u JORDANES t |
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DE SUMMA TEMPORUM |
| With an American English translation by Brian T. Regan, Ph.D. |
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| Adjusted to classical-ecclesiastical spelling, with occasional modifications of the early medieval, misconstructed case endings to accord with classical Latin norms and better reveal the underlying meaning. (For the diplomatic text, see Theodorus Mommsen, 1882.) |
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| (This may be the first Latin-to-modern-language translation of the Romana since the 1842 French publication of August Savagner’s Jornandes: De la succession des Royaumes et des Temps [Paris: C.L.F. Panckoucke, 1842], to which this version owes much.) |
As Mommsen points out, Jordanes used (and largely plagiarized from) a number of sources, among which are the following:
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| 1 | |
| Vigilantiæ vestræ, nobilissime frater Vigili, gratias refero quod me longo per tempore dormientem vestris tandem interrogationibus excitastis. Deo magno gratias, qui vos ita fecit sollicitos ut non solum vobis tantum, quantum et aliis vigiletis. ¡ Macte virtutis et meriti ! | Thank you for your vigilance, most noble Brother Vigilius, for having finally awakened me with your questions from a long sleep. Thanks to God Almighty for having made you concerned so that not only you but others likewise should be vigilant. Congratulations on your merits! |
| 2 | |
| Vis enim præsentis mundi ærumnas cognoscere aut quando cœpit vel quid ad nos usque perpessus est, edoceri. Addis præterea ut tibi, quomodo Romana Res Publica cœpit et tenuit, totumque pæne mundum subegit et hactenus vel imaginarie teneat, ex dictis majorum flosculos carpens breviter referam : vel etiam quomodo regum series a Romulo et deinceps ab Augusto Octaviano in Augustum venerit Justinianum, quamvis simpliciter, meo tamen tibi eloquio pandam. | For you want to be taught to understand the trials of the present world or when it began or what has been endured up to our time. You further add that from the stories of our predecessors I should pluck some little flowers and briefly relate to you how the Roman state began and endured, subjugated practically the whole world, and should endure up to now in the imagination; or even how the series of kings should have proceeded from Romulus and, in succession, from Augustus Octavian to Augustus Justinian — that this, however simply, I should nevertheless explain to you in my own words. |
| 3 | |
| Licet nec conversationi meæ quod admones convenire potest, nec peritiæ ; tamen, ne amici petitionibus obviemus, quoquo modo valuimus, late sparsa collegimus. Et prius ab auctoritate divinarum Scripturarum, cui et inservire convenit, incohantes et usque ad orbis terræ Diluvium per familiarum capita currentes, devenimus ad regnum Nini qui, Assyriorum in gente regnans, omnem pæne Asiam subjugavit, et usque ad Arbacem Medum qui, destructo regno Assyriorum, in Medos illud convertit, tenuitque usque ad Cyrum Persam, qui itidem Medorum regnum subversum in Parthos transtulit, et exinde usque ad Alexandrum Magnum Macedonem qui, devictis Parthis, in Græcorum dicionem Rem Publicam demutavit. | Granted that what you are urging can suit neither my linguistic talent nor my expertise, nonetheless, in order not to disregard the requests of a friend, I have collected widely strewn data in whatever way I could. And starting first from the authority of the divine Scriptures, which it is fitting to uphold, and running through the heads of families all the way to the Deluge of the earth, I have come down to the empire of Ninus who, reigning over the Assyrian people, conquered almost all of Asia, and all the way to Arbaces the Mede who, destroying the Assyrian empire, turned it into a Median one and held it up to Cyrus the Persian, who in like manner overturned the Median empire and changed it into a Parthian one, and thence all the way to Alexander the Great of Macedon who, having conquered the Parthians, transferred the empire into the control of the Greeks. |
| 4 | |
| Posthæc quomodo Octavianus Augustus Cæsar, subverso regno Græcorum, in jus dominationemque Romanorum perduxit. Et quia ante Augustum jam per septingentos annos consulum, dictatorum regumque suorum sollertia Romana Res Publica nonnulla subegerat, ab ipso Romulo ædificatore ejus originem sumens ; in vicensimo quarto anno Justiniani imperatoris, quamvis breviter, uno tamen in tuo nomine et hoc parvissimo libello confeci, jungens ei aliud volumen de origine actibusque Geticæ gentis, quod jam dudum communi amico Castalio ededissem, quatenus, diversarum gentium calamitate comperta, ab omni ærumna liberum te fieri cupias et ad Deum convertas, qui est vera libertas. | After that, the way in which Octavian Augustus Cæsar, overturning the Greek empire, placed it under the law and control of the Romans. And that before Augustus, through seven centuries the Roman Republic had subjected a number of states through the skill of its citizens, taking its origin from its founder Romulus — this I have, however briefly, nonetheless completed in the twenty-fourth year of Emperor Justinian, in this one tiny book dedicated to you. I have added to it another volume on the origin and deeds of the Getic people, which I published some time ago for our common friend, Castalia, so that, learning of the disaster of various peoples, you might desire to become free of all trouble and turn to God, who is true freedom. |
| 5 | |
| Legens ergo utrosque libellos, scito quod diligenti mundum semper necessitas imminet. Tu vero ausculta Johannem Apostolum, qui ait: « Carissimi, nolite diligere mundum neque ea quæ in mundo sunt. Quia mundus transit et concupiscentia ejus : qui autem fecerit voluntatem Dei, manet in æternum. » Estoque toto corde diligens Deum et proximum, ut adimpleas legem et ores pro me, nobilissime et magnifice frater. | So in reading both books, realize that compulsion constantly overhangs him who loves the world. You, on the other hand, listen to the Apostle John who says, “Dearly beloved, love neither the world nor the things in it. Because the world passes away, together with its desires. But he who does the will of God endures forever.” {1 John 2, 15-17} And with your whole heart be someone who loves God and his neighbor, so that you fulfill the law and pray for me, most noble and wonderful brother. |
| 6 | |
| Romani, ut ait Jamblicus, armis et legibus exercentes orbem terræ suum fecerunt : armis siquidem construxerunt, legibus autem conservaverunt. Quod et ego, sequens eruditissimum virum, dum aliqua de cursu temporum scribere delibero, necessarium duxi opusculo meo velut insigne quoddam ornamentum præponere. Cupio namque ad inquisitiones amici fidelissimi, ex diversis voluminibus majorum prælibans, aliquos flosculos pro captu ingenii mei in unum redigere et in modum historiunculæ tam annorum seriem quam etiam eorum virorum qui fortiter in Re Publica laboraverunt, gesta strictim breviterque colligere. | As Jamblichus {(Chalcidensis, A.D. 245 — 325, Assyrian Neoplatonist philosopher)} says, the Romans made the world their own through arms and laws: they established this, it is true, by arms, but they kept it by means of laws. Which I too, following that most erudite man, have considered necessary to preëstablish as a kind of extraordinary decoration for my little work as I consider writing a few things about the passage of time. For in response to the inquiries of my most faithful friend, after sampling things from the various volumes of our predecessors, I desire, as far as it is within my ability, to condense a few little flowers into a single one and to collect cursorily and briefly in a kind of historical summary both the sequence of years and also the exploits of those men who with great effort labored for the empire. |
| 7 | |
| Quod quamvis simpliciter reor dictum videri doctissimis, gratum tamen fore æstimo mediocribus, dum et brevia sine fastidio legant et sine aliquo fuco verborum quæ lectitaverint sentiant. Ab origine etenim orbis primaque creatione tam hominis quam elementorum, et usque orbis terræ Diluvium, secundum veridici legislatoris verba Moysi, duo milia ducentos quadraginta et duos annos collegimus. In quibus annis, adhuc rudi et simplici hominum natura, non reges, sed familiarum capita, suo in genere erant. Quorum tamen ordo hujuscemodi fuit : | For however simple I believe these facts may seem to the highly educated, I think it will be welcome to ordinary people if they can read them in abbreviated form and, without boredom or any ornate language, can understand what they may be reading. For from the beginning of the world and the first creation both of man and of the elements until the world Deluge, I have, following the statements of that truthful lawgiver Moses, summarized two thousand four hundred and two years. During these years, while human nature was still primitive and simple, it was not kings but the heads of families that were over their tribes. Their sequence was as follows {cf. Genesis 5}: |
| 8 | |
| Adam protoplastus primusque mortalium vixit annos CCXXX et genuit Seth. Seth vixit annos CCV et genuit Enos. Enos autem vixit annos CXC et genuit Cainan. Cainan item vixit annos CLXX et genuit Malalehel. Malalehel vixit annos CLXV et genuit Jareth. Jareth vero vixit annos CLXII et genuit Enoch. Enoch vero vixit annos CLXV et genuit Mathusala. Mathusala vixit annos CLXVII et genuit Lamech. Lamech quoque vixit annos CLXXXVIII et genuit Noë. |
Adam, the original man and first of mortals lived 230 years and begat Seth. Seth lived 205 years and begat Enoš. Enos autem lived 190 years and begat Kenan. Cainan item lived 170 years and begat Mahalalel. Malelehel lived 165 years and begat Jared. Jareth vero lived 162 years and begat Enoch. Enoch vero lived 165 years and begat Mathuselah. Mathusala lived 167 years and begat Lamech. Lamech quoque lived 188 years and begat Noah. |
| 9 | |
| Noë vero sescentorum erat annorum, quando Diluvium mundi crudelissima facinora expiavit. A cujus regimine vel ab ipso Diluvio usque ad confusionem linguarum quæ item ob delicta ædificantium turrem facta est in campo Sennaar, et usque Eber, in quo Hebræorum genus et lingua prisca remansit, quia nec in illa conspiratione interfuit, sunt anni DXXV per familias sic : | Noah, however, was six hundred years old when the Deluge expiated the world’s horrible crimes. From his reign, or from the Deluge itself, until the confusion of tongues which was likewise caused by the sins of those who were building the Tower {[of Babel]} on the plain of Šinar, and up to Eber, in whom the Hebrew nation and original language continued because he was not part of that conspiracy, there are 525 years through the families in the following way {cf. Genesis 11, 10-26}: |
| 10 | |
| Arfaxad, filius Sem, nepos Noë, qui post Diluvium anno secundo est genitus, vixit annos CXXXV et genuit Cainan.
Cainan vero vixit annos CXXX et genuit Sala. A confusione ergo linguarum et primatu Eber (a quo Hebræi) et usque nativitatem Abrahæ, quando et primus rex in mundo in gente regnabat Assyriorum Ninus, anno regni sui XLII, si supra scriptam familiarum seriem percurrimus, fiunt anni DXLI sic : Faleg vixit annos CXXX et genuit Reu. |
Arpachšad, the son of Šem, grandson of Noah, who was born the second year after the Deluge, lived 135 years and begat Kenan.
Kenan, however, lived 130 years and begat Šelah. So from the confusion of tongues and the primacy of Eber (whence the Hebrews) and up to the birth of Abraham, when also Ninus, the first king in the world, ruled over the nation of the Assyrians, in the year 42 of his reign, if we run through the above-said sequence of families, the years amount to 541 thus:
Peleg lived 130 years and begat Reu. |
| 11 | |
| Simul ergo ab Adam et usque ad nativitatem Abrahæ, id est ab ortu mundi et usque quadragesimum secundum annum regis primi Assyriorum Nini, ut superius diximus, per familias capitaque eorum, fiunt generationes viginti, anni autem IIICCCVIII. Unde jam, relictis familiis, regum seriem persequamur et, sicut Eusebius vel Hieronymus, primum Assyriorum, deinde Medorum Persarumque et Græcorum regnum percurrentes, ad Romanum imperium quomodo delatum sit, vel quali tempore, latius, si Dominus permiserit, exsequamur. | In all, thus, from Adam and up to the birth of Abram — that is, from the beginning of the world until the forty-second year of Ninus, the first king of the Assyrians, as we said above — through the families and their heads, it amounted to twenty generations, but 3,308 years; at this point now dropping families, let us pursue the sequence of kings and, like Eusebius or Jerome, running first through the monarchy of the Assyrians, then the of Medes and Persians and the Greeks, continue at greater length as to how power devolved upon the Roman empire, or under what sort of times, if the Lord allows. |
| 12 | |
| Origo ergo regum regnorumque antiqua Assyria nobis amplexanda est, in qua primus Ninus Beli filius, urbem sui nominis fabricans Niniven, regnavit annos XLII, ubi a primo anno ipsius Nini et usque in ultimum annum Thonos Concoloros (quem Græci Sardanapalum appellant), quem occidit Arbaces, Medorum præfectus, regnum illud transferens in Medos, regnatum est a regibus trigenta et sex per annos mille ducentos quadraginta sic : | We must begin with the ancient Assyria of kings and kingdoms, in which the first was Ninus, the son of {the god} Bel, who founded the city of Niniveh named after himself and reigned for 42 years, whereby starting from the first year of Ninus himself and until the final year of Tonos Concoleros (whom the Greeks call Sardanapal), whom Arbaces, satrap of the Medes, killed {888 B.C.}, transferring his kingdom to the Medes, the reign of thirty-six kings lasted for a thousand two hundred and forty years, thus: |
| 13 | |
| Ninus rex Assyriorum post nativitatem Abrahæ regnavit annos X. | Following the birth of Abram, Ninus, king of the Assyrians, reigned for 10 years. |
| 14 | |
| Semiramis uxor Nini annis XLII : hanc dicunt quasi Babyloniæ conditricem, quamvis non legatur quia condidit, sed quia reparavit. Sub ea Abram adolescit in Chaldæa. | Semiramis, Ninus’s wife, for 42 years: They say she is a kind of founder of Babylonia, even though it may not be recorded that she founded it, but repaired it. Under her Abram grew to manhood in Chaldea. |
| 15 | |
| Zameis, qui et Ninias, filius Nini et Semiramidis, annos XXXVIII : cujus vicesimo tertio anno facta est promissio ad Abram, quum esset annorum LXXV. | Zameis, also called Ninias, the son of Ninus and Semiramis, for 38 years: in his thirty-third year the Promise was made to Abram when he was 75 years old. |
| 16 | |
| Arius annos XXX : cujus decimo anno centenarius Abraham genuit filium Isaac. | Arius, for 30 years: in his tenth year the centenarian Abraham begat his son Isaac. |
| 17 | |
| Aralius annos XL : hujus in ultimo regni anno nascuntur gemini Isaac, id est Jacob et Esau. | Aralius for 40 years: in the last year of this man’s reign Isaac’s twins were born, that is, Jacob and Esau. |
| 18 | |
| Xerxes, qui et Baleus, annos XXX : in hujus regni tempore Jacob, germanum fugiens Esau, descendit in Ægyptum solus, ditatusque cum turba ascendit. | Xerxes, also called Balæus, for 30 years: in the reign of this man, in the time of Jacob, Esau, fleeing from his brother, went down alone to Egypt and came back up enriched with a throng. |
| 19 | |
| Armamitres annos XXXVIII. Jacob a servitute soceri Laban recedens ad patrem revertitur. | Armamitres for 38 years: Jacob, leaving his service to his father-in-law Laban, returns to his father |
| 20 | |
| Belochus annos XXXV : hoc regnante Joseph adulescens somnia sua fratribus narrat et patri. | Belochus, for 35 years: during this man’s reign Joseph as a young man tells his father and brothers about his dreams. |
| 21 | |
| Balæus annos LII : hujus anno tricesimo Jacob famis penuria descendit in Ægyptum ibique filium suum repperit præpositum terræ totius Ægypti. | Balæus, for 52 years: in this man’s thirtieth year Jacob, impoverished by hunger, goes down to Egypt and there finds his son placed over the land of all Egypt. |
| 22 | |
| Altadus annos XXXII : hoc regnante Jacob defunctus est in Ægyptum, cujus cadaver Joseph cum magno honore vocat in terram Chanaan. | Altadas for 32 years: during his reign Jacob died in Egypt; Joseph transported his body to the land of Canaan in great honor. |
| 23 | |
| Maminthus annos XXX : sub istius regni tempore moritur Joseph et Hebræos deprimunt Ægyptii gravissima servitute. | Maminthus for 30 years: Under the time of this man’s reign Joseph dies and the Egyptians oppress the Hebrews with harshest servitude. |
| 24 | |
| Macthaleus annos XXX : et hoc regnante servitus perdurat in Ægypto Hebræorum. | Macchaleus for 30 years: during his reign too the servitude of the Hebrews continues in Egypt. |
| 25 | |
| Sphærus annos XXX : hujus regni temporibus ultimis, Ambra ex tribu Levi genuit Moysen. | Sphærus for 30 years: in the final times of this man’s reign Amram of the tribe of Levi begat Moses. |
| 26 | |
| Mamylus annos XXX : hoc regnante adolescens Moyses omnem philosophiam didicit Ægyptiorum. | Mamylus for 30 years: during his reign the maturing Moses learned all the wisdom of the Egyptians. |
| 27 | |
| Sparethus annos XL : quo tempore Moyses, occiso Ægyptio, in terram fugit Madiam. | Sparæthus for 40 years: at which time Moses, having killed an Egyptian, flees to the land of Midian. |
| 28 | |
| Astacades annos XL : hujus regni anno octavo, Moyses, CCCCXXX anno repromissionis, populum Hebræum in signis et virtutibus educit ex Ægypto eisque in heremo per annos quadraginta legem exponit. | Ascatades for 40 years: in the eighth year of this man’s reign, Moses, in the 430th year of the Promise leads the Hebrew people with signs and wonders from Egypt and during forty years in the desert explains the Law to them. |
| 29 | |
| Amyntas annos XLV : hujus nono anno moritur Moyses et Jesum Nave ducatum populo præbet. | Amyntes for 45 years: in this man’s ninth year Moses dies and presents Joshua {Vg. Josue: Book of Jošue} the son of Naun {Vg. Nun: Jos 2} to the people for their leadership. |
| 30 | |
| Belochus annos XXV : sub quo Gothoniel judex Hebræorum, et sacerdotium continet Phinees. | Belochus for 25 years: under whom Gothoniel {Vg. Othoniel: Jdg 3} is a judge of the Hebrews and Phinehas {Vg. Phinees: Nbr 25} holds the priesthood. |
| 31 | |
| Belepares annos XXX : quo tempore Hebræorum judex Aod {= Ahoth} allophylique infesti omnino. | Bellepares for 30 years: in which time Ehud {Vg. Aod: Jdg 3} and the aliens were extremely hostile. |
| 32 | |
| Lamprides annos XXXVII : et in hujus regno ipse judex Hebræis perdurat Aod. | Lamprides for 37 years: and in this man’s reign too, Ehud continues as a judge to the Hebrews. |
| 33 | |
| Sosares annos XX : et hujus temporibus quamvis senis, tamen adhuc consistit Aod, pugnatque cum alienigenis et vincit, jutus a Deo. | Sosarmos for 20 years: and in this man’s times Ehud, even though old, nonetheless still stood firm and fought with the aliens and conquered, aided by God. |
| 34 | |
| Lamperes annos XXX : quo regnante Judæis præerat Debbora et Barac. | Lamperes for 30 years: during his reign Deborah headed the Jews, and Barak {Vg. Debbora, Barac: Jdg 4; 5}. |
| 35 | |
| Panyas annos XLV : sub cujus tempore Judæis præfuit Gedeon, qui et Jeroboal. | Panyas for 45 years: in whose time the Jews were led by Gideon {Vg. Gedeon: Jdg 6; 7; 8}, also called Jerubbaal. |
| 36 | |
| Sosarmus annos XVIIII : sub cujus tempore Thola et Abimelech judices erant Hebræorum. | Sosarmus for 19 years: in whose time Tola and Abimelech {Vg. Thola, Abimelech: Jdg 9; 10} were the judges of the Hebrews. |
| 37 | |
| Mithreus annos XXVIIII : sub quo Judæis præerat Jair {Vg. Jair: Jdg 10}. | Mithræus for 29 years: under whom Jair headed the Jews. |
| 38 | |
| Tautanes annos XXII : cujus sub regno judices Hebræorum Hesebon et Labdon. Nam et in ipso tempore Græci Trojam vastaverunt ; unde Æneas fugiens in Italiam venit, se quoque cum Latino, Fauni filio, Pici nepote Saturnique abnepote, affinitatis gratia jungens, accepta filia ejus in uxorem Lavinia. Unitosque Phrygas Italosque populos nominavere Latinos. | Teutamus for 22 years: under whose reign Ibzan and Abdon {Vg. Abesan, Abdon: Jdg 12} were the judges of the Hebrews. Indeed at that very same time the Greeks devastated Troy; fleeing thence, Æneas came to Italy, joining with Latinus, the son of Faunus, grandson of Picus and great-grandson of Saturn, through relationship by marriage, having taken his daughter Lavinia as wife. The united Trojans and Italics they called Latins. |
| 39 | |
| Et sic jam ex tunc et deinceps, quamvis in pauperrimo regno locoque angusto, quod dicebatur agrum Laurentum, regnaverunt post Latinum Æneas et successores ejus, qui et Silvii sunt Albanique vocitati pro Albana urbe et pro postumo Ænea ejusdem Æneæ, qui idcirco Silvius dictus est, quia Lavinia post mortem Æneæ, timens Ascanii invidiam, clam eum in silva generavit, « Æneamque Silvium » nominavit. Ante quem, ut superius diximus, Italiæ regnatum est a Jano, Saturno, Pico, Fauno atque Latino per annos circiter CLXXX. | And thus now from that time and continuing on after Latinus, even though in a very poor kingdom and narrow territory (which was called the field of Laurentum), the rulers were Æneas and his successors, who were called Silvii and Albani after the city Albanum and after the posthumous son of Æneas, likewise named Æneas, who was surnamed “Silvius” because after the death of Æneas, Lavinia, fearing the hatred of Ascanius, secretely gave birth to him in a forest {“silva”} and called him “Æneas Silvius.” Before him, as we said above, Italy was ruled by Janus, Saturn, Picus, Faunus and Latinus for about 180 years. |
| 40 | |
| Teutæus annos XL : sub quo Samson ille ultra fortes fortissimus judex Hebræorum. | Teutæus for 40 years: under whom the famous, superstrong Samson {Vg. Samson: Jdg 13; 15} was the strongest judge of the Hebrews. |
| 41 | |
| Thinæus annos XXX : hoc regnante anno octavo decimo Heli sacerdos, audito nuntio filiorum arcaque testamenti ablata, cadens mortuus est. | Thinæus for 30 years: during the eighteenth year of his reign, the priest Eli {Vg. Heli: 1 Sam (Vg. 1 Kgs) 1-4}, hearing the news of his sons, the Ark of the Covenant snatched away, fell and died. |
| 42 | |
| Dercylus annos XL : sub quo aliquantum tempus Saul rex Hebræorum, alius vero David rex ex tribu Juda constitutus regnavit. | Dercylus for 40 years: under whom for a certain while Saul {Vg. Saul: 1 Sam (Vg. 1 Kgs) 9-31} was king of the Hebrews, for another while, however, David {Vg. Saul: 2 Sam (Vg. 2 Kgs), 1 Kgs (Vg. 3 Kgs) 1-2} of the tribe of Juda ruled, established as king. |
| 43 | |
| Eupales annos XXXVIII : hoc regnante anno tricesimo secundo Salomon templum Domini incohavit et perfecit singulariter in mundo per annos septem. | Eupalis for 38 years: in the thirty-second year of his reign, Solomon {Vg. Salomon: 1 Kgs (Vg. 3 Kgs) 2-11} started the temple of the Lord and completed it uniquely in the world in seven years. |
| 44 | |
| Laosthenes annos XLV : et hoc regnante Assyriis, Salomon regnat Hebræis, Saddoch vero et Achias Selonitis prophetant. | Laosthenes for 45 years: and during his reign over the Assyrians, Solomon was king over the Hebrews, but Zadok {Vg. Sadoc: 2 Sam (Vg. 2 Kgs); 1 Kgs (Vg. 3 Kgs); 1 Chr (Vg. 1 Par) 24} and Ahijah of Shiloh {Vg. Ahias Silonites: 1 Kgs (Vg. 3 Kgs) 11; 2 Chr (Vg. 2 Par) 9-10} were prophesying. |
| 45 | |
| Pritiades annos XXX : sub quo, jam mortuo Salomone, inter Roboam et Jeroboam regnum dividitur Hebræorum et alii Judæi, alii dicuntur Israëlitæ. | Pertiades for 30 years: under whom, with the death of Solomon, the kingdom of the Hebrews was divided between Rehoboam {Vg. Roboam: 1 Kgs (Vg. 3 Kgs) 12, 14; 2 Chr (Vg. 2 Par) 11-13; Eccl’cus 46} and Jeroboam {Vg. Jeroboam: 1 Kgs (Vg. 3 Kgs) 11-16; 2 Kgs (Vg. 4 Kgs) 23; 2 Chr (Vg. 2 Par) 9-13; Eccl’cus 47}, and the ones were called Jews, the others Israelites. |
| 46 | |
| Ophratæus annos XX : sub isto in parte Judæorum regnat Josaphat ; Israëlitarum vero, celeri morte Nabad et Baaz, Ela et Ambri obeuntibus, tenebat regimen Achab cum Hiezabel. | Ophratæus for 20 years: under that man, on the side of the Jews, Jehoshaphat {Vg. Josaphat: 1 Kgs (Vg. 3 Kgs) 22} reigned, but on that of the Israelites, following the swift deaths of Nadab and Basha, with Elah and Omri dying, Ahab {Vg. Achab: 1 & 2 Kgs (Vg. 3 & 4 Kgs), passim; 2 Chr (Vg. 2 Par) 18-22; Mic 6} held power with Jezebel{Vg. Jezabel: 1 Kgs (Vg. 3 Kgs) 16, 18, 19, 21; 2 Kgs (Vg. 4 Kgs) 9}. |
| 47 | |
| Ophrathanes annos L : sub quo Joram, Ochozias et Gotholia et Joas parti Judæ regnabant ; Israëli vero Ochozias, Joram et Jeu principatui unus post alium successerunt. | Ophratanes for 50 years: under whom Jehoram, Ahaziah and Athaliah and Joash held the kingship on the side of Judah; but on the Iraelite side, Ahaziah, Jehoram and Jehu succeeded to the principate one after the other. |
| 48 | |
| Acrazapes annos XLII : sub quo Amasias in Juda regno ascitus obtinet principatum ; Israëli vero Joachaz et Joas unus post alium regnat. | Acraganes for 42 years: under whom Amaziah, called to the kingship in Judah, held the principate; But Jehoahaz and Joash reigned over Israel, one after the other. |
| 49 | |
| Thonos Concoloros, quem Græci Sardanapalum nominant, annos XX : sub quo Judeorum Azarias qui et Ozias, Israëlitis Jeroboam. Regnum ergo Assyriorum, post annorum numerum mille ducentorum et quadraginta finem tantæ diuturnitatis accepit, ad Medosque translatum est. Nam Arbaces præfectus Medorum, Sardanapalo occiso, regnum ejus invasit et in Medos deduxit. | Tonos Concoleros (whom the Greeks call Sardanapal) for 20 years: under whom, of the Jews were Azariah, also called Hoshaiah, and for the Israelites, Jeroboam. Thus after a thousand two hundred and forty years the empire of the Assyrians came to the end of that great length, and was transferred to the Medes. For Arbaces, the satrap of the Medes, after Sardanapal had been killed, invaded his empire and turned it over to the Medes. |
| 50 | |
| Arbaces Medorum rex annos XXVIII : sub quo regnat adhuc Azarias, qui et Ozias, Judæ in parte. In Israël autem post Jeroboam paucis diebus fuerat Zacharias rursusque Sellum, quibus successerat Manahem. | Arbaces, king of the Medes, for 28 years: under whom reigned Azariah, also called Hoshaiah, on the side of Judah. In Israel, however, after Jeroboam, there was Zechariah for a few days, and in his turn Shallum, both of whom Menahem succeeded. |
| 51 | |
| Sosarmus annos XXX : in Judæ parte regnabat Joatham, Israëlitis Phaceia, quando et quinto decimo ejus anno prima Olympiades cœpta est nominari. Tunc etenim post innumerabiles, ut ita dicam, Laurenti loci et Latii reges Silvios Albanosque qui trecentos per annos in parte Italiæ regnaverunt, quamvis pauperrime, Amulius rex Numitoris fratris sui filiam Rheam nomine, quæ et Ilia vocabatur, Vestalem virginem fecerat. Quæ gravida inventa, dum scelus suum nititur excusare, a Marte se compressam mentita est. Ex qua genitis duobus, geminos rex exponi præcepit. Quos vagientes meretrix quædam, Lupa nomine, quum audisset, statim tollens ad Faustulum pastorem adduxit. Quos Acca uxor ejus nutriens, inter alios pastores conversari edocuit. | Sosarmus for 30 years: in the region of Judah Jotham reigned; for the Israelites, Pekiah, when in his fifteenth year {736 B.C.} the first Olympiad also began to be called {(actually the first one was in 776 B.C.)}. Then after what I might call innumerable Silvian and Albanan kings of the Laurentum area and in Latium, who for three hundred years reigned, however impoverishedly, in a section of Italy, King Amulius had made Rea, the daughter of his own brother Numitor (she was also called Ilia), a Vestal virgin. Being then discovered pregnant, when she strove to excuse her sin, she lied that she had been raped by Mars. When two twins were born of her, the king ordered them exposed. After some prostitute named Lupa {“She-wolf”} heard them crying, she immediately picked them up and took them to Faustulus, a shepherd. His wife, Acca, nourishing them, taught them how to live among other shepherds. |
| 52 | |
| Madidus annos XL : quo Medis regnante, Judæis regnabat Achas, Israëlitis alius Phacee. Annoque Madidi nono, septima Olympiade, Romulus ejusque germanus, quos inter pastores diximus enutritos, collecta pastorum multitudine Romanæ urbis ædificia incohaverunt, suoque de nomine junior, qui germanum peremerat, urbem vocari Romam præcepit. Cujus actus seriemque successorum ejus saltu quodam modo prætergrediens, externa regna, ut cœpi, percurram et, quum se locus obtulerit, ad eum ordinem redeam. Tantum qui legis, adverte ab origine mundi ad hujus usque magnæ urbis exortum annos fuisse IIIIDCL. | Mamythos {(/ Mamythus / Manithus / Mamicus / Madichus / Medidus / Medydus)} for 40 years: during his reign over the Medes, Ahaz reigned over the Jews, over the Israelites a second Pekah. In the ninth year of Mamythos, the seventh Olympiad, Romulus and his brother (whom we said had been raised among shepherds), gathering a multitude of shepherds, began the building of the Roman city; and the younger one, who had killed his brother, ordered the city to be called Rome after his own name. Passing over this man’s actions and the line of his successors in a kind of leap I will, as I began, hurry through the foreign empires, and when the opportunity offers itself, return to that sequence. Only you who are reading this, note that from the beginning of the world and up to the birth of this great city there were 4,650 years. |
| 53 | |
| Cardices annos XIII : sub quo Ezechias, filius Achas, succedens regnat Judæis. Nam Israëlitarum gentes supra dicti Madidi jam quinto decimo anno a Salmanasar, Chaldeorum rege, Medorum sunt in montibus transductæ captivæ, postquam regnassent in Samaria annos CCL. | Cardyceas for 13 years: under whom Hezekiah, the son of Ahaz, succeeded to the throne of the Jews. For in the fifteenth year of the above-mentioned Mamythos, the Israelite people were led captive in the mountains by Shalmaneser, king of the Medes, after they had reigned in Samaria for 250 years. |
| 54 | |
| Dejocis annos LIIII : hujus tempore primo Hebræorum Juda Manasses ductus captivus et, ferreis vinculis illigatus, fertur pænitentiam egisse. Cujus et canticum pænitentiæ legitur. Postea vero reversus in regno successorem reliquit filium suum Ammon. | Deioces for 54 years: early in this man’s time, Manasseh is reported to have been led captive from the Judah of the Hebrews and, bound in iron chains, done penance. His canticle of repentance is also read. Afterwards, however, having returned to his kingdom, he left his son Amon as his successor. |
| 55 | |
| Phraortes annos XXIII : sub quo Josias rex Judeorum qui lucos succidit et gentium idola de suo regno abjecit Deumque cæli integre coluit. | Phraortes for 22 years: under whom Josiah was the Jews’ king, who cut down the groves and cast the idols of the pagans out of his kingdom and uprightly worshipped the God of heaven. |
| 56 | |
| Cyaxares annos XXXII : sub quo Judæis regnat Joachaz, cui successit Eliachim, qui et Joachim, alterque Joachim primo adhuc Cyaxare vivente successit, in quo et finis regni evenit. | Cyaxares for 32 years: under whom Jehoahaz reigned, succeeded by Eliakim, also named Jehoiakim, then another Jehoiachin acceded to the throne while the first Cyaxares was still living, under whom the end of the kingdom occurred {587 B.C.}. |
| 57 | |
| Astyages annos XXXVIII : hujus anno octavo Judæi de Hierosolyma captivantur a Nabuchodonosor rege Babyloniorum. Sic regnum Medorum, quod per annos CCLVIII regnavit, destructum est et in Persas translatum, quia Cyrus rex Persarum et Darius Medorum, filius supra scripti Astyages, parentela conjuncti, nepos avunculusque fuerunt : irruentesque super Balthasar, abnepotem Nabuchodonosor regem Babyloniæ, id est Chaldæorum, regnum ejus pervadunt. Mortuoque Dario, Cyrus et suum — id est Persarum et affinis sui Darii, hoc est Medorum —, cum illo quod captivaverat tertio regno potitus, admodum Persarum regnum elevavit. Quæ gens a Cyro prædicto et usque ad Darium, filium Arsami, regnavit per annos plus minus CCXXX ; et sic ad Græcos devenit, post reges decem Persarum de gente. | Astyages for 38 years: in this man’s eighth year the Jews are captured from Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, king of the Babylonians. Thus the empire of the Medes, which ruled for 248 years, was destroyed and delivered to the Persians, because Cyrus, the king of the Persians, and Darius of the Medes, the son of the above-said Astyages, connected by relationship, were nephew and maternal uncle. And falling upon Belshazzar, the grandson of Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babylonia (that is, of the Chaldeans), they overran his empire. And after the death of Darius, Cyrus also achieved his own empire — i.e., of the Persians — as well as of his relative through marriage, Darius — that is, of the Medes —, together with the third empire that he had captured. That people reigned through about 230 years from the aforesaid Cyrus and until Darius {III}, the son of Arsames, and thus from the Persian people fell into the hands of the Greeks after ten kings {331 B.C.}. |
| {From Flavius Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, 10, 11, 4 (Whiston’s translation):} And falling upon Belshazzar (irruentesque super Baltasar): Now after a little while, both he himself [i.e., Baltasar (Belshazzar)] and the city were taken by Cyrus, the king of Persia, who fought against him; for it was Balthasar under whom Babylon was taken, when he had reigned seventeen years. And this is the end of the posterity of king Nebuchadnezzar, as history informs us; but when Babylon was taken by Darius, and when he, with his kinsman Cyrus, had put an end to the dominion of the Babylonians, he was sixty-two years old. He was the son of Astyages, and had another name among the Greeks. | |
