might not bring the established order into confusion.
Susceptusque cum ﬁlio suo a rege Theoderido honoriﬁce nimis, adeo ut nec consilii sui expertem nec convivii faceret alienum, non tamen pro generis nobilitate, quam ignorabat, sed pro animi fortitudine et robore mentis, quam non poterat occultare.	King Ţiuđa-ređ received him and his son with special honor and made him partner in his counsels and a companion at his board; not for his noble birth, which he knew not, but for his brave spirit and strong mind, which Baíri-mođ could not conceal.
XXXIV 176
ż Quid plurimum ? Defuncto Wallia (ut superius quod diximus repetamus), qui parum fuerat felix Gallis, prosperrimus feliciorque Theodoridus successit in regno, homo summa moderatione compositus, animi corporisque utilitate habendus.	And what more? Wallia (to repeat what we have said ) had but little success against the Gauls, but when he died the more fortunate and prosperous Ţiuđa-ređ succeeded to the throne. He was a man of the greatest moderation and noteworthy for vigor of mind and body {and might have been a son-in-law of Ala-reik’s}.
Contra quem, Theodosio et Festo consulibus, pace rupta, Romani, Hunnis auxiliaribus secum junctis, in Gallias arma moverunt. Turbaverat namque eos Gothorum fśderatorum manus, quć cum Gaina Comite Constantinopolim efferasset.	In the consulship of Theodosius and Festus {439} the Romans broke the truce and took up arms against him in Gaul, with the Huns as their auxiliaries. For a band of allied Goths, led by Count Gaina, had thrown Constantinople into chaos {399/400}.
Aëtius ergo Patricius tunc prćerat militibus, fortissimorum Mśsiorum stirpe progenitus in Durostorena civitate a patre Gaudentio, labores bellicos tolerans, Rei Publicć Romanć singulariter natus, qui superbiam Swevorum Francorumque barbariem immensis cćdibus servire Romano imperio coëgit.	Now at that time the Patrician Aëtius was in command of the army. He was of the bravest Mśsian stock, born of his father Gaudentius in the city of Durostorum (modern Silistra, Bulgaria, on the lower Danube). He was a man ﬁtted to endure the toils of war, born expressly to serve the Roman state; and by inflicting crushing defeats he had compelled the arrogance of the Swevians {“(our) Own (people)”} and the barbarism of the Franks {”the Free,” "Bold,” “Impetuous,” “Impudent”} to submit to Roman sway.
177
Hunnis quoque auxiliariis, Litorio ductante, contra Gothos Romanus exercitus movit procinctum, diuque ex utraque parte acies ordinatć, quum utrique fortes et neuter inﬁrmior esset, datis dextris in pristinam concordiam redierunt, fśdereque ﬁrmato ab alterutro, ﬁda pace peracta, recessit uterque.	So then, with the Huns as allies under their leader Litorius, a battle-ready Roman army advanced against the Goths. When the battle lines of both sides had been standing for a long time opposite each other, both being brave and neither side the weaker, they struck a truce and returned to their old alliance. And after the treaty had been conﬁrmed by each and an honest peace was established, they both withdrew.
178
Qua pace Attila, Hunnorum omnium dominus et pćne totius Scythić gentium solus in mundo regnator, <factus est> qui erat famosa inter omnes gentes claritate mirabilis.	Through this peace Attila {“Little Father” (Gothic name taken by a Hun)}, lord over all the Huns and almost the sole earthly ruler of all the tribes of Scythia, <became a man> who was marveled at for his famous renown among all peoples.
Ad quem in legatione se missum a Theodosio juniore Priscus historicus tali voce inter alia refert : “Ingentia siquidem flumina (id est, Tisia Tibisiaque et Dricca) transeuntes venimus in locum illum, ubi dudum Widigoja Gothorum fortissimus Sarmatum dolo occubuit.	The historian Priscus, who was sent to him on an embassy {449} by the younger Theodosius {II; emperor of the East, 408-450}, says this among other things: “Crossing mighty rivers — namely, the Tisia {also known as Pathissus; modern Tisza (German “Theiss”), in eastern Hungary} and Tibisia {or Tibissus (also Tibiscus and Pathissus, Greek Tiphesas; Modern Temes in Romania and Serbia); tributary of the Danube} and Drekon {tributary of the Tisza} — we came to the place where long ago Wiđu-gauja {“Woodland man,” “Forest-region dweller”}, bravest of the Goths, perished through the treachery of the Sarmatians.
{Note} mighty rivers: See Priscus fr.11, 2 (Exc. de Leg. Rom. 3), 271-274 (Blockley 260f.): “From there we travelled along a level road over a plain and crossed navigable rivers, of which the greatest, after the Danube, were the ones named the Drēcōn, the Tigas and the Tiphēsas. These we crossed in boats made of single tree trunks, which those living near the rivers used….”
“Indeque non longe ad vicum in quo rex Attila morabatur accessimus, vicum, inquam, ad instar civitatis amplissimć, in quo lignea mśnia ex tabulis nitentibus fabricata repperimus, quarum compago ita solidum mentiebatur ut vix ab intentu posset junctura tabularum comprehendi.	“At no great distance from that place we arrived at the village {modern Szeged, southeastern Hungary} where King Attila was dwelling, — a village, I say, like a great city, in which we found wooden walls made of smooth-shining boards, whose joints so counterfeited solidity that the union of the boards could scarcely be distinguished by close scrutiny.
{Note} village … like a great city: See Priscus fr.11, 2 (Exc. de Leg. Rom. 3), 551-556 (Blockley 274f.): “Inside the palisade there was a large cluster of buildings, some made of planks carved and ﬁtted together for ornamental effect, others from timbers which had been debarked and planed straight. They were set on circular piles made of stones, which began from the ground and rose to a moderate height. Here lived Attila’s wife.”
179
“Videres triclinia ambitu prolixiore distenta, porticusque in omni decore dispositas. Area vero curtis ingenti ambitu cingebatur, ut amplitudo ipsa regiam aulam ostenderet.” Hć sedes erant Attilć regi barbariem totam tenenti ; hćc captis civitatibus habitacula prćponebat.	“There you might see dining halls of large extent and porticoes planned with great beauty, while the courtyard was bounded by so vast a circuit that its very size showed it was the royal palace.” This was the headquarters of Attila, the king of all the barbarian world; and he preferred this as a dwelling to the cities he captured.
{Note} dining halls: See Priscus fr. 13, 2 (Exc. de Leg. Rom. 1), 28-33 (Blockley 284f.): “All the seats were arranged around the walls of the building on both sides. In the very middle of the room Attila sat upon a couch. Behind him was another couch, and behind that steps led up to Attila’s bed, which was screened by ﬁne linens and multicolored ornamental hangings, like those which the Greeks and Romans prepare for weddings.”
XXXV 180
Is namque Attila, patre genitus Mundzuco cujus fuere germani Octar et Roas qui ante Attilam regnum tenuisse narrantur (quamvis non omnino cunctorum quorum ipse), post quorum obitum cum Bleda germano Hunnorum successit in regnum et, ut ante expeditioni quam parabat par foret, augmentum virium parricidio qućrit, tendens ad discrimen omnium nece suorum.	Now this Attila was the son of Mundzuk, and his brothers were Octar and Ruas who are said to have ruled before Attila (though by no means over so many tribes as he). After their death he succeeded to the throne of the Huns, together with his brother Bleđa {“Fortune,” “Fame” (Gothic name taken by a Hun)}. In order that he might ﬁrst be equal to the expedition he was preparing, he sought to increase his strength by murder. Thus he proceeded from the murder of his own kindred to imperiling all others.
181
Sed librante Justitia, detestabili remedio crescens, deformes exitus suć crudelitatis invenit.	Although growing more powerful by this detestable expedient, through counterbalancing Justice he reaped hideous consequences of his cruelty.
Bleda enim fratre fraudibus interempto, qui magnć parti regnabat Hunnorum, universum sibi populum adunavit, aliarumque gentium quas tunc in dicione tenebat numerositate collecta, primas mundi gentes — Romanos Wisigothasque — subdere prćoptabat.	For after his brother Bleđa, who ruled over a great part of the Huns, had been slain by his treachery {445}, Attila united all the people under his own rule. Gathering also the multitude of other tribes which he then held under his sway, he sought to subdue the foremost nations of the world — the Romans and the Visigoths.
182
Cujus exercitus quingentorum milium esse numero ferebatur.	His army is said to have numbered ﬁve hundred thousand men.
Vir in concussionem gentium natus in mundo, terrarum omnium metus qui, nescio qua sorte, terrebat cuncta, formidabili de se opinione vulgata.	He was a man born into the world to shake the nations, the terror of all lands, who in some way terriﬁed all mankind by the fearsome rumors noised abroad concerning him.
Erat namque superbus incessu, huc atque illuc circumferens oculos, ut elati potentia ipso quoque motu corporis appareret; bellorum quidem amator, sed ipse manu temperans, consilio validissimus, supplicantibus exorabilis, propitius autem in ﬁde semel susceptis ; forma brevis, lato pectore, capite grandiore, minutis oculis, rarus barba, canis aspersus, simio naso, tćter colore, originis suć signa restituens.	He was haughty in his walk, rolling his eyes hither and thither, so that the power of the arrogant man appeared in the very movement of his body. He was indeed a lover of war, yet restrained in action, mighty in counsel, gracious to suppliants and lenient to those who were once received into his protection. He was short of stature, with a broad chest and a large head; his eyes were small, his beard thin and sprinkled with gray; he was snub-nosed and of hideous color, reflecting the signs of his origin.
183
Qui, quamvis hujus esset naturć ut semper magna conﬁderet, addebat ei tamen conﬁdentiam gladius Martis inventus, sacer apud Scytharum reges semper habitus, quem Priscus historicus tali refert occasione detectum :	And though his temper was such that he always had great self-conﬁdence, yet his assurance was increased by ﬁnding the sword of Mars, always esteemed sacred among the kings of the Scythians. The historian Priscus says it was discovered under the following circumstances:
{Note} Priscus says: Priscus fr. 12, 1 (Exc. de Leg. Rom. 3), 1-5 (Blockley 280f.): “[Constantiolus said that] in a short time there would be an increase in his [Attila’s] present power. God had indicated this by revealing the sword of Ares, which is a sacred object honored by the Scythian kings, since it was dedicated to the guardian of wars. In ancient times it had disappeared and then it was found through the agency of an ox.”
“Quum pastor,” inquiens, “quidam gregis unam buculam conspiceret claudicantem nec causam tanti vulneris inveniret, sollicitus vestigia cruoris insequitur, tandemque venit ad gladium quem depascens herbas incauta calcaverat, effossumque protinus ad Attilam defert.	“When a certain shepherd beheld one heifer of his flock limping and could ﬁnd no cause for this wound, he anxiously followed the trail of blood and at length came to a sword it had unwittingly trampled while nibbling the grass. He dug it up and took it straight to Attila.
“Quo munere ille gratulatus, ut erat magnanimus, arbitratur se mundi totius principem constitutum et per Martis gladium potestatem sibi concessam esse bellorum.”	“He rejoiced at this gift and, being ambitious, thought he had been appointed ruler of the whole world, and that through the sword of Mars supremacy in all wars was assured to him.”
XXXVI 184
Hujus ergo mentem ad vastationem orbis paratam comperiens, Gaisericus, rex Wandalorum, quem paulo ante memoravimus, multis muneribus ad Wisigotharum bella prćcipitat, metuens ne Theodoridus, Wisigotharum rex, ﬁlić suć ulcisceretur injuriam, quć, Hunirico Gaiserici ﬁlio juncta, prius quidem tanto conjugio lćtaretur, sed postea, ut erat ille et in sua pignora truculentus, ob suspicionem tantummodo veneni ab ea parati, naribus abscisam truncatamque auribus, spolians decore naturali, patri ejus ad Gallias remiserat, ut turpe funus miseranda semper offerret, et crudelitas qua etiam moverentur externi, vindictam patris efﬁcacius impetraret.	Now when Gaisa-reik, king of the Vandals, whom we mentioned shortly before, learned that his mind was set on laying waste the world, with many gifts he urged Attila on to make war on the Visigoths, since he feared lest Ţiuđa-ređ, king of the Visigoths, would avenge the injury to his daughter. She had been joined in wedlock with Huni-reik {“Power-ruler, Prince of Strength”}, Gaisa-reik’s son, and at ﬁrst was happy in this union. But afterwards he was cruel even to his own children, and because of the mere suspicion that she had been preparing poison for him, he cut off her nose and mutilated her ears, ruining her natural beauty, and sent her back to her father in Gaul. Thus the wretched girl presented the appearance of a disﬁgured corpse ever after, and the cruelty which would stir even strangers all the more strongly incited her father to vengeance.
{Note} mentioned shortly before: Priscus fr. 20, 1 (Exc. de Leg. Gent. 7), 16-21 (Blockley 306f.): “Attila was undecided and at a loss as to whom he should attack ﬁrst, but it seemed best for him ﬁrst to undertake the greater war and march against the West. For there he would be ﬁghting against not only the Italians, but also the Goths and the Franks — against the Italians to secure Honoria and her wealth, and against the Goths in order to please Gaisa-reik.”
185
Attila igitur, dudum bella concepta Gaiserici instigatione parturiens, legatos in Italiam ad Valentinianum principem misit, serens Gothorum Romanorumque discordiam ut, quos prślio non poterat concutere, odiis internis elideret, asserens se Rei Publicć ejus amicitias in nullo violare, sed contra Theoderidum Wisigotharum regem sibi esse certamen.	Attila, therefore, in his efforts to bring about the wars long instigated by the bribe of Gaisa-reik, sent ambassadors into Italy {in 451} to the Emperor Valentinian {III; emperor of the West, 425-455} to sow strife between the Goths and the Romans, thinking to shatter by civil discord those whom he could not crush in battle. He declared that he was in no way violating his friendly relations with the Empire, but that he had a quarrel with Ţiuđa-ređ, king of the Visigoths.
Unde quum excipi libenter optaret, ceteram epistulam usitatis salutationum blandimentis oppleverat, studens ﬁdem adhibere mendacio.	As he wished to be kindly received, he ﬁlled the rest of the letter with the usual flattering salutations, striving to win credence for his falsehood.
186
Pari etiam modo ad regem Wisigotharum Theoderidum dirigit scripta, hortans ut a Romanorum societate discederet, recordareturque prślia quć paulo ante contra eum fuerant concitata.	In like manner he despatched a message to Ţiuđa-ređ, king of the Visigoths, urging him to break his alliance with the Romans and reminding him of the battles to which they had recently provoked him.
Sub nimia feritate homo subtilis, antequam bella gereret, arte pugnabat.	Beneath his great ferocity he was a subtle man, and fought with craft before he made war.
Tunc Valentinianus Imperator ad Wisigothas eorumque regem Theoderidum in his verbis legationem direxit:	Then the Emperor Valentinian sent an embassy to the Visigoths and their king Ţiuđa-ređ, with this message:
187
“Prudentić vestrć est, fortissime gentium, adversus orbis conspirare tyrannum, qui optat mundi generale habere servitium, qui causas prślii non requirit sed, quicquid commiserit, hoc putat esse legitimum, ambitum suum bracchio mētītur, superbiam licentia satiat ; qui, jus fasque contemnens, hostem se exhibet et naturć.	“O bravest of nations, it is the part of prudence for us to unite against the lord of the earth who wishes to enslave the whole world; who requires no just cause for battle, but supposes whatever he does is right. He measures his ambition by the strength of his arm. Wantonness satisﬁes his pride. Despising law and right, he shows himself an enemy to Nature herself.
“Cunctorum etenim meretur hic odium, qui in commune omnium se approbat inimicum.	“And thus the hatred of all is merited by this man who has proven himself the common enemy of everyone.
188
“Recordamini, qućso, quod certe non potest oblivisci : ab Hunnis non per bella, ubi communis casus est, fusum < me >, sed — quod graviter angit — insidiis appetitum ; ut de nobis taceamus, ż potestis hanc inulti ferre superbiam ?	“Pray remember what, surely, cannot be forgotten: that < I was > not routed by the Huns through war, where there is an equal chance, but instead — what is more agonizing — by means of duplicity. To say nothing about ourselves, can you suffer such insolence to go unpunished?
“Armorum potentes, favete propriis doloribus et communes jungite manus.	“Being mighty in arms, give vent to your own indignation and join hands with us in common.
“Auxiliamini etiam Rei Publicć, cujus membrum tenetis.	“Bear aid also to the Empire, of which you hold a part.
“Quam sit autem nobis expetenda vel amplexanda societas, hostis interrogate consilia.”	“As for how such an alliance should be sought and welcomed by us, look into the plans of the foe.”
189
His et similibus legati Valentiniani regem permoverunt Theodoridum.	By these and like arguments the ambassadors of Valentinian prevailed upon King Ţiuđa-ređ.
Quibus ille respondit : “Habetis,” inquit, “Romani, desiderium vestrum ; fecistis Attilam et nobis hostem.	He answered them, saying: “Romans, you have attained your desire; you have made Attila our foe also.
Sequimur illum quocunque vocaverit, et quamvis infletur de diversis gentium victoriis, norunt tamen Gothi confligere cum superbis.	We will pursue him wherever he summons us, and though he is puffed up by his various victories over peoples, yet the Goths know how to ﬁght haughty foes.
Nullum bellum dixerim grave, nisi quod causa debilitat, quando nil triste pavet cui Majestas arriserit.”	I would not call any war difﬁcult other than when the cause is weak, while he on whom His Majesty smiles fears nothing ill.”
190
Acclamant responso comites ducis, lćtum sequitur vulgus.	The warlord’s courtiers shouted assent to the reply and the multitude gladly followed.
Fit omnibus ambitus pugnć, hostes jam Hunni desiderantur.	There was an eagerness for combat in everyone; the Huns were longed for as foes.
Producitur itaque a rege Theodoredo Wisigotharum innumerabilis multitudo ; qui, quattuor ﬁliis domi dimissis, id est Friderico et Euricho, Retemere et Imnerith, secum tantum Thorismud et Theudericum majores natu participes laboris assumit.	And so a countless host of Visigoths was led forth by King Ţiuđa-ređ; he left four of his sons at home, namely Friţa-reik {“Peace-ruler”} and Aiwa-reik {“Time-ruler,” “Ruler of ages”}, Riqi-mer {“Darkness-famed,” “Dark-renown”} and Ibna-ređ {“Even(handed)-counsel,” “Level (= unbiased)-advisor”}, taking with him only the two elder sons, Ţaúris-mođ {“Daring-mood”} and Ţiuđa-reik {“People-ruler,” “Prince over the folk”}, as partners of his toil.
ˇ Felix procinctum, auxilium tutum, suave collegium, habere solacia illorum quos delectat ipsa etiam simul subire discrimina !	O brave array, sure defense and sweet comradeship, having the consolations of those who delight in sharing the same dangers!
191
A parte vero Romanorum, tanta Patricii Aëtii providentia fuit, cui tunc innitebatur Res Publica Hesperić plăgć ut, undique bellatoribus congregatis, adversus ferocem et inﬁnitam multitudinem non impar occurreret.	On the side of the Romans, meanwhile, the foresight of the Patrician Aëtius — on whom the whole Empire of the western reaches depended — was so great that, by gathering warriors from everywhere, it was not on unequal terms that he met the ﬁerce and numberless multitude.
Hi enim affuerunt auxiliares: Franci, Sarmatć, Armoriciani, Liticiani, Burgundiones, Saxones, Riparii, Olibriones (quondam milites Romani, tunc vero jam in numero auxiliarium exquisiti), alićque nonnullć Celticć vel Germanicć nationes.	Now these were his auxiliaries: Franks {the “Free,” "Bold,” “Impetuous,” “Impudent”}, Sarmatians, Armoricians, Liticians, Baúrgundjans {Burgundians, "Fortress-dwellers”}, Saxons {“Short-sword [sahs] bearers”}, Riparians, Olibriones (once Roman soldiers and now assigned to the number of the auxiliaries), and some other Celtic or Germanic tribes.
192
Convenitur itaque in Campis Catalaunicis, qui et Mauriaci nominantur, centum “leugas,” ut Galli vocant, in longo tenentes et septuaginta in lato.	And so they met {451} in the Catalaunian Plains {ca. 90 miles/145 km SE of Paris, near Augustobona, modern Troyes}, which are also called Mauriacian, extending in length one hundred “leagues,” as the Gauls say, and seventy in width.