| 58 | |
| Cyrus Persa annos XXXII : hic fere quinquaginta milia Judæorum, laxata captivitate, regredi fecit in Judæam : qui, constructo altari, templi fundamenta jecerunt. Quumque a vicinis gentibus impediretur, opus usque ad Darium remansit imperfectum. | Cyrus the Persian for 32 years: ending their captivity, this man had almost fifty thousand Jews return to Judea. Having built an altar, they laid the foundations of a temple. And since they were hindered by neighboring peoples, the work remained incomplete until Darius. |
| 59 | |
| Cambyses annos VIII : et sub isto opus impeditum a vicinis consistet nec ædificatur. | Cambyses for 8 years: and under that man the work, blocked by neighboring peoples, came to a halt and ceased being built. |
| 60 | |
| Magi duo fratres regnant mensibus VIII. | Two brothers, Persian priests, reign for 8 months. |
| 61 | |
| Darius annos XXXVI : cujus anno secundo reædificatum est templum a Zorobabel et Jesu filio Josedech quingentesimo duodecimo anno post primam sub Salomone ædificationem, ab Adam vero plus minus IIIIDCCCCXXX. | Darius {I} for 36 years: in whose second year {519 B.C.} the temple was rebuilt by Zerubbabel and Jeshua the son of Jozadak in the five hundred twelfth year after the first construction under Solomon, from Adam, however, more or less 4,930. |
| 62 | |
| Xerxes deinde, filius Darii, annos XX : regnavit Persis, Medis atque Chaldæis. | Next Xerxes, the son of Darius, for 20 years: he reigned over the Persians, Medes and Chaldeans. |
| 63 | |
| Artabanus menses VII. | Artabanus for 7 months. |
| 64 | |
| Artaxerxes, qui « Macrochir » dicebatur, annos XL. | Artaxerxes, who was called “Longhand,” for 40 years. |
| 65 | |
| Xerxes menses duo. | Xerxes {II} for two months. |
| 66 | |
| Sogdianus menses VII. | Sogdianus for 7 months. |
| 67 | |
| Darius, cognomento Nothus, annos XVIIII. | Darius {II} surnamed “the Bastard,” for 19 years. |
| 68 | |
| Artaxerxes qui et Mnemon, Darii et Parysatidis filius, annos XL : ipse est ab Hebræis qui dicitur Asuerus, sub quo liber Esther confectus est. | Artaxerxes {II}, also called Mnemon, the son of Darius {II} and Parysatis, for 40 years: he is the very same one called Ahasuerus by the Hebrews, under whom the book of Esther was made. |
| 69 | |
| Artaxerxes, qui et Ochus, annos XXVI : hic etenim Sidonem subvertit Ægyptumque suo subegit imperio Syriamque cunctam invasit. | Artaxerxes {III}, also called Ochus, for 26 years: this man, namely, destroyed Sidon and subjected Egypt to his own rule and invaded the whole of Syria. |
| 70 | |
| Arses, filius Ochi, annos IIII : sub quo Jaddus maximus et insignis pontifex Judæorum. | Arses, the son of Ochus, for 4 years: under whom was Jaddua, the greatest and magnificent high priest of the Jews. |
| 71 | |
| Darius, filius Asarmi, annos VI : hunc Alexander Magnus Macedo occidit regnumque ejus in suum redegit dominium, qui Alexandriam in suo nomine condidit ; ubi regnatum est a regibus Græcorum per annos CCXCVI sic : | Darius, the son of Asarmus {[a Persian satrap in Egypt]}, for 6 years: the Macedonian, Alexander the Great, who founded Alexandria in his own name, killed him and changed his empire into his own domain, which was ruled by Greek kings for 296 years. |
| 72 | |
| Alexander Magnus post mortem Darii annos V. | Alexander the Great, after the death of Darius, for 5 years. |
| 73 | |
| Ptolemæus, Lagi filius, annos XL : hic iterum gentem Hebræorum captivam ducit in Ægyptum. | Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, for 40 years: this man again led the Hebrew people captive into Egypt. |
| 74 | |
| Ptolemæus Philadelphus annos XXVIII : hic, captivitate Judæorum relaxata, muneribusque Eleazaro pontifice Judæorum placato, divinas Scripturas per septuaginta interpretes ex Hebræa lingua vertit in Græcam. | Ptolemy Philadelphus for 28 years: this man having ended the captivity of the Jews and placated the Jewish high priest Eleazar with gifts, through seventy translators translated the divine Scriptures from the Hebrew language into Greek. |
| 75 | |
| Ptolemæus Evergetes annos XXVI : hujus temporibus Jesus filius Sirach Sapientiæ librum scripsit. | Ptolemy {III} Euergetes {I} for 26 years: in the times of this man, Jesus son of Sira wrote a book of wisdom {now often known as the “Wisdom of Sirach” or “Ecclesiasticus.” Actually it was written during the reign of Ptolemy VIII Euergetes II, Physcon}. |
| 76 | |
| Ptolemæus Philopator annos XVII : sub hoc item victi Judæi et sexaginta milia eorum cæsa ab Antiocho rege Syriæ, quando et pontifex magnus Onias. | Ptolemy {IV} Philopator for 17 years: under this man the Jews were again conquered and sixty thousand of them killed by Antiochus {III}, the king of Syria, when Onias was also the great high priest. |
| 77 | |
| Ptolemæus Epiphanes annos XXIIII : hic, directo Scopa principe militiæ, capit Judæam ; rursusque Antiocho Scopam superante, Judæam sibi sociat in amicitiam Antiochus. | Ptolemy {V} Epiphanes for 24 years: this man, through his legate Scopas, head of the military, captures Judea; after Scopas is in turn overcome by Antiochus, Antiochus allies Judea to himself in friendship. |
| 78 | |
| Ptolemæus Philometor annos XXXV : sub hoc rege Aristobulus Judæus, Peripaticus philosophus, scripsit commentarios in libros Moysi et regi obtulit Ptolemæo. Antiochus autem, agens contra legem Judæorum. multos interemit. Contra quem Judas, qui et Macchabæus, arma commovit. | Ptolemy {VI} Philometor for 35 years: under this king the Jew Aristobulus, a Peripatetic philosopher, wrote commentaries on the books of Moses and offered them to King Ptolemy. Antiochus, however, working against the law of the Jews, killed many of them. Against him Judas, also called « Maccabee » {(“Hammer”)}, revolted. |
| 79 | |
| Ptolemæus Evergetes annos XXVIII : hoc regnante Jonathas, dux Judæorum præclarus, qui cum Romanis Spartiatisque fœdus iniit. | Ptolemy {VIII} Euergetes {II, Physcon (“Sausage-belly”)} for 28 years: during his reign there is Jonathan, an eminent leader of the Jews, who enters into alliance with the Romans and the Spartans. |
| 80 | |
| Ptolemæus Physcon, qui et Soter, annos XVII : sub hoc Aristobulus, Jonathæ filius, rex pariter et pontifex constituitur Judæorum. | Ptolemy {VIII Euergetes II} Physcon, also called “Soter” {II (“Savior”)}, for 17 years: under him, Aristobulus, Jonathan’s son, is made both king and high priest of the Jews. |
| 81 | |
| Ptolemæus, qui et Alexander, annos X : quo regnante multa Judæorum populus tam ab Alexandrinis quam etiam ab Antiochensibus tolerabat. | Ptolemy {X}, also called Alexander, for 10 years: during his reign the Jewish people endured a great deal from the forces of both Alexander as well as of Antiochus. |
| 82 | |
| Ptolemæus, qui a matre fuerat ejectus, annos VIII : Judæis tunc regnat Jannæus, qui et Alexander. | Ptolemy {IX} Lathyros, who had been thrown out by his mother, for 8 years: Jannæus, also called Alexander, reigned over the Jews at that time. |
| 83 | |
| Ptolemæus Dionysus annos XXX : sub cujus regno Alexandra, quæ et Salina, uxor Alexandri regis Hebræorum, Hierosolymis regnat, ex cujus ætate Judæos rerum confusio et variæ clades oppresserunt. | Ptolemy {XII} Dionysus for 30 years: under whose reign Alexandra, also named Salina, the wife of Alexander {Jannæus} king of the Hebrews, rules over Jerusalem, from which time confusion and various disasters plague the Jews. |
| 84 | |
| Cleopatra annos XXII : qua regnante Judæi, in amicitiam Romanorum se sociantes, eorum jam legibus vivunt, quia Pompejus, regno ab Aristobulo sublato, Hyrcanum fratrem ejus præfecerat. Hanc siquidem Cleopatram Romanus ductor suscipiens Antonius, et suo socians lateri, contra cives proprios dimicat. Quem Augustus Octavianus in certamine superans Actiaco in litore, egit ut utrique jugales se ipsos perimerent, regnumque eorum in Romanorum imperium devenit, ubi et usque hactenus, et usque in finem mundi secundum Danielis prophetiam, regni debetur successio. Et quod abhinc Augustalis exoritur potestas, animo recondendum est. | Cleopatra, for 22 years: with her reign the Jews, entering into friendship with the Romans, now live according to their laws, because Pompey, having removed Aristobulus, had placed his brother Hyrcanus in charge. Indeed, the Roman general Antonius, accepting Cleopatra and taking her to his own side, fought with his own citizens. Octavian Augustus, overcoming him on the Actian coast, forced both of the mated pair to kill themselves, and their kingdom became part of the empire of the Romans, where even up to now, and until the end of the world, according to the prophecy of Daniel, the succession of rule must be. And it must be kept in mind that Imperial power arises from that point. |
| 85 | |
| Augustus imperator, qui et Octavianus dicebatur, a quo posteri principes « Augusti » sunt vocati, tam cives patrios rebelles quam etiam gentes exteras superans, singularem sibi vindicat principatum, regnans per annos LVI ; hujus quadragesimo secundo anno imperii, Dominus noster Jesus Christus, de sancta virgine natus, ut verus Deus ita et verus homo, in signis et virtutibus admirandis enituit, anno ab origine mundi VD, ab urbis Romæ autem conditione anno DCCLV. | Emperor Augustus, also called Octavian, after whom subsequent leaders were called “Augusti,” by both conquering domestic citizens and overcoming foreign peoples, acquired the sole principate, reigning for 55 years; in the forty-second year of his command, our Lord Jesus Christ, born of a holy virgin as true God thus and true man, shone forth in wondrous signs and powers in the year 5,500 from the beginning of the world, but 755 from the creation of the city of Rome. |
| 86 | |
| Et quia Romanarum rerum ordinem actusque inquirere statuisti, et nos breviter tuis percontationibus respondere sumus polliciti, necessarium est ergo nobis ea interim, quæ ad tempora Augusti imperatoris dicuntur, omittere et rursus ad Romanæ urbis primordia repedare, originemque Romuli ejus conditoris exponere, simulque successorum ejus, regum consulumque annos actusque ad liquidum demonstrare, qui sunt hi : | And because you decided to inquire about the sequence and actions of Roman affairs, and we have promised to respond briefly to your inquiries, for the time being we therefore need to hold off on the things which are narrated about the times of Augustus and go back again to the beginnings of the Roman city, and to explain the origin of Romulus its founder, and simultaneously to explain clearly the years and actions of his successors, kings and consuls, which are as follows: |
| 87 | |
| Ab origine urbis Romæ et usque ad Tarquinium regem cognomento « Superbum », qui et expulsus est, numerantur anni CCXLIII. Nam primus ille et urbis et imperii conditor Romulus fuit Marte (ut ipsorum verbis loquamur) genitus et Rhea Silvia. Hoc de se sacerdos gravida confessa est. Nec mox fama dubitavit, quum Amulii regis imperio abjectus in profluentem cum Remo fratre non potuit exstingui, siquidem et Tiberinus amnem repressit et, relictis catulis, lupa, secuta vagitum, ubera admovit infantibus, matrisque gessit officium. | From the origin of the city of Rome and up to King Tarquinius, surnamed “the Arrogant” — who was also expelled —, the count of years is 753. For that famous first founder of the city and empire, Romulus, was conceived by Mars (to tell it in their own words) and Rea Silvia. The priestess confessed this about her pregnant self. Nor is the narrative then uncertain that when, thrown into the current with his brother Remus due to the command of King Amulius, he could not be killed, considering that {(the river-god)} Tiberinus even held the river in check and a she-wolf, abandoning her whelps and following the cries, gave her breasts to the infants and performed the function of a mother. |
| 88 | |
| Sic repertos apud arborem Faustulus, regii gregis pastor, tulit in casam atque educavit. Alba tum erat Latio caput, Juli opus, nam Lavinium patris Ænææ contempserat. Ab his Amulius jam septima suboles regnabat, fratre pulso Numitore, cujus ex filia Romulus. Igitur statim prima juventutis facie patruum ab arce deturbat, avum reponit. Ipse fluminis amator et montium apud quos erat educatus, mœnia novæ urbis agitabat. | So Faustulus, a shepherd of the royal flock, took the infants, found near a tree, into his house and raised them. At that time the head of Latium was Alba {Longa}, the work of Julus {(Ascanius)}, for he had held in contempt the Lavinium of father Æneas. Amulius reigned now in the seventh generation after these men, having dethroned his brother Numitor, whose daughter’s son was Romulus. So right from the initial appearance of his youth he expelled his paternal uncle from the citadel and deposed his grandfather. He himself, a lover of the river and the mountains among which he had been raised, developed the walls of the new city. |
| 89 | |
| Gemini erant : uter auspicaretur et regeret, adhibere placuit deos. Remus montem Aventinum, hic Palatinum occupat. Prius ille sex vultures, hic postea, sed duodecim vidit. Sic victor augurio urbem excitat, plenus spei bellatricem fore : id assuetæ sanguini et præda aves pollicebantur. Ad tutelam novæ urbis sufficere vallum videbatur : cujus dum angustias Remus increpat, saltu transilivit. Dubium an jussu fratris, occisus est. Prima certe victima fuit, munitionemque urbis novæ sanguine suo consecravit. | They were twins. It was decided to have the gods choose which of the two should start and reign. Remus took Mount Aventine, the other the Palatine. At first, the former saw six vultures, but the latter subsequently twelve. Thus the victor in the augury initiated the city, full of hope it would be a warlike one. The birds, adapted to blood and spoil, were promising that. It appeared that for the protection of the new city a wall would suffice. Remus, then ridiculing its narrow confines, jumped over it. He was murdered, it being uncertain whether it was at the order of his brother. Certainly he was the first sacrificial victim, and consecratred the defenses of the new city with his own blood. |
| 90 | |
| Imaginem urbis magis quam urbem fecerat : incolæ deerant. Erat in proximo lucus : hunc asylum facit, et statim mira vis hominum, Latini Tuscique pastores, etiam transmarini Phryges qui sub Ænea, Arcades qui sub Euandro duce influxerant. Ita ex variis quasi elementis congregavit corpus unum, populumque Romanum ipse fecit. Res erat unius ætatis, populus virorum. Itaque matrimonia a finitimis petita, quia non impetrabantur, manu capta sunt. Simulatis quippe ludis equestribus virgines quæ ad spectaculum venerant prædæ fuere. | He had made a picture of a city rather than a city: it lacked inhabitants. There was a grove nearby; he made this an asylum, and immediately there was an amazing number of men, Latin and Tuscan shepherds, even, from across the sea, Phrygians who were under Ænæas, Arcadians under the leader Euander, had flowed in. Thus out of various as it were elements he assembled a single body, and himself created the Roman people. The situation was of a single age, a population of men. And hence, because they were not getting them after having sought marriage from the neighboring tribes, it was taken by force of arm. During pretended equestrian games, the young women who had come to the spectacle became the spoils. |
| 91 | |
| Hæc statim causa bellorum. Pulsi fugatique Vejentes. Cæninensium captum ac direptum est oppidum. Spolia insuper opima de rege Acrone Feretrio Jovi manibus rex reportavit. Sabinis prodita porta per virginem Tarpejam, non dolo ; sed puella pretium rei quæ gerebant in sinistris petierat — dubium clipeos an armillas. Illi, ut et fidem solverent et ulciscerentur, clipeis obruere. Ita admissis intra mœnia hostibus atrox in ipso foro pugna, adeo ut Romulus Jovem oraret fœdam suorum fugam sisteret. Hinc templum et Stator Juppiter. | These events were immediately the cause of war. The Veientines were repulsed and put to flight. The town of the Cænines was captured and pillaged. In addition the king brought back by hand the rich spoils from King Acron to the Feretrian Jove. The gates were betrayed to the Sabines by a virgin, Tarpeia, not by trickery, but the girl sought as a reward of her deed what they bore on their left arms — it being uncertain whether their shields or their bracelets. The Sabines, in order to keep their word as well as get revenge, buried her under their shields. With the enemy having thus been admitted inside the walls, there was a ferocious battle in the forum itself, to the point that Romulus prayed to Jove to stop the disgraceful flight of his own men. Hence the temple and Jupiter the Stayer. |
| 92 | |
| Tandem funeribus intervenere raptæ, laceris comis : sic pax facta cum Tatio fœdusque percussum. Secutaque res misera dictu ut, relictis sedibus suis, novam in urbem hostes demigrarent et cum generis suis avitas opes pro dote sociarent. | Finally, the kidnapped women, their hair disheveled, intervened in the deadly matter; thus peace was made with Tatius, and a treaty was struck. And the following is sad to relate: that, having left their homes, the enemy emigrated into the new city and shared their ancestral wealth as dowry with their sons-in-law. |
| 93 | |
| Auctis brevi viribus hunc rex sapientissimus statum Rei Publicæ imposuit : juventus divisa per tribus, in equis et armis ut ad subita bella excubaret, consilium Rei Publicæ penes senes esset, qui ex auctoritate patres, ob ætatem Senatus vocabantur. | With his forces increased in a short time, the highly intelligent king imposed this arrangement on the republic: the youth was divided by tribes in order to stand guard in horses and arms against sudden wars; planning for the republic was to be in the charge of the elders, who were called fathers because of their authority and the “Senate” {literally, “eldership”} because of their age. |
| 94 | |
| His ita ordinatis, repente, quum contionem haberet ante urbem apud Capræ paludes, e conspectu ablatus est. Discerptum aliqui a Senatu putant ob asperius ingenium : sed oborta tempestas solisque defectio consecrationis speciem præbuere. Cui mox Julius Proculus fidem fecit, visum a se Romulum affirmans augustiore forma quam fuisset : mandare præterea, ut se pro numine acciperent : Quirinum in cælo vocari : placitum diis, ut gentium Roma potiretur. | With these things arranged, suddenly, while he was holding a speech in front of the city at the Goat’s Swamp, he disappeared from sight. Some thought he had been torn to pieces by the Senate because of his harsh personality; but a sudden storm and an eclipse of the sun gave the impression of a consecration. Julius Proculus gave credence to this, asserting that he had seen Romulus in a more awe-inspiring form than he had been, and that besides he had ordered that they should accept him as a god; he was called “Quirinus” in heaven; it had been decreed by the gods that Rome should become master of peoples. |
| 95 | |
| Successit Romulo Numa Pompilius, quem Curibus Sabinis agentem ultro petiverunt ob inclutam viri religionem : ille sacra et cærimonias omnemque cultum deorum immortalium docuit : ille pontifices, augures, Salios ceteraque sacerdotia : annumque in XII menses, fastos dies nefastosque discripsit. Ille ancilia atque palladium, secreta quædam imperii pignora, Janumque bifrontem, Fidem pacis ac belli, imprimis focum Vestæ virginibus colendum dedit, ut ad simulacrum cælestium siderum custos imperii flamma vigilaret. Hæc omnia quasi monitu deæ egregiæ, quo magis barbari acciperent. Eo denique ferocem populum redegit, ut quod vi et injuria occuparat imperium, religione atque justitia gubernaret. | Romulus was succeeded by Numa Pompilius whom they spontaneously summoned from his life in the Sabine town of Cures because of the man’s renowned religious abilities; he gave instructions on sacred rites and ceremonies and the entire cult of the immortal gods; he established the pontiffs, the augurs, the Salii and other priesthoods; and he sorted the year into 12 months, the days on which courts are allowed and not allowed. That man presented the heaven-sent shields and image of Pallas, the particular secret pledges of empire, and the two-faced Janus, the god of Faith of peace and war, above all the hearth of Vesta to be cared for by virgins so that following the example of the astronomical bodies, its flame might stand watch as the guardian of empire. All these things were as it were as the instruction of the distinguished goddess so that the primitives would more readily accept it. In the end he brought a fierce people to the point that the empire they had seized by force and injustice, they would govern through religion and justice. |
| 96 | |
| Excepit Pompilium Numam Tullus Hostilius, cui in honorem virtutis regnum ultro datum. Hic omnem militarem disciplinam artemque bellandi instituit. Itaque mirum in modum exercita juventute provocare ausus Albanos, gravem et diu principem populum. Sed quum pari robore frequentibus prœliis utrique comminuerentur, misso in compendium bello, Horatiis Curiatiisque, trigeminis hinc atque inde fratribus, utriusque populi fata permissa sunt. Anceps et pulchra contentio exituque ipso mirabilis. Tribus quippe illinc vulneratis, hinc duobus occisis, qui supererat Horatius, addito ad virtutem dolo, ut distraheret hostem simulat fugam singulosque prout sequi poterant, adortus exsuperat. Sic (rarum alias decus) unius manu parta victoria est. Quam ille mox parricidio fœdavit. Nam flentem spolia circa se sponsi quidem, sed hostis, sororem viderat : hunc tam immaturum amorem virginis ultus est ferro, ut audiret leges, nefas : sed abstulit virtus parricidam, et facinus infra gloriam fuit. | Pompilius Numa was followed by Tullus Hostilius, to whom, in honor of his courage, the kingdom was freely given. This man introduced military discipline and the art of war-fighting. And thus, in an unexpected way, with his disciplined youth he dared to provoke the Albanans, a powerful people long holding the leadership. But when, because of equally matched strength and frequent battles, both sides were becoming weaker, by way of allowing the war to be shortened, the futures of both peoples were consigned to the Horatii and the Curiatii, triplets on the one side and brothers on the other. The battle was uncertain and beautiful, and striking in the outcome itself. On the one side, indeed, were three wounded men, on the other two killed; the Horatius who had survived, by adding trickery to his courage in order to break up the enemy, faked flight, and attacked and conquered them singly as they were able to follow him. Thus victory was granted by the hand of a single man (an honor elsewhere rare). Next, he disgraced this by the murder of a family member. For he had seen his sister crying at seeing him with the spoils of her betrothed, although an enemy. He avenged this so untimely love of the virgin with his sword, so that he transgressed the laws, a crime. But his valor absolved his murder and his crime was less than his glory. |
| 97 | |
| Nec diu in fide Albanus : nam Fidenates bello missi in auxilium ex fœdere : medii inter duos exspectavere fortunam. Sed rex callidus, ubi inclinare socios ad hostem videt, tollit animum quasi mandasset. Spes inde Romanis, metus hostibus. Sic fraus proditorum irrita fuit. Itaque hoste victo, ruptorem fœderis Mettium Fufetium religatum inter duos currus pernicibus equis distraxit, Albamque ipsam quamvis parentem, æmulam tamen diruit, quum prius omnes opes urbis ipsumque populum Romam transtulisset : prorsus ut consanguinea civitas non perisse, sed in suum corpus rediisse rursus videretur. | The Albanan did not stay in the alliance for long; for the citizens of Fidenæ were sent to war as assistance in accordance with the treaty. They waited between the two sides for the outcome. But the cunning king {Tullus Hostilius}, when he saw his allies trend toward the enemy, lifted his men’s spirits, as though he had ordered it. The result of that was hope for the Romans, fear for the enemy. Thus the deception of the betrayers came to naught. And so, with the enemy conquered, Mettius Fufetius, the breaker of the treaty, was tied between two chariots and torn in half by fast horses, and Alba {Longa} itself, even though the parent, was nonetheless wiped out as a competitor, when he had first transferred the entire wealth of the city and the populace itself to Rome — in short, so that a blood-related citizenry might not be seen to have perished but to have come back to its own body. |
| 98 | |
| Ancus deinde Marcius, nepos Pompilii ex filia, pari ingenio. Igitur et muro mœnia amplexus est et influentem urbi Tiberim ponte commisit, Ostiamque in ipso maris fluminisque confinio coloniam posuit, jam tunc videlicet præsagiens animo futurum, ut totius mundi opes et commeatus illo velut maritimo urbis hospitio reciperentur. | Next was Ancus Marcius, the grandson of Pompilius through his daughter, with an intelligence equal to his. Thus he both surrounded the walls with a[nother] wall and spanned the Tiber river, flowing into the city, with a bridge, and set up the colony of Ostia at the joint boundary of the sea and the river, presciently, that is, seeing in his mind even then the future — that the wealth and commerce of the entire world would be brought into that, as it were, maritime hotel of the city. |
| 99 | |
| Tarquinius postea Priscus, quamvis transmarinæ originis, regnum ultro petens accepit ob industriam atque elegantiam, quippe qui oriundus Corintho Græcum ingenium Italicis artibus miscuisset. Hic et Senatus majestatem numero ampliavit et centuriis tribus auxit, quatenus Attus Navius numerum augeri prohibebat, vir summus augurio. Quem rex in experimentum rogavit, fierine posset quod ipse mente cœperat. Ille, rem expertus augurio, posse respondit. « Atquin hoc », inquit, « agitaram, cotem illam secari novacula posse. » Et augur, « Potes », inquit ; et secuit. Inde Romanis sacer auguratus. | Later, Tarquinius Priscus, even though of overseas origin, on his own sought and achieved the kingship due to his hard work and elegance, since as a native of Corinth he blended Greek intelligence with Italian skills. He both amplified the majesty of the Senate in quantity and increased it by three centuries, to which level Attus Navius, a man highly skilled in augury, forbade increasing the number. As a test the king asked him whether it were possible to do what he himself had undertaken in his mind to do. The man experienced in augury answered that it was possible. “But in fact,” he said, “I had been thinking that this whetstone could be cut with a razor.” And the augur responded, “You can.” And he did cut it. Hence the augurship is holy to the Romans. |
| 100 | |
| Neque pace Tarquinius quam bello promptior : duodecim namque Tusciæ populos frequentibus armis subegit. Inde fasces, trabeæ curules, anuli, phaleræ, paludamenta, prætextæ ; inde quod aureo curru, quattuor equis triumphatur, togæ pictæ tunicæque palmatæ ; omnia denique decora et insignia quibus imperii dignitas eminet, sumpta sunt. | Nor was Tarquinius more ready for peace than for war: for he subjugated twelve peoples of Etruria in frequent conflicts. Hence the fasces, the white, purple-striped curule shawls, the rings, the medals for men and horses, the generals’ cloaks, the purple-bordered togas; hence the fact that triumphs are done in a golden chariot with four horses, the painted togas and palm-embroidered tunics; everything, finally, decorative and distinguished with which the dignity of command stands out, was introduced. |
| 101 | |
| Servius Tullius deinceps gubernacula urbis invadit, nec obscuritas inhibuit, quamvis matre serva creatum. Nam eximiam indolem uxor Tarquinii, Tanaquil, liberaliter educaverat, et clarum fore visa circa caput flamma promiserat. Ergo inter Tarquinii mortem, annitente regina, substitutus in locum regis quasi in tempus, regnum dolo partum sic egit industrie, ut jure adeptus videretur. | Servius Tullius next took over the reins of government, and his obscure origins did not stop him, even though born of a slave mother. For Tarquinius’s wife Tanaquil had raised the extraordinarily talented boy in a freeborn way, and a flame seen around his head had promised that he would be famous. Thus at the death of Tarquinius, Servius, through the efforts of the queen, was substituted in the place of the king as though for the time being, she engineered it so diligently that the kingship was conferred so through fraud, that it looked like it had been acquired legally. |
| 102 | |
| Ab hoc populus Romanus relatus in censum, digestus in classes, decuriis atque collegiis distributus, summaque regis sollertia ita est ordinata Res Publica, ut omnia patrimonii, dignitatis, ætatis, artium officiorumque discrimina in tabulas referrentur, ac sic maxima civitas minimæ domus diligentia contineretur. | By him the Roman people were listed in a census, sorted into classes, distributed to groups and colleagueships, and with the king’s utmost care the Republic was ordered in such a way that all the differences of inheritance, dignity, age, skills and functions were entered into tables, and thus an enormous citizenry was organized with the economy of a very small household. |
| 103 | |
| Postremus fuit omnium regum Tarquinius, cui cognomen « Superbus » ex moribus datum. Hic regnum avitum, quod a Servio tenebatur, rapere maluit quam exspectare ; missisque in eum percussoribus, scelere partam potestatem non melius egit quam acquisiverat. Nec abhorrebat moribus uxor Tullia quæ, ut virum regem salutaret, supra cruentum patrem vecta carpento consternatos equos exegit. | Last of all the kings was Tarquinius {II, son of Tarquinius Priscus}, to whom the surname “the Arrogant” was given on account of his behavior. He preferred to seize his paternal throne, which was being held by Servius, rather than wait for it and, having sent assassins against him, exercized the power conferred by the crime no better than he had acquired it. Neither did Tullia {Servius’s daughter and wife of Tarquinius II} shrink from such behavior; riding in a wagon to salute her husband as king, she drove her startled horses over her bleeding father. |
| 104 | |
| Sed ipse in Senatum cædibus, in plebem verberibus, in omnes superbia (quæ crudelitate gravior est bonis) grassatus, quum sævitiam domi fatigasset, tandem in hostes conversus est. Sic valida in Latio oppida capta sunt : Ardea, Ocriculum, Gabii, Suessa Pometia. Tum quoque cruentus in suos. Neque enim filium verberare dubitavit, ut simulantis transfugam apud hostes hinc fides esset. | But he himself went on the prowl against the Senate with killings, among the people with beatings, against everyone with arrogance (which to good men is worse than cruelty); when he had tired of brutality at home, he finally turned against the enemies. Thus powerful towns in Latium were captured: Ardea, Ocriculum, Gabii, Suessa Pometia. Then he was also bloodthirsty against his own relatives. For he did not even hesitate to beat his son so that as a result there would be trust among the enemy towards him when he pretended to be a deserter. |
| 105 | |
| Quo a Gabiis, ut voluerat, recepto, et per nuntios consulenti quid fieri vellet, eminentia forte papaverum capita virgula excutiens, quum per hoc interficiendos esse principes vellet intellegi (¡ Qua superbia !) sic respondit, ut senserant tamen. | After, as he had wanted, the son had been welcomed by the Gabii and was asking through messengers what he wanted done, by striking off the fortuitously tall heads of poppies with a stick, when he wanted it understood by this that the leaders were to be killed, he answered in such a way (with what arrogance!) that they had nonetheless sensed it. |
| 106 | |
| De manubiis captarum urbium templum erexit. Quod quum inauguraretur, cedentibus ceteris diis, mira res dicitur exstitisse : resistere Juventas et Terminus. Placuit vatibus contumacia numinum, siquidem firma omnia et æterna pollicebantur. Sed illud horrendius quod, molientibus ædem, in fundamentis humanum caput repertum est. Nec dubitavere cuncti monstrum pulcherrimum imperii sedem caputque terrarum promittere. | With the spoils of the captured cities he erected a temple. When he was consecrating it, while the other gods yielded, an amazing thing is said to have come up: the gods Youth and Terminus stood fast. The soothsayers were pleased by obstinacy of the supernaturals, since they promised everything would be firm and eternal. But the thing that was more alarming was that a human head was found by the men building the temple. No one doubted that that awe-inspiring prodigy was promising the headquarters of empire and the capital of the earth. |
| 107 | |
| Tamdiu superbiam regis populus Romanus perpessus est, donec aberat libido : hanc ex liberis ejus importunitatem tolerare non potuit. Quorum quum alter ornatissimæ feminæ Lucretiæ stuprum intulisset, matrona dedecus ferro expiavit, imperium regibus abrogatum. | The Roman people endured the arrogance of the king as long as there was no lust; it could not tolerate this outrage from his children. When one of them committed the rape of Lucretia, a woman of the highest dignity, the matron expunged her disgrace by suicide with a knife, the rule of kings was terminated. |
| 108 | |
| Hæc est prima ætas populi Romani et quasi infantia quam habuit sub regibus septem, per annos, ut diximus, CCXLIII, quadam fatorum industria tam variis ingenio, ut Rei Publicæ ratio et utilitas postulabat. | This is the first stage of the Roman people and, as it were, the infancy which it had under seven kings over, as we said, 243 years — through certain workings of the fates as well as the talent of various people, according as the condition and need of the Republic demanded it. |
| 109 | |
| Nam ¿ quid Romulo ardentius ? Tali opus fuit, ut invaderet regnum. ¿ Quid Numa religiosius ? Ita res poposcit ut ferox populus deorum metu mitigaretur. ¿ Quid ille militiæ artifex Tullus, bellatoribus viris quam necessarius ut acueret ratione virtutem ? ¿ Quid ædificator Ancus ? Ut urbem colonia extenderet, ponte jungeret, muro tueretur. | For what could have been more fiery than Romulus? It took such a man to usurp the kingship. What could have been more pious than Numa? The times demanded it so that a barbarous people might be tamed by fear of the gods. What about that creator of the military, Tullus, so necessary to sharpen the valor of fighting men with discipline? What about that builder, Ancus, to extend the city with a colony, unite it with a bridge, protect it with a wall? |
| 110 | |
| ¿ Jam vero ornamenta Tarquinii et insignia, quantam principi populo addiderunt ex ipso habitu dignitatem ? ¿ Actus a Servio census quid effecit, nisi ut ipsa se nosset Romana Res Publica ? Postremo Superbi illius importuna dominatio nonnihil — immo vel plurimum — profuit. Sic enim effectum est, ut agitatus injuriis populus cupiditate libertatis incenderetur, | Then indeed, how much dignity did the ornaments and insignia of Tarquinius add to a royal people in its very dress? What did the census carried out by Servio accomplish other than that the very Roman Republic came to know itself? Finally, the intolerable tyranny of the notorious Arrogant helped somewhat — or rather, a great deal. For what was thereby achieved was that the people, harried by injustices, were fired with a desire for freedom. |
| 111 | |
| mutataque regali dominatione, ad consulum infulas se conferret qui, bini in annis singulis Rem Publicam gubernantes, sequenti anno ab aliis venientibus succedebantur, scientesque se annis tantum singulis præesse in populo, taliter erga alios agebant, qualiter eos erga se acturos postea cupiebant. | Having changed from the royal tyranny, the people resorted to the headbands of consuls. There were two consuls each year governing the Republic, succeeded in the following year by others coming up. And knowing that they would be ruling over the people only for a single year, they acted toward others in the same way that they wanted those to act later toward themselves. |
| 112 | |
| Qui ordo usque ad Augustum Cæsarem obtinuit privilegium, per viros DCCCCXVI in annis CCCCLVIII. Novem siquidem annis sine consulibus, sed tantum sub tribunis plebis fuit, quattuor sine judicibus. | This arrangement maintained its validity until Cæsar Augustus, through 916 men over 458 years. For nine years, that is, it was without consuls but only under the tribunes, four without judges. |
| 113 | |
| Nam post exactos reges annum unum quinis diebus singuli senatorum Rem Publicam obtinuerunt ; et tunc duobus creatis consulibus, Bruto et Collatino, ordinem in posterum usque ad Pansam et Sergium servaverunt per annos prænotatos. | For after the expulsion of the kings, for one year individual senators governed the Republic for five days each; and then, having created two consuls, Brutus and Collatinus, they afterwards kept the arrangement up until Pansa and Sergius {actually Hirtius}, over the aforementioned years. |
| 114 | |
| Et quia omnium consulum nomina actusque conscribere et mihi tædium et tibi, qui legis, fastidio fore præcavi, aliqua exinde prælibans multa supersedi, quod pæne a nonnullis jam usurpatum esse breviatumque opus cognovi. | And because I have been on my guard about the fact that writing the names and actions of all the consuls would be wearisome for me and distasteful for you, reader, in sampling a few things from it all, I have passed over a great deal, because I realize that it is material now used and condensed by only a few. |
| 115 | |
| Igitur primi consulum < erant > Brutus et Collatinus, quibus ultionem sui moriens matrona mandaverat. Populus Romanus, ad vindicandum libertatis ac pudicitiæ decus, quodam quasi instinctu deorum concitatus, regem repente destituit, bona diripit, agrum Marti suo consecrat, imperium in eosdem libertatis suæ vindices transfert, mutato tamen, ut diximus, et jure et nomine. | So the first of the consuls < were > Brutus and Collatinus, to whom the dying matron had entrusted her avengement. The Roman people, to claim their liberty and the dignity of chastity, driven by a kind of divine impulse, suddenly deposed the king, pillaged his possessions, consecrated the field to their own god Mars, and transferred power to those same champions of their liberty, changing, nonetheless, as we said, both the law and the title. |
| 116 | |
| Quippe ex perpetuo annuum placuit, ex singulari duplex, ne potestas solitudine vel mora corrumperetur ; consulesque appellavit pro regibus, ut consulere civibus suis debere meminissent ; tantumque libertatis novæ gaudium intercesserat, ut vix mutati status fidem caperent, alterumque ex consulibus — Lucretiæ maritum — tantum ob nomen et genus regium, fascibus abrogatis, urbe dimitterent. | Indeed, from a perpetual it was decided it should be an annual office, from a one-man to a two-man one, lest power be corrupted by a single man’s dominance or by length of time; and the people called them consuls instead of kings, so that they would remember they had to consult the interests of their citizens; and such joy over the new freedom took hold that they could hardly believe in the changed status, and they divested one of the consuls — the husband of Lucretia — of the fasces and expelled him from the city just because of his royal name and clan. |
| 117 | |
| Itaque substitutus Horatius Publicola summo studio annisus est ad augendam liberi populi majestatem. Nam et fasces ei pro contione summisit et jus provocationis adversus ipsos dedit ; et ne species arcis offenderet, eminentes ædes suas in plana summisit. | So Horatius Publicola, replacing him, strove quite zealously to amplify the majesty of this free people. For he lowered the fasces before it in public assembly and gave it the right of challenge against them {i.e., the consuls} themselves. And to avoid causing offense by the sight of his palace, he located his own tall house down in the flatland. |
| 118 | |
| Brutus vero favori civium etiam domus suæ clade et parricidio velificatus est. Quippe, quum studere de revocandis in urbem regibus liberos suos comperisset, protraxit in forum et, contione media, virgis cecidit securique percussit, ut plane publicus parens in locum liberorum adoptasse sibi populum videretur. | Brutus, on the other hand, set his course toward the favor of the citizenry even at the expense of the destruction of his own house and the killing of his own family members. Indeed, when he had discovered that his own sons were intent on calling the kings back into the city, he dragged them out into the forum and, in the midst of the assembly, beat them with rods and beheaded them with an ax, so that as a public parent he would be clearly seen to have adopted the people in the place of his children. |
| 119 | |
| Liber jam hinc populus Romanus prima adversus exteros arma pro libertate corripuit ; mox pro finibus ; deinde pro sociis ; tum gloria et imperio, lacessentibus assidue usquequaque finitimis. Quippe, quum patrii soli glæba nulla esset, sed statim hostile pomerium mediusque inter Latium atque Etruscos quasi in quodam bivio collocatus omnibus portis in hostem incurreret, donec quasi contagio quodam per singulos itum est et, proximis quibusque correptis, totam Italiam sub se redegerunt. | From here the now free Roman people took up their first arms against foreigners for the sake of liberty, following that for boundaries, next for their allies, then for glory and power, with neighbors provoking them on all sides. The reason was that, when there was no clod of national soil but only enemy boundary-land immediately adjacent and, situated in the middle between Latium and the Etruscans as though in a kind of crossroads, they would run into enemies from every gate — until as in a kind of contagion things went on and, seizing whatever was nearby, they reduced the whole of Italy to themselves. |
| 120 | |
| Nam Porsenna, rex Etruscorum, ingentibus copiis aderat et Tarquinios manu reducebat. Hunc tamen quamvis et armis et fame urgueret occupatoque Janiculo in ipsis urbis faucibus incubaret, sustinuit, reppulit, novissime etiam tanta admiratione perculit, ut superior ultro cum pæne victis amicitiæ fœdera feriret. | For Porsenna, the king of the Etruscans, had arrived with vast forces and was trying to reinstall the Tarquinians by force of arms. But no matter how he laid on pressure with weapons and starvation and, by occupying Janiculum hill, had a grip on the throat of the city, they held him off, pushed him back, and finally even struck him with such admiration that of his own accord the superior leader struck a treaty of friendship with those who were almost conquered. |
| 121 | |
| Nam Mucius Scævola, Romanorum fortissimus, regem per insidias in castris ipsius aggreditur. Sed ubi frustrato circa purpuratum ejus ictu tenetur, ardentibus mox focis intulit manum terroremque geminat dolo. « En, ut scias », inquit, « quem virum effugeris : idem trecenti juravimus. » Quum interim — ¡ immane dictu ! — hic interritus, ille trepidaret, tamquam manus regis arderet. | For Mucius Scævola, the bravest of the Romans, in ambush attacked the king in his own camp. But when, after striking instead a courtier in purple by mistake, he was taken captive, he thrust his hand into a burning brazier and doubled the fear by a ruse. “Behold,” he said, “the kind of a man you are fleeing from: three hundred of us have sworn the same thing.” Since during this — incredible to say! — the latter was unflinching, the king trembled, as though the latter’s own hand were burning. |
| 122 | |
| Sic quidem viri. Sed ne sexus alter a laude cessaret, ecce et virginum virtus : una ex obsidibus regi data elapsa custodiæ, Clœlia, per patrium flumen equitabat. Rex quidem tot tantisque virtutum territus monstris, valere liberosque esse jussit. | Thus, indeed, the men. But neither did the other sex lack praise. Consider the valor of virgins as well: Clœlia, one of the hostages given to the king, escaping custody, rode on horseback through her country’s river. The king, alarmed indeed by so many and such great prodigies of valor, bade them be free and farewell. |
| 123 | |
| Tarquinii tamen diu dimicaverunt, donec Arruntem filium regis manu sua Brutus occidit superque ipsum mutuo vulnere exspiravit, plane quasi adulterum ad inferos usque sequeretur. | The Tarquinians, however, fought for a long time until Brutus killed Arruns, the king’s son, with his own hand and died atop him due to a wound from him — clearly as though he were pursuing the rapist all the way to the underworld. |
| 124 | |
| Nec secus Latini a Mamilio Tusculano duce apud Regilli lacum expugnantur, vincuntur atque subjiciuntur. Satricum atque Corniculum, Soraque et Alsium — eorum urbes captas provinciaque effecta. De Verulis et Bovillis pudet, sed triumphavere Romani. Tibur nunc suburbanum et æstivæ Præneste deliciæ nuncupatis in Capitolio votis petebantur: | In the same way the Latins were overcome, conquered and subjugated: Satricum and Corniculum, Sora and Alsium — their cities captured and a province created. It is embarrassing about Verulæ and Bovillæ, but the Romans celebrated a triumph over them. Tibur, now a suburb, and Præneste, a summer resort, were attacked after making vows on the Capitol. |
| 125 | |
| idem tunc Fæsulæ quod Carrhæ nuper ; idem nemus Aricinum quod Hercynius saltus ; Fregellæ, quod Gesoriacum ; Tiberis, quod Euphrates. Coriolos quoque — ¡ proh pudor ! —, victos adeo gloriæ fuisse, ut captum oppidum Gnæus Marcius « Coriolanus » quasi « Numantiam » aut « Africam » nomini indueret. | In those days Fæsulæ was viewed the same as Carrhæ recently; the Arician grove as the Hercynian forest {the forested mountain ranges of Europe}; Fregellæ, as Gesoriacum {today Boulogne}; the Tiber as the Euphrates. And the conquest of Corioli too (what a shame!) was taken as so glorious that Gnæus Marcius “Coriolanus” put the captured city onto his name as though it were “Numantia” or “Africa.” |
| 126 | |
| Exstant et parta de Antio spolia, quæ Mænius in suggesto fori, capta hostium classe, suffixit : si tamen illa « classis », nam sex fuere rostratæ. Sed hic numerus illis initiis navale bellum fuit. Pervicacissimi tamen Latinorum Æqui et Volsci fuere et cotidiani, ut sic dixerim, hostes. | There still exist spoils won from Antium which Mænius attached to a platform of the forum after having captured an enemy fleet — if, that is, it really was a “fleet,” for there were six beaked ships. But that number made a naval war in those early days. Yet the most stubborn of the Latins were the Æqui and the Volsci, and they were, if I may say so, Rome’s everyday enemies. |
| 127 | |
| Sed hos præcipue Titus Quintius domuit, ille dictator ab aratro, qui obsessa et pæne jam capta Manlii consulis castra egregia victoria recuperavit. Medium erat tempus forte sementis, quum patricium virum, innixum aratro suo, lictor in ipso opere deprehendit. | But these were subdued mainly by Titus Quintius, the famous dictator from the plow, who saved the besieged and almost already captured camp of Manlius with a spectacular victory. It happened to be in the middle of sowing time when the lictor reached the patrician gentleman laboring with his plow in the midst of his work. |
| 128 | |
| Inde in aciem profectus, ne quid a rustici operis imitatione cessaret, < victos > pecudum more sub jugum misit, expeditioneque finita rediit ad boves rursus triumphalis agricola. — Fidem numinum, ¡ qua velocitate ! — Intra quindecim dies cœptum peractumque bellum, prorsus ut festinasse dictator ad relictum opus videretur. | Leaving from there to the battle line, in order not to deviate from the pattern of his farm work, he sent the vanquished under the yoke like farm beasts and, with the end of the campaign and having gained a triumph, the farmer returned to his cattle. Good heavens, with what speed! — Within fifteen days the war had been begun and ended, so that it totally seemed the dictator had rushed to get to the work left undone. |
| 129 | |
| Pari tenore Vejentes, Falisci et Fidenates tunc magno labore devicti sunt. Qui modo et si fuerint, non videntur. ¿ Quæ reliquiæ ? ¿ Quod vestigium ? Laborat enim annalium fides, ut Vejos, Faliscos, Fidenates fuisse credamus. | In the same way the Vejentes, Falisci and Fidenates were then conquered with great effort. How and if they ever were, is not to be seen. What remains are there? What trace? For mere trust in the annals has a hard time making us believe that the Veji, Falisci and Fidenates ever existed. |
| 130 | |
| Galli autem Senones, gens natura ferox, moribus incondita, ad hoc ipsa corporum mole, perinde armis ingentibus, adeo omni genere terribilis fuit, ut plane nata ad hominum interitum, urbium stragem videretur. Hi quondam ab ultimis terrarum oris et cingente omnia oceano ingenti agmine profecti, quum jam media vastassent, positis inter Alpes et Padum sedibus, ne his quidem contenti, per Italiam bacchabantur. | But the Gallic Senones, a people fierce by nature, undisciplined in their ways, plus given the size of their bodies and correspondingly enormous weapons, were so fearsome in every way that they seemed to be born for the extermination of human beings and the destruction of cities. Having once started out from the farthest shores of earth and the all-encompassying ocean in an enormous train, after they had already devastated the intermediate reaches, they took up residence between the Alps and the Po river; but not content with this either, they raged thoughout Italy. |
| 131 | |
| Tunc Clusium, Tusciæ urbem, obsidebant, ubi pro sociis ac fœderatis Romanus intervenit, missis ex more legatis. ¿ Sed quod jus apud barbaros ? Ferocius agunt et inde certamen. Conversi Galli a Clusio Romam. Quibus ad Alliam flumen cum exercitu Fabius consul occurrit. Non temere fœdior clades : itaque hunc diem fastis Roma damnavit. | Then they besieged Clusium, a city of Etruria, where the Romans intervened for their allies and federates, as usual sending out ambassadors. But what law is there among barbarians? They reacted all the more savagely, and from that came battle. The Gauls turned from Clusio to Rome. The consul Fabius met them at the river Alliam with his army. It is hard to find a more disgraceful disaster. And so Rome has condemned that day for official business. |
| 132 | |
| Fuso exercitu Galli jam mœnibus urbis appropinquabant, ubi pæne nulla erant præsidia. Tum igitur sic, ut nunquam alias, apparuit illa vera Romana virtus. Jam primum majores natu amplissimis usi honoribus in forum coëunt, ibi devovente pontifice, Diis se Manibus consecrant, statimque in suas quisque ædes regressi sic ut in trabeis erant et amplissimo cultu in curulibus sellis sese reposuerunt ut, quum venisset hostis, in sua quisque dignitate moreretur. | With our army routed, the Gauls the approached the walls of the city, where there was almost no protection. It was therefore then that the true Roman valor appeared in a way as never anywhere else. First of all the elders, who had held the highest offices, gathered in the forum and there, with the high priest there reciting the prayers, consecrated themselves to the divine dead, and all immediately returned to their homes just as they were in white robes, and in finest attire sat down in curule chairs, so that when the enemy came, each would die in his own dignity. |
| 133 | |
| Pontifices autem et flamines quicquid religiosissimi in templis erat, partim in doliis, defossa terra, reconderunt, partim imposita plaustris secum Vejos auferunt : virgines simul ex sacerdotio Vestæ nudo pede fugientia sacra comitantur. Tamen excepisse fugientes unus e plebe fertur Albinius qui, depositis uxore et liberis, virgines in plaustrum recepit. Adeo tunc quoque in ultimis religio publica privatis affectibus antecellebat. | But the pontiffs and priests took whatever was most sacred in the temples and in part hid it in jars buried in holes dug in the earth, in part putting it on wagons and taking it with them to the town of Veji. At the same time the virgins of the priesthood of Vesta accompanied the fleeing sacred objects barefoot. Still, it is recorded that the refugees were picked up by a man of the people, Albinius, who, making his wife and children get out, took the virgins into his wagon. It was to such an extent that even in extremity public religion was given precedence over private affection. |
| 134 | |
| Juventus vero, quam satis constat vix mille hominum fuisse, duce Manlio, arcem Capitolini montis insedit, obtestata ipsum quasi præsentem Jovem ut, quemadmodum ipsi ad defendendum templum occurrissent, ita ille virtutem eorum numine suo tueretur. | But the youth, which is known with certainty to have been hardly a thousand men, took over the citadel of Capitoline hill under the leadership of Manlius, having invoked Jove himself as though he were present, so that just as they had run to defend his temple, he would see to their valor with his divine guidance. |
| 135 | |
| Aderant interim Galli apertamquæ urbem adeunt. Ibi sedentes in curulibus suis prætextatos senes velut deos geniosque venerati, mox eosdem, postquam esse homines liquebat, alioquin nihil respondere dignantes pari vecordia mactant facesque tectis injiciunt et totam urbem igni, ferro, manibus exæquant. | Meanwhile the Gauls were present and they were coming into an open city. There they venerated the elders in their official dress as gods and spirits as they sat in the curule chairs; then, after it was clear that they were human beings, otherwise deigning to respond nothing, they slaughtered them with equal madness and threw torches into the houses and leveled the entire city with fire, sword and by hand. |
| 136 | |
| Sex mensibus barbari (¿ quis crederet ?) circa montem unum pependerunt, nec diebus modo, sed noctibus quoque omnia experti, quum tamen Manlius nocte subeuntes, clangore anseris excitatus, a summa rupe dejecit ; et ut spem hostibus demeret, quamquam in summa fame, tamen ad speciem fiduciæ, panes ab arce jaculatus est : | For six months the barbarians (who would have believed it?) hung around that one mountain, not just days but also nights, trying everything, while Manlius, awakened by the cackling of a goose, nonetheless threw down off of the high cliff those climbing up by night; and in order to deprive the enemy of hope, even though starving, he nonetheless, to give the impression of confidence, threw bread down from the citadel. |
| 137 | |
| et stato quodam die per medias hostium custodias Fabium pontificem ab arce dimisit, qui sollemne sacrum in Quirinali monte conficeret : atque ille per media hostium tela, incolumis religionis auxilio, rediit propitiosque deos renuntiavit. Novissime quum jam obsidione sua barbaros fatigasset, mille pondo auri recessum suum venditantes, < idque ipsum per insolentiam quum, ad iniqua pondera, addito adhuc gladio, superbe, « ¡ Væ victis ! » increparent. Subito aggressus a tergo, Camillus adeo cecidit > ut omnia incendiorum vestigia Gallici sanguinis inundatione deleret. | And on a certain appointed day he sent the pontiff Fabius from the citadel through the midst of the enemy’s guards to offer a solemn sacrifice on the Quirinal mountain. And with the help of religion he returned safe through the midst of the enemy’s weapons and announced that the gods were propitious. In the end, after he had made the barbarians tired of their siege, they sold their retreat at the price of a thousand pounds of gold, < doing so with insolence as, to the unfair weights, adding a sword in addition, they barked arrogantly, “Woe to the conquered.” Suddenly attacking from behind, Camillus fell on them so hard > that he erased all of the traces of the conflagration with a flood of Gallic blood. |
| The section in angular brackets, <idque ipsum … adeo cecidit>, (<doing so … fell on them so hard>) is actually a lacuna in Jordanes’ text, and has been supplied from Book 1, chapter 13, sentence 17 of Epitome de T. Livio Bellorum omnium annorum DCC Libri duo by Lucius Annæus Florus. | |
| 138 | |
| Igitur pastorum quondam casa urbs enituit : post assertam a Manlio faciem, restitutamque a Camillo, acrius etiam vehementiusque in finitimos resurrexit. | As a result, a city shone forth from what had once been a shepherd’s hut: after its outward shape had been reclaimed by Manlius and restored by Camillo, it rose again vigorously and even more forcefully against the neighboring peoples. |
| 139 | |
| Nec tamen contenti Romani, suis eos mœnibus expulisse. Quum per Italiam naufragia sua latius traherent, sic persecuti sunt, ductante Camillo, ut hodie nulla Senonum vestigia supersint. Semel apud Anienem trucidati, quum singulari certamine Manlius aureum torquem barbaro inter spolia detraxit, unde et « Torquatus » est dictus. | But the Romans were not content with just having driven them from their walls. Since they were dragging their shattered remains all over Italy, under Camillo’s leadership they pursued them so that today no traces of the Senones survive. Once, in single combat Manlius took, among the spoils, a gold torque off of a barbarian, whence he is also called “Torquatus.” |
| 140 | |
| Iterum in Pomptino agro, quum in simili pugna Valerius, insidente galeæ sacra alite adjutus, rettulit spolia, dictusque est ipse « Corvinus ». Necnon tamen post aliquot annos omnes reliquias eorum in Etruria ad lacum Vadimonis Dolabella delevit, ne quis exstaret ex ea gente qui incensam a se Romanam urbem gloriaretur. | Another time in the Pomptine region, when Valerius, helped by a sacred bird sitting on his helmet, carried off spoils, he himself was also called “Crowman” {(“Corvinus”)}. Nonetheless, in addition to this, a few years later Dolabella wiped out all the rest of them at Lake Vadimonis in Etruria so that no one might be left of that people which might boast of having burnt the Roman city. |
| 141 | |
| Conversoque a Gallis Manlio Torquato, Latini experti sunt et devicti. | After Manlius Torquatus turned from the Gauls, the Latins were taken on and conquered. |
| 142 | |
| Indeque Sabini qui eorum belli socii, ductante Tatio, exstitissent, a Curio Dentato consule subjecti, eorumque loca a Varanio fonte in Hadriano tenus mari, igni ferroque vastata, tantumque Romano populo addit opes, ut nec ipse posset æstimare qui vicerat. | Next the Sabines, who had become their allies in war under the leadership of Tatius, were subjugated by the consul Curius Dentatus, and with fire and sword their territories were laid waste from the source of the Varanius {(confusion of “the Nar, the Anio and the Veline sources” [«Nar, Anio, fontes Velini»] in Florus)} all the way to the Adriatic Sea, and so greatly added wealth to the Roman people that not even he himself who had conquered could estimate it. |
| 143 | |
| Precibus deinde Campaniæ motus, non pro se sed pro sociis, Samnitas invadit. Omnium namque non modo Italiæ tantum, sed pæne toto orbe terrarum pulcherrima Campaniæ plaga est. Nihil mollius cælo ; denique bis floribus vernat. Nihil uberius solo : ideo Liberi Cererisque certamen dicitur. Nihil hospitalius mari : hic illi nobiles portus Cajeta, Misenus, tepentes fontibus Bajæ, Lucrinus et Avernus, quædam maris ostia. Hic amici vitibus montes Gaurus, Falernus, Massicus, et pulcherrimus cunctorum, Vesuvius, Ætnæi ignis imitator. Urbes ad mare Formiæ, Cumæ, Puteoli, Herculaneum, Pompeji — et ipsa caput urbium, Capua, quondam inter tres maximas, Romam Carthaginemque numeranda. | Moved by the entreaties of Campania, not for itself but for its allies, Rome attacked the Samnites. And because the region of Campania is the most beautiful not only of Italy but of almost the entire world. Nothing is more mild than its climate; indeed, it has spring with flowers twice a year. Nothing is richer than its soil — because of which it is said to be a source of contention between Bacchus and Ceres. Nothing is more hospitable than its sea: here are those noble ports of Cajeta, Misenus, and Bajae with its warm springs, the Lucrinus and Avernus lagoons — so to speak outflows of the sea. Here are the friendly, vine-clad montains Gaurus, Falernus, Massicus and that most beautiful of all, Vesuvius, imitator of Ætna’s fire. The seaside cities are Formiæ, Cumæ, Puteoli, Herculaneum, Pompey — and Capua, itself chief of the cities, once to be counted with Rome and Carthage as among the three greatest. |
| 144 | |
| Pro hac urbe, his regionibus, populus Romanus Samnitas invadit, gentem, si opulentiam quæras, aureis et argenteis, armis et discolori veste usque ad ambitum armatam ; si fallaciam, saltibus fere et montium fraude grassantem ; si rabiem ac furorem, sacris legibus humanisque hostiis in exitium Urbis agitatam ; si pertinaciam, sexies rupto fœdere cladibusque ipsis animosiorem. Hos tamen quinquaginta annis per Fabios ac Papirios patres eorumque liberos ita subegit et domuit, ita ruinas ipsas urbium diruit, ut hodie Samnium in ipso Samnio requiratur nec facile appareat materia quattuor et viginti triumphorum. | For this city, these regions, the Roman people invaded the Samnites — a people, if you are looking for opulence, armed with gold and silver, weapons and multicolored vestments to the point of pretentiousness; if deception, usually on the prowl in forest defiles and mountain blinds; if madness and furor, whipped up through religious laws and human victims to destroy our City; if obstinacy, more antagonistic through a treaty broken six times and through their very disasters. Nonetheless, over fifty years, through the Fabian and the Papirian fathers and sons, Rome subjugated and subdued them, obliterated even the ruins of their cities, to the point that today Samnium is missing in Samnium itself, and the material basis of twenty-four triumphs does not readily appear. |
| 145 | |
| Maxime tamen nota et illustris apud Caudinas Furculas ex hac gente clades Veturio Postumioque consulibus accepta est. Clauso per insidias intra eum saltum exercitu, unde non posset evadere, stupens tanta occasione dux hostium Pontius, Herennium patrem consuluit : et ille, mitteret omnes vel occideret, sapienter, ut senior, suaserat ; hic armis exutos mittere sub jugum maluit, ut nec amici forent beneficio, et post flagitium hostes magis. | Yet the most noteworthy and famous defeat by this people was suffered at the Caudine Forks, during the consulship of Veturius and Postumius. With the Roman army, as a result of an ambush, within that canyon where it could not get out, Pontius, the enemy leader, dumbfounded at such an opportunity, consulted his father Herennius. The latter, as the more mature man, wisely advised him either to let them all go or kill them all. The former preferred to send them, divested of their arms, under the yoke, so that they did not become friends through the benefice, and after the humiliation were bitterer enemies. |
| 146 | |
| Itaque et consules statim magnifice voluntaria deditione turpitudinem fœderis dirimunt, et ultionem flagitans miles, Papirio duce — horribile dictu —, strictis ensibus per ipsam viam ante pugnam furit et in congressu arsisse omnium oculos hostis auctor fuit. Nec prius finis cædibus datus, quam jugum sibi promissum Romani et duci Samnitum et hostibus reposuerunt. | And so the consuls immediately also graciously removed the shame of the treaty with their voluntary surrender. And under their leader Papirius, the soldiery, demanding vengeance — horrible to narrate! —, before the battle raged with drawn swords through the path itself, and the enemy was witness to the fact that in the clash the eyes of them all were burning. Nor was an end put to the slaughter before the Romans imposed the yoke promised to themselves on the leader of the Samnites and the enemy. |
| 147 | |
| Hactenus cum singulis gentibus, mox catervatim. Sic tamen quoque, par omnibus fuit. Etruscorum duodecim populi, Umbri in id tempus intacti, antiquissimus Italiæ populus, Samnitium reliqui in excidium Romani nominis repente conjurant. Erat terror ingens tot simul tantorumque populorum. Late per Etruriam infesta quattuor agminum signa volitabant. | Up to this point dealings were with single tribes, thereafter groupwise. Even so, Rome was also a match for them all. The twelve tribes of the Etruscans, the Umbrians unscathed up to that time, the most ancient people of Italy, the remnants of the Samnites — suddenly conspired for the extinction of the Roman name. There was enormous fear of so many and such great peoples all at once. The hostile standards of four armies flew widely throughout Etruria. |
| 148 | |
| Ciminius interim saltus in medio, ante invius plane quasi Caledonius vel Hercynius, adeo terrori erat, ut Senatus consuli denuntiaret, ne tantum periculi ingredi auderet. Sed nihil horum terruit ducem quin, fratre præmisso, exploraret accessus. Ille per noctem pastorali habitu speculatus omnia, refert tutum iter. | Meanwhile the Ciminian forest was in the way, formerly completely pathless like the Caledonian or Hercynian one — so terrifying that the Senate warned the consul not to try going into such a danger. But none of that scared the general from sending his brother to explore for access. The latter, in shepherd’s dress reconnoitering everything by night, reported that the way was safe. |
| 149 | |
| Sic Fabius Maximus periculosissimum bellum sine periculo explicuit. Nam subito inconditos atque palantes aggressus est captisque superioribus jugis in subjectos suo jure detonuit. Ea namque species fuit illius belli, quasi in terrigenas e cælo ac nubibus tela jacerentur. Nec incruenta tamen illa victoria. Nam oppressus in sinu vallis alter consulum, Decius, more patrio devotum diis mānibus obtulit caput, sollemnemque familiæ suæ consecrationem in victoriæ pretium redegit. | Thus Fabius Maximus completed a very dangerous way without danger. For he attacked disordered and straggling men and, having captured the mountain heights, thundered down on the men below at his pleasure. For the appearance of that war was as if weapons were being hurled down on earthlings from the sky and clouds. But that victory was still not bloodless. For the other consul, Decius, surprised in the hollow bottom of a valley, patriotically offered his head, devoting it to the gods of the underworld, and turned a consecration traditional in his family into the price of victory. |
| 150 | |
| Necdum Etrusco bello exempto, mox sequitur Tarentinum, unum quidem in nomine, sed multiplex in victoriis. Hoc enim Campanos, Apulos atque Lucanos, et caput belli Tarentinos — id est totam pæne Italiam — et cum his omnibus Pyrrhum clarissimum Epirotarum, Græciæ regem, una veluti ruina pariter involvit, ut eodem tempore et Italiam consummaret et transmarinos triumphos auspicaretur. | The Etruscan war was not yet out of the way, when next the Tarentine war followed, one in name, but multiple in victories. For this one involved the Campanians, the Apulians and the Lucanians, and the chief of the war, the Tarentines, that is, almost all of Italy, and with all of these Pyrrhus, the famous king of the Epirians of Greece, together in a single as it were collapse, which at the same time finished off Italy and foretokened overseas triumphs. |
| 151 | |
| Tarentus, Lacedæmoniorum opus, Calabriæ quondam et Apuliæ, totiusque Lucaniæ caput, quum magnitudine et muris portuque nobilis tum mirabili situ, quippe in ipsis Hadriæ maris faucibus posita, in omnes terras — Histriam, Illyricum, Epirum, Achajam, Africam, Siciliam — vela dimittit. | Tarentus, a work of the Lacedæmonians, once the capital of Calabria, Apulia and all Lucania, famous both for its size and walls and port as well as its marvelous site, since, placed at the entrance to the Adriatic Sea, it sends ships to all countries: Histria, Illyricum, Epirus, Achaia, Africa, Sicily. |
| 152 | |