“Leuga” autem Gallica una mille et quingentorum passuum quantitate mētītur.	Now a Gallic “league” {ca. 1.38 miles/2.22 km} measures a distance of ﬁfteen hundred paces.
Fit ergo area innumerabilium populorum pars illa terrarum.	That portion of the earth accordingly became the threshing floor of countless races
Conseruntur acies utrćque fortissimć : nihil surreptionibus agitur, sed aperto Marte certatur.	The two extremely powerful hosts joined battle. Nothing was done through stealth; rather, they contended in open ﬁght.
193
ż Quć potest digna causa tantorum motibus inveniri ? ż Aut quod odium in se cunctos animavit armari ?	What just cause can be found for the mobilization of so many nations, or what hatred inspired them all to take arms against each other?
Probatum est humanum genus regibus vivere, quando unius mentis insano impetu strages sit facta populorum, et arbitrio superbi regis, momento defecerit quod tot sćculis natura progenuit.	It is proof that the human race lives for its kings, for it is at the mad impulse of one mind that a slaughter of nations takes place, and at the whim of a haughty ruler that which nature has taken ages to produce perishes in a moment.
XXXVII 194
Sed antequam pugnć ipsius ordinem referamus, necessarium videtur edicere quć in ipsis bellorum motibus acciderunt, quia sicut famosum prślium, ita multiplex atque perplexum.	But before we set forth the order of the ﬁghting itself, it seems important to relate what happened in the campaign’s preludes themselves, for it was as complicated and intricate a battle as it was famous.
Sangibanus namque rex Alanorum, metu futurorum perterritus, Attilć se tradere pollicetur et Aurelianam, civitatem Gallić, ubi tunc consistebat, in ejus jura traducere.	Well then, Sangiban, king of the Alani, smitten with fear of what might come to pass, had promised to surrender to Attila, and to hand over to his possession Orléans {about 60 miles/100 km south of Paris}, the city of Gaul in which he dwelt at the time.
195
Quod ubi Theodoridus et Aëtius cognoverunt, magnis aggeribus eandem urbem ante adventum Attilć struunt, suspectumque custodiunt Sangibanum et inter suos auxiliares medium statuunt cum propria gente.	When Ţiuđa-ređ and Aëtius learned of this, they cast up great earthworks around that city before Attila's arrival and kept watch over the suspected Sangiban, placing him with his tribe in the midst of their auxiliaries.
Igitur Attila rex Hunnorum, tali perculsus eventu, difﬁdens suis copiis metuit inire conflictum ; inter quć fugam revolvens ipso funere tristiorem, statuit per haruspices futura inquirere.	Then Attila, king of the Huns, was taken aback by this event and lost conﬁdence in his own troops, so that he feared to begin the conflict. While he was meditating on flight — a greater calamity than death itself — he decided to inquire into the future through soothsayers.
196
Qui more solito nunc pecorum ﬁbras, nunc quasdam venas in abrasis ossibus intuentes, Hunnis infausta denuntiant ; hoc tamen quantulum prćdixere solacii, quod summus hostium ductor de parte adversa occumberet, relictaque victoria, sua morte triumphum fśdaret.	So, as was their custom, they examined the entrails of cattle and certain streaks in bones that had been scraped, and foretold disaster to the Huns. Yet as a slight consolation they prophesied that the chief commander of the foe they were to meet should fall and, having left the victory, should mar the triumph by his death.
Quumque Attila necem Aëtii, quod ejus motibus obviabat, vel cum sua perditione duceret expetendam, tali prćsagio sollicitus, ut erat consiliorum in rebus bellicis exquisitor, circa nonam diei horam prślium sub trepidatione committit ut, si secus cederet, nox imminens subveniret.	Now Attila deemed the death of Aëtius a thing to be desired even at the cost of his own life, for Aëtius was blocking his maneuvers. So although he was disturbed by this prophecy, yet inasmuch as he was an analyst of war plans, he began the battle with anxious heart at about the ninth hour of the day {i.e., ~3:00 p.m.}, in order that the impending darkness might come to his aid if the outcome were to turn out badly.
XXXVIII 197
Convenere partes, ut diximus, in campos Catalaunicos.	The armies met, as we have said, in the Catalaunian Plains.
Erat autem positio loci declivi tumore in editum collis excrescens. Quem uterque cupiens exercitus obtinere, quia loci opportunitas non parvum beneﬁcium confert, dextram partem Hunni cum suis, sinistram Romani et Wisigothć cum auxiliariis occuparunt ; relictoque jugo de cacumine ejus certamen ineunt.	The battleﬁeld terrain rose in a steep bulge to a hilltop, which both armies sought to gain; for advantage of position is a great help. The Huns with their forces seized the right side, the Romans, the Visigoths and their allies the left, and then, relinquishing the ridge, they began a struggle for its crest.
Dextrum itaque cornu cum Wisigothis Theoderidus tenebat, sinistrum Aëtius cum Romanis, collocantes in medio Sangibanum, quem superius rettulimus prćfuisse Alanis, providentes cautione militari ut eum de cujus animo minus prćsumebant ﬁdelium turba concluderent.	Now Ţiuđa-ređ with the Visigoths held the right wing and Aëtius with the Romans the left. In the center they placed Sangiban (who, as said before, was in command of the Alani), thus contriving with military caution to surround by a host of faithful troops the man in whose loyalty they had little conﬁdence.
Facile namque assumit pugnandi necessitatem, cui fugiendi imponitur difﬁcultas.	For one who has difﬁculties placed in the way of his flight readily submits to the necessity of ﬁghting.
198
E diverso vero fuit Hunnorum acies ordinata ut in medio Attila cum suis fortissimis locaretur, sibi potius rex hac ordinatione prospiciens, quatenus inter gentis suć robur positus ab imminenti periculo redderetur exceptus.	On the other side, however, the battle line of the Huns was arranged so that Attila and his bravest followers were stationed in the center. In arranging them thus the king was chiefly exercising foresight for himself, given that by his position amidst the elite troops of his race he would be kept out of the way of threatening danger.
Cornua vero ejus multiplices populi et diversć nationes, quas dicioni suć subdiderat, ambiebant.	The innumerable peoples of the diverse tribes which he had subjected to his sway formed the wings.
199
Inter quas Ostrogotharum prćeminebat exercitus, Walamere et Theudemere et Widimere germanis ductantibus, ipso etiam rege cui tunc serviebant nobilioribus, quia Amalorum generis eos potentia illustrabat ;	Amid them was conspicuous the army of the Ostrogoths under the leadership of the brothers Wala-mer {“Beloved famous one”}, Ţiuđi-mer {“People-famed”} and Wiđi-mer {“Forest-fame”}, nobler even than the king they served, for the might of the family of the Amals rendered them illustrious.
eratque et Gipedarum agmini innumerabili rex ille famosissimus Ardaricus qui, ob nimiam suam ﬁdelitatem erga Attilam, ejus consiliis intererat.	And there was the highly renowned Arđa-reik {“Earth-ruler,” “Home-ground ruler”}, king of the countless army of the Gibiđos {“The Givers”} who, because of his great loyalty to Attila, shared his plans.
Nam perpendens Attila sagacitate ejus, eum et Wala-merem, Ostrogotharum regem, super ceteros regulos diligebat.	For Attila, comparing them in his keen mind, prized him and Wala-mer, king of the Ostrogoths, above all the other chieftains.
200
Erat namque Walamer secreti tenax, blandus alloquio, doli gnarus ; Ardaricus ﬁde et consilio, ut diximus, clarus. Quibus non immerito contra parentes Wisigothas debuit credere pugnaturis.	Wala-mer was a good keeper of secrets, bland of speech and skilled in wiles, and Arđa-reik, as we have said, was famed for his loyalty and counsel. Attila might well trust them to ﬁght against the Visigoths, their kinsmen.
Reliqua autem, si dici fas est, turba regum diversarumque nationum ductores ac si satellites nutibus Attilć attendebant et, ubi oculo annuisset, absque aliqua murmuratione cum timore et tremore unusquisque astabat, aut certe quod jussus fuerat exsequebatur.	Now the rest of the crowd of kings (if we may call them so) and the leaders of various nations hung upon Attila’s nod like bodyguards, and when he gave a sign even by a glance, without a murmur each stood forth in fear and trembling, or at all events did as he was bid.
201
Solus Attila rex omnium regum super omnes et pro omnibus sollicitus erat.	Attila alone was king of all kings over all and concerned for all.
Fit ergo de loci, quem diximus, opportunitate certamen.	So then the struggle began for the advantage of position we have mentioned.
Attila suos dirigit qui cacumen montis invaderent. Sed a Thorismudo et Aëtio prćvenitur qui, eluctati collis excelsa ut conscenderent, superiores effecti sunt, venientesque Hunnos montis beneﬁcio facile turbaverunt.	Attila sent his men to take the summit of the mountain. But he was headed off by Ţaúris-mođ {“Daring mood”} and Aëtius who, forcing their way up to the hilltop so that they surmounted it, got up higher and through this advantage of position easily routed the Huns as they came up.
XXXIX 202
Tunc Attila, quum videret exercitum causa prćcedente turbatum, tali eum ex tempore credidit alloquio conﬁrmandum : “Post victorias tantarum gentium, post orbem, si consistatis, edomitum, ineptum judicaverim tanquam ignaros rei verbis acuere. Qućrat hoc aut novus ductor aut inexpertus exercitus.	Now when Attila saw his army thrown into confusion by this event, he thought it best to encourage them by an extemporaneous address of this kind: “If, after victories over such great peoples, after having subdued the world, you should come to a halt, I would have thought it foolish to goad you with words as though you were ignorant of what is at stake. Let a new leader or an untried army resort to that.
203
“Nec mihi fas est aliquid vulgare dicere, nec vos oportet audire. ż Quid autem aliud vobis quam bellare consuetum ? ż Aut quid viro forti suavius quam vindictam manu qućrere ? Magnum munus a natura, animos ultione satiare.	“Likewise it is not right for me to say anything banal, nor ought you to listen. For what is war but your usual custom? Or what is sweeter for a brave man than to seek revenge with his own hand? It is a great gift of nature to sate the soul with vengeance.
204
“Aggrediamur igitur hostem alacres ; audaciores sunt semper qui inferunt bellum. ˇ Adunatas despicite dissonas gentes ! Indicium pavoris est, societate defendi. En, ante impetum nostrum terroribus jam feruntur : excelsa qućrunt, tumulos capiunt et, sera pćnitudine, in campis munitiones efflagitant. Notum est vobis quam sint levia Romanorum arma : primo etiam non dicam vulnere, sed ipso pulvere gravantur, dum in ordine coëunt et acies testudinesque connectunt.	“Let us then attack the foe eagerly; for they are ever the bolder who make the attack. Despise this union of discordant races! To defend oneself by alliance is proof of cowardice. See, even before our attack they are smitten with terror. They seek the heights, they seize the hillocks and, repenting too late, clamor for fortiﬁcations in the open ﬁelds. You know how ineffectual the weapons of the Romans are. They are weighed down, I will not say even by the ﬁrst wound, but by the dust itself while they are still gathering in formation and setting up their battle lines and tortoise arrays.
205
“ˇ Vos confligite perstantibus animis, ut soletis, despicientesque eorum aciem ! ˇ Alanos invadite, in Wisigothas incumbite ! Inde nobis est citam victoriam qućrere, unde se continet bellum. Abscisis enim nervis mox membra relabuntur ; nec potest stare corpus, cui ossa subtraxeris. ˇ Consurgant animi, furor solitus intumescat ! Nunc consilia, Hunni, nunc arma depromite : aut vulneratus quis adversarii mortem reposcat, aut illćsus hostium clade satietur.	“Then on to the fray with resolute hearts, as is your wont. Despise their battle line. Attack the Alans, fall on the Visigoths! There is swift victory for us just where the battle is thickest. For when the sinews are cut the limbs soon drop, nor can a body stand when you have removed the bones. Let your courage rise and your own fury burst forth! Show now your cunning, Huns, now your deeds of arms! Let the wounded exact in return the death of his foe; let the unwounded revel in slaughter of the enemy.
206
“Vīcturis nulla tela conveniunt, morituros et in otio fata prćcipitant. Postremo, ż cur fortuna Hunnos tot gentium victores assereret, nisi ad certaminis hujus gaudia prćparasset ? ż Quis denique Mćotidarum iter majoribus nostris aperuit tot sćculis clausum secretum ? ż Quis adhuc inermibus cedere faciebat armatos ? Faciem Hunnorum non poterat ferre adunata collectio. Non fallor eventu : hic campus est, quem nobis tot prospera promiserunt. Primus in hostem tela conjiciam. Si quis potuerit, Attila pugnante, otium ferre, sepultus est.” His verbis accensi, in pugnam cuncti prćcipitantur.	“No spear shall harm those who are sure to live; and those who are sure to die Fate overtakes even in peace. And ﬁnally, why would Fortune have made the Huns victorious over so many nations unless it were to prepare them for the joy of this conflict? Who was it revealed to our forefathers the path through the Mćotian swamp, for so many ages a closed secret? Who, moreover, made armed men yield to you, when you were as yet unarmed? Even a mass of federated nations could not endure the sight of the Huns. I am unmistaken about the outcome: here is the ﬁeld so many victories have promised us. I shall hurl the ﬁrst spear at the foe. If any can endure rest while Attila ﬁghts, he is a dead man.” Inflamed by these words, they all plunged into battle.
XL 207
Et quamvis haberent res ipsć formidinem, prćsentia tamen regis cunctationem morantibus auferebat. Manu manibus congrediuntur ; bellum atrox, multiplex, immane, pertinax, cui simile nulla usquam narrat antiquitas, ubi talia gesta referuntur, ut nihil esset, quod in vita sua conspicere potuisset, egregius, qui hujus miraculi privaretur aspectu.	And although the situation was itself fearful, yet the presence of their king dispelled delay in those who had been tarrying. Hand to hand they clashed in battle, and the ﬁght grew ﬁerce, confused, monstrous, unrelenting — a ﬁght whose like no ancient time has ever recorded. There such deeds were done that anyone who missed this amazing spectacle could not have seen anything more extraordinary in his whole life.
208
Nam, si senioribus credere fas est, rivulus memorati campi humili ripa prćlabens, peremptorum vulneribus sanguine multo provectus est, non auctus imbribus, ut solebat, sed liquore concitatus insolito, torrens factus est cruoris augmento.	For, if we may believe our elders, a brook of the aforesaid plain, flowing along with a low bank, was greatly increased by blood from the wounds of the slain, flooded not by showers, as brooks usually rise, but swollen by a strange stream and turned into a rapid torrent by the increase of blood.
Et quos illic coëgit in aridam sitim vulnus inflictum, fluenta mixta clade traxerunt ; ita constricti sorte miserabili, sorbebant potantes sanguinem quem fuderant sauciati.	Those whose inflicted wounds drove them to slake their parching thirst there, drank water mingled with gore. Thus, constrained by a wretched fate, the drinkers were forced to imbibe the blood they had poured from their own wounds.
209
Hīc Theodoridus rex, dum adhortans discurrit per exercitum, equo depulsus pedibusque suorum conculcatus, vitam maturć senectutis conclusit.	At this point King Ţiuđa-ređ, while dashing around through his army encouraging them, was thrown from his horse and trampled under foot by his own men, thus ending his days at a ripe old age.
Alii vero dicunt eum interfectum telo Andagis de parte Ostrogotharum, qui tunc Attilć sequebantur regimen.	But others say he was slain by the spear of Anda-gis {“Endpoint (of)-spear,” “Spearpoint”} of the host of the Ostrogoths, who were then under the sway of Attila.
Hoc fuit quod Attilć prćsagio haruspices prius dixerant, quamvis ille de Aëtio suspicaretur.	This was what the soothsayers had earlier told to Attila in prophecy, even though he had understood it of Aëtius.
210
Tunc Wisigothć, dividentes se ab Alanis, invadunt Hunnorum catervam et pćne Attilam trucidarent, nisi providus prius fugisset et se suosque ilico intra sćpta castrorum, quć plaustris vallata habebat, reclusisset ;	Then the Visigoths, separating from the Alans, fell upon the horde of the Huns and, indeed, would have slain Attila, had he not ﬁrst prudently taken flight and immediately shut himself and his companions within the barriers of the camp, which he had palisaded with wagons.
quamvis fragili munimine, eo tamen qućsierunt subsidium vitć, quibus paulo ante nullus poterat muralis agger obsistere.	A frail defense indeed; yet there they sought refuge for their lives, whom but a little while before no earthen walls could withstand.
211
Thorismud autem, regis Theodoridi ﬁlius, qui cum Aëtio collem anticipans hostes de superiori loco proturbaverat, credens se ad agmina propria pervenire, nocte cćca ad hostium carpenta ignarus incurrit.	But Ţaúris-mođ, the son of King Ţiuđa-ređ, who with Aëtius had ﬁrst seized the hill and repulsed the enemy from the higher ground, unwittingly ran into the wagons of the enemy in the darkness of night, thinking he had reached his own lines.
Quem fortiter dimicantem quidam capite vulnerato equo dejecit, suorumque providentia liberatus a prśliandi contentione desivit.	As he was ﬁghting bravely, wounded in the head, someone dislodged him from his horse. Then he was rescued by the watchful care of his followers and withdrew from the ﬁerce conflict.
212
Aëtius vero similiter noctis confusione divisus, quum inter hostes medius vagaretur, trepidus ne quid incidisset adversi, Gothos inquirit, tandemque ad socia castra perveniens, reliquum noctis scutorum defensione transegit.	Aëtius also became separated from his men in the confusion of night and wandered about in the midst of the enemy. Fearing disaster had happened, he went about in search of the Goths. At last he reached the camp of his allies and passed the remainder of the night in the protection of their shields.
Postera die luce orta quum tumulatos cadaveribus campos aspicerent nec audere Hunnos erumpere, suam arbitrantur esse victoriam, scientesque Attilam non nisi magna clade confossum bella defugere, quum tamen nil ageret — velut prostratus — abjectum, sed, strepens armis, tubis canebat incursionemque minabatur, velut leo venabulis pressus, speluncć aditus obambulans, nec audet insurgere, nec desinit fremitibus vicina terrere.	At dawn on the following day, when the Romans saw the ﬁelds were piled high with bodies and that the Huns did not venture forth, they thought the victory was theirs, but knew that Attila would not flee from the battle unless overwhelmed by a great disaster. Yet he did nothing cowardly, like one that is overcome, but with clash of arms sounded the trumpets and threatened an attack. He was like a lion pierced by hunting spears, who paces to and fro before the mouth of his den and neither dares to spring nor ceases to terrify the surroundings by his roaring.
Sic bellicosissimus rex victores suos turbabat inclusus.	Thus even cornered this warlike king terriﬁed his conquerors.
213
Conveniunt itaque Gothi Romanique et quid agerent de superato Attila, deliberant.	Therefore the Goths and Romans assembled and considered what to do with the vanquished Attila.
Placet eum obsidione fatigari, quia annonć copiam non habebat, quando ab ipsorum sagittariis, intra sćpta castrorum locatis, crebris ictibus arceretur accessus.	They decided to wear him out by a siege, because he had no supply of provisions and was hindered from approaching by a shower of arrows from the bowmen placed within the conﬁnes of the Roman camp.
Fertur autem desperatis rebus prćdictum regem, adhuc et in supremo magnanimum, equinis sellis construxisse pyram seseque, si adversarii irrumperent, flammis injicere voluisse, ne aut aliquis ejus vulnere lćtaretur aut in potestatem hostium tantarum gentium dominus perveniret.	But it was said that in these desperate circumstances the king, heroically brave even to the last, had heaped up a pyre of horse saddles, and intended, if the enemy attacked, to throw himself into the flames, so that none might have the joy of wounding him and that the lord of so many races might not fall into the hands of his foes.
XLI 214
Verum inter has obsidionum moras, Wisigothć regem, ﬁlii patrem, requirunt, admirantes ejus absentiam, dum felicitas fuerit subsecuta.	Now during these delays in the siege, the Visigoths sought their king, the son’s father, wondering at his absence when success had been attained.