| Imminet portui ad prospectum maris positum theatrum, quod quidem causa miseræ civitati fuit omnium calamitatum. Ludos forte celebrabat, quum arremigantem litori Romanam classem vident atque, hostem rati, emicant sine discrimine et insultant. ¿ Qui enim aut unde Romani ? Nec satis. Aderat sine mora querellam ferens legatio : hanc quoque fœde per obscenam turpemque dictu contumeliam violant ; et hinc bellum. | A theater projects out over the harbor, placed looking toward the sea, which indeed was the cause of all the disasters to the unfortunate city. By chance they were celebrating their games when they saw a Roman fleet rowing up to the shore and, thinking it an enemy, rushed out indiscriminately and began hurling insults. After all, who or whence were the Romans? But that was not enough. An embassy was on the spot bearing a complaint: this too they vulgarized indecently with obscene insults disgusting to mention. And from this came war. |
| 153 | |
| Sed apparatus horribilis, quum tot simul populi pro Tarentinis consurgerent, omnibusque vehementior Pyrrhus qui, semigræcam ex Lacedæmoniis conditoribus civitatem vindicaturus, cum totis viribus Epiri, Thessaliæ, Macedoniæ incognitisque in id tempus elephantis mari, terra, viris, equis, armis — addito insuper ferarum terrore — veniebat. | But the preparations were horrible, since so many peoples rose up simultaneously for the Tarentines and, fiercer than all, Pyrrhus, who came to defend the half-Greek city founded by Lacedæmonians with all the forces of Epirus, Thessaly, Macedonia and — what were unknown at that time — elephants, by sea, land, with men, horses, weapons, and the additional terror of wild beasts. |
| 154 | |
| Apud Heracleam Campaniæ fluviumque Sirem, Lævino consule, prima pugna, quæ tam atrox fuit, ut Ferentanæ turmæ præfectus Obsidius, invectus in regem, turbaverit coëgeritque projectis insignibus prœlio excedere. Actum erat nisi elefanti, converso in spectaculum bello, procucurrissent. Quorum quum magnitudine tum deformitate et novo odore simul ac stridore consternati equi, quum incognitas sibi beluas amplius quam erant suspicarentur, fugam stragemque late dederunt. | It was near Heraclea of Campania and the river Siris, in the consulate of Lævinus, that they fought the first battle, which was so fierce that Obsidius, the head of the Ferentan squadron, attacking the king, threw him into disorder and forced him to leave the battle, throwing away his standards. It would have been all over if the elephants, turning the war into a show, had not charged. Our horses, startled by both their size and hideousness and new smell and sound, when they thought the beasts, unfamiliar to them, to be something more than they were, caused flight and slaughter all over. |
| 155 | |
| In Apulia deinde apud Asculum melius dimicatum est, Curio Fabricioque consulibus — jam quippe terror beluarum exoleverat, et Gajus Numicius, Quartæ Legionis hastatus, unius proboscide abscisa mori posse beluas ostenderat. Itaque in ipsas pila congesta sunt et in turres vibratæ faces tota hostium agmina ardentibus ruinis operuerunt. Nec alius cladi finis fuit quam nox dirimeret postremusque fugientium rex ipse a satellitibus humero saucius in armis suis referretur. | After that in Apulia near Asculum the fighting was more successful, in the consulship of Curius and Fabricius. For now the terror of the beasts had worn off, and Gajus Numicius, a frontline spearman of the Fourth Legion, had shown that when the trunk of one of them was cut off the beasts could die. So javelins were showered on them and torches, slung at the towers, covered the entire formation with fiery ruination. And there was no end to the slaughter until night interrupted it and the king himself, the last of the fleeing men, wounded in the shoulder, was carried back on his own shield by his bodyguards. |
| 156 | |
| Lucaniæ suprema pugna, sub Arusinis quos vocant campis, ducibus iisdem quibus superius, sed tum tota victoria. Exitum quem datura virtus fuit, casus dedit. Nam provectis in primam aciem rursus elefantis, unum ex eis pullum adacti in caput teli gravis ictus avertit, qui, quum per stragem suorum recurrens stridore quereretur, mater agnovit et quasi vindicaret, exsiluit, tum omnia circa quasi hostilia gravi mole permiscuit ; ac sic eædem feræ quæ primam victoriam abstulerunt, secundam parem fecerunt, tertiam sine controversia tradiderunt. | The last battle was the one of Lucania, close to what they call the Arusine prairie, with the same leaders as before, but this time a total victory. The result that valor would have given was given by chance. For after the elephants had again moved forward into the front line, the blow of a heavy weapon in its head turned away one of their calves which, while running back through the carnage of its own side, was trumpeting in pain, its mother recognized it and, as though to rescue it, sprang out of formation, then with her heavy bulk threw everything around her into chaos as though it were enemy. And so the same beasts that took from us the first victory and made the second one a draw, handed over the third one without controversy. |
| 157 | |
| Nec vero tantum armis et in campo, sed consiliis et domi quoque intra Urbem cum rege Pyrrho dimicatum est. Quippe post primam victoriam, intellecta Romana virtute, statim desperavit armis, seque ad dolos contulit. Nam interemptos cremavit captivosque indulgenter habuit et sine pretio restituit, missisque legatis in Urbem omni modo annisus est, ut facto fœdere in amicitiam reciperetur. | But indeed not only with arms and in the field, but with craftiness and also domestically within the City that the struggle with King Pyrrhus was carried on. Indeed, after the first victory, recognizing Roman fighting strengh, he immediately despaired of arms and resorted to ruses. For he cremated the slain and treated captives indulgently and returned them without ransom and, sending ambassadors to the City, made every effort to be taken into our friendship by concluding a treaty. |
| 158 | |
| Sed et bello et pace et foris et domi omnem in partem Romana virtus tum se approbavit, nec alia magis quam Tarentina victoria ostendit populi Romani fortitudinem, Senatus sapientiam, ducum magnanimitatem. | But in war and peace, domestically and abroad, by then Roman grandeur manifested itself in every way, and nothing showed the strength of the Roman people, the wisdom of the Senate, the heroism of the generals more than a Tarentine victory |
| 159 | |
| Nec alius pulchrior in Urbem aut speciosior triumphus intravit. Ante hunc diem nihil præter pecora Volscorum, greges Sabinorum, carpenta Gallorum, fracta Samnitium arma vidisset. Tum autem, si captivos aspiceres, Molossi, Thessales, Macedones, Bruttius, Apulus atque Lucanus ; si pompam, aurum, purpura, signa, tabulæ Tarentinæque deliciæ. Sed nihil libentius populus Romanus aspexit quam illas quas timuerat cum turribus suis beluas, quæ non sine sensu captivitatis summissis cervicibus victores equos sequebantur. | And no more beautiful or spectacular triumph ever entered the City. Before that day it would have seen nothing but the cattle of the Volsci, the flocks of the Sabines, the wagons of the Gauls, the broken weapons of the Samnites. But now, if you were looking at captives, there were Molossi, Thessalians, Macedonians, the Bruttian, the Apulan and the Lucan; if at the parade, gold, crimson robes, statues, pictures and Tarentine luxuries. But the Roman people viewed nothing with more pleasure than the beasts which they had feared with their towers, which, not without a sense of captivity, followed the victorious horses with bowed necks. |
| 160 | |
| Post Tarentinam cladem domiti Picentes et caput gentis Asculum a Sempronio duce qui, tremente inter prœlium campo, Tellurem deam promissa æde placavit. | After the Tarentine downfall, the Picentes and their tribe’s capital, Asculum, were conquered by General Sempronius who, upon the ground’s quaking in the middle of the battle, appeased the goddess Earth by promising a temple. |
| 161 | |
| Salentini vero Picentibus additi caputque his regionibus Brundisium cum incluto portu, Atilio duce, et in hoc certamine victoriæ pretium templum sibi pastoria Pales ultro poposcit. | To the Picentes were added the Salentines and the capital of these regions, Brundisium, given its famous port, under the generalship of Atilius, and in this struggle the shepherd’s goddess, Pales, demanded a temple on her own. |
| 162 | |
| Postremi Italicorum in fidem venere Volsini, opulentissimi Etruscorum, implorantes opem adversus servos quondam suos qui libertatem a dominis datam in ipsos erexerant, translataque in se re publica dominabantur. Sed hi quoque, duce Fabio Gurgite, pœnas dederunt. | The last of the Italics joining the alliance were the Volsini, the richest of the Etruscans, imploring help against their own former slaves who had turned the freedom given them by their masters against them and, transferring governmental power to themselves, were lording it over them. But under the general Fabius Gurges they too paid the penalty for it. |
| 163 | |
| Domita subactaque Italia, populus Romanus Appio Claudio consule primum fretum ingressus est, fabulosis infame monstris æstuque violentum. Sed adeo non est exterritus, ut ipsam illam ruentis æstus violentiam pro munere amplecteretur, quod velocitas navium mari juvaretur, statimque ac sine mora Hieronem Syracusanum tanta celeritate devicit, ut ille ipse prius se victum, quam hostem videret, fateretur. | Having subdued and subjugated Italy, the Roman people under the consul Appius Claudius first crossed the strait notorious for its mythical monstrosities and violent in its tides. But it was so little afraid that it even embraced that very tidal violence as a godsend, because the speed of the ships was helped by the sea. And immediately and without delay they conquered the Hiero of Syracuse with such speed that he himself confessed he had been defeated before seeing the enemy, |
| 164 | |
| Duilio Cornelioque consulibus etiam mari congredi ausus est. Tum quidem ipsa velocitas classis comparatæ, victoriæ auspicium fuit. Intra enim sexagesimum diem quam cæsa silva fuerat, centum sexaginta navium classis in anchoris stetit, ut non arte factæ, sed quodam munere deorum conversæ in naves atque mutatæ arbores viderentur. Prœlii vero forma mirabilis, quum illas celeres volucresque hostium naves, hæ graves tardæque comprehenderent. Longe illis nauticæ artes, detorquere remos et ludificari fuga rostra. Injectæ enim ferreæ manus machinæque validæ — ante certamen multum ab hoste derisæ —, coactique hostes quasi in solido decernere. | In the consulship of Duilius and Cornelius the nation dared to fight even at sea. Indeed, that time the very speed of the fleet’s construction was an omen of victory. For within sixty days of when the forest had been cut, a fleet of one hundred sixty ships rode at anchor, in a way that they seemed not handmade, but trees converted and changed into ships by a kind of gift of the gods. The shape of the battle was amazing, since our heavy and slow ships entangled the swift and rapid ones of the enemy. Their nautical skills of brushing up against and twisting off the oars, and of outmaneuvering shipbeaks were of no avail to them. For iron grappling-hooks and strong devices, much derided by the enemy before the battle, were thrown onto them and the enemy was forced to fight as on solid ground. |
| 165 | |
| Victor ergo apud Liparas, mersa aut fugata hostium classe, primum illum maritimum egit triumphum. Cujus quod gaudium fuit, quum Duilius imperator, non contentus unius diei triumpho, per vitam omnem, ubi a cena rediret, prælucere funalia et præcinere sibi tibias jussit, quasi cotidie triumpharet. Præ tanta victoria leve hujus prœlii damnum fuit : alter consulum interceptus, Asina Cornelius qui, simulato colloquio evocatus atque ita oppressus, fuit perfidiæ Punicæ documentum. | Thus the victor at the Lipara islands, having sunk or put to flight the enemy fleet, celebrated the first maritime triumph. What joy of it there was!: since Duilius, the commander, non content with the triumph of one day, throughout his whole life, whenever returning from the banquet, ordered torches lit and flutes played to him, as though he were triumphing every day. In comparison with such a great victory, the loss incurred in this battle was light: the other consul, Asina Cornelius, was ambushed; invited to a pretended conference and so killed, he was an example of Punic treachery. |
| 166 | |
| Calatino dictatore fere omnia præsidia Pœnorum Agrigento, Drepanis, Panhormo, Eryce, Lilybæoque detraxit. Trepidatum est semel circa Cameriniensium saltum. Sed eximia virtute Calpurnii Flammæ, tribuni militum, evasimus. Qui lecta trecentorum manu insessum ab hostibus tumulum occupavit, adeoque moratus hostes dum exercitus omnis evaderet. Ac sic pulcherrimo exitu Thermopylarum et Leonidæ famam adæquavit ; hoc illustrior noster, quod expeditioni tantæ superfuit, licet nihil inscripserit sanguine. | When Calatinus was dictator, he dislodged almost all of the garrisons of the Carthaginians from Agrigentum, Drepana, Panhormus, Eryx and Lilybæum. There was a great deal of fear in the area of the Camerine forest. but through the extraordinary valor of Calpurnius Flamma, a military tribune, we escaped. Choosing a band of three hundred men, he seized a hillock occupied by the enemy and delayed the enemy long enough so that the entire army escaped. And in that way he equalled the spectacular success of Thermopylæ and the fame of Leonidas; but our man was more illustrious than the latter, because he survived such a great exploit, though he penned nothing in his blood. |
| 167 | |
| Lucio Cornelio Scipione quum jam Sicilia suburbana esset populi Romani provincia, serpente latius bello, Sardiniam annexamque Corsicam transiit. Olbiæ hic, ibi Aleriæ urbis excidio incolas terruit adeoque omni terra et mari Pœnos purgavit, ut jam victoriæ nihil nisi Africa ipsa restaret. | In the consulship of Lucius Cornelius Scipio, when Sicily was already a suburban province of the Roman people, with the spreading war they crossed over to Sardinia and adjoining Corsica. With the destruction of the cities of Olbia on this island and Aleria on that one they terrified the natives and cleansed the Carthaginians from all the land and sea to the point that for victory nothing remained except Africa itself. |
| 168 | |
| Marco Atilio Regulo duce, jam in Africam navigabat bellum. Nec defuerant qui in ipso Punici maris nomine ac terrore deficerent — insuper augente Natio tribuno metum : in quemquam nisi paruisset securi destricta, imperator metu mortis navigandi fecit audaciam. Mox deinde ventis remisque properatum est, tantusque terror hostici adventus Pœnis fuit, ut apertis pæne portis Carthago caperetur. | Under the leadership Marcus Atilius Regulus the war sailed to Africa. There had been no lack of those who quailed at the very name of the Carthaginian sea and its terror. Moreover the tribune Natius {? Nautius? Mannius?} increased the fear: drawing his ax at whomever unless he obeyed, with the fear of death the commander inspired the courage to sail. Given wind and oars, everything then went fast, and such terror of the enemy’s arrival seized the Carthaginians that Carthage was captured almost with open gates. |
| 169 | |
| Prima proœmium belli fuit civitas Clupea : prima enim a Punico litore quasi arx et specula procurrit. Et hæc et trecenta amplius castella vastata sunt. Nec cum hominibus, sed cum monstris quoque dimicatum est, quum quasi in vindictam Africæ nata miræ magnitudinis serpens posita apud Bagradam castra vexaverit. | The first introduction to the war was the city of Clupea. For it jets out from the Carthaginian shore like its first citadel and watchtower. Both this and three hundred other fortresses were laid waste. Fighting was done not just with men but with monsters as well, since a serpent of amazing size, found along the Bagrada, seemingly born to avenge Africa, harrassed the camp. |
| 170 | |
| Sed omnium victor Regulus, quum terrorem nominis sui late circumtulisset, quumque magnam vim juventutis ducesque ipsos aut cepisset aut haberet in vinculis classemque ingenti præda onustam et triumpho gravem in Urbem præmisisset, jam ipsam belli caput Carthaginem urguebat obsidione ipsisque portis inhærebat. | But Regulus, the conqueror of all, having spread the fear of his name far and wide and either having captured or holding in chains a great deal of the soldiery and the generals themselves, and having sent on ahead to the City a fleet loaded with immense booty and heavy with triumph material, he now beset Carthage itself, the head of the war, with a siege and fixed on the gates themselves. |
| 171 | |
| Hic paululum circumacta fortuna est, tantum ut plura essent Romanæ virtutis insignia, cujus fere magnitudo calamitatibus approbatur. Nam conversis ad externa auxilia hostibus, quum Xanthippum illis ducem Lacedæmon misisset, a viro militiæ peritissimo Regulus victus est — fœdaque clades Romanisque usu incognita. Nam vivus in manus hostium venit fortissimus imperator. | Here fortune reversed a bit, only so that there might be more displays of Roman valor, whose greatness is normally proven by misfortunes. For when, after the enemy had turned to foreign assistance, Lacedæmon had sent them the general Xanthippus, Regulus was defeated by a man highly versed in warfare, and — a disgraceful disaster and in experience one unknown to Romans. For that enormously brave commander fell alive into the hands of the enemy. |
| 172 | |
| Sed ille quidem par tantæ calamitati fuit, nam nec Punico carcere infractus est nec legatione suscepta ; quippe diversa quam hostis mandaverat censuit, ne pax fieret nec commutatio captivorum reciperetur. Sed nec illo voluntario ad hostes suos reditu nec ultimo sive carcere seu supplicio deformata majestas. ¿ Immo his omnibus admirabilior quid aliud quam victor de victoribus atque etiam, quia Carthago non cesserat, de fortuna triumphavit ? Populus autem Romanus multo acrior intentiorque pro ultione Reguli quam pro victoria fuit. | But the great man was indeed equal to such a calamity, for he was broken neither by the Carthaginian prison nor the mission he undertook. On the contrary, he advised the opposite of what the enemy had ordered: that there should be neither peace nor an exchange of captives. But his majesty was disfigured neither by his voluntary return to his enemies nor his final imprisonment or execution. In fact what else was more admirable that all of these things than that he triumphed as conqueror over his conquerors and even — because he did not leave Carthage — over fortune? On the other hand, the Roman people were all the more bitter and more focussed on revenge for Regulus than on victory. |
| 173 | |
| Metello igitur consule, conspirantibus artius Pœnis et reverso in Siciliam bello apud Panhormum sic hostes cecidit Romanus exercitus, ne amplius eam insulam aggredi cogitarent. Argumentum ingentis victoriæ, centum circiter elephantorum captivitas. Sic quoque magnas prædas egit, ut gregem illum non bello, sed venatione cepisset. | Thus in the consulship of Metellus when the Carthaginians were conspiring in a more concentrated way and the war had shifted back to Sicily, the Roman army defeated the enemy so badly that they never again thought about attacking that island. The main result of that huge victory was the capture of about a hundred elephants. Hence it also achieved considerable booty if it had captured that herd not in war but in hunting. |
| 174 | |
| Appius Claudius consul non ab hostibus sed a diis ipsis superatus est, quorum auspicia contempserat : ibi statim classe demersa, ubi ille præcipitari pullos jusserat, quod pugnare ab his vetaretur. | When Appius Claudius was consul, he was defeated not by enemies but by the gods themselves whose auspices he had scorned, with the fleet being immediately sunk there where he had ordered the chickens thrown overboard because he was being forbidden by them to fight. |
| 175 | |
| Marcus Fabius Buteo classem jam in Africo mari apud Ægimurum hostium in Italiam ultro navigantem cecidit. ¡ Quantusque tum triumphus tempestate intercidit, quum opulenta præda classis, adversis acta ventis, naufragio suo Africam et Syrtes, omnium imperia gentium, insularum litora implevit ! Magna clades, sed non sine aliqua principis populi dignitate, interceptam tempestate victoriam et triumphum perisse naufragio. Et tamen, quum Punicæ prædæ omnibus promunturiis insulisque fluitarent, populus Romanus et sic triumphavit. | Marcus Fabius Buteo defeated an enemy fleet already in the African sea off Ægimurus sailing freely to Italy. And then what a triumph was lost as a result of a storm when the rich spoils of the fleet, driven by contrary winds, filled Africa and the Syrtes, the nations of all peoples, the shores of islands, with its shipwreck! It was a massive disaster, but not without some merit to the royal people that the tempest-intercepted victory and triumph had been lost by shipwreck. And still, since the Carthaginian spoils were floating around all the promontories and islands, the Roman people triumphed even so. |
| 176 | |
| Lutatio Catulo consule tandem bello finis impositus apud insulas quibus nomen Ægatæ. Nec major alias in mari pugna ; aderat quippe commeatibus, exercitu, propugnaculis, armis gravis classis et in ea quasi tota Carthago ; quod ipsum exitio fuit. Romana classis prompta, levis, expedita, et quodam genere castrensis, ad similitudinem pugnæ equestris, sic remis quasi habenis agebatur ; et in hos vel illos ictus mobilia rostra speciem viventium præferebant. Itaque momento temporis laceratæ hostium rates totum inter Siciliam Sardiniamque pelagus naufragio suo operuerunt. Tanta denique fuit illa victoria, ut de excidendis hostium mœnibus non quæreretur. Supervacuum visum est in arcem murosque sævire, quum jam in mari esset deleta Carthago. | Under the consul Lutatius Catulus an end was finally put to the war off the islands called the Ægatæ. At no other time was there ever any greater battle at in the sea: for the fleet was there heavy with provisions, an army, turrets, weapons and in it, so to say, the whole of Carthage — which very thing was its downfall. The Roman fleet was nimble, light, unencumbered — and was maneuvered as in a kind of campground exercise, using oars just as a sort of reins after the fashion of a cavalry battle, and the shipbeaks, moving into these or those ramstrikes, gave the appearance of living creatures. Thus in a moment the enemy’s shredded barges covered the entire sea between Sicily and Sardinia with its wreckage. In the end, that victory was so great that there was no question of destroying the enemy’s walls. It seemed idle to vent fury against a citadel and walls when Carthage had already been deleted at sea. |
| 177 | |
| Peracto siquidem Punico et necdum quantulum respirato sequitur Liguricum. Nam Ligures hi, imis Alpium jugis adhærentes inter Varum Macramque amnem, impliciti dumis silvestribus victitabant, quos pæne majus fuit invenire quam vincere. Tuti siquidem locis et fuga, durum atque velox genus, ex occasione latrocinia magis quam bella faciebant. Itaque quum diu multumque eluderent Salluvii, Deciates, Oxubii, Euburiates, Ingauni, tandem Fulvius latebras eorum igni sæpsit, Bæbius vero in plana deduxit, Postumius ita exarmavit, ut vix reliquerit ferrum quo terra coleretur. | If indeed the Punic War was finished and our breath not yet caught for a short while, the Ligurian followed. For these Ligures, sticking to the low ranges of the Alps between the Varus and Macra rivers, subsisted hidden in forested thickets, a people whom it was almost a greater task to find than to conquer. Indeed, safe through their locations and by flight, a rugged and fleet-footed type, they engaged in opportunistic robbery rather than wars. So while for a long time and to a great degree the Salluvii, Deciates, Oxubii, Euburiates, and the Ingauni had eluded us, Fulvius finally surrounded their hideouts with fire, while Bæbius drew them down to the plains, Postumius disarmed so them that he hardly left them the iron for the earth to be cultivated with. |
| 178 | |
| Post quos mox Galli. Insubribus et his Alpium incolis animi ferarum, corpora plus quam humana erant, sed — experimento deprehensum est — quippe, virtus eorum sicut primo impetu major quam virorum est, ita sequens minor quam feminarum. Alpina corpora umenti cælo educata habent quiddam simile nivibus suis : quum mox caluere pugna, statim in sudorem eunt et levi motu quasi sole laxantur. | Soon after them, the Gauls. The Insubres and these inhabitants of the Alps have the minds of wild animals, bodies larger than human, but — it has been learned by experience — indeed, just as their strength is, on the first attack, greater than that of men, so the following one is less than that of women. Alpine bodies raised in a wet climate have something similar to their snows: as soon as the fight has warmed up, they immediately break out in sweat and are dissolved by light exertion as though by the sun. |
| 179 | |
| Hi sæpe et alias et Brittomaro duce non prius posituros se baltea quam Capitolium ascendissent juraverant. Factum autem est, et victos eos Æmilius in Capitolio discinxit. Et quod dux eorum de Romani militis præda Marti suo torquem aureum devotasset, intercepit Juppiter votum, et de ejus ipsius Ariovistonis reliquorumque Gallorum torquibus aureum tropæum Jovi erexit Flaminius. Rex quoque eorum Viridomarus Romana arma Vulcano promiserat : aliorsum vota ceciderunt. Occiso enim eo, Marcellus tertia post patrem Romulum Feretrio Jovi opima suspendit. | These men had often sworn both at other times and also under their leader Brittomarus {(= Viridomarus)} not to doff their swordbelts before they had climbed the Capitol. Moreover this happened, and Æmilius unbelted them, defeated, on the Capitol. And because their leader had vowed a gold torque made out of the spoils taken from Roman soldiery to his god Mars, Jupiter intercepted the vow, and Flaminius erected a gold trophy to Jupiter from the torques of Ariovisto himself and the rest of the Gauls. Their king Viridomarus, too, had promised Roman weapons to Vulcan: the vows turned out otherwise. For after he was killed, Marcellus hung the third set of leader’s spoils after father Romulus up to Feretrius Jupiter. |
| 180 | |
| Illyres autem, id est Veneti, seu Liburnes sub extremis Alpium radicibus agunt inter Arsiam Titiumque flumen longissime per totum Hadriani maris litus effusi. Hi, regnante Teutana muliere, populationibus non contenti, licentiæ scelus addiderunt. Legatos quippe Romanos, ob ea quæ deliquerant jure agentes, ne gladio quidem, sed ut victimas securi percutiunt, præfectos navium igne comburunt, idque quo indignius foret, mulier imperavit. Itaque Gnæo Fulvio Centumalo duce late domantur. Strictæ secures in principum colla legatorum mānibus litavere. | But the Illyrians, that is, the Veneti, or Liburni, dwell in the extreme ends of the Alps between the Arsia and Titus rivers, strewn far and wide along the whole coastline of the Adriatic Sea. These people, with a woman, Teutana, as ruler, not content with depredations, added crime to their lawlessness. For Roman ambassadors bringing legal action for wrongs they had committed were slain by them — not, indeed, with a sword, but like sacrificial victims, with an ax; they burned the captains of the ships to death; and what was even more insulting, it was a woman who ordered it. So under the leadership of Gnæus Fulvius Centumalus the were subdued far and wide. And axes wielded on the necks of their leaders offered sacrifice to the ghosts of the ambassadors. |
| 181 | |
| Post primum autem Punicum bellum vix quadriennii requies : ecce alterum bellum, minus quidem spatio — nec enim amplius XVIII annos tenens — sed adeo cladium atrocitate terribilis ut, si quis conferat damna utriusque populi, similior victo sit populus ille qui vicit. Urebat nobilem populum mare ablatum, raptæ insulæ, dare tributa quæ jubere consueverat. Hinc ultionem puer Hannibal ad aram patris juraverat, nec morabatur. | After the first Punic war there was a respite of barely four years: behold, there was a second war, admittedly less in duration — since spanning no more than 18 years — but so terrible in the hideousness of its disasters that, if anyone were to compare the losses of both peoples, the people that conquered would be more like the one conquered. It galled the noble people that the sea had been taken from them, the islands seized, the nation used to ordering tribute was paying it. It was for this that the boy Hannibal had sworn vengeance at the altar of his father, and he did not take his time. |
| 182 | |
| Igitur in causam belli Saguntus electa est, vetus Hispaniæ civitas, et opulenta, fideique erga Romanos magnum quidem, sed triste, monumentum. Quam in libertatem communi fœdere exceptam, Hannibal, causas novorum motuum quærens, et suis et ipsorum manibus evertit ut Italiam sibi, rupto fœdere, aperiret. Summa fœderum Romanis religio est : itaque ad auditum sociæ civitatis obsidium, memores icti cum Pœnis quoque fœderis, non statim ad arma procurrunt, dum prius more legitimo queri malunt. Interim jam novem mensibus fessi fame, machinis, ferro, versa denique in rabiem fide, immanem in foro excitant rogum, tum desuper se suosque cum omnibus opibus suis ferro et igne corrumpunt. | So Saguntus was chosen for the cause of war, an old Spanish city and a rich one, an indeed great but sad example of loyalty to the Romans. This city, granted freedom by a common treaty, was overthrown by Hannibal, who was seeking opportunities for revolution, through his own and their hands so that, having broken the treaty, it would open Italy up to him. To the Romans, the essence of treaties is religious. And thus on hearing of the siege of the allied city, mindful of the treaty struck with the Carthaginians, they did not run immediately to arms, while they preferred firstly to complain legally. In the meanwhile the Saguntines, already exhausted for nine months by hunger, war machines and the sword, finally turning their loyalty into madness, piled up an immense pyre in the forum and then with sword and fire destroyed themselves and their family members atop it with all of their wealth. |
| 183 | |
| Hujus tantæ cladis auctor, Hannibal, poscitur. Tergiversantibus Pœnis, dux legationis « ¿ Quæ », inquit, « mora est ? », Fabius. « In hoc ego sinu bellum pacemque porto. ¿ Utrum eligitis ? » Succlamantibus, « ¡ Bellum ! » « ¡ Bellum igitur », inquit, « accipite ! » Et, excusso in media curia togæ gremio non sine horrore, quasi plane sinu bellum ferret, effudit. |
Hannibal, the engineer of this great disaster, was demanded. To the delaying Carthaginians, Fabius, the leader of the embassy, said “What is the delay? In the folds of this toga I carry war and peace. Which do you choose?” When they cried out, “War!,” he said, “So take war!” And, shaking out the lap of his toga in the middle of the Senate House, to everyone’s horror he poured it out as though he were really carrying war in its folds. |
| 184 | |
| Similis exitus belli initiis fuit. Nam quasi has inferias sibi Saguntinorum ultimæ diræ in illo publico parricidio incendioque mandassent, ita mānibus eorum vastatione Italiæ, captivitate Africæ, ducum et regum qui id gessere bellum exitio parentatum est. Igitur ubi semel se in Hispaniam movit illa gravis et luctuosa Punici belli vis atque tempestas, destinatumque Romanis jam diu fulmen Saguntino igne conflavit, statim quodam impetu rapta medias perfregit Alpes et in Italiam ab illis fabulosæ altitudinis nivibus velut cælo missa descendit. | The sequel of the war was similar to its beginning. For as though the last imprecations of the Saguntines in that public slaughter of their families and that conflagration had commanded these sacrifices to the dead, atonement was made to their ghosts with the devastation of Italy, the capture of Africa, the death of the leaders and kings who waged that war. So when once that dire and lamentable force and storm of the Punic War had moved into Spain and through the Saguntine fire had ignited the thunderbolt now long destined for the Romans, immediately tearing forth in a kind of blast, it broke through the midst of the Alps and descended into Italy from those snows of mythical height as though hurled from heaven. |
| 185 | |
| Ac primi quidem impetus turbo inter Padum atque Ticinum valido statim fragore detonuit. Tum Scipione duce fusus exercitus ; saucius etiam ipse venisset in hostium manus imperator, nisi protectum patrem prætextatus admodum filius ab ipsa morte rapuisset. Hic erit Scipio qui in exitium Africæ crescit, nomen ex malis ejus habiturus. | And indeed the tornado of the first charge thundered down immediately with a powerful crash between the Padus and Ticinus rivers. The army, then led by Scipio, was routed. Wounded, even the commander himself would have fallen into the enemy’s hands, had not his still teenage son, protecting him, snatched his father from death itself. This was the Scipio who grew into the downfall of Africa, to receive a name from its misfortunes. |
| 186 | |
| Ticino Trebia succedit. Hic secunda Punici belli procella desævit, Sempronio consule. Tum callidissimi hostes, frigidum et nivalem nancti diem, quum se ignibus prius, oleo quoque fovissent, — horribile dictu — homines a meridie et sole venientes, nostrā nos hieme vicerunt. | Trebia came after Ticinus. Here raged the second storm of the Punic war, in the consulship of Sempronio. This time the cunning enemy, choosing a frigid and snowy day, after they had warmed themselves first with fire and also oil, — horrible to say — men coming from the south and the sun, defeated our men by means of our own winter. |
| 187 | |