Quumque diutius exploratum, ut viris fortibus mos est, inter densissima cadavera repperissent, cantibus honoratum, inimicis spectantibus, abstulerunt.	When, after a long search, they found him where the dead lay thickest, as happens with brave men, they honored him with songs and bore him away in the sight of the enemy.
Videres Gothorum globos dissonis vocibus confragosos inter bella adhuc furentia funeri reddidisse culturam.	You might have seen bands of Goths, unharmonious with their dissonant voices, rendering the last rites to the body while the battle still raged.
Fundebantur lacrimć, sed quć viris fortibus impendi solent.	Tears were shed, but the kind that were customarily shed for brave men.
Nam mors erat, sed Hunno teste gloriosa, unde hostium putaretur inclinatam fore superbiam quando tanti regis efferri cadaver cum suis insignibus conspiciebant.	It was death indeed, but the Huns are witness that it was a glorious one. It was a death whereby one might well suppose the pride of the enemy would be lowered when they beheld the body of so great a king borne forth with his insignia.
215
At Gothi, regi Theodorido adhuc justa solventes, armis insonantibus regiam deferunt majestatem ; fortissimusque Thorismud bene gloriosos manes carissimi patris, ut decebat ﬁlium, patris exsequias prosecutus est.	And so the Goths, still paying their last respects to King Ţiuđa-ređ, carried off the royal majesty amidst resounding arms, and valiant Ţaúris-mođ, as beﬁtted a son, escorted his beloved father's glorious body on its way, his father's funeral procession.
Quod postquam peractum est, orbitatis dolore commotus et virtutis impetu, qua valebat, dum in reliquis Hunnorum, mortem patris vindicare contendit, Aëtium patricium, ac si seniorem prudentiaque maturum, de hac parte consuluit quid sibi esset in tempore faciendum.	After this was ﬁnished, Ţaúris-mođ, moved both by the pain of bereavement and the impulse of that valor for which he was noted, was eager to take vengeance for his father's death on the remaining Huns. Yet he consulted with the Patrician Aëtius, as an older man and of more mature wisdom, about what he ought to do next.
216
Ille vero metuens ne, Hunnis funditus interemptis, a Gothis Romanum premeretur imperium, prćbet hac suasione consilium ut ad sedes proprias remearet, regnumque quod pater reliquerat arriperet, ne germani ejus, opibus assumptis paternis, Wisigotharum regnum invaderent, graviterque dehinc cum suis et, quod pejus est, miseriterque pugnaret.	But Aëtius feared that if the Huns were totally destroyed by the Goths, the Roman Empire would be overwhelmed, and urgently advised him to return to his own dominions to take up the rule which his father had left. Otherwise his brothers might seize their father's possessions and obtain the power over the Visigoths, and Ţaúris-mođ might have to ﬁght ﬁercely and, what is worse, unsuccessfully, with his own countrymen.
Quo responso non ambigue, ut datum est, sed pro sua potius utilitate suscepto, relictis Hunnis rediit ad Gallias.	Ţaúris-mođ, accepting the advice without perceiving its double meaning, as it had been given, but as meant for his own good, left the Huns and returned to Gaul.
217
Sic humana fragilitas, dum suspicionibus occurrit, magnarum plerumque agendarum rerum occasionem intercipit.	Thus when human frailty moves to counteract its suspicions, it often cuts short the opportunity to complete great things.
In hoc enim famosissimo et fortissimarum gentium bello ab utrisque partibus CLXV milia {= centum sexaginta quinque milia = 165,000} cćsa referuntur, exceptis quindecim milibus Gipedarum et Francorum, qui ante congressionem publicam noctu sibi occurrentes mutuis concidere vulneribus, Francis pro Romanorum, Gipedis pro Hunnorum parte pugnantibus.	In this most famous war of the bravest tribes, one hundred and sixty-ﬁve thousand are said to have been slain on both sides, not counting ﬁfteen thousand of the Gibiđos and Franks, who met each other the night before the general engagement and fell by wounds mutually received, the Franks ﬁghting for the Romans and the Gibiđos for the Huns.
218
Attila igitur, cognita discessione Gothorum — quod de inopinatis colligi solet, inimicorum magis ćstimans dolum —, diutius se intra castra continuit.	Now when Attila learned of the retreat of the Goths, he thought it a ruse of the enemy — as is usually gathered from the unexpected — and remained for some time in his camp.
Sed ubi hostium absentiam sunt longa silentia consecuta, erigitur mens ad victoriam, gaudia prćsumuntur atque potentis regis animus in antiqua fata revertitur.	But when a long silence followed the absence of the foe, the spirit of the mighty king was aroused to the thought of victory and the anticipation of pleasure, and his mind turned to the old oracles of his destiny.
Thorismud ergo, patre mortuo in campis statim Catalaunicis ubi et pugnaverat, regia majestate subvectus Tolosam ingreditur.	Ţaúris-mođ, however, after the death of his father on the Catalaunian Plains where he had fought, was transported in royal estate and entered Toulouse.
Hic, licet fratrum et fortium turba gauderet, ipse tamen sic sua initia moderatus est, ut nullius repperiret de regni successione certamen.	Here, although he enjoyed a throng of brave brethren, he yet began to rule so mildly that no one competed with him for the succession to the kingdom.
XLII 219
Attila vero, nancta occasione de secessu Wisigotharum, et, quod sćpe optaverat, cernens hostium solutionem per partes, mox jam securus ad oppressionem Romanorum movit procinctum, primaque aggressione Aquilejensem obsidet civitatem, quć est metropolis Venetiarum, in mucrone vel lingua Hadriatici posita Sinus, cujus ab oriente muros Natissa amnis fluens a monte Piccis elambit.	But Attila exploited the opportunity of the Visigoths' departure and, observing what he had often desired — the breakup of his enemies — soon {in 452 C.E.} he conﬁdently moved his army forward to attack the Romans. As his ﬁrst move he besieged the city of Aquileja, the metropolis of Venetia, which is situated on a point or tongue of land in the Adriatic Gulf. On the eastern side its walls are licked by the river Natissa {= modern Natisone}, flowing from Mount Piccis.
220
Ibique quum diu multumque obsidens nihil penitus prćvaleret, fortissimis intrinsecus Romanorum militibus resistentibus, exercitu jam murmurante et discedere cupiente, Attila deambulans circa muros, dum utrum solveret castra an adhuc remoraretur deliberat, animadvertit candidas aves — id est, ciconias — quć in fastigiis domorum nidiﬁcant, de civitate fetus suos trahere atque contra morem per rura forinsecus comportare.	The siege was long and ﬁerce, but of no avail, since the bravest soldiers of the Romans withstood him from within, with his army already murmuring and wishing to withdraw. Attila chanced to be walking around the walls, considering whether to break camp or delay longer, and noticed that white birds — namely, storks — who build their nests in the gables of houses, were bearing their young from the city and, contrary to their custom, were carrying them out into the country.
221
Et ut erat sagacissimus inquisitor, prćsensit et ad suos “Respicite,” inquit, “aves futurarum rerum providas perituram relinquere civitatem casurasque arces periculo imminente deserere. Non hoc vacuum, non hoc credatur incertum ; rebus prćsciis consuetudinem mutat ventura formido.”	Being a shrewd observer of events, he understood this omen and said to his soldiers: “You see the birds foresee the future. They are leaving the city sure to perish and are forsaking strongholds doomed to fall by reason of imminent peril. Do not think this a meaningless or uncertain sign; fear of the future, arising from the things they foresee, has changed their custom.”
ż Quid plura ? Animos suorum rursus ad oppugnandam Aquilejam inflammat.	Why say more? He inflamed the hearts of his soldiers to attack Aquileja again.
Qui, machinis constructis omnibusque generibus tormentorum adhibitis, nec mora et invadunt civitatem, spoliant, dividunt vastantque crudeliter, ita ut vix ejus vestigia ut appareant reliquerunt.	Constructing battering rams and bringing to bear all manner of engines of war, they quickly forced their way into the city, despoiled it, smashed it asunder and devastated it so cruelly that they left hardly a trace of it to be seen.
222
Exhinc jam audaciores et necdum Romanorum sanguine satiati per reliquas Venetum civitates Hunni bacchantur.	Then growing bolder and still thirsting for Roman blood, the Huns raged madly through the remaining cities of the Veneti.
Mediolanum quoque, Ligurić metropolim et quondam regiam urbem, pari tenore devastant nec non Ticinum ćquali sorte dejiciunt, vicinaque loca sćvientes allidunt demoliunturque pćne totam Italiam.	In the same way they also laid waste Mediolanum {= modern Milan}, the capital of Liguria, once an imperial city, and gave over Ticinum {= modern Pavia} to a like fate. Rampaging through the neighboring places, they demolished almost the whole of Italy.
Quumque ad Romam animus fuisset ejus attentus accedere, sui eum, ut Priscus historicus refert, removerunt — non urbi, cui inimici erant, consulentes, sed Alarici quondam Wisigotharum regis objicientes exemplum, veriti regis sui fortunam, quia ille post fractam Romam non diu supervixerit, sed protinus rebus humanis excesserit.	While Attila’s mind had been bent on going to Rome, his followers, as the historian Priscus relates, deterred him — not out of regard for the city to which they were hostile, but confronting him with the example of Ala-reik, the former king of the Visigoths. They feared for the fate of their own king, because Ala-reik had not lived long after the sack of Rome, but had soon thereafter departed this life.
223
Igitur dum ejus animus ancipiti negotio inter ire et non ire fluctuaret secumque deliberans tardaret, placida ei legatio a Roma advenit.	Therefore while Attila's spirit was wavering in doubt between going and not going, and he still lingered to ponder the matter, a peace mission came to him from Rome.
Nam Leo papa per se ad eum accedit in agro Venetum Ambulejo, ubi Mincius amnis commeantium frequentatione transitur.	Pope Leo himself came to meet him in the Ambuleian district of the Veneti where the river Minucius is crossed by a great deal of trafﬁc.
Qui mox deposuit exercitatum furorem et, rediens quo venerat iter, ultra Danubium promissa pace discessit, illud prć omnibus denuntians atque interminando decernens, graviora se Italić illaturum, nisi ad se Honoriam, Valentiniani principis germanam, ﬁliam Placidić Augustć, cum portione sibi regalium opum debita mitterent.	Then Attila quickly put aside his usual fury and, retracing the way he had come, departed across the Danube with the promise of peace. But above all he declared and avowed with threats that he would bring worse things upon Italy, unless they sent him Honoria {Justa Grata Honoria, 417/418-until after 451 C.E.; “Augusta” (Empress) from 425}, the sister of the Emperor Valentinian {III; Emperor of the West, 425-455} and daughter of the Augusta {i.e., Empress} Placidia, with the share of the royal wealth due her.
{Note} Honoria: Priscus 20, 3 (Exc. de Leg. Gent. 8), (Blockley 306ff.): “Attila, who was making his expedition for these reasons, again sent men of his court to Italy that Honoria might be handed over. He claimed that she had been betrothed to him and as proof sent the ring which she had dispatched to him in order that it might be shown. He said also that Valentinian should resign to him half of his empire, since Honoria had received the sovereignty of it from her father and had been deprived of it by her brother’s greed.”
224
Ferebatur enim, quia hćc Honoria, dum propter aulć decus ad castitatem teneretur nutu fratris inclusa, clam eunucho misso Attilam invitasset, ut contra fratris potentiam ejus patrociniis uteretur : prorsus indignum facinus, ut licentiam libidinis malo publico compararet.	For it was said that this Honoria, while forced to chastity by being kept conﬁned at her brother’s behest for the dignity of the imperial court, had secretly dispatched a eunuch to summon Attila that she might have his protection against her brother's power: a shameful thing, indeed, to obtain license for her lust at the cost of the public weal.
XLIII 225
Reversus itaque Attila in sedes suas et quasi otii pćnitens graviterque ferens a bello cessare, ad Orientis principem Marcianum legatos dirigit, provinciarum testans vastationem quod sibi promissum a Theodosio quondam imperatore minime persolveretur, ut inhumanior solito suis hostibus appareret.	So Attila returned to his own country, seeming to regret the peace and to be vexed at the cessation of war. For he sent ambassadors to Marcian, Emperor of the East {450-457}, threatening to devastate the provinces because what had been promised him by Theodosius {II, 408-450}, a former emperor {of the East}, was not being paid at all, so that he might appear more cruel to his foes than ever.
{Note} promised him by Theodosius: Priscus 23, 1 (Exc. de Leg. Gent. 9), (Blockley 314f.): “After enslaving Italy Attila returned to his own territories and threatened the rulers of the eastern Romans with war and the enslavement of their land because the tribute agreed by Theodosius had not been sent.”
Hćc tamen agens, ut erat versutus et callidus, alibi minatus, alibi arma sua commovit et, quod restabat indignationis, faciem in Wisigothas convertit.	But while engaged in this, being shrewd and crafty, he threatened in one direction and moved his army in another and — the other part of his antipathy — turned his attention to the Visigoths.
226
Sed non eum, quem de Romanis, reportavit eventum.	But here he did not have the same success as against the Romans.
Nam per dissimiles anterioribus vias recurrens, Alanorum partem trans flumen Ligeris considentem statuit suć redigere dicioni, quatenus mutata per ipsos belli facie, terribilior immineret.	Hastening back by a different way than before, he decided to reduce to his sway that part of the Alans settled on the other side of the river Loire, so that by changing the aspect of the war he might become a more fearsome menace to the Visigoths.
Igitur a Dacia et Pannonia provinciis in quibus tunc Hunni cum diversis subditis nationibus insidebant egrediens, Attila in Alanos movit procinctum.	Accordingly he started from the provinces of Dacia and Pannonia, where the Huns were then dwelling with various subject peoples, and moved his strike force against the Alans.
227
Sed Thorismud rex Wisigotharum, fraudem Attilć non impari subtilitate prćsentiens, ad Alanos tota velocitate prius advenit, ibique supervenientis Attilć motibus jam prćparatus occurrit, consertoque prślio, pćne simili eum tenore ut prius in campis Catalaunicis ab spe removit victorić, fugatumque a partibus suis sine triumpho remittens in sedes proprias fugere compulit.	But Ţaúris-mođ, king of the Visigoths, with acumen not inferior to Attila’s, saw through his trickery. By forced marches he reached the Alans ahead of him, and was there in time to check the already beginning maneuvers of the oncoming Attila. They joined battle, and in almost the same way as before at the Catalaunian Plains, Ţaúris-mođ dashed his hopes of victory, routing him and driving him from the land without a triumph, compelling him to flee to his own country.
Sic Attila, famosus et multarum victoriarum dominus, dum qućrit famam perditoris abjicere, et quod prius a Wisigothis pertulerat abolere, geminata sustinuit ingloriosusque recessit.	Thus while Attila, the famous leader and lord of many victories, sought to blot out the fame of his destroyer and in this way to annul what he had suffered at the hands of the Visigoths, he met a second defeat and retreated ingloriously.
228
Thorismud vero, repulsis ab Alanis Hunnorum catervis sine aliqua suorum lćsione, Tolosam migravit, suorumque quieta pace composita, tertio anno regni sui ćgrotans, dum sanguinem tollit de vena, ab Ascalc, suo cliente, inimicis nuntiante arma subtracta, peremptus est.	Now after the bands of the Huns had been repulsed by the Alani, without any hurt to his own men, Ţaúris-mođ departed for Toulouse. There he established a settled peace for his people and in the third year of his reign fell sick. While letting blood from a vein, he was killed by At-skalk {“At-hand Slave,” “Personal Chamberlain”}, his client, who told his foes that his weapons were out of reach.
Una tamen manu quam liberam habebat scabellum tenens, sanguinis sui exstitit ultor, aliquantos insidiantes sibi exstinguens.	Yet grasping a foot-stool in the one hand he had free, he became the avenger of his own blood by slaying several of those that were lying in wait for him.
XLIV 229
Post cujus decessum Theoderidus, germanus ejus, Wisigotharum in regnum succedens, mox Riciarium Swevorum regem, cognatum suum, repperit inimicum.	After his death, his brother Ţiuđa-ređ succeeded to the kingdom of the Visigoths and soon found that his kinsman Riqi-harjis {“Dark-army,” "Dark-battletroop,” king 448-456}, the king of the Swevi, was hostile to him.
Hic etenim Riciarius, afﬁnitate Theoderidi prćsumens universam pćne Hispaniam sibi credidit occupandam, judicans opportunum tempus surreptioni, incomposita initia temptare regnantis.	For Riqi-harjis, presuming on his relationship to Ţiuđa-ređ, believed that he might seize almost the whole of Spain, judging the time opportune for a stealthy takeover, to put the disordered beginning of the rulership to the test.
230
Quibus antea Callćcia et Lusitania sedes fuere quć in dextro latere Hispanić per ripam Oceani porriguntur, habentes ab oriente Autrigoniam, ab occidente in promuntorio sacrum Scipionis Romani ducis monumentum, a septentrione Oceanum, a meridie Lusitaniam et fluvium Tagum qui, harenis suis permiscens auri metalla, trahit cum limi vilitate divitias.	Callćcia and Lusitania had formerly been their territory, which extends on the right side of Spain along the shore of Ocean. To the east is Autrigonia; to the west, on a promontory, is the sacred Monument of the Roman general Scipio, to the north Ocean, and to the south Lusitania and the Tagus {= modern Tajo} river, which mingles grains of gold in its sands and thus carries wealth in its worthless mud.
Exinde ergo exiens Riciarius, rex Swevorum, nititur totas Hispanias occupare.	So then Riqi-harjis, king of the Swevi, set forth and strove to seize the whole of Spain.
231
Cui Theodoridus, cognatus ejus, ut erat moderatus, legatos mittens, paciﬁce dixit, ut non solum recederet a ﬁnibus alienis, verum etiam nec temptare prćsumeret, odium sibi tali ambitione acquirens.	Ţiuđa-ređ, his kinsman, a man of moderation, sent ambassadors to him and told him quietly that he must not only withdraw from the territories that were not his own, but further more that he should not presume to make such an attempt, as he was becoming hated for his ambition.
Ille vero animo prćtumido ait: “Si hic murmuras et me venire causaris, Tolosam ubi tu sedes veniam ; ibi, si vales, resiste.”	But with arrogant spirit he replied: “If you murmur here and ﬁnd fault with my coming, I shall come to Toulouse where you dwell. Resist me there, if you can.”
His auditis ćgre tulit Theodoridus compacatusque cum ceteris gentibus arma movit in Swevos, Burgundionum quoque Gundiwichum et Hilpericum, reges auxiliarios, habens sibique devotos.	When he heard this, Ţiuđa-ređ was angry and, making a compact with all the other tribes, moved his forces against the Swevi {456 C.E.}. He also had as his close allies Gundi-weih {“Battle-combat”} and Hilpa-reik {“Helper-prince,” “Powerful helper”}, kings of the Burgundians.
232
Ventum est ad certamen juxta flumen Ulbium, quod inter Asturiam Hiberiamque prćtermeat ; consertoque prślio Theoderidus cum Wisigothis, qui ex justa parte pugnabat, victor efﬁcitur, Swevorum gentem pćne cunctam usque ad internecionem prosternens.	They came to battle near the river Ulbius {= Urbicus, modern Obrego}, which flows between Asturia and Hiberia; and in the engagement Ţiuđa-ređ with the Visigoths, who fought for the right, came off victorious, overthrowing the entire tribe of the Swevi and almost exterminating them.
Quorum rex Riciarius, relicto infesto hoste, fugiens in navem conscendit, adversaque procella Tyrrheni hoste repercussus, Wisigotharum est manibus redditus. Miserabilis non differt mortem, quum elementa mutaverit.	Their king Riqi-harjis fled from the dread foe and embarked upon a ship. But he was beaten back by another foe, the adverse wind of the Tyrrhenian Sea, and so fell into the hands of the Visigoths. Thus though he changed from sea to land, the wretched man did not delay his death.
233
Theoderidus vero victor exsistens, subactis pepercit nec ultra certamine sćvire permisit, prćponens Swevis quos subegerat clientem proprium, nomine Agiwulfum.	When Ţiuđa-ređ had become the victor, he spared the conquered and did not suffer the rage of conflict to continue, but placed over the Swevi whom he had conquered one of his own retainers, named Agji-wulf {“Edge-wolf,” i.e., “Swordblade-wolf”}.