| Trasumenus lacus tertium fulmen Hannibalis, imperatore Flaminio. Ars nova Punicæ fraudis : quippe nebulā lacūs palustribusque virgultis tectus equitatus, terga subito pugnantium invasit. Nec de diis possumus queri : imminentem temerario duci cladem prædixerant insidentia signis examina et aquilæ prodire nolentes, commissamque aciem secutus terræ tremor — nisi illum horrorem soli equitum virorumque discursus, et mota vehementius arma, fecerunt. | Lake Trasumenus was the third lightening bolt of Hannibal, our commander being Flaminius. It was a new strategem of Punic deception: for his cavalry, covered by lake fog and swamp reeds, suddenly attacked the rear of the fighters. Nor can we complain about the gods: bee swarms settling on the standards and the eagles reluctant to move ahead foretold imminent disaster to the rash leader, as well as an earthquake following the start of the battle — unless it was the running around of horses and men, and the fierce movement of arms that caused that shuddering of the ground. |
| 188 | |
| Quartum, id est pæne ultimum vulnus imperii, Cannæ, ignobilis Apuliæ vicus, sed magnitudine cladis emersit, et sexaginta milium cæde partă nobilitas. Ibi in excidium infelicis exercitus dux, terra, cælum, dies — tota rerum natura consensit. Siquidem non contentus simulatis transfugis Hannibal, qui mox terga pugnantium ceciderant, insuper callidus imperator in patentibus campis, observato loci ingenio, quod et sol ibi acerrimus, et plurimus pulvis, et Eurus ab oriente semper, quasi ad constitutum, ita instruxit aciem ut, Romanis adversus hæc omnia obversis, secundum cælum tenens, vento, pulvere et sole pugnaret. Itaque duo maximi exercitus cæsi ad hostium satietatem, donec Hannibal diceret militi suo, « Parce ferro ». | The fourth — that is, almost the final wound for the Empire — was Cannæ, an unknown village of Apulia which came to light through the magnitude of the disaster, its fame bestowed by the slaughter of sixty thousand men. There the general, the earth, the sky, the day, the whole of nature conspired for the destruction of the unlucky army. Indeed, Hannibal was not content with pretended deserters who had then fallen on the backs of the fighters; the cunning commander, observing the nature of the place in the open fields, that the sun was also extremely fierce there, and there was a great deal of dust, and a wind from the east — constant, as though prearranged —, drew up his battle line so that, with the Romans facing against all these things, he, maintaining a favorable sky, would fight by means of the wind, dust and soil. Thus two enormous armies were cut down to the satiety of the enemy, until Hannibal told his soldiery, “Spare your swords.” |
| 189 | |
| Ducum fugit alter, alter occisus est ; dubium uter majore animo : Paulum puduit, Varro non desperavit. Documenta cladis : cruentus aliquamdiu Aufidus ; pons de cadaveribus jussu ducis factus in torrente Vergello. Modii duo anulorum Carthaginem missi, dignitasque equestris taxata mensurā. | One of the leaders fled, the other was killed. It is in question which one was of greater courage: Paulus was ashamed of living; Varro did not despair. Testimony to the catastrophe was the Aufidus river, blood-red for some time. On the order of the leader a bridge of corpses was made over the Vergellus torrent. Two bushels of rings were sent to Carthage, the importance of the cavalry estimated by measuring them. |
| 190 | |
| Dubium deinde non erit, quin ultimum illum diem habitura fuerit Roma, quintumque intra diem epulari Hannibal in Capitolio potuerit — sicut Pœnum illum dixisse Maharbalem Bomilcari ferunt — si Hannibal, quemadmodum sciret vincere, sic uti victoria scisset. Sed tum quidem illum, ut dici vulgo solet, aut fatum urbis imperaturæ aut ipsius mens mala et, aversi a Carthagine, dii in diversum abstulerunt. | Finally, there will be no doubt that Rome would have had that as its final day, and within five days Hannibal could have dined on the Capitol if — as they say the Carthaginian, Maharbal, son of Bomilcar, said — Hannibal had known how to use his conquest in the same way he knew how to conquer. But in fact at that time, as is commonly said, either the fate of the city which was to rule, or his own mistaken mind and the gods hostile to Carthage took him off on a different path. |
| 191 | |
| Quum victoria posset uti, frui maluit ; relictaque Roma, Campaniam Tarentumque perrexit, ubi mox et ipse et ipsius exercitus ardor elanguit, adeo ut vere dictum sit Capuam Hannibali Cannas fuisse. Siquidem invictum Alpibus indomitumque armis Campani — ¿ quis crederet ? — soles et tepentes fontibus Bajæ subegerunt. | When he could have exploited his victory, he preferred to enjoy it, and leaving Rome, he proceeded to Campania and Tarentum where both he and the ardor of his army soon became slack to the point that it has been truly said that Capua was Cannæ to Hannibal. Because indeed, the man unconquered by the Alps and undefeated by the weapons of the Campanian was — who would believe it? — subjugated by the sun and Bajæ with its warm springs. |
| 192 | |
| Permissum est interim respirare Romanis et quasi ab inferis emergere. Arma non erant : detracta sunt templis. Deerat juventus : in sacramentum liberata servitia. Egebat ærarium : opes suas Senatus in medium libens protulit ; nec, præter quod in bullis singulisque anulis erat, quicquam sibi auri reliquerunt. Eques secutus exemplum, imitatæque equitem tribus. Denique vix suffecere tabulæ, vix scribarum manus, Lævino Marcelloque consulibus, quum privatorum opes in publicum referrentur. | Meanwhile the Romans were permitted to catch their breath and, so to speak, to rise from the grave. There were no weapons; they were taken down from the temples. Men were lacking; slaves were freed to enlist. The treasury was empty; the Senate gladly brought forth its riches into the community; nor, except for what was in their medallions and individual rings, did they leave any gold to themselves. The knights followed that example, and the tribes imitated the knighthood. In the end, under the consuls Lævinus and Marcellus, there were hardly enough registers, hardly enough scribal hands, when the resources of private individuals were signed over to the public purse. |
| 193 | |
| ¿ Quid autem ? ¡ In elegendis magistratibus, quæ centuriarum sapientia, quum juniores a senioribus consilium de creandis consulibus petierunt ! Quippe adversus hostem totiens victorem, tam callidum, non virtute tantum, sed suis etiam pugnare consiliis oportebat. Prima redeuntis et, ut ita dixerim, reviviscentis imperii spes Fabius fuit, | So what next? What wisdom the centuries showed in choosing magistrates, when the younger ones sought the advice of the elders in creating consuls! For against an enemy so often victorious, so cunning, it was necessary to fight not with valor alone, but also with his own strategies. The first hope of the returning and, if I might say, resuscitating nation was Fabius, |
| 194 | |
| qui novam de Hannibale victoriam commentus est non pugnare. Hinc illi cognomen novum et Rei Publicæ salutare « Cunctator » : hinc illud ex populo, ut imperii « scutum » vocaretur. Itaque per Samnium totum, per Falernos Gauranosque saltus sic maceravit Hannibalem ut, quia frangi virtute non poterat, mora comminueretur. | who decided that the new victory over Hannibal would be not to fight. Hence his new and nation-saving name: “Delayer.” Hence the call from the people that he should be called the “shield” of the empire. So through the whole of Samnium, through the forested Falernian and Gauranan uplands he vexed Hannibal in such a way that, because he could not break him by force, he weakened him by delay. |
| 195 | |
| Inde, Claudio Marcello duce, etiam congredi ausus est : comminus venit, et perpulit in Campania sua, et ab obsidione Nolæ urbis exclusit. Ausus est et, Sempronio Graccho duce, per Lucaniam sequi et premere terga cedentis, quamvis tum (¡ o pudor !) servili pugnaret exercitu — nam hucusque tot mala compulerunt — sed libertate donati de servitute Romanos fecerunt. ¡ O horribilem in tot adversis fiduciam, o singularem animum ac spiritum populi Romani ! Tam artis afflictisque rebus ut de Italia sua dubitare debuisset, ausus tamen est in diversa respicere, quumque hostis in jugulo per Campaniam Apuliamque volitaret, mediaque jam de Italia Africam faceret, eodem tempore et hunc sustinebat, et in Siciliam, Sardiniam, Hispaniamque divisa per terrarum orbem arma mittebat. | Next, through general Claudius Marcellus, he even dared to meet him in battle; he proceeded to hand-to-hand combat and pushed him hard in his own Campania, and drove him off from the siege of the city of Nola. He also dared, with general Sempronius Gracchus, to follow him through Lucania and to press hard on his rearguard of the retreating man, even though then (how humiliating!) he was fighting with a slave army — for so many evils had compelled him to this. But the slaves, having been given freedom, made Romans out of slavery. What stunning confidence in so many adversities! What extraordinary courage and spirit of the Roman people! In such pressing and distressed conditions that there had to be doubt about their own Italy, they still dared to look in diverse directions, and while the enemy was at their throat, flying around through Campania and Apulia and creating Africa out of the heart of Italy, at the same time they both withstood him and sent forces, strewn all over the earth, to Sicily, Sardinia and Spain. |
| 196 | |
| Sicilia mandata Marcello. Nec diu restitit : tota enim insula in una urbe superata est. Grande illud et ante id tempus invictum caput, Syracusæ, quamvis Archimedis ingenio defenderentur, aliquando cesserunt. Longe illi triplex murus, totidemque arces, portus ille marmoreus et fons celebratus Arethusæ — nisi quod hactenus profuere ut pulchritudini victæ urbis parceretur. | Sicily was assigned to Marcellus. And it did not resist long: for the entire island was conquered in a single city. That huge and thitherto unconquered capital, Syracuse, even though defended by the genius of Archimedes, eventually yielded. Of no use to it were its triple wall and an equal number of citadels, the famous marble port and the celebrated fountain of Arethusa — other than that they helped insofar as the beauties of the conquered city were spared. |
| 197 | |
| Sardiniam Gracchus arripuit. Nihil illi gentium feritas, Insanorumque — nam sic vocantur — immanitas Montium, profuere. Sævitum in urbes urbemque urbium Caralim, ut gens contumax vilisque mortis saltim desiderio patrii soli domaretur. | Gracchus seized Sardinia. That people was helped neither by its savagery nor by its Mad Mountains (for that is how they are called). Ruthlessness was employed on the cities and on the city of cities, Caralis, so that a people obstinate and indifferent to death would be subdued at least by their fondness for their native soil. |
| 198 | |
| In Hispaniam vero missi Gnæus et Publius Scipiones pæne totam Pœnis eripuerunt provinciam. Sed insidiis Punicæ fraudis oppressi rursum amiserant, magnis quidem illi prœliis quum Punicas opes cecidissent. Sed Punicæ fraudis insidiæ, alterum ferro castra metantem, alterum, quum evasisset in turrem, cinctum facibus oppresserunt. Igitur in ultionem patris ac patrui missus cum exercitu Scipio, cui jam grande nomen de Africa fata decreverant, bellatricem illam viris armisque nobilem Hispaniam, illam seminarium hostilis exercitus, illam jam Hannibalis eruditricem — incredibile dictu — totam a Pyrenæis montibus in Herculis Columnas, in Oceanum recuperavit. Nescias citius an felicius : quam velociter, quattuor anni fatentur ; quam facile, vel una civitas probat : eodem quidem quo obsessa est, eodem die capta est, omenque Africanæ victoriæ fuit, quod tam facile victa est Hispaniæ Carthago. | Sent to Spain, Gnæus and Publius Scipio seized practically the entire province from the Carthaginians. But, surprised by an ambush of Carthaginian deception, they had lost it again, although in great battles when they had smashed the Carthaginian forces. But ambushes of Carthaginian deception surprised them, the one by the sword while he was striking camp, the other, after he had escaped to a tower, by surrounding him with torches. Thus, to avenge his father and paternal uncle, Scipio, sent with an army, a man to whom the fates had already decreed a great name from Africa, regained that warlike Spain, well known for its men and weapons, that seedbed of the enemy army — now that nourisher of Hannibal (incredible to say) as a whole from the Pyrenees Mountains to the Pillars of Hercules, to the ocean. It is unknown whether it was faster or luckier: how fast, four years are recorded; how easy, just one city proves: on the same day, in fact, that it was besieged, on that same one it was captured, and it was an omen of the African victory that what was captured so easily was Spain’s Carthage. |
| 199 | |
| Certum est tamen ad profligandam provinciam maxime profecisse singularem ducis sanctitatem, quippe qui captivos pueros puellasque præcipuæ pulchritudinis barbaris restitueret, ne in conspectum suum quidem passus adduci, ne quid de virginitatis integritate delibasse saltim oculis videretur. | It is a fact, still, that in beating the province the general’s integrity was especially helpful, since he would restore to the barbarians captive boys and girls of extraordinary beauty, not even allowing them to be brought into his sight, lest he should seem even by looking to have subtracted anything from the intactness of their virginity. |
| 200 | |
| Hæc in diversa terrarum populus Romanus. Nec ideo tamen visceribus Italiæ inhærentem summovere poterat Hannibalem. Pleraque ad hostem defecerant, et dux acerrimus contra Romanos Italicis quoque viribus utebatur. Jam tamen eum plerisque oppidis et regionibus excussere Romani. Jam Tarentum retulerant, jam et Capua, sedes, domus et patria altera Hannibalis tenebatur, cujus amissio tantum Pœno duci dolorem dedit, ut inde totis viribus Romam converteretur. | The Roman people took these operations into diverse regions of the world. But for all that they could not dislodge Hannibal, who stuck fast to the innards of Italy. A great many had defected to the enemy, and the energetic general used Italian forces too against the Romans. However the Romans then expelled him from most towns and regions. They had already regained Tarentum, then Capua too was in their possession, the headquarters, home and second fatherland of Hannibal, the loss of which caused such pain to the Carthaginian general that from that point he turned all his forces on Rome. |
| 201 | |
| ¡ O populum dignum orbis imperio, dignumque omnium favore et admiratione hominum ac deorum ! Compulsus ad ultimos metus ab incepto non desistit et, de sua Urbe sollicitus, Capuam tamen non omisit, sed parte exercitus sub Appio consule relicta, parte Flaccum in Urbem secuta, absens simul præsensque pugnabat. | O people worthy of ruling the world — worthy of the favor and admiration of all men and gods! Forced to the utmost in fear, they did not desist from their project and, while concerned about their own City, did not abandon Capua but, leaving a part of the army under Appius, part of it following Flaccus to the City, they fought simultaneously absent and present. |
| 202 | |
| ¿ Quid ergo miramur, moventi castra a tertio lapide Hannibali iterum ipsos deos restitisse ? Tanta enim ad singulos illius motus vis imbrium effusa est, tanta ventorum violentia coorta est, ut divinitus hostem summoveri non a cælo, sed ab Urbis ipsius mœnibus et Capitolio videretur. Itaque fugit et cessit et in ultimum se Italiæ recepit sinum, quum Urbem tantum non adoratam reliquisset. | Why, therefore, do we wonder that the gods themselves again resisted Hannibal advancing his camp from the third milestone? For at every advance of his such a spate of rain poured down, such a gale of wind arose, that it seemed by divine power to force the enemy not from the heavens, but from the walls of the City itself and from the Capitol. So he fled and left and retreated into the farthest recess of Italy after having left the City only unadored. |
| 203 | |
| Siquidem ab Hispania Hasdrubal, frater Hannibalis, cum exercitu novo, novis viribus, nova belli mole veniebat. Actum esset procul dubio, si vir ille se cum fratre junxisset. Sed hunc quoque tantum quod ab Alpe descenderat apudque Metaurum castra metantem Claudius Nero cum Livio Salinatore debellat. Nero in ultimo Italiæ angulo summoverat Hannibalem ; Livius in diversissimam partem, id est in ipsas nascentis Italiæ fauces, signa converterat. | For Hasdrubal, Hannibal’s brother, was coming from Spain with a new army, new troops, a new war machine. It would undoubtedly have been all over, if that man had joined up with his brother. But just as he had descended from the Alps and was setting up camp near the Metaurus river, Claudius Nero, together with Livius Salinator, defeated him too. Nero had warded off Hannibal in the farthest tip of Italy; Livius had turned his standards to the extreme opposite part, that is, to the outermost entrance to Italy. |
| 204 | |
| Tanto — id est omni qua longissima est Italia — solo interjacente, quo consilio, qua celeritate consules castra conjunxerint inopinatumque hostem collatis signis oppresserint, neque id fieri Hannibal senserit, difficile dictu est. Certe Hannibal re cognita quum projectum fratris caput ad sua castra vidisset, « Agnosco », inquit, « infelicitatem Carthaginis. » Hæc fuit illius viri non sine præsagio quodam fati imminentis prima confessio. | It is hard to say how, with such immense land intervening — that is, with everything where Italy is at its longest —, by what strategy, with what speed, the consuls combined their camps and, with united forces, overwhelmed the unexpecting enemy without Hannibal being aware of its happening. It is a fact that Hannibal, learning of it after seeing his brother’s head, which had been thrown at his camp, said, “I realize the ill fate of Carthage.” This was that famous man’s first admission, not without a certain premonition, of impending fate. |
| 205 | |
| Jam certum erat Hannibalem etiam ipsius confessione posse vinci. Sed tot rerum prosperarum fiducia plenus, populus Romanus magni æstimabat asperrimum hostem in sua Africa debellare. Duce igitur Scipione, in ipsam Africam tota mole conversus, imitari cœpit Hannibalem et Italiæ suæ clades in Africam vindicare. ¡ Quas ille (¡ dii boni !) Hasdrubalis copias fudit ! ¡ Quos Syphacis Numidici regis equitatus ! ¡ Quæ quantaque utriusque classis castra, facibus illatis, una nocte delevit ! Denique jam non a tertio lapide, sed ipsas Carthaginis portas obsidione quatiebat. | Now it was clear that Hannibal, even according to his own admission, could be conquered. But the Roman people, filled with the confidence of so many successes, viewed it as being very difficult to defeat the extremely bitter enemy in his own Africa. So, turning the entire war machine to Africa itself under general Scipio, they began to imitate Hannibal and to take revenge against Africa for their own Italy’s disasters. Good gods! What of Hasdrubal’s forces did that famous Scipio rout! What cavalry of Syphax, the Numidian king! What and how much of the camp of both fleets did he destroy in a single night by throwing in torches! Finally, with a siege he shook, not from the third milestone, but the very gates, of Carthage. |
| 206 | |
| Sic factum, ut hærentem atque incubantem Italiæ extorqueret Hannibalem. Non fuit major sub imperio Romano dies quam ille, quum duo omnium et ante et postea ducum maximi duces, ille Italiæ, hic Hispaniæ victor, collatis comminus signis, direxere aciem. Sed et colloquium fuit inter ipsos de legibus pacis. Steterunt diu mutua admiratione defixi : ubi vero de pace non convenit, signa cecinere. | So it came about that he managed to wring Hannibal, clinging to and overhanging Italy, out of it. Under the Roman Empire there was never any greater day than the one where the greatest generals of before and after then, the one the victor of Italy, the other of Spain, drew up their battle lines, going into hand-to-hand combat. But there was also a conference between them on conditions of peace. Long they stood, fixed in mutual admiration. When, however, there was no agreement on peace, the trumpet-signals for battle were sounded. |
| 207 | |
| Constat utriusque confessione nec melius instrui aciem nec acrius potuisse pugnari. Hoc Scipio de Hannibalis, Hannibal de Scipionis exercitu prædicaverunt. Sed tamen Hannibal cessit, præmiumque victoriæ Africa fuit. Et secutus Africam statim terrarum orbis. | From the admission of both it is known that the battle lines could not have been drawn up better nor the fighting been fiercer. Scipio said this openly of Hannibal’s army, Hannibal of Scipio’s. But nevertheless Hannibal yielded, and the reward of victory was Africa. And immediately following Africa, the world. |
| 208 | |
| Post Africam jam vinci neminem puduit, sed æquo jure ubique subactæ. Primum igitur, Lævino consule, populus Romanus, Ïonium mare ingressus, tota Græciæ litora velut triumphante classe peragravit. Spolia quippe Siciliæ, Sardiniæ, Africæ præferebat, et manifestam victoriam quam nata in prætoria puppi laurus pollicebatur. Aderat sponte in auxilium Attalus, rex Pergamenorum ; aderant et Rhodii, nauticus populus, qui navibus a mari, consul a terris omnia equis virisque, quatiebat. | After Africa, no one was ashamed of being conquered any more, but in equal measure everywhere they were subjugated. In the consulship of Lævinus the Roman people therefore first entered the Ionian Sea and traversed the whole coastline of Greece with as it were a triumphing fleet. Indeed, it displayed the spoils of Sicily, Sardinia and Africa, plus the manifest victory which a laurel tree, sprouting on the rear of the prætor’s ship, promised. Attalus, king of the Pergamenes, voluntarily assisted. The Rhodians also helped, a seafaring people who made everything shudder on the sea with their ships, the consul on the land with his horses and men. |
| 209 | |
| Bis victus, bis fugatus rex Macedonum, bis exutus castris, quum tamen nihil terribilius Macedonibus fuit ipso vulnerum aspectu quæ, non spiculis nec sagittis nec ullo Græculo ferro, sed ingentibus pilis nec minoribus adacta gladiis, ultra mortem patebant. Enimvero Flaminio duce populus Romanus invios antea Chaonum montes Savumque amnem per abrupta vadentem et ad ipsa Macedoniæ claustra penetravit. Introisse victoria fuit. Nam postea nunquam ausus congredi rex, ad tumulos quos Cynoscephalos vocant, uno, ac ne hoc quidem justo, prœlio opprimitur. | The king {Philip V} of the Macedonians was twice defeated, twice routed, twice divested of his camp, since to the Macedonians nothing was more terrible than the mere sight of wounds which, caused not by darts or arrows or any little Greek sword, but by enormous spears and swords no smaller, lay open beyond lethality. Indeed, under general Flaminius the Roman people crossed the thitherto pathless mountains of the Chaonians, and the gorge-penetrating Save river even to the very portals of Macedonia. Having entered it was victory. For afterwards the king, never having dared to offer battle, was defeated near the hills they call Cynoscephalæ {“Dogheads”} in a single battle, and that not even a real one. |
| 210 | |
| In Numidia tunc amici populi Romani regnabant. Sed Jugurtha contra se bellum movit Romanorum propter necem Adherbalæ et Hiempsalæ, Micipsæ liberos, expugnataque est primum a Metello consule, dehinc a Mario domita. Mauretaniam vero Buccho rex tuebatur. | Numidia at that time was ruled by friends of the Roman people. But Jugurtha generated a war of the Romans against himself on account of his murder of Adherbal and Hiempsal, the sons of Micipsa, and the country was conquered by the consul Metellus, then subjugated by Marius. King Buccho watched over Mauretania. |
| 211 | |
| Sed quum subjectio omnium Maurorum facta est, Jubas rex, qui pugnæ fuisset occasio, mox superatum se sensit, veneno hausto defecit omnisque Mauretania Romanis subacta. Tripolis namque et utraque Mauritania — Sitifensis et Cæsariensis — similiter Romano juri, ceterorum formidine tactæ, ultro se subegerunt. | But when the subjugation of all the Mauri happened, King Juba {I}, who had been the cause of the fighting, soon realized that he had been defeated; he took his own life by drinking poison {46 B.C.}, and all of Mauretania became subject to the Romans. For Tripoli and both Mauretanias — Sitifensis and Cæsariensis — touched by the fear of the others, in like manner similarly submitted voluntarily to Roman jursidiction. |
| 212 | |
| Hispanias quamvis, ut superius diximus, Saguntina clades ab amicitiis Romanorum segregasset, Scipio tamen eos tam gratia quam virtute rursus Romanis conjunxit, rursusque resistentes Sulla consul sedavit. Celtiberos similiter cum Numantinis adversus Romanos insurgentes Scipio junior sedavit, compescuit atque pæne subvertit. | Although the Saguntine disaster had, as we said above, separated the Spains from friendship with the Romans, nonetheless Scipio again joined them to the Romans both through his beneficence and his self-discipline, and Sulla {(actually M. Silanus, cf. Liv. 26,19)} pacified them when they once again rebelled. Scipio the Younger quieted, restrained and almost annihilated the Celtiberians who together with the Numantines were similarly rising up against the Romans. |
| 213 | |
| Cantabri et Astures, confisi montium suorum munimine, dum resistere moliuntur, plenissime demoliti sunt et in provinciam redacti. Tarraconenses, Lusitani, Gallæci, Carthaginienses, et Bæticani contra promuntorium Africæ siti omnes uno pæne prœlio superati et in provincias Romanas discripti sunt. | The Cantabrians and Asturians, trusting in the redoubt of their mountains, while mounting an insurgency, were utterly destroyed and reduced to a province. The Tarraconensians, Lusitani, Gallæci, Carthaginians, and the Bæticans, all located towards the promontory of Africa, were all overcome in almost a single battle and assigned to Roman provinces. |
| 214 | |
| Epirotæ, qui in Illyrico, quamvis cum Pyrrho rege suo contra Italiam conspirassent, tamen primum pacem moliti, secundo et tertio rebellantes, cum Achivis et Thessaliis edomiti, Romano jugo subacti sunt. | The Epirotans who, although they had conspired with their king Pyrrhus against Italy, had nonetheless been subdued with peace in Illyricum the first time, were rebelling a second and third time, after having been thoroughly subjugated together with the Achæans and Thessalians, were forced to pass under the Roman yoke. |
| 215 | |
| Macedonia namque primum sub Philippo, deinde sub Perseo, tertio sub Pseudo-Philippo arma contra se provocavit Romana, oppressaque primo a Flaminino consule, secundo a Paulo, tertio a Metello superata, colla summisit Romanaque provincia facta. | For Macedonia had provoked Roman arms against itself first under Philip, then under Perses, thirdly under Pseudo-Philip; and it was crusehd the first time by the consul Flamininus, the second time by Paulus; the third time, defeated by Metellus, it lowered its necks and was made a Roman province. |
| 216 | |
| Illyriam autem, Gentio suo rege, Macedonibus auxiliantibus, vicit Romanorum Lucius prætor et in provinciam redegit. Dardanos Mœsosque Curio primum proconsul edomuit, primusque omnium Romanorum Danuvium amnem usque profectus, cuncta ejus loca vastavit. Pannoniorum quoque regem in certamine superans, idem Lucius redegit in provinciam utrasque Pannonias. Amantinos autem, qui inter Savum Dravumque flumina insident, rege eorum interempto, ipsa vice Romanam fecit provinciam. | Illyricum, under its king Gentius, helped by the Macedonians, was conquered by Lucius, prætor of the Romans, and reduced to a province. For the first time Curio the proconsul subjugated the Dardani and the Mœsi ; and being the first of all Romans to advance all the way to the Danube river, he laid waste to its whole region. Likewise overcoming the king of the Pannonians in battle, the same Lucius turned both Pannonias into a province. Moreover, after their king had been killed, he made the Amantini, who live between the Save and Drave rivers, into a province in their turn. |
| 217 | |
| Marcomanni namque et Quadi in illa Valeria, quæ inter Dravum Danuviumque interjacet, ab eodem tunc ductore oppressi, finesque inter Romanos et barbaros ab Augusta Vindelicorum per Noricum Mœsiamque dispositi. Dacos autem posthæc, jam sub imperio suo Trajanus, Decebalo eorum rege devicto, terras ultra Danuvium quæ < in circuitu > habent mille milia spatia, in provinciam redegit. Sed Gallienus eos dum regnaret amisit ; Aurelianusque imperator, evocatis exinde legionibus, in Mœsia collocavit, ibique aliquam partem Daciam Mediterraneam Daciamque Ripensem constituit et Dardaniam junxit. | Also, in that Valeria which lies between the Drave and the Danube, the Marko-manns {“Men of the march, Frontiersmen”} and Kwaði {“the Bad”} were then crushed by the same leader, and boundaries were set up between Romans and the barbarians from Augusta Vindelicorum {(now Augsburg)} through Noricum and Mœsia. Afterwards Trajan, now under his own emperorship, reduced the Dacians to a province on lands beyond the Danube which have a thousand-mile periphery, after defeating their king Decebalus {a.D. 85—106}. But Gallienus, while he was ruling, lost them; and Emperor Aurelian, recalling the legions thence {a.D. 271}, stationed them in Mœsia, and there made part of it into Inland Dacia and Riverbank Dacia, and attached Dardania. |
| 218 | |
| Illyria autem, cuncta per partes quidem et membra devicta, ad unum tamen corpus apta est quod habet intra se provincias XVIII : et sunt Norica duo, Pannoniæ duæ, Valeria, Swevia, Dalmatia, Mœsia superior, Dardania, Daciæ duæ, Macedonia, Thessalia, Achaja, Epiri duæ, Prævales, Creta : simul XVIII. | But the whole of Illyria, conquered indeed by parts and piecemeal, was nonetheless combined into a single body which has within itself 18 provinces: and there are two Noricums, two Pannonias, Valeria, Swevia, Dalmatia, Mœsia superior, Dardania, two Dacias, Macedonia, Thessalia, Achaja, two Epiruses, Prævales, Creta: altogether 18. |
| 219 | |
| Thracias autem non aliter nisi occasio Macedonici belli fecit aggredi. Diri namque homines omniumque gentium ferocissimi sunt Thraces, quorum sævitiam pariter habent et Scordisci et Hæmimontii Scythæque, ob quorum immanitatem Romani multa et gravia pertulerunt, crebrisque certationibus exercitus cæsus. Ad postremum a Marco Didio et ipsi subacti et, locis eorum in provinciam redactis, jugum excepit Romanum. | However, nothing other than the occasion of the Macedonian war made the Empire attack the Thracian territories. The Thracians are barbaric men and the fiercest of all nations, whose savagery is likewise found among the Scordisci and Hæmus-Mountaineers and Scythians, due to whose savagery Romans have suffered many terrible things, and in many battles an army was beaten. In the end even they were subjugated by Marcus Didius and, with their territory reduced to a province, the tribe succumbed to the Roman yoke. |
| 220 | |
| Nam Marcus Drusus intus eos in montibus eorum contrivit, Minucius in Hebro amne eorum multos exstinxit et vicit. Rhodopeji per Appium Claudium devicti sunt, et civitates maritimas Europæ — quæ dudum Romanæ fuissent et postmodum rebellassent — Marcus Romanis subegit Lucullus : | For Marcus Drusus crushed them at home in their own mountains, Minucius annihilated and conquered many of them on the Hebrus river. The Rhodopeji were defeated through Appius Claudius, and Marcus Lucullus made the coastal cities of Europe — which had long been Roman and later rebelled — submit to the Romans. |
| 221 | |
| siquidem primus in Thracia contra Bessos pugnans, eos qui in fortitudine famaque præibant devicit, Hæmimontiosque debellans, Pulpudeva, quæ nunc Philippopolis, et Uscudama, quæ Hadrianopolis vocitantur, in Romanorum redegit dominium. Similiterque capiens et civitates quæ litori Pontico inhærebant — id est, Apolloniam, Callatim, Parthenopolim, Tomos, Histriam — omniaque loca usque ad Danuvium subdens, Scythis ostendit Romanorum virtutem. | Indeed, as the first one fighting the Bessi in Thrace, he defeated those who were preëminent in bravery and fame, and warring down the Hæmus-Mountaineers, he reduced {72 B.C.} Pulpudeva {(a Thracian translation of “Philippopolis” [now Plovdiv, Bulgaria], although originally named Eumolpias)}, now called Philippopolis, and Uscudama, now called Hadrianopolis, to the overlordship of the Romans. Also similarly capturing the cities which cling to the Pontic coastline — that is, Apollonia, Callatis, Parthenopolis, Tomi, Histria — and subjugating all of the areas to the Danube, demonstrated Roman power to the Scythians. |
| 222 | |
| Hactenus ad partes occiduas : nunc quæ in Eoa plăga acta sunt percurramus. Primum quidem in Asia locum Romani hereditario jure invenerunt. Nam Attalus rex, amicissimus populi Romani, humanis rebus excedens, per testamentum suum Romanos suo in regno heredes constituit : quam pæne non ante Romanus populus adiit, nisi et suo labore vicina loca cepisset — id est Lydiam, Cariam, Hellespontum utramque Phrygiam. | Enough for the western regions: now let us run through what transpired in the eastern sphere. As it happened, Romans first found a position in Asia by the right of inheritance. For in his will King Attalus, a very good friend to the Roman people, exceeding human norms, established the Romans as heirs to his kingdom of Asia, which the Roman people would previously almost not have approached if he had not through his own efforts taken over the neighboring region — that is, Lydia, Caria, the Hellespont and both Phrygias. |
| 223 | |
| Nam Rhodus opimatissima insula et totius Asiæ insularum metropolis cum pæne omnibus Cycladibus, arma pertimescens Romana, jam dudum se fœderatam populo illi conjunxerat, et navali bello solacia condonabat. Cum quibus Servilius proconsul directus quasi piratico bello obtinuit tamen Pamphyliam ; Lyciam Pisidiamque devicit fecitque provinciam. Bithyniam vero Nicomedes rex moriens testamentali voce Romanis reliquit. | For the extremely fertile island of Rhodes, the capital of the islands of all of Asia together with almost all of the Cyclades, greatly fearing Roman arms, had long since allied itself as a federate to that people and was contributing aid for the naval war. With the Rhodians the proconsul Servilius, as though sent for the pirate war, nevertheless obtained Pamphylia; he conquered Lycia and Pisidia and made them into a province. But through a statement in his will the dying King Nicomedes left Bithynia to the Romans. |
| 224 | |
| Gallogræciam autem, id est Galatiam, Syriaci belli ruina convolvit. Fuit namque inter auxilia regis Antiochi ; an fuisse, cupidus triumphi, Manlius Vulso simulaverit, dubium est. Duobus itaque prœliis fusi fugatique sunt, quamvis sub adventu hostis relictis sedibus in altissimos se montes recepissent. Toloscobogi Olympum, Tectosagi Magaba insederant. Utrimque fundis sagittisque detracti, in perpetuam se pacem dediderunt : sed alligati miraculo quodam fuere, quum catenas morsibus et ore temptassent, quum offocandas invicem fauces præbuissent. Nam Orgiacontis uxor a centurione stuprum passa, memorabili exemplo custodiam evasit revulsumque adulteri hostis caput ad maritum reportavit. | However Gallo-Greece, that is, Galatia, was enveloped in the disaster of the Syriac war. For it too was among the auxiliaries of King Antiochus; it is uncertain whether Manlius Vulso, desirous of a triumph, had just pretended it was. So they were routed and put to flight in two battles, even though, having left their homes at the approach of the foe, they had retreated to very high mountains. The Toloscobogi took positions on Olympus, the Tectosagi on Magaba. Dislodged by slings and arrows from both sides, they gave themselves up for permanent peace. But they were astonishing when tied up, because they had tried undoing their chains with bites and with their mouths, and because they offered their throats to one another to be strangled. And because King Orgiacon’s wife, raped by a centurion, had, in a memorable example, escaped imprisonment and carried the torn-off head of the adulterer back to her husband. |
| 225 | |
| Dejotarum siquidem amicum Senatus præfecit Galatiæ. Sed posthæc Cæsar eos redegit fecitque in provincias. Cappadoces quoque, sub Ariarathe rege constituti, primum per legatos suos Romanorum amicitias petierunt, dehinc, Ariobarzane rege succedente et a Mithridate expulso, ultro se Romano servitio dediderunt magnamque civitatem suam Mazacam in honore Cæsaris « Cæsaream » appellaverunt. Post hæc iterum sub Claudio imperatore, rex eorum Archelaus Romam adveniens quasi amicus populi Romani ibique defunctus, testamentali voce Cappadociam Romanis reliquit et sic jam ex integro in provinciam facta est. | So the Senate made their friend Dejotarus head of Galatia. But afterward Cæsar subjugated them and turned them into a province. The Cappadocians too, established under Ariarathes {(IX Eusebes Philopator, 101–89 B.C.)} as their king, first sought partnership with the Romans through their ambassadors then, with Ariobarzanes {(I Philoromaios, 95—62 B.C.)} succeeding him and expelled by Mithridates, surrendered of their own accord to Roman servitude and renamed their own great city Mazaca “Cæsarea” in honor of Cæsar. After that their king, Archelaus, again coming to Rome under Emperor Claudius as though a friend of the Roman people and dying there, through a statement in his will left Cappadocia to the Romans, and so then in its entirety it became a province. |
| 226 | |
| Pontus a Pompejo devictus cum suo rege Mithridate et factus provincia est. Paphlagoniæ Pylæmenes rex, amicus populi Romani, a multis dum inquietaretur, Romanorum petiit auxilium. Se quoque, dum de inimicis ulcisceretur, defunctus, Romanos per testamentum heredes reliquit. | Pontus was conquered by Pompey {65 B.C.} with its king Mithridates and became a province. Paphlagonia’s king Pylæmenes, a friend of the Roman people, being tormented by many, sought the help of the Romans. Dying while he was avenging himself on his enemies, he left the Romans his heirs through his will. |
| 227 | |
| Hactenus intra Taurum ; nunc ulterius transgrediamur et quæ patriæ, aut quibus subjugantibus, populo Romano conjunctæ sint, memorabimus. Antiochus, Syriæ fortissimus rex, magnum apparatum belli contra populum Romanum commovit : XXX milia siquidem armatorum currusque falcatos quam plures, elephantos innumeros turritos et ad instar murale in acie ordine sitos. Cui obvians Scipio Africani Scipionis frater in Asia ad Magnesiam civitatem, commissoque prœlio Antiochus victus est, percussoque fœdere cum Romanis, ab Asia discessit et ultra Taurum ex Senatus consilio regnare permissus est, filiosque ejus in obsidatum Romæ deductos post patris obitum regnare genitali loco concessit. | Enough for this side of the Taurus range; now let us pass over to the other side and we will go over what countries, or by subjugating which ones, they were united to the Roman people. Antiochus {III the Great}, the most powerful king of Syria, mobilized an enormous war machine against the Roman people: 30 thousand, consequently, armed men and as many scythed chariots as possible, countless elephants turreted and arrayed in order in the battle line like a wall. After Scipio {Asiaticus I}, the brother of Scipio Africanus, had gone against him in Asia outside the city of Magnesia, and after battle had been joined {190 B.C.}, Antiochus was conquered and, having struck a treaty with the Romans, retreated from Asia and was permitted by decision of the Senate to reign beyond the Taurus, and after the death of the father it allowed his sons, led into hostage status at Rome, to reign by position of birthright. |
| 228 | |
| Cilices, cum Isauris piratæ effecti et in mari magno sæpe latrocinia concitantes, a Servilio proconsule victi et prostrati sunt. Hic quoque Servilius primus Romanorum Tauri jugum pervium fecit triumphansque de eorum spoliis « Isauricus » « Cilicusque » vocatus est. | The Cilicians, becoming pirates with the Isaurians and engaging in frequent brigandage on the high seas, were conquered by the proconsul Servilius and overthrown. This Servilius was also the first Roman to open a path through the Taurus range and, winning a triumph with their spoils, was called “Isauricus” and “Cilicus.” |
| 229 | |
| Cyprum Cato classe navigera directus invasit. Negantibus Cypriis habere se aliquid, magnas illis opes repperit proscriptionibusque multavit. Quod non ferens Gnosius rex eorum veneno hausto semet occidit, et sic Cyprus Romana facta provincia. Libyam, id est Pentapolim, totam a primo illo Ptolemæo Romanis sub libertate concessam, tamen resistentibus dehinc, Apionis consilium Romano populo subdidit. Ægyptus omnis ab amicis Romanorum, id est Lagidis, per Ptolemæos possessa. Posthæc Cleopatra et Antonius jure proprio vindicantes et se et illam amittunt. | Cato, unapologetic, invaded Cyprus with a seagoing fleet. While the Cyprians denied having anything, he found great riches belonging to them and fined them with confiscations. Not bearing this, Gnosius their king killed himself by drinking poison, and thus Cyprus became a Roman province {58 B.C.}. Libya — that is, the Pentapolis, all freely granted by the famous first Ptolemæus {VIII Euergetes II Physcon } to the Romans —, despite subsequently opposing elements, was subjected to the Roman people {96 B.C.} through the bequest of {Ptolemæus} Apion. The whole of Egypt was held through the Ptolemies by friends of the Romans, that is, by the {(dynasty of the Ptolemæic)} Lagids. Afterwards Cleopatra and Antony, usurping it on their own authority, lost both themselves and it. |
| 230 | |
| Montes vero Armeniæ primum per Lucullum Romana arma viderunt, per quem et in Osdroëna Saracenorum philarchi devicti Romanis se dediderunt. Mesopotamiamque idem ipse, Nisibem quoque urbem invasit. Post quem Pompejus, eadem loca ingrediens, Romano confirmavit imperio. | But the mountains of Armenia saw Roman arms first through Lucullus, through whom the Phylarchs of the Saracens too, defeated in Osdroëna, capitulated. And the very same man also invaded the city of Nisibis. After him, Pompey, entering the same area, reinforced it as under the Roman empire. |
| 231 | |
| Syriam Cœlen justo prœlio Tigrane devicto invaserat. Arabes et Palæstini eodem Pompejo ductante devicti sunt. | He had invaded the Syrian Cœle, defeating Tigranes in a textbook battle. Under the leadership of the same Pompey, the Arabs and Palestinians were conquered. |
| 232 | |
| Babylonii autem crebro concertantes sæpenumero victi, nunquam tamen ad integrum domiti sunt. Quos tamen primum Lucius Sulla proconsul sub Arsace eorum rege devicit, ab eoque rogatus per legatos, pacem concessit. Secundo dum Lucius Lucullus a Pontico regno Tigranem Armeniæ regem, cum decem et octo milibus superatum, expelleret, omnique Armenia invasa, ad Mesopotamiam venit, ibi Nisiben cum fratre regis Parthorum cepit, æqua sorte Persidam cupiens devastare, nisi Pompejus a Senatu directus ei advenisset successor. | Yet the frequently fighting Babylonians were often defeated, nonetheless never completely subdued. Still, the proconsul Lucius Sulla defeated them the first time under their king Arsaces and, asked by him through ambassadors, conceded peace to them. The second time, when Lucius Lucullus was expelling from the Pontic kingdom Tigranes, the king of Armenia — conquered with his eighteen thousand soldiers —, and having invaded all of Armenia, he proceeded to Mesopotamia where he captured Nisibis together with the brother of the king of the Parthians {68 B.C.}, wishing with equal luck to lay waste to Persis; but Pompey, ordered by the Senate, had arrived to be his successor. |
| 233 | |
| Hic etenim Pompejus ilico veniens, mox nocturno prœlio in minore Armenia super Mithridatem irruens, XLII milia armatorum ejus prosternens, castraque succendit. Unde Mithridates cum uxore et duobus satellitibus fugiens Bosphorum venit, nimiaque desperatione detentus, venenum accepit. Sed dum nec sic mors ei accederet, alterum e duobus satellitem rogavit ut se perimeret. | And as a matter of fact Pompey, arriving here immediately, in a night battle soon thereafter overrunning Mithridates {VI Eupator Dionysus (“the Great”)}, slaughtered 42 thousand of his armed forces and set fire to his camp. As a result Mithridates, fleeing with his wife and two bodyguards, made it to the Bosphorus and, seized by great desperation, took poison. But when even so death did not come to him, he asked one of the two bodyguards to kill him. |
| 234 | |
| Pompejus autem, Majoris Armeniæ regem dum persequeretur, cur Tigranes contra Romanos auxilium commodasset, ille in Artaxata urbe, regno deposito, ultro diademam suam Pompejo obtulit ; sed Pompejus, pietate ductus, ultro Majorem Armeniam ei concessit regnare, auferens ab eo Mesopotamiam et Syriam partemque Phœnicis cum Armenia. Nam Bosphoranis Colchisque Aristarchum regem Pompejus præposuit, Albanosque insequens, Orhodem regem eorum tertio superavit. Ad postremum rogatus pacem concessit. Iberiam similiter cum Artace rege in deditionem excepit. | But while Pompey was going after the king of Greater Armenia for why Tigranes had given aid against the Romans, the latter, in the city of Artaxata, abdicating his kingship, voluntarily offered his crown to Pompey; But Pompey, led by a sense of leniency, for his part allowed him to reign over Greater Armenia, taking from him Mesopotamia and Syria and part of Phœnicia with {(Lesser)} Armenia. For he placed Aristarchus as king over the Bosphorans and Colchians {66 B.C.} and, pursuing the Albanans, he conquered their king Orhodes a third time. Finally implored for it, he granted peace. He received Iberia together with its king Artag in surrender. |
| 235 | |
| Saracenos Arabasque exuperans, Hierosolymam Judææ captivavit. Cum Persis fœdere percusso, revertens Daphnensem agrum Antiochenis concessit ob nimiam loci amœnitatem pro munere. | Vanquishing the Saracens and Arabs, he took over Jerusalem of Judea. Having struck a treaty with the Persians, on his way back he granted the field of Daphne as a gift to the Antiochenes, on account of the great beauty of the place. |
| 236 | |
| His et aliis rebus in Syria bene gestis, unius fœdavit <omnia> avaritia. Nam Crassus consul, dum Parthico inhiat auro, undecim legiones pæne cum suo capite amisit. Cujus <in> conspectu et filius hostilibus telis effossus et ipse peremptus caputque ejus præcisum cum dextera manu ad regem reportatum ludibrio fuit, neque indigno : aurum enim liquidum in rictum oris infusum est ut, cujus animus arserat auri cupiditate, ejus etiam mortuum et exsangue corpus auro ureretur. Reliqui vero infelicis exercitus, quo quemque rapuit fuga, in Armeniam, Ciliciam, Syriamque distracti vix cladis tantæ nuntium retulerunt. | With these and other operations successful in Syria, the greed of one man spoiled <everything>. For Crassus the consul, when gaping after Parthian gold, lost almost eleven legions with his own head. In his sight his son was riddled with enemy missiles and in addition he himself was killed and his head, severed along with his right hand, taken to the king, was a laughingstock, and not an undeserved one: for liquid gold was poured into his open jaws so that even the dead and bloodless body of the one whose mind had burned with the lust for gold would be burned with gold. As for the remnants of the unlucky army, wherever flight whisked them, scattered into Armenia, Cilicia and Syria, they hardly brought back news of such a great catastrophe. |
| 237 | |
| Hac ergo clade Parthi altius animos elevantes, per Pacorum ducem Syriam invadunt, ducemque Labienum quem dudum ceperant exercitui præponentes, contra socios, id est Romanos, in prœlio dirigunt. Sed Ventidius Bassus Persas sub utroque duce, Syriam populantes, superatos effugat Labienumque interfecit ; Pacorum vero regium juvenem telis undique circumsæptum exstinxit, moxque capite ejus dempto et circumlato per urbes quæ desciverant, Syriam sine bello recepit. Sic Crassianam cladem Ventidius, Pacori capite Labienique morte, pensavit. | So the Parthians, further inflating their egos with this disaster, invaded Syria through general Pacorus and, placing general Labienus {Quintus} — whom they had captured some time previously — at the head of the army, they sent him in battle against the allies, that is, the Romans. But Ventidius {Publius} Bassus, defeating the Persians who were devastating Syria under both generals, routed them and killed Labienus, while he slew the royal youth Pacorus, surrounded on all sides by missiles, and then, cutting off his head and parading it around through the cities which had deserted, he recouped Syria without war. Thus, with the head of Pacorus and the death of Labienus, Ventidius repaid the Crassian catastrophe. |
| 238 | |
| Nec sic contentus populus Romanus Crassiani interitus oblivisci, nisi adhuc sævit in Parthos. | But the Roman people was not thereby content to forget the Crassian massacre without continuing to war on the Parthians. |
| 239 | |
| Nam Marcus Antonius, in Mediam ingressus, contra eos arma commovit, ubi primum eos superans, dehinc, cum duabus legionibus inedia hiemeque corruptus, vix in Armeniam, Parthis sequentibus, fugit ibique ereptus est. | For Mark Antony, having invaded Media, waged war against them. While first defeating them, he was subsequently worn down with his two legions by hunger and winter; followed by the Parthians, he barely fled into Armenia, and there escaped. |
| 240 | |
| Sub Augusto dehinc Octaviano, Armenii cum Parthis commixti per Claudium Cæsarem, nepotem Augusti, ocius superantur. Armenii siquidem utilius rati Romanorum amicitiis reconciliari et proprias sedes incolere, quam cum Parthis conjuncti et sedes perdere et Romanos infestos habere. | Subsequently, under Augustus Octavian, the Armenians, mixed together with Parthians, were quickly vanquished through Claudius Cæsar, the grandson of Augustus. So the Armenians thought it more beneficial to become reconciled to the friendship of the Romans and to inhabit their own territory rather than, allied with the Parthians, both to lose their territory and have the Romans their enemies. |
| 241 | |
| Sic quoque, dum in partibus orientalium Romanus laborat exercitus, occiduæ plăgæ infestæ sunt. Norici, in Alpibus Noricis habitantes, credebant quasi in rupes et nives bellum non posset ascendere : sed mox omnes illius cardinis populos — Breunos, Teutonios, Ucennos atque Vindelicos — per eundem Claudium Cæsarem Romanus vicit exercitus. Quæ tamen fuerit Alpinarum gentium feritas, facile est vel per mulieres ostendere quæ, deficientibus telis, infantes suos afflictos humi in ora militum adversa miserunt. | While the Roman army was thus heavily engaged in eastern regions, the western areas were likewise under stress. The Noricans living in the Norican Alps believed as though war could not climb up to their rocks and snows; but soon the Roman army, through the same Claudius Cæsar, defeated all the tribes of that region: the Breuni, Teutoni, Ucenni and Vindelici. Still, it is easy to show what the level of animalism of the Alpine peoples was even by their women who, lacking weapons, smashed their own young children on the ground and flung them at the faces of the soldiers. |
| 242 | |
| Nec minores his sævitia, Illyrii pariter accenduntur. Contra quos ipse Augustus e vicino egressus, pontem unde aquas transiret fieri imperavit. Dumque aquis et hostibus ad ascensum milites turbarentur, scutum ipse rapuit et viam primus ingressus est. Tum, agmine secuto, quum surruptus multitudine pons succidisset, sauciis manibus et cruribus, speciosior sanguine et ipso periculo auctior, terga hostium cecidit. | The Illyrians, also not second to these people in savagery, were likewise fired up. Advancing against them himself, Augustus ordered a bridge built over which to cross the waters. And while the soldiers were being disrupted in their ascent by the waters and the enemies, he himself snatched a shield and was the first to advance on the way. Then, with the troops following him when, breaking under their numbers, the bridge had collapsed, with wounded arms and legs looking more impressive with blood and more authoritative due to the danger itself, he attacked the backs of the enemy. |
| 243 | |
| Pannonii vero duobus acribus fluviis, Dravo Savoque, vallantur. Contra quos Vinicium misit, qui eos plus velociter vicit quam eorum flumina cursu rapido currunt. | The Pannonians, on the other hand, are walled off by two fierce rivers, the Drave and the Save. Against them he sent Vinicius, who conquered them more swiftly than their rivers run rapidly in their current. |
| 244 | |
| Dalmatæ, similiter silvis commanentes, plurimam partem latrocinando vastabant : ad quos edomandos Vibium mandat, qui efferum genus fodere terras coëgit aurumque venis repurgare. | The Dalmatians, dwelling similarly in forests, were laying waste to a large area with their brigandage. To subdue them he ordered Vibius, who forced that extremely wild tribe to dig in the earth and wash out gold from its veins. |
| 245 | |
| ¿ Mœsi vero quam feri, quam truces erant ? Ut unus ducum ante aciem, postulato silentio, « ¿ Qui vos estis ? » inquit. Responsum est, « Romani, gentium domini. » Et ille, « Ita fiet », inquit, « si nos viceritis. » Sed mox ad bellum ventum est, nec classicum audire valuerunt : sic a Marcio superati sunt. | But the Mœsi — how bestial, how fierce they are! As one of the leaders, calling for silence before the battle, said, “Who are you?” The answer was, “Romans, lords of mankind!” And the former said, “So it will be, if you conquer us!” But as soon as it came to war, they could not even tolerate the trumpet-signal for battle. Thus they were vanquished by Marcus. |
| 246 | |
| Thraces autem antea sæpe, tunc tamen, Rhœmetalca regnante sibi, a Romanis desciscunt. Nam is barbaros et disciplinæ et signis militaribus assueverat ; sed a Pisone perdomiti in ipsa captivitate rabiem ostendebant ; nam catenas, quibus ligati erant, morsibus vellicantes feritatem suam ipsi puniebant. | Though the Thracians had often done it before, still, they then, with Rhœmetalces ruling over them, rebelled from the Romans. For he had drilled the barbarians in discipline and the use of military standards. But subjugated by Piso, they showed their madness even in captivity: for by plucking at the chains with which they were bound by biting them, they themselves punished their own wildness. |
| 247 | |
| Dacia quoque ultra Danuvium sita ; exindeque sæpius Dacos, gelato Danuvii alveo, ad furta in Romaniam transeuntes, Lentulo misso, vicit, expulit atque subegit. Sarmatas quoque per eundem Lentulum ultra Danuvium pepulit. Qui nihil aliud ubi degunt præter nives pruinasque et silvas habent, tantaque barbaries in illis est ut nec intellegant pacem. | With Dacia situated on the other side of the Danube, by sending Lentulus he conquered, expelled and subjugated the Daci who often crossed thence over the frozen Danube riverbed for looting on Roman territory. He also drove the Sarmatians to the other side of the Danube through the same Lentulus. They have nothing else where they live but snow and hoarfrost and forests, and there is so much barbarism in them that they do not even understand what peace is. |
| 248 | |
| Marmaridas vero, et Garamantes in orientali hiemali plăga, per Quirinum subegit. | Moreover through Quirinus he subjugated the Marmaridæ and Garamantes in the eastern, wintery region. |
| 249 | |
| Germanos, Gallos, Brittones, Hispanos, Hiberes, Astures, Cantabros occiduali axe jacentes et post longum servitium desciscentes per se ipse Augustus accedens rursus servire coëgit Romanisque legibus vivere. | The Germans, Gauls, Bretons, Spanish, Iberians, Astures, Cantabrians, living in the western reaches and rebelling after long servitude were forced by Augustus himself personally advancing to serve again and to live under Roman jurisdiction. |
| 250 | |
| Cleopatra vero, Alexandrinorum regina ex genere Lagidarum Ptolemæorumque successor, prius contra viri sui Ptolemæi insidias Gajum Julium Cæsarem interpellavit qui, ob stupri, ut perhibent, gratiam regnum ejus confirmavit ipsamque in urbem cum magna pompa Alexandriæ remisit regnare. Cassius, Judæa capta, templum spoliavit. | But Cleopatra {VII Philopator}, queen of the Alexandrines — of the line of the Lagids and successor of the Ptolemies —, against the machinations of her {brother and} husband Ptolemy {XIII} first appealed to Gajus Julius Cæsar who, out of gratitude for adultery, as they report, confirmed her queenship and sent her with a great parade to reign in the city of Alexandria. {Gajus} Cassius {Longinus}, having captured Judea, raided the temple. |
| 251 | |
| Occiso vero in curia Romæ Cæsare, Octavianus nepos ejus suscepit Augustus principatum ; quem Antonius, dum invideret nihilque lædere posset, urbem Romam egreditur et ad partes Ægypti quasi Romanæ Rei Publicæ provisor accedit. Ubi jam viduam a viro regnantem repperiens Cleopatram, se quoque cum illa consocians cœpit sibi dominationem parare, nec tacite, sed patriæ nominis, togæ, fascium oblitus, totum in monstrum illud ut mente ita animo quoque cultuque desciverat : | However after Cæsar had been assassinated in the curia at Rome, his grand-nephew Octavian took over the principate; Antony, while he envied yet could by no means injure him, left the city of Rome and, as though the provisioner of the Roman Republic, went to the confines of Egypt. Finding there Cleopatra a widow without a husband and also joining himself with her, he began to establish overlordship for himself, and not quietly but, forgetful of the name, the toga and the fasces of his country, he fell away into a complete oddity in mind as well as soul and dress: |
| 252 | |
| aureum in manu baculum, in latere acinaces, purpurea vestis ingentibus obstricta gemmis. Diadema deerat, ut regina rex et ipse frueretur. Quod Augustus Cæsar audiens, a Brundisio Calabriæ in Epirum, ut eum a cœpta removeret tyrannide, transierat. Nam Antonius omne Actiacum litus jam classibus obsĭdebat. Sed mox, ubi ad prœlium ventum est, et Cæsaris classis illius cœpit turbari navigium, prima dux fugæ regina cum aurea puppi veloque purpureo se in altum dedit. Mox secutus Antonius. | a golden scepter in his hand, at his side a scimitar, a purple robe embroidered with enormous gemstones. Only a crown was lacking for him to be a king himself, enjoying his queen. Hearing this, Augustus Cæsar crossed from Brundisium in Calabria to Epirus to stop him from the beginnings of tyranny. For Antony was already occupying the whole Actian shoreline with his fleets. But when it subsequently came to a battle and his ship began to be thrown into confusion by Cæsar’s fleet, the queen, the first leader in flight, put out into the high sea with her golden stern and purple sails. Antony soon followed. |
| 253 | |
| Sed instare vestigiis Cæsar, itaque nec præparata in oceanum fuga nec munita præsidiis utraque Ægypti cornua, Paretonium atque Pelusium, profuere. Prope manu tenebantur. Primum ferrum occupavit Antonius. Regina ad pedes Augusti provoluta temptavit oculos ducis. Frustra quidem. Nam pulchritudo infra pudicitiam principis fuit. Nec illa de vita, quæ auferebatur, sed de parte regni laborabat. | But Cæsar was pressing hard on their tracks. Thus neither their precautions for flight into the ocean nor the garrison-fortified promontories of Egypt, Paretonium and Pelusium, were of any avail. They were almost within grasp. Antony first fell on his sword. The queen, throwing herself at the feet of Augustus, tempted the eyes of the general. Indeed, it was in vain. For beauty was beneath the virtue of the prince. Nor was she struggling for her life, which was being offered to her, but for a share of power. |
| 254 | |
| Quod ubi desperavit a principe servarique se triumpho cognovit, incautiorem nancta custodiam, in mausoleum se regum recepit ibique maximos, ut solebat, induta cultus, in referto odoribus solio, juxta suum se collocavit Antonium admotisque ad venas serpentibus sic morte quasi somno soluta est. Hic finis bellorum Augusti Cæsaris tam cum civibus quam cum extraneis. | When she despaired of the prince and realized she was being kept for his triumph, having gotten a rather careless custody, she retreated to the mausoleum of the kings and there having donned, as she was wont, her finest clothes, on a throne filled with fragrances, she placed Antony next to her and, pressing serpents to her veins, was thus released by death as though by sleep. This was the end of the wars of Augustus Cæsar, both with citizens and with foreign peoples. |
| 255 | |
| Sic quoque Augustus Cæsar Octavianus — quo nullus imperatorum in bellis felicior nec pace moderatior fuit — civilissimus in omnibus. Ab oriente in occidentem, a septentrione in meridiem, ac per totum Oceani circulum cunctis gentibus una pace compositis, Jani portas ipse tunc clausit. | So too Augustus Cæsar Octavianus — than whom no emperor was more successful in war nor more moderate in peace — was extremely courteous to everyone. With a single peace pacifying all peoples, from the east to the west, from the north to the south and through the entire circle of the Ocean, he himself closed the gates of Janus. |
| 256 | |
| Et censum Romæ cum Tiberio agitans, invenit hominum nonagies trecenta septuaginta milia ; omnemque orbem venientis Jesu Christi nutu pacatum censeri præcepit ; regnavitque annos LVI. Sed imperii ejus secundo et quadragensimo anno, Dominus Jesus Christus, ex Spiritu Sancto et Maria virgine, Deus verus et homo verus nasci dignatus est. | And conducting a census at Rome with Tiberius, he found {([90 * 100,000] + [370 * 1,000] = 9,370,000)} nine million, three hundred seventy thousand people; and he ordered the whole world, pacified at the divine nod of the coming Jesus Christ, to be counted; and he reigned for 55 years. But in the forty-second year of his command the Lord Jesus Christ deigned to be born of the Holy Ghost and the virgin Mary as true God and true man. |
| 257 | |
| Quattuordecim residuos annos post Domini adventum corporali præsentia in pace regnans, et ipse singularem obtinuit principatum et, posteris eandem imperii potestatem cum suo nomine Augusti derelinquens, rebus excessit humanis, successorem relinquens Tiberium privignum suum. | Reigning in peace for fourteen years after the Lord’s arrival in bodily presence, he himself also held absolute power and, leaving to those following him the same imperial power along with his name of Augustus, he departed from human affairs, leaving as his successor Tiberius, his stepson. |
| 258 | |
| Tiberius Augustus Cæsar regnavit annos XXIII. Qui, multos reges ad se blanditiis evocatos, nunquam ad propria regna remisit — in quibus et Archelaum, Cappadocum regem. Cujus et regno, postquam defunctus est, in provinciam verso, Mazacam civitatem ejus de nomine suo « Cæsaream » vocitavit. Hujus ergo XVIII anno Dominus noster Jesus Christus sub Pontio Pilato in Judæa carne passus est, non deitate. | Tiberius Augustus Cæsar reigned for 23 years. Having enticed many kings to himself with flattery, he never let them go back to their own kingdoms, among whom also was Archelaus, king of the Cappadocians. After this man’s kingdom had been turned into a province following his death, Tiberius renamed his city, Mazaca, « Cæsarea », after his own name. Then in this man’s 18th year, in Judea under Pontius Pilate, our Lord Jesus Christ suffered in the flesh, not in his divinity. |
| 259 | |
| Gajus Cæsar, cognomento « Caligula », regnavit annos III menses X. Hic namque Memmium Regulum coëgit ut uxorem suam sibi loco filiæ conjugem daret, instrumentaque matrimonii ut pater conscriberet. Hæc et his similia perpetrans, necnon et in templo Hierosolymitano Jovis statuam per Gajum Petronium statuens, et in Alexandria Judæos per Flaccum Avilium præfectum opprimens, postremo a protectoribus suis in palatio Romæ occisus est anno ætatis vicensimo nono. | Gajus Cæsar, surnamed “Caligula,” reigned for 3 years and 10 months. For he forced Memmius Regulus to give him his own wife in marriage as his daughter, and compelled him to sign the marriage document as her father. Perpetrating these and similar things, as well as setting up a statue of Jupiter in the Jerusalem temple through Gajus Petronius, and slaughtering Jews in Alexandria through the prefect Flaccus Avilius, he was finally killed in the palace at Rome by his bodyguards at the age of twenty-nine. |
| 260 | |
| Claudius dehinc huic succedens regnavit annos XIII menses VIIII. Fecit etiam hic Claudius expeditionem in Britanniam insulam, quam nemo ante Julium Cæsarem neque post eum quisquam adire ausus fuerat. Exercitum duxit ibique sine ullo prœlio ac sanguine intra paucissimos dies plurimam insulæ partem in deditionem recepit. Orcadas autem insulas ultra Britanniam in Oceano positas Romano adjecit imperio. Ac sexto quo profectus erat mense Romam repedavit, ibique defunctus est annorum LXIIII. | Claudius thereafter succeeding him reigned 13 years 9 months. This Claudius undertook an expedition to the island of Britain which no one before Julius Cæsar nor anyone after him had dared to approach. He led the army and there, without any battle or bloodshed, accepted the surrender of the greater part of the island within a very few days. Moreover he added the Orkney islands located in the ocean beyond Britain to the Roman Empire. And the sixth month after leaving he returned to Rome and died there at the age of 64. |
| 261 | |
| Nero, nepos Gaji Caligulæ, regnavit annos XIII menses VIII. Tantæque luxuriæ fuit ut frigidis et calidis lavaretur unguentis ; etenim non solum quia non profuit Rei Publicæ, immo obfuit nimis. Nam duas legiones in Armenia cum ipsa provincia simul amisit quæ, Parthico jugo servientes, gravem infamiam Romanis dederunt. | Nero, the nephew of Gajus Caligula, reigned for 13 years and 8 months. He wallowed in such luxury that he would bathe in cold and warm ointments. And to be sure, not just because he did not advance the Republic ; instead, he harmed it greatly. For he lost two legions in Armenia simultaneously with the province itself which, submitting to the Parthian yoke, inflicted grave dishonor on the Romans. |
| 262 | |
| Juxta omne scelus et parricidium quod in proprios parentes commiserat, addidit facinus, ut ad instar Trojæ Romam incenderet, manusque injiciens in Christianos, persecutionem concitat, ipsosque doctores fidei, Petrum et Paulum, in Urbe interemit, alterum cruci figens, alterum capite plectens. Eoque cum dedecore regno evulso, Galba in Hiberia, Vitellius in Germania, Otho Romæ imperium arripuerunt, omnesque tamen celeri interitu perierunt. | Besides every outrage and the parricide which he had committed against his own relatives, he added the crime of setting fire to Rome after the fashion of Troy, and laying his hands on the Christians he incited a persecution and killed even the doctors of the faith, Peter and Paul, in the City, nailing the one to a cross, executing the other by beheading. And after he had been disgracefully torn from power, Galba seized power in Hiberia, Vitellius in Germany, Otho at Rome; all of them, however, perishing in a quick death. |
| 263 | |
| Vespasianus apud Judæam ab exercitu in regnum ascitus regnavit annis X. Nam, relicto filio suo Tito ad expugnationem Hierosolymorum, ipse Romam profectus regnavit in pace. | Vespasian in Judæa, summoned to power by the army, reigned for 10 years. For, leaving his son Tito for the conquest of Jerusalem, he himself, leaving for Rome, reigned in peace. |
| 264 | |
| Titus, filius Vespasiani, idemque Vespasianus, debellator Judææ gentis, regnavit annos duobus mensibus duobus. Hic namque secundum Josephi fidem, undecies centena milia Judæorum fame et gladio interemit, et alia centum milia captivorum publice vendidit. Tantam multitudinem in Hierosolymis autem paschalis festivitas adunaverat. | Titus, the son of Vespasian, also called Vespasian, the conqueror of the people of Judæa, reigned for two years and two months. Moreover according to the trustworthiness of Josephus, this man killed eleven hundred thousand Jews by starvation and the sword, and sold another hundred thousand captives to benefit the state. A paschal celebration had gathered together that much of a multitude in Jerusalem. |