Qui, in brevi, animum prćvaricatione Swevorum suasionibus commutans, neglexit imperata complere, potius tyrannica elatione superbiens, credensque se ea virtute provinciam obtinere qua dudum cum domino suo eam subegisset.	But Agji-wulf soon treacherously changed his mind, through the persuasion of the Swevi, and failed to fulﬁll his duty. For he was quite puffed up with tyrannical pride, believing he had obtained the province as a reward for the valor by which he and his lord had recently subjugated it.
Vir si quidem erat Warnorum stirpe genitus, longe a Gothici sanguinis nobilitate sejunctus, idcirco nec libertati studens nec patrono ﬁdem servans.	Now he was a man born of the stock of the Warni {“the Wary,” “those On Guard”}, far below the nobility of Gothic blood, and so was neither zealous for liberty nor faithful toward his patron.
234
Quo comperto Theodoridus mox contra eum < eos > qui eum de regno invaso dejicerent destinavit.	As soon as Ţiuđa-ređ heard of this, he sent forces to cast him out from the kingdom he had usurped.
Qui venientes sine mora, in primo eum certamine superantes, congruam factorum ejus ab eo exegerunt ultionem.	They came quickly and conquered him in the ﬁrst battle, inflicting a punishment beﬁtting his deeds.
Captus namque et, suorum solacio destitutus, capite plectitur, sensitque tandem iratum, qui propitium dominum crediderat contemnendum.	For he was captured, taken from his friends and beheaded. Thus at last he was made aware of the wrath of the master he thought might be despised because he was kind.
Tunc Swevi, rectoris sui interitum contuentes, locorum sacerdotes ad Theoderidum supplices direxerunt.	Now when the Swevi beheld the death of their leader, they sent priests of their country to Ţiuđa-ređ as suppliants.
Quos ille pontiﬁcali reverentia suscipiens non solum impunitatem Swevorum indulsit, sed et, ut sibi de suo genere principem constituerent, flexus pietate concessit.	He received them with the reverence due their ofﬁce and not only granted the Swevi exemption from punishment, but was moved by compassion and allowed them to choose a ruler of their own race for themselves.
Quod et factum est, et Rimismundum sibi Swevi regulum ordinaverunt.	The Swevi did so, ordaining Rimis-mund {“Peaceful-protection,” “Calm guard-arm”} as their prince.
His peractis, paceque cunctis munitis, tertio decimo regni sui anno Theoderidus occubuit.	When this was done and with peace everywhere secured, Ţiuđa-ređ died in the thirteenth year of his reign.
XLV 235
Cui frater Eurichus prćcupida festinatione succedens scćva suspicione pulsatus est.	His brother Aiwa-reik {“Time-ruler,” “Ruler of ages”} succeeded him with such eager haste that he beset by sinister suspicion.
Nam dum hćc circa Wisigotharum gentem et alia nonnulla geruntur, Valentinianus Imperator dolo Maximi occisus est et ipse Maximus, tyrannico more, regnum invasit.	Now while these and various other matters were happening among the people of the Visigoths, the Emperor Valentinian {III, Emperor of the West} was slain {455 C.E.} by the treachery of {Petronius} Maximus, and Maximus himself, like a tyrant, usurped the rule.
Quod audiens Gaisaricus rex Wandalorum ab Africa armata classe in Italiam venit Romamque ingressus cuncta devastat.	Gaisa-reik, king of the Vandals, heard of this and came from Africa to Italy with ships of war, entered Rome and laid it waste.
Maximus vero fugiens, a quodam Urso, milite Romano, interemptus est.	Maximus fled and was slain {in 455} by a certain Ursus, a Roman soldier.
236
Post quem, jussu Marciani Imperatoris Orientalis, Majorianus Occidentale suscepit imperium gubernandum.	After him Majorian {ruled 457-461} undertook the government of the Western Empire at the bidding of Marcian, Emperor of the East.
Sed et ipse non diu regnans dum contra Alanos, qui Gallias infestabant, movisset procinctum, Dertonć juxta fluvium Iram cognomento occiditur.	But he too ruled but a short time. For when he had moved his forces against the Alans who were harassing Gaul, he was killed at Dertona {modern Tortona, northwestern Italy} near the river named Ira.
Cujus locum Severus invasit, qui tertio anno imperii sui Romć obiit.	{Libius} Severus {ruled 461-465} succeeded him and died at Rome in the third year of his reign.
Quod cernens Leo Imperator, qui in Orientali regno Marciano successerat, Anthemium Patricium suum ordinans, Romć principem destinavit.	When the Emperor Leo, who had succeeded Marcian in the Eastern Empire, learned of this, he chose as emperor his Patrician Anthemius {467-472} and sent him to Rome.
Qui veniens ilico Ricimerem generum suum contra Alanos direxit, virum egregium et pćne tunc in Italia ad exercitum singularem.	Upon his arrival he sent against the Alans his son-in-law Riqi-mer {“Darkness-famed,” “Dark-renown”}, who was an excellent man and almost the only one in Italy at that time ﬁt to command the army.
Qui et multitudinem Alanorum et regem eorum Beorgum in primo statim certamine superatus ad internecionem prostravit.	In the very ﬁrst engagement he conquered and annihilated the host of the Alans, together with their king, Beorg {464}.
237
Eurichus ergo, Wisigotharum rex, crebram mutationem Romanorum principum cernens, Gallias suo jure nisus est occupare.	Now Aiwa-reik, king of the Visigoths, seeing the frequent change of Roman Emperors, strove to take control of Gaul by his own right.
Quod comperiens, Anthemius Imperator Brittonum solacia postulavit.	The Emperor {of the West} Anthemius {467-472} heard of it and asked the Bretons for aid.
Quorum rex Riotimus cum duodecim milibus veniens in Biturigas civitatem Oceano, e navibus egressus susceptus est.	Their King Riotimus {(or Riothamus, from Celtic *Rigo-tamos “King-most”; the origin of “King Arthur”)}, coming with twelve thousand men to the city of Bourges by way of Ocean, was taken in as soon as he got off of his ships {470 C.E.}.
238
Ad quos rex Wisigotharum Eurichus innumerum ductans advenit exercitum, diuque pugnans, Riotimum, Brittonum regem, antequam Romani in ejus societatem conjungerentur, effugavit.	Aiwa-reik, king of the Visigoths, arrived leading an innumerable army against them, and after a long ﬁght routed Riotimus, king of the Bretons, before the Romans could join forces with him.
Qui, ampla parte exercitus amissa, cum quibus potuit fugiens, ad Burgundionum gentem vicinam Romanisque in eo tempore fśderatam advenit.	After losing a great part of his army, he fled with all the men he could gather together and went to the neighboring people of the Burgundians {to the place then called Avallon (“Appleton”), in Arthurian legend “Avalon”}, then allied to the Romans.
Eurichus vero, rex Wisigotharum, Arvernam, Gallić civitatem, occupavit, Anthemio principe jam defuncto.	But Aiwa-reik, king of the Visigoths, seized the Gallic district of Auvergne; for the Emperor Anthemius was now dead {472}.
239
Qui, quum cum Ricimere genero suo intestino bello sćviens Romam trivisset, ipse a genero peremptus regnum reliquit Olybrio.	After having savagely worn out Rome in a civil war with his son-in-law Riqi-mer, he was himself ﬁnally slain by that son-in-law and yielded the rule to Olybrius {emperor of the West, 472}.
Quo tempore in Constantinopoli, Aspar, primus Patriciorum et Gothorum genere clarus, cum Ardabure et Patriciolo ﬁliis — illo quidem olim Patricio, hoc autem Cćsare, generoque Leonis principis appellato — spadonum ensibus in palatio vulneratus interiit.	At that time Aspar, ﬁrst of the Patricians and a famous man of the Gothic race {(only his mother being Gothic, his father Alan)}, was wounded by the swords of the eunuchs in his palace at Constantinople and died {473} together with his sons Arđa-baúrjis {“Earth-son,” “Child of the land”} and Patriciolus, the one long a Patrician, and the other titled a Cćsar and son-in-law of the Emperor {of the East} Leo {I, 457-474}.
Et Olybrio necdum octavo mense in regnum ingresso obeunte, Glycerius apud Ravennam plus prćsumptione quam electione Cćsar effectus est.	Now Olybrius died not quite eight months after he had entered upon his reign, and Glycerius {emperor of the West, 473} was made Cćsar at Ravenna, more by usurpation than by election.
Quem anno vix expleto Nepos, Marcellini quondam Patricii sororis ﬁlius, a regno dejiciens, in Portu Romano episcopum ordinavit.	Hardly had a year been ended when Nepos {emperor of the West, 473-475}, the son of the sister of the former Patrician Marcellinus, deposed him from his ofﬁce and ordained him bishop at the Port of Rome.
240
Tantas varietates mutationesque Eurichus cernens, ut diximus superius, Arvernam occupat civitatem, ubi tunc Romanorum dux prćerat Ecdicius, nobilissimus senator et Aviti dudum Imperatoris (qui ad paucos dies regnum invaserat) ﬁlius ; nam hic, ante Olybrium paucis diebus tenens imperium, ultro secessit Placentiam, ibique episcopus est ordinatus.	When Aiwa-reik, as we have already said, beheld these great and various changes, he seized the district of Auvergne, where the Roman general Ecdicius was at that time in command. The latter was a highly renowned senator and the son of Avitus, a recent emperor {of the West, 455-456} who had usurped the reign for a few days — for Avitus, after holding power for a few days before Olybrius, withdrew of his own accord to Placentia and was there ordained bishop.
Hujus ergo ﬁlius Ecdicius, diu certans cum Wisigothis, nec valens antistare, relicta patria maximeque urbe Arvernate hosti, ad tutiora se loca collegit.	His son Ecdicius fought for a long time with the Visigoths, but did not have the power to prevail. So he left the country and speciﬁcally the city of Auvergne to the enemy and betook himself to safer regions.
241
Quod audiens Nepos Imperator prćcepit Ecdicium relictis Galliis ad se venire, loco ejus Oreste magistro Militum ordinato.	When the Emperor Nepos heard of this, he ordered Ecdicius to leave Gaul and come to him, appointing Orestes in his stead as Master of the Soldiery.
Qui Orestes, suscepto exercitu et contra hostes egrediens, a Roma Ravennam pervenit, ibique remoratus Augustulum ﬁlium suum imperatorem effecit.	This Orestes thereupon received the army, set out from Rome against the enemy and came to Ravenna {in 475}. Here he tarried while he made his son Romulus Augustulus emperor {of the West; 475-476; last western emperor}.
Quo comperto, Nepos fugit Dalmatias ibique defecit, privatus a regno, ubi jam Glycerius, dudum imperator, episcopatum Salonitanum habebat.	When Nepos learned of this, he fled to Dalmatia and passed away there, deprived of his throne, in the very place where Glycerius, the former emperor, held at that time the bishopric of Salona.
XLVI 242
Augustulo vero a patre Oreste in Ravenna Imperatore ordinato, non multo post Odowacar, Torcilingorum rex, habens secum Sciros, Herulos diversarumque gentium auxiliarios, Italiam occupavit et, Oreste interfecto, Augustulum ﬁlium ejus de regno pulsum in Lucullano Campanić Castello exilii pśna damnavit.	Now after Augustulus had been appointed Emperor by his father Orestes in Ravenna {476}, it was not long before Auđa-wakr {“Blest-awake,” "Fortunate (in) alertness,” “Auspiciously conscious”}, king of the Ţorcilings {= Ţwaírhei-l-ingos? (= ∼ingos “Progeny”) “the Sons of Wrath, Race of Ire”?}, assisted by the Skeiros {“Pure(-blooded) ones”}, the Aírulos {“Earls,” “Men”} and allies of various races, invaded Italy. He put Orestes to death, drove his son Augustulus from the throne and condemned him to the punishment of exile in the Castle of Lucullus in Campania.
243
Sic quoque Hesperium Romanć gentis imperium, quod, septingentesimo nono urbis conditć anno, primus Augustorum Octavianus Augustus tenere cśpit, cum hoc Augustulo periit, anno decessorum prodecessorumve regni quingentesimo vicesimo secundo, Gothorum dehinc regibus Romam Italiamque tenentibus.	Thus the Western Empire of the Roman race, which Octavianus Augustus {reigned 27 B.C.-A.D. 14}, the ﬁrst of the Augusti, began to govern in the seven hundred and ninth year from the founding of the city {i.e., in 45 B.C., the year before the assassination of Julius Cćsar}, perished with this Augustulus {476} in the ﬁve hundred and twenty-second year from the beginning of the rule of his predecessors and those before them {i.e., from 45 B.C.}, and from this time onward kings of the Goths held Rome and Italy.
Interea Odowacar, rex gentium, omnem Italiam subjugatam (ut terrorem suum Romanis injiceret, mox initio regni sui Bracilam comitem apud Ravennam occidit), regnoque suo confortato, pćne per tredecim annos usque ad Theuderici prćsentiam, de quo in subsequentibus dicturi sumus, obtinuit.	Meanwhile Auđa-wakr, king of nations, subdued all Italy and then at the very outset of his reign slew Count Bracila at Ravenna {477} that he might inspire a fear of himself among the Romans. He consolidated his power and held it for almost thirteen years, until the appearance of Ţiuđa-reik {“People-ruler,” “Prince over the folk”}, of whom we shall speak hereafter.
XLVII 244
Interim tamen ad eum ordinem unde digressi sumus redeamus, et quomodo Eurichus, rex Wisigotharum, Romani regni vacillationem cernens, Arelatum et Massiliam proprić subdidit dicioni.	But ﬁrst let us return to that order from which we have digressed and tell how Aiwa-reik, king of the Visigoths, beheld the tottering of the Roman Empire and reduced Arles and Marseille to his own sway.
Gaisaricus etenim, Wandalorum rex, suis eum muneribus ad ista committenda illexit, quatenus ipse Leonis vel Zenonis insidias, quas contra eum direxerant, prćcaveret, egitque, ut Orientale imperium Ostrogothć, Hesperium Wisigothć vastarent ut, in utraque Re Publica hostibus decertantibus, ipse in Africa quietus regnaret.	Gaisa-reik {“Spear Ruler,” “Javelin Ruler”}, king of the Vandals, enticed him by gifts to do these things, to the end that he himself might forestall the plots which {the emperors of the East} Leo {I, 457-474} and Zeno {474-491} had contrived against him. Therefore he stirred the Ostrogoths to lay waste the Eastern Empire and the Visigoths the Western, so that while his foes were battling in both empires, he might himself reign peacefully in Africa.
Quod Eurichus, grato suscipiens animo, totas Hispanias Galliasque sibi jam jure proprio tenens, simul quoque et Burgundiones subegit, in Arelatoque degens decimo nono regni sui anno vita privatus est.	Aiwa-reik perceived this with gladness and, as he already held all of Spain and Gaul by his own right, proceeded to subdue the Burgundians also. In the nineteenth year of his reign he was deprived of his life at Arles, where he then dwelt {484}.
245
Huic successit proprius ﬁlius Alaricus, qui nonus in numero ab illo Alarico Magno regnum adeptus est Wisigotharum.	He was succeeded by his own son Ala-reik {“All-ruler”}, the ninth in succession from the famous Ala-reik the Great to receive the kingdom of the Visigoths.
Nam pari tenore ut de Augustis superius diximus, et in Alaricis evenisse cognoscitur : et in eis sćpe regna deﬁciunt, a quorum nominibus incoharunt.	For just as in the above-described case of the Augusti, so also it happened, as you can see, with the Ala-reiks: nations often end under rulers with the same names as those under whom they began.
Quo nos interim prćtermisso, sic, ut promisimus, omnem Gothorum texamus originem.	Meanwhile let us leave this subject, and weave together the whole story of the origin of the Goths, as we promised.
XLVIII (The Divided Goths: Ostrogoths) 246
Et quia, dum utrćque gentes — tam Ostrogothć quam etiam Wisigothć — in uno essent, ut valui, majorum sequens dicta, revolvi, divisosque Wisigothas ab Ostrogothis ad liquidum sum prosecutus, necesse nobis est iterum ad antiquas eorum Scythicas sedes redire et Ostrogotharum genealogiam actusque pari tenore exponere.	And since, following the stories of our forefathers, I have retold to the best of my ability when both peoples, both Ostrogoths and Visigoths, were one, and then clearly treated of the Visigoths apart from the Ostrogoths, I must now return to those ancient Scythian abodes and set forth in like manner the ancestry and deeds of the Ostrogoths.
Quos constat morte Ermanarici regis sui, decessione a Wisigothis divisos, Hunnorum subditos dicioni, in eadem patria remorasse, Winithahario tamen Amalo principatus sui insignia retinente.	It is known that at the death of their king, Aírmana-reik {“Mighty ruler”}, they were made separate by the departure of the Visigoths, and remained in their country under the control of the Huns; yet Winiţa-harjis {“Fighter of Wends” (a Slavic people)} of the Amals retained the insignia of his rule.
247
Qui, avi Wultwulﬁ virtutem imitatus, quamvis Ermanarico felicitate inferior, tamen ćgre ferens Hunnorum imperio subjacēre, paululum se subtrahens ab illis suamque dum nītitur ostendere virtutem, in Antorum ﬁnes movit procinctum, eosque dum aggreditur prima congressione superatus ; deinde fortiter egit regemque eorum, Boz nomine, cum ﬁliis ejus et LXX {septuaginta} primatibus in exemplum terroris < crucibus > afﬁxit, ut dediticiis metum cadavera pendentium geminarent.	He rivaled the valor of his grandfather Wulţ-wulf {“Magniﬁcent-wolf,” “Resplendent-wolf”}, although he did not have the good fortune of Aírmana-reik. But disliking to remain under the rule of the Huns, he withdrew a little from them and strove to show his courage by moving his forces against the country of the Antes. When he attacked them, he was beaten in the ﬁrst encounter. Thereafter he did valiantly and, as a terrible example, cruciﬁed their king, named Boz, together with his sons and seventy nobles, and left their bodies hanging there to double the fear of those who had surrendered.
248
Sed dum tali libertate vix anni spatio imperasset, non est passus Balamber, rex Hunnorum, sed ascito ad se Gaisamundo, Hunimundi Magni ﬁlio, qui juramenti sui et ﬁdei memor cum ampla parte Gothorum Hunnorum imperio subjacebat, renovatoque cum eo fśdere, super Winithaharium duxit exercitum ;	When he had ruled with such independence for barely a year, Balamber, king of the Huns, would no longer endure it, but sent for Gaisa-mund {“Spear-protection,” “Javelin-defense”}, son of Huni-mund {“Powerful-protection,” “Strong guard-arm”} the Great. Now Gaisa-mund, mindful of his oath of ﬁdelity, together with a great part of the Goths, remained under the rule of the Huns. Balamber renewed his alliance with him and led his army up against Winiţa-harjis.
diuque certati, primo et secundo certamine Winithaharius vincit. Nec valet aliquis commemorare, quantam stragem de Hunnorum Winithaharius fecit exercitu.	After a long contest, Winiţa-harjis prevailed in the ﬁrst and in the second conflict, nor can any say how great a slaughter he made of the army of the Huns.
249
Tertio vero prślio surreptionis auxilio ad fluvium nomine Erac, dum utrique ad se venissent, Balamber, sagitta missa caput Winithaharii saucians, eum interemit neptemque ejus Waldamarcam sibi in conjugio copulans jam omnem in pace Gothorum populum subactum possedit, ita tamen, ut genti Gothorum semper proprius regulus, quamvis Hunnorum consilio, imperaret.	But in the third battle, while both were advancing on one another, Balamber, through an ambush at the river Erac {also called Phasis: the modern Rioni south of the Caucasus in western Georgia}, shot an arrow wounding Winiţa-harjis in the head and killed him. Then Balamber took to himself in marriage Walda-marca {“Power-Wielder of the March (i.e., borderland),” “Queen of the Frontier”}, the granddaughter of Winiţa-harjis, and ﬁnally ruled all the people of the Goths as his peaceful subjects, but in such a way that a ruler of their own number, even though at the directive of the Huns, always held the power over the Gothic race.
250
Et mox defuncto Winithahario rexit eos Hunimundus, ﬁlius quondam regis potentissimi Ermanarici, acer in bello totoque corpore pulchritudine pollens, qui posthćc contra Swevorum gentem feliciter dimicavit.	And later, after the death of Winiţa-harjis, Huni-mund ruled them, the son of Aírmana-reik, a mighty king of yore; a man ﬁerce in war and of famous personal beauty, who afterwards fought successfully against the race of the Swevi.
Eoque defuncto successit Thorismud ﬁlius ejus, flore juventutis ornatus, qui secundo principatus sui anno contra Gipedas movit exercitum, magnaque de illis potitus victoria, casu equi dicitur interemptus.	And when he died, his son Ţaúris-mođ succeeded him, in the very bloom of youth. In the second year of his rule he moved an army against the Gibiđos and won a great victory over them, but is said to have been killed by falling from his horse.
251
Quo defuncto sic eum luxerunt Ostrogothć, ut quadraginta per annos in ejus locum rex alius non succederet, quatenus et illius memoriam semper haberent in ore et tempus accederet quo Walamer habitum repararet virilem, qui erat ex consobrino ejus genitus Wandalahario ; quia ﬁlius ejus, ut superius diximus, Beremud, jam contempta Ostrogotharum gente propter Hunnorum dominium, ad partes Hesperias Wisigotharum fuisset gentem secutus, de quo et ortus est Widiricus.	After Ţaúris-mođ's death, the Ostrogoths so mourned him that for forty years no other king succeeded him, a period during which both everyone talked about him all the time, and the time aproached when Wala-mer {“Beloved famous one”} (who was born of Ţaúris-mođ's maternal cousin Wandala-harjis {“Fighter of Vandals”) would restore the male role; for Ţaúris-mođ's own son, Baíri-mođ {“Bear mood”}, having, as we said above, spurned the Ostrogothic people because of their submission to the Huns, had followed the Visigothic people to the Western lands; it was of the latter that Wiđi-reik {“Forest ruler”} was descended.
Widirico quoque ﬁlius natus est Eutharicus qui, junctus Amalaswinthć, ﬁlić Theuderici, item Amalorum stirpem jam divisam conjunxit et genuit Athalaricum et Mathaswintham.	Wiđi-reik also had a son Iuţa-reik {“Ruler of the Iuţungi,” (“of the Progeny/Descendents”) (a tribe inhabiting Jut-land)}, who married Amala-swinţo {“Amal strength”}, the daughter of Ţiuđa-reik, thus uniting again the stock of the Amals which had divided long ago. Iuţa-reik begat Aţala-reik {“Noble ruler”} and Maţa-swinţo {“Good strength”}.
Sed quia Athalaricus in annis puerilibus defunctus est, Mathaswintha, Constantinopolim allata de secundo viro, id est Germano, fratruele Justiniani Imperatoris, genuit postumum ﬁlium quem nominavit Germanum.	But since Aţala-reik died in the years of his boyhood, Maţa-swinţo was taken to Constantinople by her second husband, namely Germanus, a ﬁrst cousin of the Emperor Justinian, and bore a posthumous son, whom she named Germanus.
252
Sed nobis, ut ordo quem cśpimus decurrat, ad Wandalarii subolem, quć trino flore pullulabat, redeundum est.	But that the order we have taken for our history may run its due course, we must return to the stock of Wandala-harjis, which put forth three sprouts.
Hic enim Wandalarius, fratruelis Ermanarici et supra scripti Thorismudi consobrinus, tribus editis liberis in gente Amala gloriatus est, id est Walamer, Theudemer, Widimer.	This Wandala-harjis, the great-grandson of a brother of Aírmana-reik and cousin of the aforesaid Ţaúris-mođ, vaunted himself among the race of the Amals because he had begotten three sons, Wala-mer, Ţiuđi-mer and Wiđi-mer.
Ex quibus per successionem parentum Walamer in regnum conscendit, adhuc Hunnis eos inter alias gentes generaliter obtinentibus.	Of these Wala-mer ascended the throne after his parents, though the Huns as yet held the power over the Goths in general as among other nations.
253
Eratque tunc in tribus his germanis contemplatio grata, quando mirabilis Theudemer pro fratris Walamer militabat imperio, Walamer vero pro altero jubebat ornando, Widimer servire fratribus ćstimabat.	It was pleasant to behold the concord of these three brothers; for the admirable Ţiuđi-mer served as a soldier for the empire of his brother Wala-mer, and Wala-mer bade honors be given him, while Wiđi-mer esteemed it an honor to serve them both.
Sic eis mutua affectione se tuentibus, nulli penitus deerat regnum quod utrique in sua pace tenebant.	Thus regarding one another with common affection, not one was wholly deprived of the kingdom which all three held in mutual peace.
Ita tamen, ut sćpe dictum est, imperabant, ut ipsi Attilć Hunnorum regis imperio deservirent : quibus nec contra parentes Wisigothas licuisset recusare certamen, sed necessitas domini, etiam parricidium si jubet, implendum est.	Yet, as has often been said, they ruled in such a way that they submitted to the dominion of Attila, king of the Huns. Indeed they would not have refused to ﬁght against their kinsmen the Visigoths, and the coercion of their lord would have to be executed even if he ordered them to kill their parents.
Nec aliter ab Hunnorum dominio divelli potuit gens aliqua Scythica, nisi optata cunctis nationibus in commune et Romanis mors Attilć eveniret, quć tam fuit vilis, ut vita mirabilis.	There was no way whereby any Scythian tribe could have been wrested from the power of the Huns, save by the death of Attila — an event the Romans and all other nations desired. That death was as base as his life was amazing.
XLIX 254
Qui, ut Priscus historicus refert, exitus sui tempore, puellam Hildico nomine, decoram valde, sibi in matrimonio post innumerabiles uxores, ut mos erat gentis illius, socians, ejusque in nuptiis, hilaritate nimia resolutus, vino somnoque gravatus resupinus jacebat ; redundans sanguis, qui ei solite de naribus effluebat, dum in consuetis meatibus impeditur, itinere fērali faucibus illapsus eum exstinxit.	As the historian Priscus relates, just before his death {453} Attila married an extremely beautiful girl called Hildika {“Fight,” “Battle”} after numerous other wives, as was the custom of his people. At his wedding, having overly indulged in celebration, he was lying on his back, heavy with wine and sleep. A stream of blood, which would normally have run out of his nose, was prevented from its normal course: it flowed inward on a lethal path into his throat and killed him.
Ita glorioso per bella regi temulentia pudendos exitus dedit.	So drunkenness brought a shameful end to a king famed in war.
Sequenti vero luce, quum magna pars diei fuisset exempta, ministri regii, triste aliquid suspicantes, post clamores maximos, fores effringunt inveniuntque Attilć sine ullo vulnere necem sanguinis effusione peractam, puellamque demisso vultu sub velamine lacrimantem.	The next day, when a great part of the day had passed, the king’s servants, suspecting something amiss, after shouting loudly broke down the doors. They found Attila unwounded but dead from a hemorrhage and the girl weeping with downcast face beneath her veil.
255
Tunc, ut gentis illius mos est, crinium parte truncata informes facies cavis turpavere vulneribus, ut prśliator eximius non femineis lamentationibus et lacrimis, sed sanguine lugeretur virili.	Then, as is the custom of that race, they hacked off part of the hair of their heads and disﬁgured their faces with deep wounds so that the renowned warrior might be mourned, not by effeminate wailings and tears, but by the blood of men.
De quo id accessit mirabile, ut Marciano Principi Orientis, de tam feroci hoste sollicito, in somnis divinitas assistens arcum Attilć in eadem nocte fractum ostenderet, quasi quod gens ipsa eo telo multum prćsumat.	Moreover a wondrous thing took place in connection with Attila's death. For in a dream some god stood at the side of Marcian, Emperor of the East {450-457}, while he was worried about his ﬁerce foe, and showed him the bow of Attila broken in that same night, as if to intimate that with that weapon the race of the Huns were arrogating overmuch to themselves.
Hoc Priscus historicus vera se dicit attestatione probare.	This account the historian Priscus says he accepts upon reliable evidence.
Nam in tantum magnis imperiis Attila terribilis habitus est, ut ejus mortem in locum muneris superna regnantibus indicarent.	For Attila was considered so terrifying to great empires that the heavenly powers revealed to rulers his death was a form of gift.
256
Cujus manes quibus modis a sua gente honorati sint, pauca de multis dicere non omittamus.	We shall not omit to say a few words about the many ways in which his shade was honored by his race.
In mediis siquidem campis et intra tentoria serica cadavere collocato, spectaculum admirandum et sollemniter exhibetur.	For his body was placed in the midst of a plain under silken tents, and a remarkable spectacle was solemnly performed.
Nam de tota gente Hunnorum lectissimi equites, in eo loco quo erat positus in modum circensium cursibus ambientes, facta ejus cantu funereo tali ordine referebant :	For the best horsemen of the entire tribe of the Huns rode circling the place where he lay, as in circus games, and told of his deeds in a funeral dirge in the following manner:
257
“Prćcipuus Hunnorum rex Attila, patre genitus Mundzuco, fortissimarum gentium dominus, qui inaudita ante se potentia solus Scythica et Germanica regna possedit, nec non utraque Romani orbis imperia captis civitatibus terruit et, ne prćdć reliqua subderentur, placatus precibus annuum vectigal accepit ; quumque hćc omnia proventu felicitatis egerit, non vulnere hostium, non fraude suorum, sed gente incolumi inter gaudia lćtus sine sensu doloris occubuit. ż Quis ergo hunc exitum putet, quem nullus ćstimat vindicandum ?”	“Attila the great, king of the Huns, fathered by Mundzuk, lord over peoples of great strength, who, with previously unheard-of power alone dominated the Scythian and German realms, captured cities, and terriﬁed both empires of the Roman world and, placated by their prayers lest the rest be subject to plunder, he accepted annual tribute. And when he had accomplished all this by the beneﬁt of fortune, he fell, not by wound of the foe, nor by treachery of friends, but with his people unscathed, happy in his joy and without sense of pain. Who, then, can rate this as death, which no one thinks needs be avenged?”
{Note} accepted annual tribute: Priscus fr. 11, 2 (Exc. de Leg. Rom. 3), (Blockley 277f.): “No previous ruler of Scythia or of any other land had ever achieved so much in so short a time. He ruled the islands of the Ocean and, in addition to the whole of Scythia, forced the Romans to pay tribute.”
258
Postquam talibus lamentis est defletus, “strawam” super tumulum ejus, quam appellant, ipsi ingenti comissatione concelebrant;	When they had mourned him with such lamentations, they themselves celebrated what they call a “strawa” {a “strewing,” i.e., probably of handfuls of earth} over his mound amidst wild revelry.
et contraria invicem sibi copulantes, luctu funereo mixta gaudia explicabant, noctuque secreto cadaver terra reconditum ; coopercula primum auro, secundum argento, tertium ferri rigore, communiunt, signiﬁcantes tali argumento potentissimo regi omnia convenire : ferrum, quod gentes edomuit, aurum et argentum, quod ornatum Rei Publicć utriusque acceperit.	They gave way in turn to the extremes of feeling and let loose with joy mixed with funereal grief. Then in the secrecy of night they buried his body in the earth. They bound his cofﬁns, the ﬁrst with gold, the second with silver and the third with the strength of iron, showing by such means that these three things were appropriate for the mightiest of kings; iron because he subdued the nations, gold and silver because he received the valuables of both empires.
Addunt arma hostium cćdibus acquisita, phaleras variarum gemmarum fulgore pretiosas et diversi generis insignia, quibus colitur aulicum decus.	They also added the arms of foe men won in the ﬁght, medallions of rare worth, sparkling with various gems, and ornaments of all sorts whereby courtly splendor is maintained.
Et, ut tantis divitiis humana curiositas arceretur, operi deputatos detestabili mercede trucidarunt, emersitque momentanea mors sepelientibus cum sepulto.	And that such great riches might be kept from human curiosity, as a horrible payment they slew those appointed to the work; and thus sudden death overcame the buriers as well as the buried.
L 259
Talibus peractis, ut solent animi juvenum ambitu potentić concitari, inter successores Attilć de regno orta contentio est, et dum inconsulte imperare cupiunt cuncti, omnes simul imperium perdiderunt.	After they had fulﬁlled these rites, a contest for his realm arose among Attila’s successors — given that the minds of young men are wont to be inflamed by ambition for power —, and while everyone mindlessly strove to rule, together they all destroyed his empire.
Sic frequentius regna gravat copia quam inopia successorum.	Thus kingdoms are often weighed down by a superfluity rather than by a lack of successors.
Nam ﬁlii Attilć, quorum per licentiam libidinis pćne populus fuit, gentes sibi dividi ćqua sorte poscebant, ut ad instar familić bellicosi reges cum populis mitterentur in sortem.	For the sons of Attila, who because of the libertinism of his lust practically amounted to a nation, demanded that the tribes be divided among themselves equally, and that warlike kings with their peoples be apportioned to them by lot like household slaves.
260
Quod ut Gipedarum rex comperit Ardarichus, indignatus de tot gentibus velut vilissimorum mancipiorum condicione tractari, contra ﬁlios Attilć primus insurgit, illatumque serviendi pudorem secuta felicitate detersit, nec solum suam gentem, sed et ceteras quć pariter premebantur sua discessione absolvit, quia facile omnes appetunt quod pro cunctorum utilitate temptatur.	When Arđa-reik, king of the Gibiđos, learned this, he became enraged because so many nations were being treated as though in the condition of the basest slaves, and was the ﬁrst to rise against the sons of Attila. Good fortune attended him, and he wiped out the disgrace of servitude that rested upon him. For by his revolt he freed not only his own tribe, but all the others who were equally oppressed, for all readily strive for that which is undertaken for the general advantage.
In mutuum igitur armantur exitium, bellumque committitur in Pannonia juxta flumen, cui nomen est Nedao.	Both sides armed themselves for mutual annihilation, and battle was joined {454} in Pannonia, near a river called Nedao {(or Netad), a tributary of the Sava in modern Hungary west of the Danube}.
261
Illic concursus factus est gentium variarum quas Attila in sua tenuerat dicione.	There an encounter took place between the various nations Attila had held under his sway.
Dividuntur regna cum populis, ﬁuntque ex uno corpore membra diversa, nec quć unius passioni compaterentur, sed quć exciso capite in invicem insanirent ; quć nunquam contra se pares invenerant, nisi ipsi mutuis se vulneribus sauciantes, se ipsos discerperent fortissimć nationes.	Kingdoms with their peoples became divided, and out of one body emerged divergent members so that they no longer suffered together in unifed suffering but, with the head gone, strove madly against each other, and so that extremely powerful nations that had never found their equals confronting them without both sides injuring one another with mutual wounds, now tore themselves to shreds.
Nam ibi admirandum reor fuisse spectaculum, ubi cernere erat contis pugnantem Gothum, ense furentem Gipedam, in vulnere suo Rugum tela frangentem, Swevum pede, Hunnum sagitta prćsumere, Alanum gravi, Erulum levi armatura aciem struere.	For then, I think, must have occurred a most remarkable spectacle, where one might see the Goth ﬁghting with pikes, the Gibiđ raging with his sword, the Rugian {“Hard-striver,” “Exerter,” “Toiler”} breaking off missiles in his own wound, the Swevian {“(man of our) Own (people)”} as foot soldier, the Hun taking the initiative with his bow, the Alan forming a battle line of heavy, the Aírul one of light, armor.
262
Post multos ergo gravesque conflictus favit Gipedis inopinata victoria. Nam XXX {triginta} fere milia {= 30,000} tam Hunnorum quam aliarum gentium, quć Hunnis ferebant auxilium, Ardarici gladius conspiratioque peremit.	Finally, after many bitter conflicts, victory fell unexpectedly to the Gibiđos. For the sword and the alliance of Arđa-reik destroyed almost thirty thousand men, both of the Huns and of the other nations who brought them aid.
In quo prślio ﬁlius Attilć major natu nomine Ellac occiditur, quem tantum parens super ceteros amasse perhibebatur, ut eum cunctis diversisque liberis suis in regno prćferret ; sed non fuit votis patris fortuna consentiens.	In this battle fell Ellac, the eldest son of Attila, whom his father is said to have loved so much more than all the rest that he preferred him to all and sundry children of his kingdom. But fortune did not consent to his father's wish.
Nam post multas hostium cćdes sic viriliter eum constat peremptum, ut tam gloriosum superstes pater optasset interitum.	For after slaying many of the foe, it is known that he met his death so bravely that, had his father lived, he would have wished for such a glorious end.
263
Reliqui vero germani ejus, eo occiso, fugantur juxta litus Pontici maris, ubi prius Gothos sedisse descripsimus.	After Ellac had been slain, his remaining brothers were driven fleeing to near the shore of the Sea of Pontus, where we have said the Goths ﬁrst settled.
Cesserunt itaque Hunni, quibus cedere putabatur universitas.	And thus fell the Huns, a race before which it was thought the whole world must fall.
Adeo discidium perniciosa res est, ut divisi corruerent qui, adunatis viribus, territabant.	So ruinous a thing is dissension that they who used to inspire terror when their strength was united were overthrown when divided.
Hćc causa Ardarici regis Gipedarum felix affuit diversis nationibus quć Hunnorum regimini invitć famulabantur, eorumque diu mćstissimos animos ad hilaritatem libertatis votivam erexit ; — venientesque multi per legatos suos ad solum Romanum et, a principe tunc Marciano gratissime suscepti, distributas sedes quas incolerent acceperunt.	The cause of Arđa-reik, king of the Gibiđos, was fortunate for the various nations who were unwillingly subject to the rule of the Huns, for it raised their long downcast spirits to the glad hope of freedom. Many sent ambassadors to the Roman territory, where they were most graciously received by Marcian who was then emperor {of the East, 450-457}, and accepted the homelands allotted them to dwell in.
264
Nam Gipedć, Hunnorum sibi sedes viribus vindicantes, totius Dacić ﬁnibus velut victores potiti, nihil aliud a Romano imperio nisi pacem et annua sollemnia, ut strenui viri, amica păctione postulaverunt.	But the Gibiđos, by force taking over the Huns’ land for themselves, ruled as victors over the extent of all Dacia, demanding of the Roman Empire nothing more than peace and, as vigorous strongmen, an annual gift, given their friendly alliance.
Quod et libens tunc annuit Imperator, et usque nunc consuetum donum gens ipsa a Romano suscipit Principe.	This the Emperor freely granted at the time, and to this day that race receives its customary gifts from the Roman Emperor.
Gothi vero, cernentes Gipedas Hunnorum sedes sibi defendere, Hunnorumque populum suas antiquas sedes occupare, maluerunt a Romano regno terras petere quam cum discrimine suo invadere alienas, accipientesque Pannoniam ; quć in longam porrecta planitiem habet ab oriente Mśsiam Superiorem, a meridie Dalmatiam, ab occasu Noricum, a septentrione Danubium.	Now when the Goths saw the Gibiđos defending for themselves the territory of the Huns and the people of the Huns occupying the Goths’ own ancient abodes, they preferred to ask for lands from the Roman Empire rather than to invade the lands of others with danger to themselves. So they received Pannonia, which stretches in a long plain, being bounded on the east by Upper Mśsia, on the south by Dalmatia, on the west by Noricum and on the north by the Danube.
Ornata patria civitatibus plurimis, quarum prima Sirmium, extrema Vindobona.	This land is adorned with many cities, the ﬁrst of which {from Constantinople} is Sirmium {modern Sremska Mitrovica, Serbia, NW of Belgrade} and the last, Vienna.
265
Sauromatć vero, quos Sarmatas dicimus, et Cemandri et quidam ex Hunnis partem Illyrici ad Castramartenam urbem sedes sibi datas coluerunt.	But the Sauromatć, whom we call Sarmatians, and the Cemandri and certain of the Huns inhabited part of Illyricum near the city of Castra Martis as settlement areas given them.
Ex quo genere fuit Bliwila, dux Pentapolitanus, ejusque germanus Froila, et nostri temporis Bessa patricius.	Of this race was Bliwila {(non-Germanic [Hunnic?] name)}, Duke of Pentapolis {in Cyrene in North Africa}, and his brother Froila and also Bessa, a Patrician of our day.
{Note} Froila and also Bessa {(non-Germanic [Hunnic?] names)}: Froila is otherwise unknown. Of Bessa, Procopius, History of the Wars: Book V: The Gothic War XVI, 159 (PROCOPIUS, with an English Translation by H.B. Dewing, London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1919), relates: “Now this Bessas was a Goth by birth, one of those who had dwelt in Thrace from of old and had not followed Theuderic when he led the Gothic nation thence into Italy, and he was an energetic man and a capable warrior.”