| 265 | |
| Domitianus, frater Titi, filius Vespasiani, regnavit annos XV menses V, tantæque fuit superbiæ ut se dominum ab omnibus primum appellari præciperet, multosque nobilium exilio relēgans, nonnullosque occidens, de substantiis eorum aureas argenteasque sibi statuas fecit. Manusque in Christianos injiciens, Johannem apostolum et evangelistam, postquam in ferventem oleum missum non potuisset exstinguere, Patmum eum in insulam exulem relēgavit, ubi Apocalypsim vidit. Cujus crudelitatem non tolerantes Romani in palatio Romæ interficere statuerunt, omniaque quæ constituerat irritum fore. | Domitian, the brother of Titus, son of Vespasian, reigned for 15 years and 5 months, and was so haughty that he first ordered himself to be called lord by everyone; and, banishing many of the nobles with exile and killing some, out of their property he made gold and silver statues for himself. Laying hands on the Christians, after he had been unable to kill John the apostle and evangelist when plunged in boiling oil, banished him as an exile to the island of Patmos, where he saw the Apocalypse. Not tolerating the man’s cruelty, the Romans decided to kill him in the palace at Rome, and that everything that he had established would be futile. |
| 266 | |
| Nerva admodum senes regnavit anno uno mensibus IIII. Qui ut privata vita lenis, lenior fuit in regno, nec quicquam profuit Rei Publicæ, nisi quod Trajanum se vivente elegit. | The very old Nerva reigned for one year and 4 months. Being slack in his private life, he was slacker in governing; nor did he do anything beneficial for the Republic other than that, while still living, he chose Trajan. |
| 267 | |
| Trajanus pæne omnium imperatorum potior regnavit annis XVIII mensibus VI. Hic enim de Dacis Scythisque triumphavit, Hiberosque et Sauromatas, Osdroënos, Arabas, Bosphoranos, Colchos edomuit, postquam ad feritatem prorupissent. Seleuciam et Ctesiphontem Babyloniamque pervasit et tenuit. | Trajan, more powerful than almost all emperors, reigned for 18 years and 6 months. For this man triumphed over the Dacians and Scythians and subdued the Iberians and Sauromatæ, the Osdroëni, the Arabs, the Bosphorians, the Colchi after they had erupted into anarchy. He invaded and held Seleucia and Ctesiphon and Babylonia. |
| 268 | |
| Necnon et in Mari Rubro classem, unde Indiæ fines vastaret, instituit, ibique suam statuam dedicavit et post tot labores apud Seleuciam Isauriæ profluvio ventris exstinctus est, anno ætatis LXIII. Ossaque ejus in urna aurea collocata et in foro sub columna posita, solusque omnium imperatorum intra Urbem sepultus. | He also established a fleet in the Red Sea whence he might lay waste to the borderlands of India, and consecrated his own statue there; and after so many labors he died at Seleucia of Isauria from a hemorrhage of the bowels at the age of 63. His bones were arranged in a golden urn and situated under a column in the forum, and alone of all the emperors he was buried in the City. |
| 269 | |
| Hadrianus, Italicæ in Hispania natus, consobrinæ Trajani filius, regnavit annos XXI. Hic pæne nil profuit Rei Publicæ, nisi quod dudum subversas Alexandriam et Hierosolymam propriis reparavit expensis, nonnullisque in locis publica relaxavit tributa. | Hadrian, born at Italic in Spain, the son of a maternal cousin of Trajan, reigned for 21 years. This man did almost nothing for the Republic other than that he repaired the long ruined Alexandria and Jerusalem at his own expense, and relaxed the public taxes in a few places. |
| 270 | |
| Hierosolymam siquidem suo de nomine « Æliam » appellans, nulli Judæorum ingredi permisit. Nam claret eum invidum factis Trajani, quia mox ei successit, ilico nulla faciente necessitate, exercitum ad se revocans Mesopotamiam Assyriamque et Armeniam Persis reliquit, Euphratem fluvium finem terminumque inter Parthos Romanosque constituens. Quo regnante, Aquila Ponticus scripturas de Hebræo transtulit. Hadrianus morbo apud Bajas faciente obiit. | Indeed, calling Jerusalem by his own forename, “Ælia,” he permitted none of the Jews to enter it. For it is clear that he was jealous of Trajan’s accomplishments, since soon after succeeding him he immediately, with no necessity forcing him, recalled the army to himself and left Mesopotamia and Assyria and Armenia to the Persians, establishing the Euphrates river as the limit and boundary between the Parthians and the Romans. During his reign Aquila Ponticus translated the Scriptures from Hebrew. Hadrian died at Bajæ, caused by sickness. |
| 271 | |
| Antoninus, cognomento « Pius », cum suis liberis Aurelio et Lucio regnavit annis XXII mensibus III. Et si non profuit quicquam Antoninus, nullam tamen læsionem ejus Res Publica sensit. Defunctus est duodecimo Urbis miliario, in villa sua « Lorio » nuncupata, anno ætatis septuagesimo sexto. | Antonius, surnamed “Pius,” reigned with his {adopted} sons, {Marcus} Aurelius and Lucius {Verus}, for 12 years and 3 months. And though Antoninus did nothing beneficial, nonetheless under him the Republic felt no harm. He died at the twelfth milestone from the City in his villa named “Lorium,” at the age of seventy-six. |
| 272 | |
| Marcus Antoninus, qui et Verus, et Lucius Aurelius Commodus affinitate conjuncti, æquo jure imperium administraverunt. E quibus junior contra Parthos arma movens, magna egit et fortia, Seleuciamque urbem eorum cum quadringentis milibus pugnatorum cepit, e quibus cum magna gloria triumphavit. Senior vero multis bellis sæpe interfuit, sæpiusque per duces suos triumphum revexit, maxime de gente Quadorum. Sed unus in Altino apoplexiam passus defunctus est, alter in Pannonia morbo periit. | Marcus Antoninus, also called Verus, and Lucius Aurelius Commodus, connected by relationship, governed the Empire with equal rights. Of the two, the younger, leading the military against the Parthians, performing deeds of great valor and took their city Seleucia with four hundred thousand fighters, over whom he triumphed with great glory. The elder, on the other hand, was frequently present in many wars, and more often brought back a triumph through his generals, especially over the nation of the Quadi. But the one died suffering from apoplexy in Altinum, the other passed away of sickness in Pannonia. |
| 273 | |
| Commodus, filius Antonini, regnavit annis XIII, magnumque triumphum de gente revexit Germanica et posthæc in domo Vestiliani strangulatus defecit. | Commodus, the son of Antoninus, reigned for 13 years and brought back a great triumph over the Germanic people, and afterwards died, strangled, in the house of Vestilian. |
| 274 | |
| Helvius Pertinax, major sexagenario quum præfecturam ageret, ex Senatus consulto imperator creatus, regnavit menses VI. Hic etenim, obsecrante Senatu ut uxorem suam Augustam filiumque Cæsarem appellaret, « Sufficere », inquit, « debet quod ego ipse invitus regnavi, quum non merer. » Nimis æquissimus omniumque communis, quem Julianus jurisperitus in palatio ejus peremit, ipseque postea a Severo occisus est. | Helvius Pertinax, more than a sexgenarian when he was heading the Urban Prefecture, having been made emperor by a decree of the Senate, reigned for 6 months. Indeed also, when the Senate was asking to call his wife “Augusta” and his son “Cæsar,” the man said, “It should be enough that I am reigning against my will, when I do not deserve to.” Overly egalitarian and accessible to all, he was killed in the palace by the lawyer {Didius} Julianus who himself was later killed by {Septimius} Severus. |
| 275 | |
| Severus, genere Afer, Tripolitanus, regnavit annis XVIII, ultusque occisionem Pertinacis in Juliano, se quoque « Pertinacem » appellavit. Hic etenim Parthos et Adiabenos contra Romaniam insurgentes mirabiliter superavit. Arabas quoque interiores ita cecidit ut regionem eorum Romanam provinciam faceret. Sic quoque triumphans, Parthicus, Arabicus et Adiabenicus dictus est. | {Septimius} Severus, African by birth, from Tripoli, reigned 18 years and, taking vengeance against Julianus for the murder of Pertinax, also called himself Pertinax. In addition, this man won marvelous victories over the Parthians and Adiabenes when they rose against Rome. He also defeated the Arabs of the interior so thoroughly that he made their region a Roman province. Plus, triumphing thus, he was titled Parthicus, Arabicus and Adiabenicus. |
| 276 | |
| Hoc regnante Samarites quidam Symmachus, Judæorum factus proselytus, item divinas Scripturas ex Hebræo sermone in Græcam linguam transfudit suamque condidit editionem. Post quem, pæne tertio anno secutus, Theodotion Ponticus item suam in eodem opere editionem Scripturarum composuit. Britannicum bellum exortum, unde Severus mirabiliter triumphavit. | While he was reigning, a Samaritan, a certain Symmachus, having become a proselyte of the Jews, poured the divine Scriptures from the Hebrew tongue into the Greek language and created his own edition. After him, almost three years later, Theodotion of Pontus likewise in the same effort composed his own edition of the Scriptures. A British war broke out, from which Severus gained a marvelous triumph. |
| 277 | |
| Antoninus, cognomento « Caracalla », filius Severi, regnavit annos VII. Nam ideo hoc nomen nanctus est eo quod, ejusdem vestium genera Romæ de manubiis erogans, sibi nomen « Caracalla » et vesti « Antoniana » dederit. Sub hoc, iterum editio Scripturarum divinarum quam quintam nominamus, in Jericho in dolio reperta est. Hic etenim imperator, dum contra Persas movit procinctum, in Osdroëne (Edessa) defunctus est. | {Marcus Aurelius} Antoninus, surnamed Caracalla, the son of Severus, reigned for 7 years. It happened that he got this name for the reason that, in disbursing these same kinds of garments at Rome from the war-spoils, he would give himself the name “Caracalla” {(“hooded sweatshirt”)} and to the garment “Antoniana.” Under him, yet again, an edition of the divine Scriptures — which we call the fifth — was found in Jericho in a jar. And then this emperor, while leading an expedition against the Persians, died in Osdroëne (Edessa). |
| 278 | |
| Macrinus, præfecturam agens prætorianam, imperator creatus est regnavitque anno uno, occiditurque {ab} Archilaïde. | {Marcus Opellius} Macrinus, prefect of the Pretorian Guard, was made emperor and reigned for one year and was killed by Archilaïs. |
| 279 | |
| Marcus Aurelius, Antonini Caracallæ filius templique Heliogabali sacerdos, imperator factus, regnavit annos IIII. Emmaus in Judæa constructa et « Nicopolis » nominata ; tunc et Africanus, egregius temporum scriptor, pro ipsa legationem suscepit ad principem. Sed imperator, dum nullum genus obscenitatis in regno suo quod non faceret prætermittebat, occisus est tumultu militari. | Marcus Aurelius, the son of Antoninus Caracalla and priest of the temple of Ela-Gabal, was made emperor and reigned for 4 years. Emmaus was built in Judæa and called “Nicopolis.” Then also {Sextus Julius} Africanus, a distinguished historian, undertook an embassy to the emperor for that very city. But the emperor, while he overlooked no kind of obscenity during his reign that he would not engage in, was killed by a military revolt. |
| 280 | |
| Alexander, Mamææ filius, ignobilis fortunæ exsistens adhuc juvenis regni moderationem suscepit, moxque contra Xerxen regem Persarum arma arripiens, mirabiliter de Parthorum spoliis triumphavit. Sub hujus item imperio in Nicopoli Actiaca, id est Epiro, editio quæ « sexta » dicitur divinarum Scripturarum in dolio reperta est. Ipseque Mogontiaco tumulto occiditur militari, cui successit Maximinus ex corpore militari in regno. | {Severus} Alexander, the son of Mamæa, coming from low fortune, took control of the state while still young and soon, taking up arms against Xerxes, king of the Persians, triumphed magnificently with the spoils of the Parthians. Likewise under this man’s rule, in the Actian Nicopolis, that is, Epirus, an edition — called the “sixth” — of the divine Scriptures was found in a jar. He himself was killed in a Mainz military revolt; Maximinus {I Thrax} of the military corps succeeded him in power. |
| 281 | |
| Maximinus, genere Gothico, patre Micca Ababaque Alana genitus matre, sola militum voluntate ad imperium conscendens, bellum adversus Germanos feliciter gessit. Indeque revertens, contra Christianos movens intestino prœlio, vix tres annos regnans, Aquilejæ a Pupieno occisus est. | Maximinus, Goth by race, born of a father Mikka {“Big Man”} and a mother Ababa, an Alan, ascending to the emperorship solely through the choice of the soldiers, successfully waged war against the Germans. Coming back from there, after attacking the Christians in a civil battle, reigning for hardly three years, he was killed by Pupienus in Aquileja. |
| 282 | |
| Gordianus, admodum puer imperator factus, vix regnavit sex annos. Hic etenim mox Romæ ingressus est, ilico Pupienum et Balbinum, qui Maximinum occidentes tyrannidem arripuissent, occidit ; Janumque geminum aperiens ad Orientem profectus Parthis intulit bellum, indeque cum victoria revertens fraude Philippi præfecti prætorii haud longe a Romano solo interfectus est. | {Marcus Antonius} Gordianus {III}, made emperor while still a boy, reigned hardly six years. The facts are that as soon as he entered Rome he killed on the spot Pupienus and Balbinus who, assassinating Maximinus, had seized tyrannical power; and, opening the gates of the double-faced Janus and leaving for the Orient, he made war on the Parthians; and returning thence with victory, he was killed in a trap by Philip, the head of the Prætorian Guard, not far from Roman soil. |
| 283 | |
| Philippus in imperium impudenter ingressus est, regnavit annis VII. Hic etenim filium suum, idem Philippum, consortem regni fecit, ipseque primus omnium imperatorum Christianus effectus est, tertioque anno imperii sui, festivitatem Romanæ urbis millesimo anno quem expleverat celebravit ; urbemque nominis sui in Thracia, quæ dicebatur Pulpudeva, Philippopolim reconstruens nominavit. | Philip {I, “the Arab”} shamelessly entered into the emperorship, and reigned 7 years. For indeed he made his own son, also Philip {II}, his partner in command, and he himself was the first of all emperors to become Christian. In the third year of his reign he celebrated the festival of the city of Rome, in the thousandth year which it had completed. Rebuilding the city of his own name in Thracia which used to be called Pulpudeva {(actually “Eumolpias”; “Pulpudeva” (now “Plovdiv”) is a Thracian translation of “Philippopolis”)}, he renamed it “Philippopolis.” |
| 284 | |
| Decius e Pannonia Inferiore, Budaliæ natus, occisis Philippis utrisque, regnavit anno uno et mensibus tribus, armisque in Christianos erectis ob Philipporum nominis odium. Ipse bellantibus Gothis cum filio suo crudeli morte occubuit Abritto. | {C. Messius Quintus Trajanus} Decius from Lower Pannonia, born at Budalia {(now Martinci, Serbia)}, after both Philips had been killed, reigned for one year and three months, directing arms against the Christians out of hatred for the name of the Philips. He himself, fighting the Goths, with his son died a cruel death at Abrittus {(modern Razgrad)} |
| 285 | |
| Gallus et Volusianus regnaverunt annis II mensibus IIII. Hi, quum adversum Æmilianum qui in Mœsia res novas moliebatur, ex Urbe profecti essent, in Foro Flaminii interfecti sunt. | {Gajus Vibius Trebonianus} Gallus and {Gajus Vibius Afinius Gallus Veldumnianus} Volusianus reigned 2 years and 4 months. When they left the City to go against {Marcus Æmilius} Æmilianus who was engineering a revolt in Mœsia, they were killed at Forum Flaminii. |
| 286 | |
| Æmilianus vero tertio mense invasæ tyrannidis exstinctus est. | But Æmilianus was killed in the third month of having taken over the tyranny. |
| 287 | |
| Valerianus et Gallienus, dum unus in Rætia a militibus, alter Romæ a Senatu in imperio levarentur, regnaverunt annos XV. Valerianus, siquidem in Christianos persecutione commota, statim a Šapore rege Persarum capitur, ibique servitute miserabili consenescit. Gallienus, illius exitum cernens, Christianis pacem dedit. Sed dum nimis in regno lasciviret, nec virile aliquid ageret, Parthi Syriam Ciliciamque vastaverunt, Germani et Alani, Gallias deprædantes, Ravennam usque venerunt. Græciam Gothi vastaverunt, Quadi et Sarmatæ Pannonias invaserunt. Germani rursus Hispanias occupaverunt ; idcirco Gallienus Mediolani occisus est. | {Publius Licinius Cornelius} Valerianus and {Publius Licinius Egnatius} Gallienus, while the one was raised to the emperorship in Rætia by the soldiers, the other at Rome by the Senate, reigned for 15 years. As it happened, Valerianus, starting a persecution against the Christians, was shortly captured by Shapur {I}, king of the Persians, and there grew old in wretched slavery. Gallienus, seeing his fate, gave peace to the Christians. But when he became too degenerate in the emperorship and did nothing manly, the Parthians laid waste to Syria and Ciliciam, the Germans and the Alans ravaging the Gauls came all the way to Ravenna. The Goths devastated Greece, the Quadi and Sarmatæ invaded the Pannonias. The Germans again seized the Spains. Hence Gallienus was assassinated at Milan. |
| 288 | |
| Claudius regnavit anno I mensibus VIIII, qui Gothos jam per XV annos Illyricum Macedoniamque vastantes, bello adortus, incredibili strage delevit, scilicet ut in curia ei clipeus aureus et in Capitolio statua aurea poneretur. Occisusque Sirmii est. | {Marcus Aurelius Valerius} Claudius {II Gothicus} reigned for 1 year and 8 months. Undertaking a war against the Goths who had been ravaging Illyricum and Macedonia for 15 years, he obliterated them amidst incredible carnage, in fact so much so, that a golden shield was placed in his honor in the curia and on the Capitol a golden statue. He was assassinated at Sirmium {(modern Sremska Mitrovica, Serbia)} |
| 289 | |
| Post cujus mortem Quintillus, frater ejus, a Senatu Augustus appellatus, octavo decimo imperii sui die Aquilejæ occisus est. | After his death, {Marcus Aurelius Claudius} Quintillus, his brother, declared Augustus by the Senate, was assassinated at Aquileja on the eighteenth day of his reign. |
| 290 | |
| Aurelianus, Dacia Ripensi oriundus, regnavit annos V menses VI. Qui mox, Tetrico apud Catalaunos prodente exercitum suum, Gallias recepit, expeditioneque facta in Danuvium, Gothos magnis prœliis profligavit, cultoresque Divini Nominis persecutus est. Odænathus Palmyrenus ante ipsum, collecta rusticorum manu, Persas de Mesopotamia expellens, ipse ea loca invaserat. | {Lucius Domitius} Aurelianus, originating in Riparian Dacia, reigned for 5 years and 6 months. He soon recaptured the Gauls, with {Gajus Pius Esuvius} Tetricus betraying his own army among the Catalauni; and making an expedition to the Danube, he beat the Goths in huge battles; and he persecuted the worshippers of the Divine Name. Odænath of Palmyra, gathering a band of peasants and expelling the Persians from Mesopotamia, had, previous to him, himself invaded their places. |
| 291 | |
| Quo uxor sua occiso Orientis tenebat imperium ; contra quam expeditionem suscipiens Aurelianus, apud Immas in vicino Antiochiæ superavit, Romæque in triumpho suo vivam perduxit. Ac dehinc secundo arripiens expeditionem inter Byzantium et Heracleam in Cænophrurio viæ veteris occiditur. | Following his death, his wife held power; Aurelian undertook an expedition against her, defeated her at Immæ in the vicinity of Antioch, and led her alive in his triumph in Rome. And from there, embarking on an expedition, he was assassinated between between Byzantium at Heraclea in Cænophrurium of the old route. |
| 292 | |
| Tacitus regnavit annos VI. Quo occiso apud Pontum, suscepit imperium Florianus, tenuitque diebus LXXXVIII. Similiterque et ipse apud Tarsum interfectus est. | Tacitus reigned for 6 years. After his assassination near Pontus, {Marcus Annius} Florianus took over power and held it for 88 days. Similarly, at Tarsus he himself was also assassinated. |
| 293 | |
| Probus regnavit annos VI menses IIII. Hic etenim Gallos et Hispanos vineas habere permisit. Quo tempore Saturninus, magister militum, dum ad restaurationem Antiochenæ civitatis missus fuisset, arrepta ibidem tyrannide mox oppressus est et Apameæ interfectus. Ipse quoque imperator Probus tumultu militari Sirmii in turre quæ vocatur « Ferrata » occisus est. | {Marcus Aurelius} Probus reigned for 6 years and 4 months. He permitted Gauls and Spaniards to have vineyards. At which time Saturninus, Master of the Soldiery, while he had been sent for the restoration of the city of Antioch, usurping tyrannical power in that very place, was soon defeated and killed at Apamea {in Syria}. Emperor Probus himself was also killed in a military revolt at Sirmium in the tower called “the Iron-Clad.” |
| 294 | |
| Carus cum filiis Carino et Numeriano regnavit annos II, oriundus Narbone Galliæ. Hic admirabiliter pæne omni Perside vastata, nobilissimas eorum urbes occupavit Cochem et Ctesiphontem. Bellum Sarmaticum feliciter superavit. Ipse quoque Carus super Tigridem amnem dum castra metaret, fulmine ictus occubuit. | {Marcus Aurelius} Carus, a native of Narbonne of Gaul, reigned 2 years with his sons Carinus and Numerianus. Having admirably laid waste to almost the whole of Persia, this man seized their famous cities Coche and Ctesiphon. He won the Sarmatian war successfully. Carus himself, while pitching camp on the Tigris river, also died struck by lightning. |
| 295 | |
| Numerianus autem, oculorum dolore tentus, dum in lecticula veheretur, soceri sui Apri insidiis occisus, fœtore cadaveris vix tertio die est agnitus. Carinus vero apud Margum in prœlio victus occiditur. | {Marcus Aurelius Numerius} Numerianus, racked with eye pain, while being carried in a litter, murdered through the treachery of his father-in-law, Aper, was barely discovered only on the third day due to the stench of his cadaver. As for {Marcus Aurelius} Carinus, he was killed, conquered in battle near Margus {now Ćuprija, Serbia}. |
| 296 | |
| Diocletianus, Dalmata, scribæ filius, imperator electus, regnavit annos XX. Hic etenim mox in regnum levatus est, ilico Aprum in militum contione percussit, jurans sine suo scelere illum Numerianum interemisse. Et mox in consortium suum Maximianum Herculium ascivit. Qui Maximianus, rusticorum multitudine oppressa quos « Bagaudas » dicunt, pacem Galliis reddidit. | {Gajus Aurelius Valerius} Diocletianus, from Dalmatia, the son of a scribe, reigned for 20 years. And as it happened, shortly after being raised to power, he killed Aper on the spot in a soldiers’ assembly, swearing that it was without any crime of his own that Numerius had died. And soon afterward he summoned {Marcus Aurelius} Maximianus Herculius to his partnership. Having crushed the mob of peasants that they call “Bagaudæ,” this Maximianus returned peace to the Gauls. |
| 297 | |
| Quo tempore Carausius, sumpta purpura, Britanniam occupaverat ; Narseus, rex Persarum, Orienti bellum intulerat ; Quinquegentiani Africam infestaverant ; Achilleus Ægyptum invaserat. | At this time {Marcus Aurelius Mausæus} Carausius, having donned the purple, had taken over Britain; Narses, king of the Persians, had made war on the East; the Quinquegentiani had attacked Africa; Achilleus had invaded Egypt. |
| 298 | |
| Ob quæ Constantius et Galerius Maximianus Cæsares assumuntur in regnum. Quorum Constantius, Claudii ex filia nepos fuit ; Galerius in Dacia, non longe a Serdica natus. Atque ut eos Diocletianus etiam affinitate conjungeret, Constantius privignam Herculii Theodoram accepit (ex qua et sex liberos procreavit), Galerius autem Valeriam, Diocletiani filiam, accepit — utrique pristina matrimonia repudiantes. | Because of all this Constantius {I Chlorus (father of Constantine)} and {Gajus} Galerius {Valerius} Maximianus were brought into the administration as “Cæsars.” Of whom Constantius was the grandson of Claudius {II Gothicus} through his daughter, while Galerius had been born in Dacia, not far from Serdica {(now Sofia, Bulgaria)}. And, so that Diocletian could unite them with marriage ties, Constantius married {Marcus Aurelius} Herculius’s stepdaughter, Theodora (by whom he also fathered six children), whereas Galerius took Valeria, Diocletian’s daughter — both of the men repudiating their former marriages. |
| 299 | |
| Carporum siquidem gens tunc devicta et in Romanum solum translata est. Tunc etenim primus omnium imperatorum Diocletianus adorari se ut deum præcepit et gemmas vestibus calceamentisque inseruit, diademaque in capite, quum ante eum omnes chlamydem tantum purpuream, ut a privatis discernerentur, habebant, et ut ceteri judices salutabantur. | So then the tribe of the Carpi was defeated and transferred onto Roman soil. Moreover at that time Diocletian, as the first of all emperors, ordered that he be adored as a god, and braided gemstones in his clothes and footwear and a diadem on his head, whereas before him they had all had only a purple cloak to distinguish them from private citizens, and were saluted as other magistrates. |
| 300 | |
| Assumpta ergo unusquisque principum expeditione, Diocletianus, Ægypti tyranno octavo mense devicto, provinciam cunctam subegit. Maximianus Herculius in Africa Quinquegentianos exsuperavit. Constantius juxta Lingonas una die LX milia Alamannorum cecidit. | With each of the princes therefore taking charge of an expedition, Diocletian, having defeated the tyrant of Egypt within eight months, subjugated the entire province. Maximianus Herculius vanquished the Quinquegentiani in Africa. In a single day Constantius massacred 60 thousand Alamanni near Lingonae {(now Langres)}. |
| 301 | |
| Galerius Maximianus, victus primo prœlio a Narseo, ante carpentum Diocletiani purpuratus cucurrit. Qua verecundia compunctus, secundo viriliter dimicavit, superavit Narseum, uxores ejus abegit ac liberos, et condigno honore a Diocletiano susceptus est. | Galerius Maximianus, beaten by Narseus in the first battle, ran in front of Diocletian’s wagon dressed in purple. Stung by that humiliation, the second time he fought like a man, defeated Narseus, made off with his wives and children, and was received by Diocletian with fitting honor. |
| 302 | |
| Post quam victoriam mirabiliter Diocletianus et Maximianus Romæ triumphaverunt, antecedentibus sibi liberis uxoribusque regis Persarum, prædaque illa ingenti gentium diversarum. Sic quoque concitata persecutione in Christianos, Diocletianus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . | After that victory, Diocletian and Maximianus celebrated a spectacular triumph, with the children and wives of the king of the Persians walking before them, and with that enormous booty of various peoples. Thus, also whipping up a persecution of the Christians, Diocletian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . |
| {Note:} At this point (between paragraphs 302 and 303) in the Romana there is an extensive lacuna in the narrative of the extant manuscripts. Since most of the text before and after this lacuna closely follows (indeed, is often plucked verbatim from) St. Jerome’s Chronicle, a good idea of the missing text may be gathered from the relevant sections of the latter work, here presented in the Appendix, below. | |
| 303 | |
| . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . {[Mopsucrenis in itinere inter Ciliciam]} Cappadociamque defunctus est Constantius. | . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Constantius {II, son of Constantine the Great and Fausta} died {[at Mopsucrenæ (or Mopsuestia, now Messis), on the way between Cilicia]} and Cappadocia. |
| 304 | |
| Julianus apostata regnavit anno uno mensibus VIII, relictaque Christianitate, ad idolorum culturam conversus est multosque blanda persecutione illiciens ad sacrificandum idolis compulit. Ipse siquidem vir egregius, et Rei Publicæ necessarius, Parthis ingenti apparatu intulit bellum. Ubi proficiscens, Christianorum post victoriam sanguinem diis suis votavit, nonnullaque Parthorum oppida in deditionem accepit, multaque vi populatus est, castraque aliquamdiu apud Ctesiphontem habuit. | {Flavius Clausius} Julianus the Apostate reigned one year and 8 months and, having left Christianity, he turned to the worship of idols and, enticing many with flattering pressure, he compelled them to sacrifice to idols. He himself, indeed an extraordinary man and necessary for the Republic, took up war against the Parthians with an immense apparatus. When leaving, he vowed the blood of Christians to his gods after victory, and took the surrender of a number of Parthian towns, devastated them with great violence, and for a while had his camp near Ctesiphon. |
| 305 | |
| Unde egressus, dolo cujusdam transfugæ in deserta perductus, quum vi sitis, ardore solis confectus periret exercitus, ipse, tantorum discriminum anxius, dum per vasta deserti incautius evagatur, ab obvio quodam hostium equite conto ilia percussus interiit, anno ætatis suæ tricesimo tertio. Post quem sequenti die ab exercitu Jovianus, primicerius domesticorum, in regnum ascitus est. | Having left there, led into the deserts through the treachery of a certain defector, at a time when his army was perishing, undone through the effects of thirst and the sun’s heat, he himself being anxious about such dangers, while he was wandering more uncautiously through the wastelands of the desert, died, pierced in the groin with a lance by a cavalryman of the enemy at the age of thirty-three. After him, on the following day, {Flavius (Jovinus)} Jovianus, the head of the imperial guard, was elected to power by the army. |
| 306 | |
| Jovianus regnavit menses octo. Qui mox, rerum necessitate compulsus, Nisibim et magnam Mesopotamiæ partem Šapori, Parthorum regi, contradedit, ipseque odore prunarum offocatus defunctus est Dadastanæ, anno ætatis XXXIII. | Jovianus reigned for eight months. Forced by the necessity of the situation, he handed over Nisibis and a large part of Mesopotamia to Shapur, king of the Parthians; and he himself died, suffocated by the fumes of coals, at Dadastana at the age of 33. |
| 307 | |
| Valentinianus et Valens regnaverunt annis XIII mensibus V. Nam Pannones erant, Cibalenses, utrimque germani. In Nicomedia tribunatum Valentinianus agebat qui, imperator creatus, fratrem Valentem consortem regni assumpsit. Ipse vero egregius et Aureliano similis moribus, nisi quod severitatem ejus nimiam et parcitatem, quidam crudelitatem et avaritiam causabantur. Relicto germano Orientali in regno, ipse Hesperium tenuit. | Valentinian {I} and {Flavius Julius} Valens reigned for 13 years and 5 months. For they were Pannonians, born at Cibalæ, brothers on both sides. Valentinian had been filling the office of the tribunate in Nicomedia and, elected emperor, made his brother Valens his colleague in power. He himself was extraordinary and similar to Aurelian in behavior except for the fact that some denounced his excessive severity and thrift as cruelty and avarice. Leaving his brother in the Eastern empire, he himself held the West. |
| 308 | |
| Quo tunc regnante alter Valentinianus in Britannia tyrannidem assumens, in continenti oppressus est. Constantinopoli quoque Procopius quidam, contra Valentem insurgens nihilque prævalens, urbe egreditur et in Phrygiam Salutarem tyrannizans exstinctus est, multique partis Procopianæ cæsi atque proscripti. Valens ab Eudoxio, Arianorum episcopo, suasus et baptizatus, contra orthodoxos infestus insurgit. | During his reign, another Valentinian {(actually Valentine)} in Britain, seizing tyrannical power, was crushed on the continent. Also at Constantinople, a certain Procopius, rebelling against Valens and achieving nothing, left the city and, exercizing tyranny over Phrygia Salutaris, was executed, and many of the Procopian faction were killed and outlawed. Valens, converted and baptized by Eudoxius, an Arian bishop, hostilely attacked the orthodox. |
| 309 | |
| Gratianum, filium suum, Valentinianus Ambianis imperatorem constituit, quem habuit de Severa priore jugali ; et contra Saxones Burgundionesque, qui plus LXXX milia armatorum primum Rheni in limbo castra metassent, movit procinctum, sed apoplexia subito et sanguinis eruptione Brigetione defunctus est. | Valentinianus made {Flavius} Gratianus, his son by Severa in a previous marriage, emperor at Amiens; and he was going to war against the Saxons and Burgundians who, over 80 thousand armed men in number, were for the first time pitching camp on the edge of the Rhine; but at Brigetio {(now Komarom-Szöny, Hungary)} he died suddenly of apoplexy and a hemorrhage. |
| 310 | |
| Tunc Gratianus Valentinianum, fratrem de Justina, secunda uxore, natum, in regno consortem assumit. Nam Valentinianus senior, dudum laudante Severa, uxore sua, pulchritudinem Justinæ, sibi eam sociavit in matrimonio, legesque propter illam concessit, ut omnes viri qui voluissent impune bina matrimonia susciperent, quia ideo populosas fore gentes, quia hoc apud eos sollemne est, et multarum uxorum unus maritus auditur. | Then Gratianus took Valentinianus {II}, his brother born of Justina, the second wife, as his colleague in the emperorship. For Valentinianus {I} senior, given that his wife Severa had long been praising the beauty of Justina, took her to himself in marriage and created laws on account of her that all men who wanted to might with impunity contract double marriages, because for that reason nations were populous, since among them this is customary, and a single man is heard of as being the husband of many wives. |
| 311 | |