Sciri vero et Sadagarii et certi Alanorum cum duce suo, nomine Candac, Scythiam Minorem Inferioremque Mśsiam acceperunt.	The Skeiros, moreover, and the Sadagarii and certain of the Alani with their leader, Candac by name, received Scythia Minor and Lower Mśsia.
266
Cujus Candacis Alanorum ducis, Wihamuthis patris mei genitor, Pharia (id est meus avus), notarius quousque Candac ipse viveret, fuit ;	Of this Candac leader of the Alans, Farja {“Farer,” “Traveler,” “Courier”}, the father of my father Weiha-mođ {“Sacred mood,” “Holy disposition”} (that is to say, my grandfather), was secretary as long as Candac lived.
ejusque germanć ﬁlio, Gunthigis, qui et Baza dicebatur, magistro Militum, ﬁlio Andagis ﬁlii Andilć de prosapia Amalorum descendentis, ego item quamvis agrammatus Jordanes ante conversionem meam notarius fui.	To his sister's son Gunţi-gis {“Combat-spear,” “Battle-javelin”}, also called Batja {“The Good,” “Useful”}, the Master of the Soldiery (who was the son of Anda-gis {“Spearpoint”} son of Andila {“End,” “Endpoint”} of the dynasty of the Amals), before my conversion I, Jordanes, although uneducated, was likewise secretary.
Rugi vero alićque nationes nonnullć Bizyim et Arcadiopolim ut incolerent, petiverunt.	The Rugians {“Hard-strivers,” “Exerters,” “Toilers”}, however, and some other races asked that they might inhabit Bizye {in Thrace, not far from Constantinople} and Arcadiopolis {near Bizye}.
Hernac quoque junior Attilć ﬁlius cum suis, in extremis Minoris Scythić sedes delegit.	Hernac, the younger son of Attila, with his followers, chose a home in the most distant part of Lesser Scythia.
Emnetzur et Ultzindur, consanguinei ejus, in Dacia ripense Uto et Śsco Almoque potiti sunt, multique Hunnorum passim proruentes tunc se in Romaniam dediderunt, e quibus nunc usque Sacromontisi et Fossatisii dicuntur.	Emnetzur and Ultzindur, kinsmen of his, won Utus and Śscus and Almus in Dacia on the bank of the Danube, and many of the Huns, then swarming everywhere, betook themselves into the Roman Empire, and from them the Sacromontisi and the Fossatisii of this day are said to be descended.
LI 267
Erant si quidem et alii Gothi, qui dicuntur minores, populus immensus, cum suo pontiﬁce ipsoque primate Wulﬁla, qui eis dicitur et litteras instituisse.	There were other Goths also, called the Lesser, a great people whose bishop and primate was Wulﬁla, who is said to have invented an alphabet for them.
{Note} Wulﬁla: Socrates, Hist. Eccl. 4, 33: “Wulﬁla, bishop of the Goths, invented the Gothic alphabet.”
Hodieque sunt in Mśsia, regionem incolentes Nicopolitanam ad pedes Hćmi montis, gens multa, sed pauper et imbellis nihiloque abundans nisi armentis diversi generis, pecorum et pascuis, silvaque lignorum ; parum tritici ceterarumque specierum terra fecunda.	And today they are in Mśsia, inhabiting the Nicopolitan region {Nicopolis = modern Trnovo, Bulgaria} as far as the base of Mount Hćmus. They are a numerous people, but poor and unwarlike, rich in nothing save flocks of various kinds and pastures for cattle and forests for wood. Their country is not fruitful in wheat and other sorts of grain.
Vineas vero nec, si sunt alibi, certi eorum cognoscunt, ex vicinis locis sibi vinum negotiantes ; nam lacte aluntur plerique.	Some of them do not know that vineyards exist elsewhere, and they buy their wine from neighboring countries. But most of them drink milk.
LII 268
Ergo, ut ad gentem unde agimus revertamur, id est Ostrogotharum, qui in Pannonia sub rege Walamer ejusque germanis Theudemer et Widimer morabantur ; quamvis divisa loca, consilia tamen unita (nam Walamer inter Scarniungam et Aquam Nigram fluvios, Theudemer juxta lacum Pelsois, Widimer inter utrosque manebat) ;	Let us now return to the tribe with which we started, namely the Ostrogoths, who were dwelling in Pannonia under their king Wala-mer and his brothers Ţiuđi-mer and Wiđi-mer. Although their territories were separate, yet their plans were one. For Wala-mer dwelt between the rivers Scarniunga {modern Jarčina, Serbia} and Aqua Nigra {modern Karašica, Croatia}, Ţiuđi-mer near Lake Pelso {Lake Balaton in western Hungary} and Wiđi-mer between them both.
contigit ergo, ut Attilć ﬁlii contra Gothos quasi desertores dominationis suć, velut fugacia mancipia requirentes, venirent ignarisque aliis fratribus super Walamer solum irruerent.	Now it happened that the sons of Attila, regarding the Goths as deserters from their rule, came against them as though recuperating their fugitive slaves and attacked Wala-mer alone, when his brothers knew nothing of it {456}.
269
Quos tamen ille quamvis cum paucis excepit, diuque fatigatos ita prostravit, ut vix pars aliqua hostium remaneret — quć, in fugam versa, eas partes Scythić peteret quas Danapri amnis fluenta prćtermeant, quem lingua sua Hunni « War » appellant.	He sustained their attack, though he had but few supporters and, after exhausting them in a long ﬁght, so utterly overwhelmed them that scarcely any portion of the enemy remained. The remnant turned in flight and made for the parts of Scythia bordered by the waters of the river Dnieper, which the Huns call in their own tongue the “War.”
Eo namque tempore ad fratrem Theudemerem gaudii nuntium direxit, sed eo mox die nuntius veniens, felicius in domo Theudemer repperit gaudium.	Thereupon he sent a messenger of good tidings to his brother Ţiuđi-mer, and on the very day the messenger arrived he found even greater joy in the house of Ţiuđi-mer.
Ipso siquidem die Theudericus ejus ﬁlius, quamvis de Erelieva concubina, bonć tamen spei puerulus natus erat.	For on that day his son Ţiuđa-reik was born {here allegedly in 456, but actually in 451 after the battle of the Catalaunian Fields}, of a concubine Airi-liubo {“Early-beloved,” “First-loved”} indeed, and yet a child of good hope.
270
Post tempus ergo non multum, rex Walamer ejusque germani Theudemer et Widimer, consueta dum tardarent dona a Principe Marciano, quć ad instar strenć acciperent et pacis fśdera custodirent, missa legatione ad Imperatorem, vident Theudericum, Triarii ﬁlium, et hunc genere Gothico, alia tamen stirpe, non Amala procreatum, omnino florentem cum suis, Romanorumque amicitiis junctum et annua sollemnia consequentem, et se tantum despici.	Now after no great time King Wala-mer and his brothers Ţiuđi-mer and Wiđi-mer sent an embassy to the Emperor Marcian, because the usual gifts which they received like a New Year's present from the Emperor, to preserve the compact of peace, were slow in arriving. And they discovered that Ţiuđa-reik, son of Triarius, a man of Gothic blood also, but born of another stock, not of the Amals, was in great favor, together with his followers. He was allied in friendship with the Romans and obtained the customary annual stipend, while they themselves were merely held in disdain.
271
Ilico furore commoti arma arripiunt, et Illyricum pćne totum, discurrentes in prćdam, devastant.	Thereat they were aroused to frenzy and took up arms. Roving all around in their search for spoil, they laid waste almost the whole of Illyricum.
Sed statim Imperator, animo mutato, ad pristinam recurrit amicitiam ; missaque legatione, tam prćterita cum instantibus munera tribuit quam etiam de futuro sine aliqua controversia tribuere compromittit ; pacisque obsidem ab eis de quo supra rettulimus Theudericum, infantulum Theudemeris, accipit qui, jam septem annorum incrementa conscendens, octavum intraverat annum.	Then the Emperor quickly changed his mind and returned to his former state of friendship. He sent an embassy to give them not just the past gifts along with those due now, but also promised to give them in future without any dispute. From the Goths the Romans received as a hostage of peace Ţiuđa-reik, the young, above-mentioned child of Ţiuđi-mer {459}. He had now attained the age of seven years and was entering upon his eighth.
Quem dum pater cunctaretur dare, patruus Walamer exstitit supplicator, tantum ut pax ﬁrma inter Romanos Gothosque maneret.	While his father hesitated about giving him up, his uncle Wala-mer besought him to do it, so only that peace between the Romans and the Goths might thus be assured.
Datus igitur Theudericus obses a Gothis, duciturque ad urbem Constantinopolitanam Leoni Principi et, quia puerulus elegans erat, meruit gratiam imperialem habere.	Therefore Ţiuđa-reik was given as a hostage by the Goths and brought to the city of Constantinople {459} to the Emperor Leo {(I, of the East; 457-474)} and, being a ﬁne child, deservedly gained the imperial favor.
LIII 272
Postquam ergo ﬁrma pax Gothorum cum Romanis effecta est, videntes Gothi non sibi sufﬁcere ea quć ab Imperatore acceperant, simulque solitam cupientes ostentare virtutem, cśperunt vicinas gentes circumcirca prćdari, primum contra Sadagares, qui interiorem Pannoniam possidebant, arma moventes.	Now after ﬁrm peace was established between Goths and Romans, the Goths found that the possessions they had received from the Emperor were insufﬁcient for them. Furthermore, they were eager to display their wonted valor, and so began to plunder the neighboring races round about them, ﬁrst attacking the Sadagares {467/468} who held the interior of Pannonia.
Quod ubi rex Hunnorum Dintzic ﬁlius Attilć cognovisset, collectis secum qui adhuc videbantur quamvis pauci ejus tamen sub imperio remansisse Ultzinzuribus, Angisciris, Bittuguribus, Bardoribus, veniensque ad Bassianam, Pannonić civitatem, eamque circumvallans, ﬁnes ejus cśpit prćdari.	When Dengizich, king of the Huns, a son of Attila, learned this, he gathered to him the few who still seemed to have remained under his sway, namely, the Ultzinzures, and Angisciri, the Bittugures and the Bardores. Coming to Bassiana {in today's northwestern Hungary}, a city of Pannonia, he beleaguered it and began to plunder its territory.
273
Quo comperto Gothi ibi ubi erant, expeditionemque solventes quam contra Sadagares collegerant, in Hunnos convertunt et sic eos suis a ﬁnibus ingloriosos pepulerunt, ut jam ex illo tempore qui remanserunt Hunni et usque hactenus Gothorum arma formident.	Then the Goths right where they were abandoned the expedition they had planned against the Sadagares, turned upon the Huns and drove them so ingloriously from their own land that those who remained have been in dread of the arms of the Goths from that time even down to the present day.
Quiescente vero tandem Hunnorum gente a Gothis, Hunimundus, Swevorum dux, dum ad deprćdandas Dalmatias transit, armenta Gothorum in campis errantia deprćdatur, quia Dalmatia Swević vicina erat nec a Pannoniis ﬁnibus multum distabat, prćsertim ubi tunc Gothi residebant.	When the tribe of the Huns had ﬁnally been subdued by the Goths, Huni-mund {“Powerful-protection,” “Strong guard-arm”}, chief of the Swevi, who was crossing over to plunder Dalmatia, carried off some cattle of the Goths which were straying over the plains; for Dalmatia was near Swevia and not far distant from the territory of Pannonia, especially that part where the Goths were then staying.
274
ż Quid plurimum ? Hunimundo cum Swevis, vastatis Dalmatiis, ad sua revertente, Theudemer, germanus Walameris regis Gothorum, non tantum jacturam armentorum dolens quantum metuens ne Swevi, si impune hoc lucrarentur, ad majorem licentiam prosilirent, sic vigilavit in eorum transitu, ut intempesta nocte dormientes invaderet ad lacum Pelsodis, consertoque inopinato prślio ita eos oppressit ut, etiam ipso rege Hunimundo capto, omnem exercitum ejus, qui gladio evasissent, Gothorum subderet servituti.	So then, as Huni-mund was returning with the Swevians to his own country, after he had devastated Dalmatia, Ţiuđi-mer, the brother of Wala-mer, king of the Goths, kept watch on their line of march. Not that he grieved so much over the loss of his cattle, but he feared that if the Swevians obtained this plunder with impunity, they would proceed to greater license. So in the dead of night, while they were asleep, he made an unexpected attack upon them, near Lake Pelso. Here he so completely crushed them that, capturing even King Huni-mund himself, he sent all of his army who had escaped the sword into slavery under the Goths.
Et dum multum esset amator misericordić, facta ultione veniam condonavit reconciliatusque cum Swevis, eundem quem ceperat adoptans sibi ﬁlium, remisit cum suis in Sweviam.	Yet as he was a great lover of mercy, he granted pardon after taking vengeance and became reconciled to the Swevians. He adopted as his son the same man whom he had taken captive, and sent him back with his followers into Swevia.
275
Sed ille immemor paternć gratić, post aliquod tempus conceptum dolum parturiens, Scirorumque gentem incitans, qui tunc super Danubium considebant et cum Gothis paciﬁce morabantur, quatenus scissi ab eorum fśdere secumque juncti in arma prosilirent gentemque Gothorum invaderent.	But Huni-mund was unmindful of his adopted father's kindness. After sometime he brought forth a plot he had contrived and aroused the tribe of the Skeiros, who then dwelt above the Danube and abode peaceably with the Goths, to the point that the Skeiros broke off their alliance with them, took up arms, joined themselves to Huni-mund and went out to attack the race of the Goths.
Tunc Gothis nihil mali sperantibus, prćsertim de utrisque amicis vicinis conﬁsis, bellum exsurgit ex improviso ; coactique necessitate ad arma confugiunt solitoque certamine arrepto se suamque injuriam ulciscuntur.	Thus war came upon the Goths who were expecting no evil, because they relied upon both of their neighbors as friends. Constrained by necessity they took up arms and avenged themselves and their injuries by recourse to accustomed battle.
276
In eo siquidem prślio rex eorum Walamer, dum equo insidens ad cohortandos suos ante aciem curreret, proturbatus equus corruit sessoremque suum dejecit, qui mox inimicorum lanceis confossus interemptus est.	In this battle {468/9}, as King Wala-mer rode on his horse before the line to encourage his men, the horse was wounded and fell, overthrowing its rider. Wala-mer was quickly pierced by his enemies’ spears and slain.
Gothi vero, pśnas tam regis sui mortis quam suć injurić a rebellibus exigentes, ita sunt prśliati, ut pćne de gente Scirorum nisi qui nomen ipsum ferrent, et hi cum dedecore, non remansissent : sic omnes exstincti sunt.	Thereupon the Goths proceeded to exact vengeance for the death of their king, as well as for the injury done them by the rebels. They fought in such wise that there remained of all the race of the Skeiros only a few who bore the name, and they with disgrace. Thus they were all extinguished.
LIV 277
Quorum exitium Swevorum reges Hunimundus et Alaricus veriti, in Gothos arma moverunt, freti auxilio Sarmatarum qui, cum Beuca et Babai regibus suis, auxiliarii ei advenissent, ipsasque Scirorum reliquias quasi ad ultionem suam acrius pugnaturos arcessentes cum Edica et Hunwulfo eorum primatibus ; habuerunt simul secum tam Gipedas quam ex gente Rugorum non parva solacia, ceterisque hinc inde collectis ingentem multitudinem aggregantes ad amnem Boliam in Pannoniis castra metati sunt.	The kings of the Swevians, Huni-mund and Ala-reik, fearing the destruction that had come upon the Skeiros, next made war upon the Goths, relying upon the aid of the Sarmatians, who had come to them as auxiliaries with their kings Beuca and Babai. They summoned the last remnants of the Skeiros, with Aiţika {“Oath-bound,” “Oath-sworn”} and Huni-wulf {“Strong-wolf”}, their chieftains, thinking they would ﬁght the more bitterly to avenge themselves. They had on their side the Gibiđos also, as well as no small reinforcements from the race of the Rugians {“Hard-strivers,” “Exerters,” “Toilers”} and from others gathered here and there. Thus they brought together a great host at the river Bolia {(i.e., across from the confluence of the Ipel with the Danube)} in Pannonia and encamped there {469}.
278
Gothi tunc, Walamero defuncto, ad fratrem ejus Theudemer confugerunt.	Now when Wala-mer was dead, the Goths fled to Ţiuđi-mer, his brother.
Qui quamvis dudum cum fratribus regnans, tamen auctioris potestatis insignia sumens, Widimer, fratre juniore accito, et cum ipso curas belli partitus, coactus ad arma prosilivit ; consertoque prślio, superior pars invenitur Gothorum, adeo ut campus inimicorum corruentium cruore madefactus, ut rubrum pelagus appareret, armaque et cadavera, in modum collium cumulata, campum plus decem milibus oppleverunt.	Although he had long ruled along with his brothers, yet he took the insignia of his increased authority and summoned his younger brother Wiđi-mer and shared with him the cares of war, resorting to arms under compulsion. A battle was fought and the party of the Goths was found to be so much stronger that the plain was drenched in the blood of their fallen foes and looked like a red sea. Weapons and corpses, piled up like hills, covered the plain for more than ten miles.
279
Quod Gothi cernentes, ineffabili exultatione lćtantur, eo quod et regis sui Walameris sanguinem et suam injuriam cum maxima inimicorum strage ulciscerentur.	When the Goths saw this, they rejoiced with joy unspeakable, because by this great slaughter of their foes they had avenged both the blood of Wala-mer their king and the injury done themselves.
De vero innumeranda variaque multitudine hostium qui valuerunt evadere, perquaquam effugati, vix ad sua inglorii pervenerunt.	But those of the innumerable and motley throng of the foe who were able to escape, everywhere put to flight, made it home only with difﬁculty and without glory.
LV 280
Post certum vero tempus, instanti hiemali frigore amneque Danubii solite congelato — nam istiusmodi fluvius ita congelascit, ut in silicis modum pedestrem vehat exercitum plaustraque et tragulas vel quicquid vehiculi fuerit, nec cumbarum indigeat lintribus — sic ergo eum gelatum Theudemer Gothorum rex cernens, pedestrem ducit exercitum emensoque Danubio Swevis improvisus a tergo apparuit.	After a certain time, when the wintry cold was at hand, the river Danube was frozen over as usual. For a river like this freezes so hard that it will support like a solid rock an army of foot-soldiers and wagons and sledges and whatever vehicles there may be — nor is there need of ferries by boats. So when Ţiuđi-mer, king of the Goths, saw that it was frozen, he led his army across the Danube {winter 469/470} and appeared unexpectedly to the Swevians from the rear.
Nam regio illa Swevorum ab oriente Baiwaros habet, ab occidente Francos, a meridie Burgundiones, a septentrione Thuringos.	Now this country of the Swevians has on the east the Bai-warjos {“Bavarians,” i.e., “Inhabitants of Baja” (Bohemia), originally the land of the Celtic Boji}, on the west the Franks {“the Free,” “Daring,” “Impetuous,” “Impudent”}, on the south the Baúrgundjans {“Burgundians” = “The Fortress-dwellers”} and on the north the Ţuringos {“Thuringians” (Gothic “~ingos” [spelled “~iggos”] = “Progeny”), i.e., “Race of the Bold,” “the Adventurous People”}.
281
Quibus Swevis tunc juncti aderant etiam Alamanni, ipsique Alpes erectas omnino possidentes, unde nonnulla fluenta Danubium influunt nimio cum sono vergentia.	With the Swevians there were present the Ala-mannans {“All-men,” i.e., United Tribes}, their confederates at that time, who themselves completely controlled the high Alps, whence several streams flow into the Danube, pouring in with a great roar.
Huc ergo, taliterque munito loco, rex Theudemer hiemis tempore Gothorum ductavit exercitum, et tam Swevorum gentem quam etiam Alamannorum, utrasque ad invicem fśderatas, devicit, vastavit et pćne subegit.	Into a place thus fortiﬁed King Ţiuđi-mer led his army in the wintertime and conquered, plundered and almost subdued the race of the Swevians as well as the Ala-mannans, who were mutually banded together.
Inde quoque victor ad proprias sedes, id est Pannonias, revertens, Theudericum ﬁlium suum, quem Constantinopolim obsidem dederat, a Leone Imperatore remissum cum magnis muneribus gratanter excepit.	Thence he returned as victor to his own home in Pannonia and joyfully received his son Ţiuđa-reik {469/470}, once given as hostage to Constantinople and now sent back by the Emperor Leo with great gifts.
282
Qui Theudericus jam adulescentić annos contingens, expleta pueritia, octavum decimum annum peragens, ascitis certis ex satellitibus patris, ex populo amatores sibi clientesque consociavit — pćne sex milia viros ; cum quibus, inconscio patre, emenso Danubio, super Babai Sarmatarum regem discurrit, qui tunc de Camundo duce Romanorum victoria potitus superbić tumore regnabat, eumque superveniens Theudericus interemit familiamque et censum deprćdans ad genitorem suum cum victoria repedavit.	Now Ţiuđa-reik had reached man's estate, for he was eighteen years of age and his boyhood was ended. So he summoned certain of his father's adherents and took to himself from the people his friends and retainers — almost six thousand men. With these he crossed the Danube, without his father's knowledge, and launched a strike against Babai, king of the Sarmatians, who had just won a victory over Camundus, a general of the Romans, and was ruling with insolent pride. Ţiuđa-reik ambushed him and slew him, and taking as booty his slaves and treasure, returned victorious to his father {470/471}.
Singidunum dehinc civitatem quam ipsi Sarmatć occupaverant, invadens, non Romanis reddidit, sed suć subdidit dicioni.	Next he invaded the city of Singidunum {(modern Belgrade, Serbia)}, which the Sarmatians themselves had seized, and did not return it to the Romans, but reduced it to his own sway.
LVI 283
Minuentibus deinde hinc inde vicinarum gentium spoliis, cśpit et Gothis victus vestitusque deesse, et hominibus quibus dudum bella alimoniam prćstitissent, pax cśpit esse contraria, omnesque cum magno clamore ad regem Theudemer accedentes Gothi orant, quacunque parte vellet, tantum ductaret exercitum.	Then as the spoil taken from one and another of the neighboring tribes diminished, the Goths began to lack food and clothing, and peace became distasteful to men for whom war had long furnished the necessaries of life. So all the Goths approached their king Ţiuđi-mer and, with great outcry, begged him to lead forth his army in whatsoever direction he might wish.
Qui, accito germano missaque sorte, hortatus est, ut ille in partes Italić, ubi tunc Glycerius regnabat Imperator, ipse vero sicut fortior ad fortius regnum accederet Orientale : quod et factum est.	He summoned his brother and, after casting lots, bade him go into the country of Italy, where at this time Glycerius ruled as emperor {(of the West, 473)}, saying that he himself, as the stronger, would go up against the stronger empire: the Eastern one. And so it happened.
284
Et mox Widimer Italić terras intravit, extremum fati munus reddens, rebus excessit humanis, successorem relinquens Widimer ﬁlium suumque synonymum.	But almost as soon as Wiđi-mer entered the land of Italy, he paid the last debt of fate and departed from earthly affairs, leaving his son and namesake Wiđi-mer to succeed him.
Quem Glycerius Imperator, muneribus datis, de Italia ad Gallias transtulit (quć a diversis circumcirca gentibus premebantur), asserens vicinos ibi Wisigothas, eorum parentes, regnare.	The Emperor Glycerius bestowed gifts upon Wiđi-mer and persuaded him to go from Italy to Gaul (which was then being harassed on all sides by various races), saying that their own kinsmen, the Visigoths, there ruled a neighboring kingdom.
ż Quid multa ? Widimer, acceptis muneribus simulque mandatis a Glycerio Imperatore, Gallias tendit — seseque cum parentibus Wisigothis jungens, unum corpus efﬁciunt ut dudum fuerant, et sic Gallias Hispaniasque tenentes, suo jure defendunt ut nullus ibi alius prćvaleret.	And what more? Wiđi-mer accepted the gifts and, obeying the command of the Emperor Glycerius, pressed on to Gaul. Joining with his kinsmen the Visigoths, they again formed one body, as they had been long ago. Thus they held Gaul and Spain by their own right and so defended them that no other race won the mastery there.
285
Theudemer autem, frater senior, cum suis transit Savum amnem, Sarmatis militibusque interminans bellum, si aliquis ei obstaret.	But Ţiuđi-mer, the elder brother, crossed the river Sava {a right side tributary of the Danube river at Belgrade, Serbia [Singidunum]} with his men, threatening the Sarmatians and their soldiers with war if any should resist him.
Quod illi verentes quiescunt, immo nec prćvalent ad tantam multitudinem.	From fear of this they kept quiet; moreover they were powerless in the face of so great a host.
Videns Theudemer undique sibi prospera evenire, Naissum primam urbem invadit Illyrici, ﬁlioque suo Theuderico sociatis Astat et Inwilia comitibus, per Castrum Herculis transmisit Ulpianam.	Ţiuđi-mer, seeing good luck everywhere awaiting him, invaded Naissus {modern Niš, Serbia}, the ﬁrst city of Illyricum. Having joined the Counts At-stađ {(perhaps) “Standing at the ready”} and In-wilja {“Strong-Willed”} to his son Ţiuđa-reik, he sent them on to Ulpiana {modern Lipljan, Serbia} by way of Castrum Herculis {modern Kurvingrad Clisura, Serbia, 14 miles SW of Niš}.
286
Qui venientes tam eam quam Stobis mox in deditionem accipiunt, nonullaque loca Illyrici, inaccessibilia sibi primum, tunc pervia faciunt.	Upon their arrival the town surrendered, as did Stobi {~6km E of modern Gradsko, Macedonia, at the confluence of the Erigón (modern Crna) and Axiós (modern Vardar) rivers} later; and they then made several previously inaccessible regions of Illyricum traversable.
Nam Heracleam et Larissam, civitates Thessalić, primum prćdas ereptas, dehinc ipsas, jure bellico potiuntur.	For after ﬁrst plundering Heraclea {Heraclea Lyncestis, modern Bitola in SW Macedonia} and Larissa {still named “Larissa,” modern northern Greece}, cities of Thessaly, they took control of those cities themselves {472}.
Theudemer vero rex, animadvertens tam felicitatem suam quam etiam ﬁlii, nec his tantum contentus, egrediens Naissitana urbe, paucis ad custodiam derelictis, ipse Thessalonicam petiit, in qua Hilarianus Patricius a principe directus cum exercitu morabatur.	But Ţiuđi-mer the king, realizing his own good fortune and that of his son, was not content with this alone, but set forth from the city of Naissus {modern Niš}, leaving only a few men behind as a guard. He himself advanced to Thessalonica {modern Thessaloniki/Salonika, northern Greece} , where Hilarianus the Patrician, appointed by the Emperor, was stationed with his army.
287
Qui, quum videret vallo muniri Thessalonicam nec se eorum conatibus posse resistere, missa legatione ad Theudemer regem, muneribusque oblatis, ab excidione eum urbis retorquet, initoque fśdere Romanus ductor cum Gothis, loca eis jam sponte quć incolerent tradidit — id est, Cyrrhus, Pella, Europus, Methone, Pydna, Berśa et aliud quod Dium vocatur.	When Hilarianus beheld Thessalonica surrounded by an entrenchment and saw that he could not resist attack, he sent an embassy to Ţiuđi-mer the king and by the offer of gifts turned him aside from destroying the city. Then the Roman general entered upon a truce with the Goths and of his own accord handed over to them places they might inhabit, namely Cyrrhus {modern Kyrros}, Pella {Macedonian capital; now Diokletianoupolis}, Europos, Methone, Pydna {Kitron}, Beroia {Veroia; mentioned in Acts 17,10}, and another which is called Dion. {Note: all were just N and W of the Gulf of Salonika, modern northern Greece.}
288
Ubi Gothi cum rege suo, armis depositis, composita pace, quiescunt.	Here the Goths and their king laid aside their arms, consented to peace and became quiet.
Nec diu post hćc et rex Theudemer in civitate Cyrrho, fatali ćgritudine occupatus, vocatis Gothis, Theudericum ﬁlium regni sui designat heredem et ipse mox rebus humanis excessit.	Soon after these events, King Ţiuđi-mer was seized with a mortal illness in the city of Cyrrhus. He called the Goths to himself, appointed Ţiuđa-reik his son as heir of his kingdom and soon thereafter departed this life {474}.
LVII 289
Theudericum vero gentis suć regem audiens ordinatum, Imperator Zeno grate suscepit, eique evocatoria destinata, ad se in urbem venire prćcepit; dignoque suscipiens honore, inter proceres sui palatii collocavit.	When the Emperor Zeno {of the East, 474-491} heard that Ţiuđa-reik had been appointed king over his own people, he received the news with pleasure and, having sent him a summons, bade him come visit him in the city. Receiving Ţiuđa-reik with the proper honors, he placed him among the nobles of his palace.
Et post aliquod tempus, ad ampliandum honorem ejus in armis sibi eum ﬁlium adoptavit, de suisque stipendiis triumphum in urbe donavit, factusque Consul Ordinarius — quod summum bonum primumque in mundo decus edicitur; nec tantum hoc, sed etiam et equestrem statuam ad famam tanti viri ante regiam palatii collocavit.	After some time Zeno increased his dignity by adopting him as his son-at-arms {(476)} and gave him a triumph in the city at his expense. Ţiuđa-reik was made Consul Ordinary {(484)} also, which is well known to be the supreme good and highest honor in the world. Nor was this all, for Zeno set up in front of the palace courtyard an equestrian statue to the glory of this great man.
290
Inter hćc ergo Theudericus, Zenonis imperio fśdere sociatus, dum ipse in urbe omnibus bonis frueretur, gentemque suam in Illyrico, ut diximus, residentem, non omnino idoneam aut refertam audiret, elegit potius, solito more gentis suć, labore qućrere victum quam ipse otiose frui regni Romani bonis et gentem suam mediocriter victitare ; secumque deliberans ad principem ait : “Quamvis nihil deest nobis imperio Vestro famulantibus, tamen, si dignum ducit Pietas Vestra, desiderium mei cordis libenter exaudiat.”	Now while Ţiuđa-reik was in alliance by treaty with the Empire of Zeno and was himself enjoying every comfort in the city, he heard that his tribe, dwelling as we have said in Illyricum, was by no means living in suitable or abundant conditions. So he chose rather to seek a living by his own exertions, after the manner customary to his race, rather than to enjoy the advantages of the Roman Empire in luxurious ease while his tribe lived in want. After pondering these matters, he said to the Emperor: “Though I lack nothing in serving Your Empire, yet if Your Piety deem it worthy, be pleased to hear the desire of my heart.”
291
Quumque ei, ut solebat, familiariter facultas fuisset loquendi concessa : “Hesperia,” inquit, “plăga, quć dudum decessorum prodecessorumque Vestrorum regimine gubernata est, et urbs illa caput orbis et domina, ż quare nunc sub regis Thorcilingorum Rugorumque tyrranide fluctuatur ? Dirige me cum gente mea, si prćcipis, ut et hic expensarum pondere careas et ibi, si adjutus a domino vicero, fama Vestrć Pietatis irradiet. Expedit namque ut ego, qui sum servus Vester et ﬁlius, si vicero, Vobis donantibus regnum illud possideam : haut ille quem non nostis tyrannico jugo senatum Vestrum partemque Rei Publicć captivitatis servitio premat. Ego enim si vicero, Vestro dono Vestroque munere possidebo ; si victus fuero, Vestra Pietas nihil amittit, immo, ut diximus, lucratur expensas.”	And when as usual he had been granted permission to speak freely, he said: “The western country, long ago governed by the rule of Your ancestors and predecessors, and that city which was the head and mistress of the world, — ż why does it now totter under the tyranny of the Ţorcilings {= Ţwaírhei-l-ingos? (Gothic “∼ingos” [spelled “∼iggos”] = “Progeny”), Race of Wrath} and Rugians {“Hard-strivers,” “Exerters,” “Toilers”} ? Send me there with my race. Thus if You but say the word, You may be freed from the burden of expense here and, if by the Lord’s help I conquer, the fame of Your Piety shall shine forth there. For it is better that I, Your servant and Your son, should rule that kingdom, receiving it as a gift from You if I conquer, than that one whom You do not recognize should oppress Your Senate with his tyrannical yoke and a part of the republic with slavery. For if I prevail, I shall retain it as Your grant and gift; if I am conquered, Your Piety will lose nothing — nay, as I have said, it will save the expense I now entail.”
292
Quo audito, quamvis ćgre ferret Imperator discessum ejus, nolens tamen eum contristare, annuit quć poscebat, magnisque ditatum muneribus dimisit a se, Senatum Populumque ei commendans Romanum.	Although the Emperor was grieved that he should go, yet when he heard this he granted what Ţiuđa-reik asked, for he was unwilling to cause him sorrow. He sent him forth enriched by great gifts, commending to his charge the Senate and the Roman People.
Igitur egressus urbe regia Theudericus et ad suos revertens, omnem gentem Gothorum — qui, tamen, ei prćbuerunt consensum — Hesperiam tendit ; rectoque itinere per Sirmium ascendit vicina Pannonić, indeque Venetiarum ﬁnes ingressus, ad Pontem Ćsontii nuncupatum castra metatus est.	Therefore Ţiuđa-reik departed from the royal city {488} and returned to his own people. He directed the whole tribe of the Goths — those, that is, who gave him their consent — toward the West. He went in straight march through Sirmium {modern Sremska Mitrovica, Serbia, NW of Belgrade} to the places bordering on Pannonia and, advancing into the territory of Venetia as far as the so-called Isonzo Bridge {over the Ćsontius (Isonzo) river (between modern Italy and Slovenia)}, encamped there {489}.
293
Quumque ibi ad reﬁcienda corpora hominum jumentorumque aliquanto tempore resedisset, Odowacar armatum contra eum direxit exercitum. Quem ille, ad campos Veronenses occurrens, magna strage delevit ; castrisque solutis, ﬁnes Italić cum potiore audacia intrat, transactoque Pado amne, ad Ravennam regiam urbem castra componit, tertio fere miliario ab urbe — locus qui appellatur Pineta.	When he had halted there for some time to rest the bodies of his men and pack-animals, Auđa-wakr sent an armed force against him, which he met on the plains of Verona and destroyed with great slaughter {August 28, 489}. Then he broke camp and advanced through Italy with greater boldness. Crossing the river Po, he pitched camp near the royal city of Ravenna, about the third milestone from the city — a place called Pineta {a well-known pine forest near Ravenna}.
Quod cernens, Odowacar intus se in urbe communit ; indeque surreptive noctu frequenter cum suis egrediens, Gothorum exercitum inquietat, et hoc non semel nec iterum, sed frequenter ; et pćne molitur toto triennio.	When Auđa-wakr saw this, he fortiﬁed himself within the city. From here he frequently harassed the army of the Goths at night, sallying forth stealthily with his men, and this not once or twice, but often; and thus he struggled for almost three whole years.
294
Sed frustra laborat, quia cuncta Italia dominum jam dicebat Theudericum et illius ad nutum Res illa Publica obsecundabat.	But he labored in vain, for all Italy at last called Ţiuđa-reik its lord and the Empire obeyed his nod.
Tantum ille solus, cum paucis satellitibus et Romanis qui aderant, et fame et bello cotidie intra Ravennam laborabat.	But Auđa-wakr, with his few adherents and the Romans who were present, suffered daily from war and famine in Ravenna.
Quod dum nihil proﬁceret, missa legatione veniam supplicat.	Since all the while he accomplished nothing, he sent an embassy and begged for mercy {February 25, 493}.
295
Cui et primum concedens Theudericus postmodum ab hac luce privavit ; tertioque, ut diximus, anno ingressus sui in Italiam Zenonisque Imperatoris consultu, privatum habitum sućque gentis vestitum seponens, insigne regii amictus, quasi jam Gothorum Romanorumque regnator, assumit ; missaque legatione ad Hlodawichum Francorum regem, ﬁliam ejus Audefledam sibi in matrimonium petit.	Ţiuđa-reik ﬁrst granted it and afterwards deprived him of his life {March 15, 493}. It was in the third year after his entrance into Italy, as we have said, that Ţiuđa-reik, by advice of the Emperor Zeno, laid aside the garb of a private citizen and the dress of his race and donned the regalia of royal attire, as he had now become the ruler over both Goths and Romans. He sent an embassy to Hluđa-weih {“Loud-battle,” “Din (of) combat”}, king of the Franks, and asked for his daughter {actually his sister} Auđa-fleđ {“Blessed-beauty”} in marriage.
296
Quam ille grate libenterque concessit, suosque ﬁlios Hildibertum et Theudebertum credens, hac societate cum gente Gothorum inito fśdere, sociari.	Hluđa-weih freely and gladly gave her, believing that by this alliance a league would be formed and that his sons Hildi-baírht {“Battle-bright,” “Combat-gleaming”} and Ţiuđi-baírht {“People-bright,” “Shining-folk,” the latter actually his grandson through another of his sons, Ţiuđa-reik}, would be allied with the race of the Goths.
Sed non adeo ad pacis concordiam profuit ista conjunctio, quia sćpenumero propter Gallorum terras graviter inter se decertati sunt ; nunquamque Gothus Francis cessit, dum viveret Theudericus.	But that union was of no avail for peace and harmony, for they fought ﬁercely with each other again and again for the lands of the Gauls; but never did the Goths yield to the Franks while Ţiuđa-reik lived.
LVIII 297
Antequam ergo de Audefleda subolem haberet, naturales ex concubina quas genuerat adhuc in Mśsia ﬁlias habuit, unam nomine Theudeguto et aliam Ostroguto.	Now before he had a child from Auđa-fleđ, Ţiuđa-reik had natural children of a concubine, daughters begotten in Mśsia, one named Ţiuđi-guto {“People-Goth,” i.e., “of Gothic Stock”} and another Austra-guto {“Shining Goth”}.
Quas mox in Italiam venit, regibus vicinis in conjugio copulavit, id est unam Alarico Wisigotharum et aliam Sigismundo Burgundionum.	Soon after he came to Italy, he gave them in marriage to neighboring kings, one to Ala-reik {II; 485-507}, king of the Visigoths, and the other to Sigis-mund {“Victorious protection”}, king of the Burgundians {516-523}.
298
De Alarico ergo natus est Amalaricus.	Now Ala-reik's son was Amala-reik.
Quem avus Theudericus in annis puerilibus, utroque parente orbatum, dum fovet atque tuetur, comperit Eutharicum, Widirici ﬁlium, Beremudi et Thorismodi nepotem, Amalorum de stirpe descendentem, in Hispania degere, juvenili ćtate, prudentia et virtute, corporisque integritate pollentem.	While his grandfather Ţiuđa-reik cared for and protected him — for he had lost both parents in the years of childhood — he found that Iuţa-reik {“Ruler of the Iuţungi,” (“Prince of the Progeny/Descendents”) (a tribe inhabiting Jut-land)}, the son of Wiđi-reik, grandson of Baíri-mođ {“Bear-mood”} and great grandson of Ţaúris-mođ {“Daring-mood,” “Bold-minded”}, and a descendant of the clan of the Amals, was living in Spain, a young man strong in wisdom and valor and health of body.
Ad se eum facit venire, eique Amalaswintham ﬁliam suam in matrimonio jungit.	Ţiuđa-reik sent for him and gave him his daughter Amala-swinţo in marriage.
299
Et ut in plenum suam progeniem dilataret, Amalafridam germanam suam (matrem Theodahadi, qui postea rex fuit) in Africam regi Wandalorum conjugem dirigit Thrasamundo ; ﬁliamque ejus, neptem suam Amalabergam, Thuringorum regi consociat Erminefredo.	And that he might extend his family as much as possible, he sent his sister Amala-friţo {“Amal peace”} (the mother of Ţiuđa-haţ {“Race struggle,” “Nation ﬁght”}, who was afterwards king) to Africa as wife of Ţrasa-mund {“Roaring protection,” “Clamorous guard”}, king of the Vandals; and her daughter Amala-baírgo {“Amal preservation”}, who was his own niece, he united with Aírmina-friţ {“Mighty peace”}, king of the Ţuringos {“Thuringians” (Gothic “∼ingos” [spelled “∼iggos”] = “Progeny”), i.e., “Race of the Bold,” “the Adventurous People”}.
{Note} Amala-baírgo: Procopius, History of the Wars: Book V: The Gothic War XII, 125 (PROCOPIUS, with an English Translation by H.B. Dewing, London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1919): “Accordingly he betrothed to Ala-reik the Younger, who was then leader of the Visigoths, his own unmarried daughter Thiude-guto, and to Aírmina-friţ, the ruler of the Thuringians, Amala-baírgo, the daughter of his sister Amala-friđo.”
300
Pitziam quoque suum comitem et inter primos electum ad obtinendam Sirmiensem dirigit civitatem.	Now he sent his Count Pitzia, chosen from among the chief men of his kingdom, to take the city of Sirmium {now Sremska Mitrovica, Serbia}.
Quam ille, expulso rege ejus Thrasarico (ﬁlio Trafstilć), retenta ejus matre, obtinuit.	He got possession of it by driving out its king Ţrasa-reik {“Strident ruler,” “Roaring prince”} (son of Ţrafstila {“Consoler,” “Comforter”}), while holding his mother captive.
Inde contra Sabinianum, Illyricum Magistrum Militum, qui tunc cum Mundone paraverat conflictum, ad civitatem cognomine « Margoplănum » (quć inter Danubium Margumque flumina adjacebat), cum duobus milibus peditum, equitibus quingentis, in Mundonis solacia veniens, Illyricianum exercitum demolitus est.	Thence he came with two thousand infantry and ﬁve hundred horsemen to aid Mund {“Guardarm,” "Protection"; Hun with a Gothic name} against Sabinian, Master of the Soldiery of Illyricum, who at that time had made ready to ﬁght with Mund in the district named Margo-planum {Greek, “Margus-meanders,” whose capital was also called “Horrea Margi” (“Moravian Supply Depots”) in Latin: modern Ćuprija on the Morava river in modern Serbia S of the Danube}, which lies between the Danube and Margus {modern Morava} rivers, and destroyed the army of Illyricum.
301
Nam hic Mundo, de Attilana quondam origine descendens, Gipedarum gentem fugiens, ultra Danubium in incultis locis sine ullis terrć cultoribus divagatus et, plerisque abactoribus scamarisque et latronibus undecunque collectis, turrem quć Herta dicitur super Danubii ripam positam occupans, ibique agresti ritu, prćdasque innectens vicinis, regem se suis grassatoribus fecerat.	For this Mundo, who traced his descent from the Attilani of old, had fled from the tribe of the Gibiđos and was roaming beyond the Danube in waste places where no man tilled the soil. He had gathered around him many cattle-rustlers and bandits and robbers from all sides and had seized a tower called Herta, situated on the bank of the Danube. There in barbaric fashion he engineered raids on his neighbors and made himself king over his highwaymen.
Hunc ergo, pćne desperatum et jam de traditione sua deliberantem, Pitzia subveniens e manibus Sabiniani eripuit, suoque regi Theuderico cum gratiarum actione fecit subjectum.	Now Pitzia came upon him when he was nearly reduced to desperation and was already thinking of surrender. So he rescued him from the hands of Sabinian and made him a grateful subject of his king Ţiuđa-reik.
302
Non minus tropćum de Francis per Ibbam, suum comitem, in Galliis acquisivit, plus triginta milibus Francorum in prślio cćsis.	Ţiuđa-reik won an equally great victory over the Franks through his Count Ibba {probably a contraction of In-baírht "Intensely bright,” “Very luminous”} in Gaul, when more than thirty thousand Franks were slain in battle.
Nam et Theudem suum armigerum, post mortem Alarici generi, tutorem (in Hispanić regno) Amalarici nepotis constituit.	Moreover, after the death {507} of his son-in-law Ala-reik {II}, Ţiuđa-reik appointed Ţiuđeis {“Ethnic stock,” “(a) People”; short for a name beginning with Ţiuđ-}, his armor bearer, as guardian of his grandson Amala-reik {regent, 507-531} in Spain.
Qui Amalaricus in ipsa adulescentia, Francorum fraudibus irretitus, regnum cum vita amisit.	But Amala-reik was ensnared by the plots of the Franks in early youth and lost his life together with his kingdom {531}.
Post quem, Theudis tutor idem regnum ipse invadens, Francorum insidiosam calumniam de Hispaniis pepulit, et usque dum viveret, Wisigothas continuit.	After him, his guardian Ţiuđeis, taking over the same kingdom himself, drove the treacherous deceit of the Franks from Spain and, as long as he lived, kept the Visigoths united {531-548}.
303
Post quem Theudegisclus, regnum adeptus, non diu regnans defecit, occisus a suis.	After him Ţiuđi-gisl {“People-arrowshaft,” “Folk-javelin”} obtained the kingdom {548} and, ruling but a short time, met his death at the hands of his own followers.
Cui succedens, hactenus Agil continet regnum.	He was succeeded {549} by Agil {“Trouble,” “Pain,” “Tribulation”}, who holds the kingdom to the present day {551}.
Contra quem Athanagildus insurgens Romani regni concitat vires, ubi et Liberius Patricius cum exercitu destinatur.	Rising up against him {550}, Aţana-gild {“Noble value,” “Aristocratic worth”} is now {551} provoking the might of the Roman Empire. So Liberius the Patrician is on the way with an army to oppose him. {[But Liberius actually joined Aţana-gild and together they defeated Agil in 552. In 555 Agil was killed by his own men, who then joined Aţana-gild and fought against Liberius. Aţana-gild died in 568.]}
Nec fuit in parte occidua gens, quć Theuderico, dum adviveret, aut amicitia aut subjectione non deserviret.	Now there was not a tribe in the west that did not serve Ţiuđa-reik while he lived, either in friendship or by conquest.
LIX 304
Sed postquam ad senium pervenisset et se in brevi ab hac luce egressurum cognosceret, convocans Gothos comites gentisque suć primates, Athalaricum infantulum adhuc vix decennem, ﬁlium ﬁlić suć Amalaswinthć, qui Eutharico patre orbatus erat, regem constituit, eisque in mandatis ac si testamentali voce denuntians ut regem colerent, senatum populumque Romanum amarent, Principemque Orientalem placatum semper propitiumque haberent post Deum.	When he had reached old age and knew that he should soon depart this life, he called together the Gothic counts and chieftains of his race {525} and appointed Aţala-reik as king. He was a boy scarce ten years old, the son of his daughter Amala-swinţo, and he had lost his father Iuţa-reik. As though uttering his last will and testament, Ţiuđa-reik adjured and commanded them to honor their king, to love the Senate and Roman People and to make sure of the peace and good will of the Emperor of the East, as next after God.
305
Quod prćceptum quamdiu Athalaricus rex ejusque mater adviverent, in omnibus custodientes pćne per octo annos in pace regnarunt ; quamvis Francis de regno puerili sperantibus, immo, in contemptu habentibus bellaque parare molientibus, quod pater et avus Galliarum occupassent, eis concessit.	They kept this command fully so long as Aţala-reik their king and his mother lived, and ruled in peace for almost eight years. Given that, however much the Franks may have had hopes about the rule of the boy, they nonetheless held him in contempt and were plotting war, he gave back to them those parts of Gaul which his father and grandfather had seized.
Cetera in pace et tranquillitate possessa.	He possessed all the rest in peace and quiet.
Dum ergo ad spem juventutis Athalaricus accederet, tam suam adulescentiam quam matris viduitatem Orientis Principi commendavit, sed in brevi infelicissimus immatura morte prćventus, rebus humanis excessit.	Therefore when Aţala-reik was approaching the age of manhood, he entrusted to the Emperor of the East both his own youth and his mother's widowhood. But in a short time the ill-fated boy was carried off by an untimely death and departed from earthly affairs.
306
Tum mater, ne pro sexus sui fragilitate a Gothis sperneretur, secum deliberans, Theudahathum consobrinum suum germanitatis gratia arcessitum a Tuscia, ubi privatam vitam degens in laribus propriis erat, in regno locavit.	His mother feared she might be despised by the Goths on account of the weakness of her sex. So after much thought she decided, for the sake of kinship, to summon her cousin Ţiuđa-haţ {“Folk-conflict,” “Nation-battle,” “Clash-of-peoples”} from Tuscany {534}, where he led a retired life at home, and thus she established him on the throne.
Qui, immemor consanguinitatis, post aliquantum tempus a palatio Ravennati abstractam in insulam lacus Volsiniensis eam exilio relegavit ubi, paucissimos dies in tristitia degens, ab ejus satellitibus in balneo strangulata est.	But he was heedless of their blood relationship and, after a little time, had her taken from the palace at Ravenna and exiled her to an island of the Volsinian lake {(modern Lake Bolsena, in southern Tuscany)}. After spending a very few days there in sorrow, she was strangled in the bath by his henchmen.
LX 307
Quod quum Justinianus Imperator Orientalis audisset, quasi susceptorum suorum mors ad suam injuriam redundaret sic est commotus.	When Justinian, the Emperor of the East {527-565}, heard this, he was as shaken as if the death of his wards had redounded to his own personal injury.
Eodem namque tempore, de Africa Wandalicum quum per ﬁdelissimum suum Patricium Belisarium reportasset triumphum, nec mora, in ipso tempore, madentibus adhuc armis cruore Wandalico, contra Gothos per eundem ducem movit procinctum.	Now at that time he had just won a triumph over the Vandals in Africa {534} through his most faithful Patrician Belisarius. Without delay he sent his army under this same leader against the Goths {535}, his weapons still dripping with the blood of the Vandals.
308
Qui dux providentissimus haud secus arbitratus Gothorum subjicere populum, nisi prius nutricem eorum occupasset Siciliam.	This sagacious general believed he could not overcome the Gothic nation, unless he had ﬁrst seized Sicily, their nursing-mother.
Quod et factum est.	Accordingly he did so.
Trinacriamque ingressus, mox Gothi qui Syracusanum oppidum insidebant, videntes se nihil prćvalere, cum suo duce Sinderith ultro se Belisario dediderunt.	As soon as he entered Trinacria, the Goths who were holding the town of Syracuse, seeing that they were not succeeding, surrendered of their own accord to Belisarius, with their leader Sinţa-reţ {“Marching plan,” “Journey plan”}.
Quumque ergo Romanus ductor Siciliam invasisset, Theudahathus, comperiens, Evermud generum suum cum exercitu ad fretum quod inter Campaniam Siciliamque interjacet, et de Tyrrheni maris sinu vastissimo ubi Adriaticus ćstus evolvitur, custodiendum direxit.	When the Roman general invaded Sicily, Ţiuđa-haţ, learning of this, sent Ibr-mođ {“Boar-mood”}, his son-in-law, with an army to guard the strait which lies between Campania and Sicily and where the churning Adriatic swirls out from the vast bay of the Tyrrhenian Sea.
{Note} Ibr-mođ: Procopius, History of the Wars: Book V: The Gothic War VIII, 70 (PROCOPIUS, with an English Translation by H.B. Dewing, London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1919): “And Ibr-mođ came over to Belisarius as a deserter from the Goths, together with all his followers; this man was the son-in-law of Ţiuđa-haţu {“People-war, Tribal-conflict”}, being married to Ţiuđa-nanţ-win {“People-bold-friend”}, his daughter.”
309
Ubi quum Evermud accessisset Regium oppidum, castra composuit.	When Ibr-mođ had arrived at the town of Regium {modern Reggio di Calabria}, he pitched camp.
Nec mora, deterioratam causam cernens suorum, ad partes victoris, cum paucis et ﬁdelissimis famulis consciis, movit, ultroque se Belisarii pedibus advolvens, Romani regni optat servire principibus.	He soon saw that his side was the weaker. With a few faithful followers who were in the know, he switched over {536} to the side of the victor and, of his own accord casting himself at the feet of Belisarius, he decided to serve the rulers of the Roman Empire.
Quod Gothorum exercitus sentiens, suspectum Theudahathum clamitat regno pellendum et sibi ductorem suum Witigis, qui armiger ejus fuerat, in regem levandum.	When the army of the Goths found this out, they held Ţiuđa-haţ suspect and clamored for his expulsion from the throne and for the appointment as king of their commander Weiti-gis {“Punishing spear”}, who had been his armor bearer.
310
Quod et factum est ; et mox in Campis Barbaricis Witigis in regnum levatus Romam ingreditur, prćmissisque Ravennam ﬁdelissimis sibi viris, Theudahathi necem demandat.	This was done; and Weiti-gis was quickly raised to the kingship on the Barbarian Plains {= probably the Pomptine Marshes between Rome and Terracina}. He entered Rome and sent on ahead to Ravenna the men most faithful to him with orders to kill Ţiuđa-haţ.
Qui venientes imperata sibi perﬁciunt et — occiso Theudahatho — regem qui a rege missus adveniebat (et adhuc in Campis Barbaricis erat Witigis) populis nuntiat.	They came and executed his command. After Ţiuđa-haţ’s assassination, a man sent by the king arrived, Weiti-gis being still on the Barbarian Plains, to proclaim him king to the people.
{Note} Barbarian Plains: Procopius, History of the Wars: Book V: The Gothic War XI, 109 (PROCOPIUS, with an English Translation by H.B. Dewing, London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1919): “Accordingly, when they [the Goths] heard that Naples had been captured, they began immediately to make all these charges against him openly and gathered at a place two hundred and eighty stades distant from Rome, which the Romans call Regata [near Tarracina]. And it seemed best to them to make camp in that place; for there are extensive plains there which furnish pasture for horses.”
311
Inter hćc Romanus exercitus, emenso freto Campaniam accedens, subversaque Neapoli Romam ingreditur ; unde ante paucos dies rex Witigis egressus, Ravennam profectus, Mathaswintham, ﬁliam Amalaswinthć, Theuderici quondam regis neptem, sibi in matrimonio sociarat.	Meanwhile the Roman army crossed the strait and moved toward Campania. After having destroyed Naples they marched into Rome. Now a few days before they arrived, King Weiti-gis had left from there, proceeded to Ravenna and married Maţu-swinţo {“Good strength”}, the daughter of Amala-swinţo {“Amal strength”} and granddaughter of Ţiuđa-reik, the former king.
Quumque his novis nuptiis delectatus aulam regiam fovit Ravennć, Roma egressus imperialis exercitus munita utriusque Tuscić loca invadit.	While he was celebrating his new marriage and holding court at Ravenna, the imperial army advanced from Rome and attacked the strongholds in both parts of Tuscany.
Quod cernens per nuntios Witigis, cum Hunila, duce Gothorum, manum armis consertam mittit Perusiam.	When Weiti-gis learned of this through messengers, he sent well-armed troops {536} under Hunila {“Powerful one”}, a leader of the Goths, to Perusia {modern Perugia in the Appennine mountains, halfway between Rome and Ravenna}.
{Note} Hunila: Procopius, History of the Wars: Book V: The Gothic War XVI, 161 (PROCOPIUS, with an English Translation by H.B. Dewing, London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1919): “Now when Weiti-gis heard this, he sent against them an army with Hunila and Pitzia as its commanders. And Constantinus confronted these troops in the outskirts of Perusia and engaged with them. The battle was at ﬁrst evenly disputed, since the barbarians were superior in numbers, but afterwards the Romans by their valor gained the upper hand and routed the enemy, and while they were fleeing in complete disorder the Romans killed almost all of them; and they captured alive the commanders of the enemy and sent them to Belisarius.”
312
Ubi dum Magnum Comitem cum parvo exercitu residentem obsessione longa evellere cupiunt, superveniente Romano exercitu ipsi evulsi et omnino exstincti sunt.	While they were endeavoring by a long blockade to dislodge Count Magnus, who was holding the place with a small force, the Roman army came upon them, and they themselves were driven away and utterly exterminated.
Quod audiens, Witigis ut leo furibundus omnem Gothorum exercitum congregat, Ravennaque egressus Romanas arces obsidione longa fatigat.	When Weiti-gis heard the news, he raged like a lion and assembled the entire Gothic army. He advanced from Ravenna {537} and harassed the walls of Rome with a long siege.
Sed, frustrata ejus audacia, post quattuordecim menses ab obsidione Romanć urbis aufugit et se ad Ariminensem oppressionem prćparat.	But with his boldness frustrated after fourteen months, he abandoned the siege of the city of Rome {538} and prepared to seize Ariminum {modern Rimini}.
313
Unde pari tenore frustratus fugatusque Ravennam se recepit : ubi obsessus, nec mora, ultro se ad partes dedit victoris cum Mathaswintha jugali, regiisque opibus.	Here he was baffled in like manner and put to flight; and so he retreated to Ravenna. When besieged there, he quickly and willingly surrendered himself to the victorious side, together with his wife Maţu-swinţo and the royal treasures {540}.
Et sic famosum regnum fortissimamque gentem diuque regnantem tandem pćne duomillensimo et tricesimo anno, victor gentium diversarum, Justinianus Imperator, per ﬁdelissimum consulem vicit Belisarium, et perductum Witigem Constantinopolim patricii honore donavit. Ubi plus biennio demoratus Imperatorisque in affectu conjunctus, rebus excessit humanis.	And thus a famous kingdom and most valiant race, which had long held sway, was at last overcome in almost its two thousand and thirtieth year {(i.e., 1490 B.C — A.D. 540, starting with King Baírika, cf. V, 25)} by that conqueror of many nations, the Emperor Justinian, through his most faithful consul Belisarius. He took Weiti-gis to Constantinople gave him the title of Patrician. There he dwelt for more than two years, bound by ties of affection to the Emperor, and then departed this life.
314
Mathaswintham vero, jugalem ejus, fratrueli suo, Germano Patricio, conjunxit Imperator.	But his wife Maţu-swinţo was bestowed by the Emperor upon the Patrician Germanus, his brother’s son.
De quibus post humatum patris Germani natus est ﬁlius item Germanus.	And of them was born a son (also called Germanus) after the burial of his father Germanus {550}.
In quo, conjunctum Aniciorum genus cum Amala stirpe spem adhuc utriusque generis, Domino prćstante, promittit.	This union of the race of the Anicii {an ancient Italian senatorial clan, of which Germanus’ mother may have been a member} with the stock of the Amals gives hopeful promise, the Lord granting, to both peoples.
(Conclusion) 315
Hćc hucusque Getarum origo, ac Amalorum nobilitas et virorum fortium facta.	Thus is the story, up to our time, of the origin of the Goths, the renown of the Amals, and the deeds of brave men.
Hćc laudanda progenies laudabiliori principi cessit et fortiori duci manus dedit, cujus fama nullis sćculis nullisque silebitur ćtatibus, sed victor ac triumphator Justinianus Imperator et consul Belisarius Wandalici Africani Geticique dicentur.	This glorious race yielded to an even more glorious prince and surrendered to a more valiant leader, whose fame shall be silenced by no ages or cycles of years; for the victorious and triumphant Emperor Justinian and his consul Belisarius shall be named and known as Vandalicus, Africanus and Geticus.
316
Hćc qui legis, scito me majorum secutum scripta et ex eorum latissimis pratis paucos flores legisse, unde inquirenti pro captu ingenii mei coronam contexam.	O reader, know that I have followed the writings of my predecessors, and have culled a few flowers from their broad meadows with which to weave, to the best of my ability, a garland for him who cares to know these things.
Nec me quis in favorem gentis prćdictć, quasi ex ipsa trahentem originem, aliqua addidisse credat quam quć legi et comperi ; nec tamen cuncta quć de ipsis scribuntur aut referuntur complexus sum, nec tantum ad eorum laudem quantum ad laudem ejus qui vicit, exponens.	Let no one believe that to the advantage of the race of which I have spoken — though indeed I trace my own descent from it — I have added anything besides what I have read or learned by inquiry. And even so I have not included all that is written or told about them, my exposition being not so much for their praise as for the praise of him who conquered them.
Explicit (composite) (Added by later copyists)
Explicit historia Jordanis Episcopi de antiquitate Gothorum actibusque eorum quos devicit Justinianus Imperator per ﬁdelem Rei Publicć Belisarium Consulem.	The end of the history of Bishop Jordanis on the Antiquity and Deeds of the Goths, whom Emperor Justinian defeated through Belisarius, Consul faithful to the Empire.

Getica
ç First half

Romana
(Complete) č

->> >> >>⇈⇑⇈<< << <<-

Deus vult !	— Þeedrich ( Inscriptio electronica : Theedrich@harbornet.com )
	Dies immutationis recentissimæ : die Martis, 2016 Apr 19