| Acceptaque ergo, ut diximus Valentinianus Justina, edidit ex ipsa quattuor filios : Valentinianum supradictum imperatorem ; et Gratam ; Justamque ; et Gallam. De qua Galla dehinc Theodosius imperator, Flacilla defuncta quæ Arcadium Honoriumque pepererat, Placidiam generavit, quæ mater fuit moderni Valentiniani junioris imperatoris. Sed nos ad propositum redeamus. | Therefore Valentinianus {I}, having taken Justina, fathered four children by her: the above-said emperor Valentinianus {II}; and Grata; and Justa; and Galla. By this Galla the emperor Theodosius, after the death of Flacilla who had borne Arcadius and Honorius, later begot Placidia who was the mother of the most recent Valentinianus {III} junior, the emperor. But let us return to our subject. |
| 312 | |
| Valens imperator, lege data ut monachi militarent, nolentesque jussit interfici. Quando et Theodosius, Theodosii imperatoris postea pater, multique nobilium occisi sunt Valentis insania. Gratianus imperator Alamannorum plus XXX milia apud oppidum Argentarium Galliæ in bello prostravit, Galliasque pacavit. | Emperor Valens, having given a law that monks must serve as soldiers, also commanded that the refusers be executed. During this, even Theodosius, the father of the later emperor Theodosius {I (“the Great”)}, and many nobles were killed through Valens’ insanity. Emperor Gratianus slaughtered in war more than 30 thousand Alamanni near the town of Argentarium {(actually Argentovaria, now Colmar, France)} of Gaul, and pacified the Gauls. |
| 313 | |
| Gens Hunnorum, super Gothos irruens, certos ex ipsis subjugat, alios fugat. Qui, venientes in Romaniam, sine armorum suscepti depositione, per avaritiam ducis Maximi fame compulsi rebellare coacti sunt, superatisque Romanis in congressione, funduntur in Thracias. | Attacking the Goths, the race of the Huns subjugated certain of them, routed others. The latter, coming onto Roman territory and being accepted without the surrender of their arms, were forced by hunger, due to the greed of General Maximus, to rebel; and having beaten the Romans in battle, they poured into the Thraces. |
| 314 | |
| Contra quos Valens, ab Antiochia exire compulsus, in Thraciam proficiscitur ; ibique lacrimabili bello commisso, imperator sagitta saucius in casam deportatur vilissimam ubi, supervenientibus Gothis igneque supposito, incendio concrematus est. Gothi vero, occiso imperatore, jam securi ad urbem properant Constantinopolitanam, ubi tunc Dominica Augusta, Valentis uxor, multam pecuniam plebi largita, ab urbis vastatione hostes summovit, regnumque cognati, usque dum ille Theodosium ordinasset, fideliter viriliterque servavit. | Against them {Flavius Julius} Valens, forced to leave from Antioch, departed for Thrace; and there, engaging in a deplorable war, the emperor, wounded by an arrow, was carried wounded into a paltry house where, with the Goths swooping down on it and setting it ablaze, he was incinerated. But with the emperor killed, the Goths, now safe, rushed to the city of Constantinople where then {Albia} Dominica Augusta, Valens’ wife, by distributing a large amount of money to the people, prevented the enemy from devastating the city and loyally and manfully saved the empire of her relative {(actually her nephew-in-law) Flavius Gratianus (emperor of the West)} until he could appoint Theodosius {I (“the Great”)}. |
| 315 | |
| Theodosius Hispanus, Italicæ divi Trajani civitatis, a Gratiano Augusto apud Sirmium post Valentis interitum factus est imperator, regnavitque annos XVII ; veniensque Thessalonicam, ab Ascholio sancto episcopo baptizatus est admodumque religiosus Ecclesiæ enituit propagator, Rei Publicæque defensor eximius. Nam Hunnos et Gothos, qui eam sub Valente defatigassent, diversis prœliis vicit atque a prava vastatione compescuit. Cum Persis quoque petitus pacem pepigit. | The Spaniard Theodosius {I}, of the city of Italica {(now Itálica, Spain)} of the divine Trajanus, was made emperor by Gratianus Augustus at Sirmium after the death of Valens, and reigned for 17 years. Arriving at Thessalonica {(now Thessaloniki, Greece)}, he was baptized by the holy bishop Ascholius and greatly distinguished himself as a religious propagator of the Church and an exceptional defender of the Empire. For in various battles he conquered the Huns and Goths who had exhausted it under Valens, and checked them in their criminal devastations. Petitioned, he also struck a peace treaty with the Persians. |
| 316 | |
| Maximum autem tyrannum, qui Gratianum interfecerat et sibi Gallias vindicabat, apud Mediolanum una cum Valentiniano imperatore aggrediens ab Oriente, clausit, cepit, occidit. | On the other hand, attacking from the East together with Emperor Valentinianus at Mediolanum {(now Milan)}, he encircled, captured and killed the tyrant Maximus, who had killed Gratianus and was claiming the Gauls for himself. |
| 317 | |
| Eugenium quoque tyrannum atque Arwagasten divino auxilio præditus vicit, deletis eorum decem milibus pugnatorum. Hic etenim Eugenius, confisus viribus Arwagastis, postquam apud Viennam Valentinianum exstinxerat, regnum invasit, sed mox simul cum vita imperium perdidit. | Armed with divine assistance, he also vanquished the tyrant {Flavius} Eugenius and {Flavius} Arwa-gast {“Fast-guest,” “Expeditious-visitor”}, annihilating their ten thousand fighters. For indeed this Eugenius, depending on the forces of Arwa-gast after the latter had killed Valentinian {II} at Vienna {(now Vienne, France)}, usurped power, but soon lost his throne along with his life. |
| 318 | |
| Nam occiso Arwagaste desperans, sua se manu peremit. Omnibusque inimicis Theodosius superatis, in pace rebus humanis apud Mediolanum excessit, utramque Rem Publicam utrisque filiis quietam relinquens. Corpus ejus eodem anno Constantinopolim allatum atque sepultum. | For after the death of Arwa-gast, he killed himself in despair. Theodosius, with all of his enemies vanquished, departed from human affairs in peace at Mediolanum, leaving one apiece of the two republics, both tranquil, to each of his two sons. In the same year his body was transported to Constantinople and buried. |
| 319 | |
| Arcadius et Honorius fratres, filii Theodosii imperatoris, utrumque imperium, divisis tantum sedibus, tenere cœperunt — id est, Arcadius senior Constantinopolitanam urbem, Honorius vero Romanam. Tunc Rufinus patricius, Arcadio principi insidias tendens, Alaricum, Gothorum regem, ut Græcias devastaret, missis clam pecuniis, invitavit. Porro detectus Rufinus, ab Italiæ militibus Arcadio cum Gaina comite missis, ante portas urbis detruncatus est, caputque ejus et dextera manus Constantinopoli ad ludibrium circumductum, uxoreque ejus exulata, opes cunctas Eutropius spado promeruit. | The brothers Arcadius and Honorius, the sons of Emperor Theodosius, began to rule both empires, only with separate headquarters, that is, Arcadius, the older, the city of Constantinople, but Honorius the Roman one. Then the patrician Rufinus, setting a trap for Prince Arcadius, invited Ala-reik {“All-ruler”}, king of the Goths, to lay waste to the Greek territories, by secretly sending him money. In the sequel, Rufinus was exposed, was deservedly cut to pieces in front of the gates of the city by soldiers from Italy sent with Count Gaina to Arcadius, and his head and right hand were paraded around in ridicule at Constantinople and, after his wife had been exiled, the eunuch Eutropius gained all his wealth. |
| 320 | |
| Gildo tunc Africæ comes a Theodosio dudum ordinatus, ac si juvenile regnum utrumque despiciens, sibi velle cœpit Africam obtinere et, a fratre proprio Mascezel dum se vidisset detectum, oppressionique vicinum, propria se manu peremit. Gaina vero supra nominatus comes Constantinopoli civile bellum commovens, totam urbem igni ferroque turbavit ; fugiensque ad Hellespontum piratico ritu vivebat. Contra quem navali prœlio dato, multi Gothorum ejus exstincti. Ipse quoque bello evadens, mox tamen capite plectitur. | Gildo, formerly appointed count of Africa by Theodosius, as though despising the youthful twofold reign, began looking to obtain Africa for himself; and, after finding himself revealed by his own brother Mascezel and close to liquidation, he slew himself with his own hand. On the other hand, the above-mentioned Count Gaina, stirring up a civil war in Constantinople, disrupted the entire city with fire and the sword; and fleeing to the Hellespont, he lived like a pirate. After a naval battle had been launched against him, many of his Goths were killed. He himself, escaping from the war too, nonetheless soon paid for it with his head. |
| 321 | |
| Post cujus oppressionem Isauri, per montem Tauri discursantes, ingens dispendium Rei Publicæ importarunt. Contra quos Narbazaicus directus majus continuo rependit incommodum. Hesperiam vero plagam in regno Honorii imperatoris primum Hradagaisus Scytha cum ducentis milibus suorum inundavit. Quem Huldin et Sarus, Hunnorum Gothorumque reges, superantes omnes captivos quos retulerant singulis aureis vendiderunt. | After his suppression, the Isaurians running around through the Taurus range inflicted enormous damage on the Republic. {Manlius Boëthius} Narbazaicus {(original Armenian name: Artabazakos)}, sent against them, immediately paid them back with greater losses. However in the realm of Emperor Honorius, to begin with, Hraða-gais {“Agile-spear,” “Quick-javelin”}, a Scythian, inundated the western empire with two hundred thousand of his men. Vanquishing him, Huldin and Sarwa {“Armament,” “War-equipment,” “Arms”}, kings of the Huns and Goths, sold all the captives they brought back for one gold coin apiece. |
| 322 | |
| Stilico vero comes — cujus duæ filiæ, Maria et Thermantia, singulæ uxores Honorii principis fuere, et utræque virgines sunt defunctæ —, spreto Honorio regnumque ejus inhians, Alanorum, Swevorum Wandalorumque gentes donis pecuniisque illectas contra regnum Honorii excitavit, Eucherium filium suum paganum, et Christianis insidias molientem, cupiens Cæsarem ordinare. Qui cum eodem filio suo, detecto dolo, occisus est. Quo anno et Arcadius, Orientalis imperator, regnans post obitum patris annos XIII, defunctus est. | But Count Stilika {“Stealer”} — whose two daughters, Maria and Thermantia, were individually wives of Emperor Honorius, and both of whom died as virgins —, scorning Honorius and gaping after his power, stirred up the peoples of the Alans, Sweves and Vandals against the dominion of Honorius, enticing them with gifts and money, wanting to appoint his own son Eucherius as Cæsar — a pagan, and one engineering traps for Christians. On the discovery of the plot, he was killed together with that same son. In the same year Arcadius, emperor of the East, also died, having reigned for 13 years after the death of his father. |
| 323 | |
| Theodosius junior, Arcadii filius, loco patris successit in imperio, adulescens egregius, regnavitque annos XLIII. Alaricus, rex Wisigotharum, vastata Italia, Romam ingressus est, opesque Honorii Augusti deprædatus, Placidiam sororem ejus duxit captivam, quam posthæc Athawulfo successori suo, in matrimonium ut acciperet, delegavit. | Theodosius {II} junior, son of Arcadius, a distinguished young man, succeeded to his father’s place on the throne and reigned for 43 years. Ala-reik {“All-ruler”}, king of the Visigoths, having laid waste to Italy, entered Rome and, after having plundered the wealth of Honorius the Augustus, took his sister Placidia captive and later assigned her to Aþa-wulf {“Noble wolf”}, his own successor, for him to take her in marriage. |
| 324 | |
| Constantinus tunc quidam, Galliis occupatis, invasit imperium. < Statim hostes ejus contra eum sævientes, > filiumque < illius regno privare cupientes, monachum eum fecerunt ; ipse sanus a Gallia revertens statim filium > suum Constantem ex monacho Cæsarem ordinavit. Sed mox ipse apud Arelatum, filius ejus apud Viennam, regnum cum vita amiserunt. | At that time a certain Constantine {III}, having taken over the Gauls, went after the emperorship. < Immediately his enemies, raging against him and desiring to deprive his > son < of the throne, made the latter a monk. He himself, having returned safely from Gaul, > out of the monk made his son Constans a Cæsar. But shortly he himself lost his throne together with his life at Arelatum {(now Arles, France)}, his son lost his at Vienna. |
| {Note:} < Statim … sævientes, > … < illius regno … filium > (“< Immediately … to deprive his > … < of the throne … from Gaul, >”): these portions are not found in the better codices or in Marcellinus. | |
| 325 | |
| Itemque eorum exitus immemores, Jovinus et Sebastianus ibi in Galliis tyrannidem moliuntur, sed et ipsi ilico esse desierunt. Heracleanus posthæc cum septingentis et tribus navibus armatis ad urbem Romam deprædandam advenit ; contra quem Marinus comes egressus sic eum perterruit ut tantum cum una navi Carthaginem fugeret, ubi mox ingressus interfectusque est. | Similarly, forgetful of their demise, Jovinus and Sebastianus set up a tyranny there in the Gauls, but they themselves also came to their end right away. Subsequently Heracleanus arrived with seventy-three armed ships to plunder the city of Rome. Count Marinus, going out against him, so terrified him that he fled with only a single ship to Carthage where in a short time he entered and was killed. |
| 326 | |
| Wallia, rex Wisigotharum, facta pace cum Honorio, Placidiam, sororem ejus, reddidit ; quam Constantio patricio qui eam revocaverat in matrimonio jungens, Honorius rebus humanis excessit. Maximus et Jovinus de Hispaniis, ferro vincti, abducti atque interfecti sunt. | Wallia {“Selected one,” “Elite”}, king of the Visigoths, having concluded a peace with Honorius, returned Placidia, his sister — after joining whom in matrimony to the patrician Constantius who had called for her return, Honorius departed from human affairs. Maximus and Jovinus, bound in irons, were led away from the Spains and executed. |
| 327 | |
| Johannes vero, Honorio defuncto, regnum Occidentale invasit. Contra quem Placidia, creata Augusta, et Valentinianus, filius ejus Cæsar, diriguntur. Quem et dolo potius Aspar et Ardabures quam virtute Aëtii superant. | But after the death of Honorius, John {“the Usurper”} took over the Western empire. Placidia, having been made an Augusta, and her son Valentinian {III}, a Cæsar, were sent against him. Aspar and Arða-baúrjis {“Earth-son,” “Child of the land”} also conquered him more through trickery than through Aëtius’s valor. |
| 328 | |
| Occisoque Johanne tyranno, Valentinianus Ravennæ imperator a patruele Theodosio ordinatur. Cujus germana Honoria, dum ad aulæ decus virginitatem suam cogeretur custodire, clam misso clientulo, Attilam Hunnorum regem invitat in Italiam. Quumque veniente Attila votum suum nequivit explere, facinusque quod cum Attila non fecerat cum Eugenio procuratore suo committit. Quam ob rem tenta a germano et in Constantinopolim Theodosio principi destinata est. | After the death of John the tyrant, Valentinianus was ordained emperor at Ravenna by his paternal uncle Theodosius. The latter’s sister, {Justa Grata} Honoria, being that she was forced to maintain her virginity for the honor of the court, by secretly sending an emissary, invited Attila, king of the Huns, to Italy. And when she could not fulfil her vow once Attila had come, she furthermore committed the crime which she had not done with Attila, with Eugenius her steward. For which she was taken into custody by her brother and sent to Constantinople to Theodosius, the emperor. |
| 329 | |
| Posthæc III anno Valentinianus imperator a Roma Constantinopolim ob suscipiendam in matrimonium Eudoxiam, Theodosii principis filiam, venit, dataque pro munere socero suo tota Illyria, celebratis nuptiis, ad sua regna cum uxore secessit. | The third year afterward, Valentinian {III} came from Rome to Constantinople to take in marriage {Licinia} Eudoxia, the daughter of Emperor Theodosius and, giving as a present to his father-in-law all of Illyria, after having celebrated the wedding, he returned to his realm with his wife. |
| 330 | |
| Africana provincia per Bonifatium comitem Wandalis tradita et a Romano jure subtracta est, quia Bonifatius, dum in offensam Valentiniani venisset, malo publico se defendere voluit ; invitatoque ab Hispaniis Gaisarico, Wandalorum rege, dolum quod conceperat peperit. | The African province was surrendered to the Vandals by Count Boniface and removed from Roman jurisdiction because Boniface, after having fallen into the disfavor of Valentinian {III}, sought to defend himself with national harm. Having invited in Gaisa-reik {“Spear Ruler, Javelin Ruler”}, king of the Vandals, from the Spains, he achieved the treachery that he had devised. |
| 331 | |
| Hunnorum rex Attila, junctis secum Gipedis cum Ardarico, Gothisque cum Walamer, diversisque aliis nationibus suis cum regibus, omnem Illyricum Thraciamque, et utramque Daciam, Mœsiam et Scythiam populatus est. Contra quem Arnigisclus, magister militum Mœsiæ, egressus a Marcianopoli fortiter dimicavit, equoque sub se decidente præventus est et, nec sic quiescens bellare, occisus est. | The king of the Huns, Attila, having allied to himself the Gibiðos {“The Givers”} under Arða-reik {“Earth-ruler,” “Home-ground ruler”} and the Goths under Wala-mer {“Beloved famous one”}, and different other tribes with their kings, ravaged all of Illyria and Thrace, and both Dacias, Mœsia et Scythia. Against them Arni-gisl {“Eagle-arrowshaft,” “Eagle-javelin”}, the general in charge of Mœsia, leaving from Marcianopolis, fought valiantly, and with his horse collapsing under him he was outmaneuvered and, even so, not ceasing to fight, was killed. |
| 332 | |
| Marcianus imperator regnavit annos VI menses VI. Hic etenim mox, defuncto Theodosio, in regnum ascitus, Pulcheriam, germanam Theodosii, quæ in palatio jam matura mulier virginitatem servaverat, in matrimonio assumens, regnum quod delicati decessores prodecessoresque ejus per annos fere sexaginta vicissim imperantes minuerant, divina provisione sic reparavit ut exsultatio ingens cunctis accresceret. | Emperor Marcianus reigned for 6 years and 6 months. Indeed, this man, called to the throne soon after the death of Theodosius {II}, taking in marriage Theodosius’s sister Pulcheria who as a mature woman in the palace had still kept her virginity, repaired with divine foresight the empire that his effeminate ruling predecessors and forerunners had by turns diminished through almost sixty years, to the point that great joy grew in everyone. |
| 333 | |
| Nam cum Parthis et Wandalis omnino infestantibus pacem instituit, Attilæ minas compescuit, Nubades Blemmyesque Æthiopia prolapsos per Florum, Alexandrinæ urbis procuratorem, sedavit et pepulit a finibus Romanorum, obitumque Attilæ et Zenonis Isauri interitum, antequam moreretur, felix comperit infelicium ; omniumque inimicorum suorum colla Domini virtute calcans, sexto anno sextoque mense regnans, in pace quievit. | For with the constantly warring Parthians and the Vandals he established peace; he checked the threats of Attila; through Florus, governor of the city of Alexandria, he quelled the Nubades and Blemmyes who had slipped in from Æthiopia, and drove them back from the frontiers of the Romans; and to his good fortune he learned of the death of Attila and downfall of Zenon the Isaurian — of men of misfortune — before he died. And, with the Lord’s power, stomping on the necks of all of his foes, reigning in his sixth year and sixth month, he died in peace. |
| 334 | |
| Valentinianus autem, occidentalis imperator, dolo Maximi patricii, cujus etiam fraude Aëtius perierat, in campo Martio per Optilam et Thrafstilam, Aëtii satellites, jam percusso Heracleo spadone, truncatus est. Imperium quoque ejus idem Maximus invasit, tertioque tyrannidis suæ mense membratim Romæ a Romanis discerptus est. Gaisaricus tunc, rex Wandalorum, ab Eudoxia Valentiniani uxore invitatus, ex Africa Romam ingressus est, eaque urbe rebus omnibus exspoliata, eandem Eudoxiam cum duabus filiabus secum in Africam rediens duxit. | Valentinianus {III}, however, the western emperor, was assassinated in an ambush of the patrician Maximus, through whose deception Aëtius had also perished, in the Campus Martius by Uftila {“Often,” “Frequent” (i.e, “Always at the ready”)} and Þrafstila {“Consoler,” “Encourager”}, bodyguards of Aëtius, after the eunuch Heracleus had already been killed. The same Maximus usurped his throne also, and in the third month of his tyranny was torn limb from limb at Rome by the Romans. Then Gaisa-reik, king of the Vandals, having been invited by Valentinian’s wife Eudoxia, entered Rome from Africa and, having plundered that city of everything, returning to Africa took her and her two daughters with him. |
| 335 | |
| Leo, Bessica ortus progenie, Asparis patricii potentia ex tribuno militum factus est imperator. Cujus nutu mox loco Valentiniani apud Ravennam Majorianus Cæsar est ordinatus qui, tertio necdum anno expleto in regno, apud Dertonam occiditur, locumque ejus — sine principis jussu Leonis — Severus invasit ; | Through the power of the patrician Aspar, Leo {I (“the Great”)}, of Bessian origin, from being a tribune of the soldiers was made emperor. Through his backing, the man soon ordained Cæsar in the place of Valentinian {III} at Ravenna was Majorianus who, not yet having completed his third year in the emperorship, was killed near Dertona {(now Tortona, Italy)}, and {Libius} Severus took over his place without Leo’s permission. |
| 336 | |
| sed et ipse, tyrannidis sui tertio anno expleto, Romæ occubuit. Tunc Leo Anthemium, divi Marciani generum, ex patricio Cæsarem ordinans, Romæ in imperio destinavit, Bigelemque, Getarum regem, per Ardaburem, Asparis filium, interemit. | But he himself too, after having completed the third year of his tyranny, died at Rome. Leo then, raising Anthemius, the son-in-law of the divine Marcian, from being a patrician to Cæsar, set him up in the emperorship at Rome, whereupon he killed Bigeles {(= Beorgor, cf. Getica, 236)}, king of the Getæ, through Aspar’s son Arða-baúrjis. |
| 337 | |
| < Valde Leo erravit, > Basiliscum cognatum suum — id est fratrem Augustæ Verinæ — Africam dirigens cum exercitu, qui navali prœlio Carthaginem sæpe aggrediens, ante eam, victus cupiditate, pecuniis vendidit regi Wandalorum, quam in Romanorum potestatem redegerat. | < Leo erred greatly, > Sending his brother-in-law {Flavius} Basiliscus — that is, the brother of his Augusta, {Ælia} Verina — to Africa with an army, a man who, often attacking Carthage in naval battles, being conquered by avarice, sold it to the king of the Vandals for money rather than subjecting it to Roman power. |
| 338 | |
| Asparum autem patricium, cum filiis Ardabure et Patriciolo, Zenonis generi sui instinctu in palatio trucidavit ; occisoque Romæ Anthemio, Nepotem, filium Nepotiani, copulata nepte sua in matrimonio, apud Ravennam per Domitianum, clientem suum, Cæsarem ordinavit. Qui Nepos, regno potitus legitimo, Glycerium, qui sibi tyrannico more regnum imposuisset, ab imperio expellens, in Salona Dalmatiæ episcopum fecit. | However he slaughtered the patrician Aspar, along with his sons Arða-baúrjis and Patriciolus, in the palace at the prompting of Zenon’s son-in-law; and, with Anthemio killed at Rome, through his own client Domitian, at Ravenna he ordained {Julius} Nepos, the son of Nepotianus, as Cæsar, having joined his niece to him in marriage. Having assumed power legitimately, this Nepos, expelling from the emperorship Glycerium who had tyrannically usurped power for himself, made him a bishop in Salona of Dalmatia. |
| 339 | |
| Sic quoque Leo Leonem juniorem, ex Ariadne filia nepotem suum, in imperio ordinans Orientali, anno regni sui sexto decimo obiit. | Thus also Leo {I}, appointing his own grandson (through his daughter {Ælia} Ariadne), Leo {II} the Younger to the Eastern emperorship, he died in the sixteenth year of his reign. |
| 340 | |
| Leo junior mox paucis mensibus quum puerile — ordinante tamen patre — rexisset imperium, manu sua genitorem suum Zenonem coronans imperatoremque constituens, rebus humanis excessit. | While for a few short months Leo the Younger had ruled the child-led Empire — his father nevertheless appointing him —, with his own hand crowning his own father Zenon and making him emperor, he departed from human affairs. |
| 341 | |
| Zeno, natione Isaurus, gener Leonis imperatoris, regnavit annos XVII. Hic etenim, dum processibus Chalcedone degeret, subito Verina Augusta, socrus sua, fratrem suum Basiliscum in imperium inducens, Augustum in urbe appellavit. | Zeno, Isaurian by nationality, son-in-law of Emperor Leo, reigned for 17 years. As it happened, while he was in conferences at Chalcedon, suddenly his mother-in-law, Verina, the Augusta, bringing her brother Basiliscus into the emperorship, proclaimed him Augustus in the city. |
| 342 | |
| Quod comperiens, Zeno Chalcedone sine aliqua Rei Publicæ læsione Isauriam secessit, malens se solum cum Ariadne Augusta exulare quam sua causa Rei Publicæ aliquid ex bellis civilibus incommodum provenire. Quod Basiliscus cognoscens, Zenonisque fuga lætatus, Marcum filium suum Cæsarem ordinavit. Qui, perfidia Nestoriana inflatus, multa contra Ecclesiam temptavit protinus agere ; sed volente Deo ante inflatus crepuit quam pænitens stare potuerat. | Discovering this, Zeno left Chalcedon for Isauria without any harm to the Republic, preferring to be exiled alone with Ariadne, his Augusta, than to bring about any damage to the Republic through civil wars on his account. Learning of this, Basiliscus, happy over Zeno’s flight, ordained his own son Marcus as Cæsar. Inflated with the Nestorian perfidy, this man immediately tried to do a lot against the Church; but through the will of God, this inflated man died suddenly before he could stand repentent. |
| 343 | |
| Nam revertens Zeno rursus in regnum proprium, et eum et patrem et matrem in exilium oppidi Limnæ provinciæ Cappadociæ destinavit. Ubi quia caritas Dei et proximi in illis refrixerat, frigore consumpti sunt, vitamque cum regno amiserunt. | For Zeno, returning again to his own kingdom, sent both him and his father and mother to exile in the town of Limnai of the province of Cappadocia. Where, because the love of God and of neighbor had turned cold in them, they were overcome with cold and lost their lives along with their power. |
| 344 | |
| Parte vero Hesperiæ, Nepote imperatore Orestes fugato Augustulum suum filium in imperium collocavit. Sed mox Odowacar, genere Rugius, Torcilingorum, Scirorum, Herulorumque turbis munitus, Italiam invasit, Augustulumque imperatorem de regno evulsum in Lucullano Campaniæ castello exilii pœna damnavit. | In the realm of the West, Orestes, having put Emperor Nepos to flight, placed his own son Augustulus on the throne. But soon Auða-wakr {“Blest-awake,” "Fortunate (in) alertness,” “Auspiciously conscious”}, Rugian {“Hard-striver,” “Exerter,” “Toiler”} by nationality, reinforced by masses of Þorkilings {= Þwaírhei-l-ingos? (= ∼ingos “Progeny”) “the Sons of Wrath, Race of Ire”?}, Skeiri {“Pure(-blooded) ones”}, and Aíruli {“Earls,” “Men”}, invaded Italy and, having torn Emperor Augustulus from power, condemned him to a punishment of exile in the Lucullan castle of Campania. |
| 345 | |
| Sic quoque Hesperium regnum Romanique populi principatum, quod septingentesimo nono urbis conditæ anno, primus Augustorum Octavianus Augustus tenere cœpit, cum hoc Augustulo periit, anno decessorum regni imperatorum quingentesimo vicesimo secundo, Gothorum dehinc regibus Romam tenentibus. | Thus too the Western empire and the lordship of the Roman people which, in the seven hundred and ninth year after the foundation of the city, Octavian Augustus began to hold as the first of the Augusti, perished with this Augustulus, in the five hundred twenty-second year of the succeeding emperors of the realm, Gothic kings thenceforth holding Rome. |
| 346 | |
| Theudericus autem, Triarii filius, cognomento Strabo, rex Gothorum, ascitis suis, usque ad Stabulum Diomedis quarto urbis miliario armatus advenit ; nulli tamen Romanorum noxius, continuo reversus, porro in Illyricum properans, dum inter suorum moventia plaustra progreditur, jacentis super carpentum teli acumine pavescentisque equi sui impulsione fixus transverberatus interiit, et Rei Publicæ diem festum morte sua donavit. | Þiuða-reik {“People-ruler,” “Prince over the folk”}, the son of Triarius, surnamed “Squinter,” king of the Goths, having mustered his men, arrived battle-ready at the fourth city milestone from Stabulum Diomedis {(near Philippi in Macedonia)}; nonetheless, having injured none of the Romans, he immediately turned back; hastening on to Illyria, while he was advancing among the moving wagons of his men, impaled by the point of a javelin lying atop a cart and the jolt of his scared horse, he died, run through by it, and gave the Republic a holiday with his death. |
| 347 | |
| Walamere rege Gothorum in bello Scirorum defuncto, Theudemer in regno fratris successit cum Widimere fratre et filio Theuderico. Sed missa sorte Widimeri cum Widimere filio partes Hesperias, Theudemeri cum filio Theuderico Illyricum, Thraciasque vastandas obvenit. Relictaque ergo Pannonia, alter Italiam, alter Illyricum suscepit populandum ; sed utrique reges mox sortita loca ingressi sunt, ilico rebus humanis excedunt, Widimer in Italia, in Illyrico Theudemer. Relictis filiis decesserunt, quorum Widimer, ab Italicis præmiis victus, ad partes Galliæ Hispaniæque, omissa Italia, tendit; | With Wala-mer {“Beloved famous one”}, king of the Goths, having died in the war of the Skeiri, Þiuði-mer {“People-famed”} succeeded to his brother’s kingship with his brother Wiði-mer {I, “Forest-fame”}, and his son Þiuða-reik. But by casting lots, the Western parts went to Wiði-mer {I} with his son Wiði-mer {II}, Illyria went to Þiuði-mer with his son Þiuða-reik — and the Thraces — to be raided. Thus, leaving Pannonia, the one undertook the ravaging of Italy, the other that of Illyria; but soon after entering the apportioned areas, both kings quickly departed from human affairs — Wiði-mer {I} in Italy, in Illyria, Þiuði-mer. They died leaving sons, of whom Wiði-mer {II}, conquered by Italian bribes, headed for the regions of Gaul and Spain, abandoning Italy. |
| 348 | |
| Theudericus vero, Zenonis Augusti humanitate pellectus, Constantinopolim venit, ubi magister militum præsentalis effectus, consulis ordinarii triumphum ex publico dono peregit. Sed quia tunc, ut diximus, Odowacar regnum Italiæ occupasset, Zeno imperator, cernens jam gentes illam patriam possidere, maluit Theuderico — ac si proprio jam clienti — eam committi, quam illi quem nec noverat. Secumque ita deliberans, ad partes eum Italiæ mandans, Romanum illi populum Senatumque commendat. | Þiuða-reik, seduced by the civility of Zeno the Augustus, went to Constantinople where, made Presental Master of the Soldiers, he celebrated the triumph of a year-starting {(“ordinarius”)} consul at public expense. But because then, as we have said, Auða-wakr had taken command of Italy, Emperor Zeno, realizing that now the tribes held that land, he prefered to entrust it to Þiuða-reik — as though to a man already his own client — rather than to someone whom he did not know. And thinking thus, ordering him to the regions of Italy, he committed the Roman people and Senate to his care. |
| 349 | |
| Ovansque rex gentium et consul Romanus, Theudericus Italiam petiit magnisque prœliis fatigatum Odowacarum Ravennæ in deditionem suscepit. Deinde vero ac si suspectum Ravennæ in palatio jugulans, regnum gentis sui et Romani populi principatum prudenter et pacifice per triginta annos continuit. Illus autem Isaurus, magister officiorum, et Zenoni imperatori in privata vita amicissimus caritateque conjunctus, dum secreto in detractionem Ariadnes Augustæ cum ejus viro locutus est, in zelo Augustum concitavit. | And triumphantly Þiuða-reik, king of tribes and Roman consul, headed for Italy and, after exhausting Auða-wakr in great battles, took him in surrender. Later, as it happened, killing him in the palace at Ravenna on the pretext that he was suspicious, he wisely and peacefully maintained the kingship of his own tribe and the overlordship of the Roman people for thirty years. However Illus the Isaurian, the Master of Offices and close intimate of Zeno in his private life and connected with him through friendship, while to the detriment of {Ælia} Ariadne, the Augusta, he secretly talked with her husband, he stirred the Augustus up in jealousy. |
| 350 | |
| Qui, deliberans eam perimere, uni suorum rem tacite demandavit. Quod dum ille agere nititur, cuidam cubiculariæ prodit scelus eadem nocte facturum. Regina scelus cognovit, suoque in lectulo eadem quæ rem suggesserat collocata, in episcopium ad Acacium nemine sciente subterfugit. | He, determining to kill her, secretly entrusted the affair to one of his own men. As the latter was getting ready to execute this, he revealed to some chambermaid the crime he was about to commit that very night. The queen discovered the plot and, leaving in her own bed the same woman who had informed her of the matter, escaped without anyone’s knowing it to the bishop’s house, to Acacius. |
| 351 | |
| Posteraque die Zeno, rem æstimans perpetratam, dum, luctum quendam quasi gerens, neminem suscipit, Acacius episcopus ingressus et facti arguit impietatem, veniæque fidem exposcit, Augustamque suspicionis innoxiam compromittit ; acceptaque fide, veniæ pactione, Augusta revertitur. Secumque dum crebro deliberat qua sorte de inimico suo exigat ultionem, nancta (ut opinata est) oportunitatem, uni suorum mandat in abditis stanti, ut Illum a se recedentem perimeret. Qui, parens præceptis reginæ, dum avidus ferit in capite ense, non cervices, ut cupiebat, sed aurem illius amputavit. | On the following day Zeno, thinking the matter accomplished, while, as though buried in grief, he received no one, the bishop Acacius, entering, attacked his impiety and demanded a guarantee of pardon, and assured him that the Augusta was innocent of suspicion; having received the guarantee, with the pledge of pardon, the Augusta returned. As she repeatedly mulled over by what fate she might exact vengeance on her enemy, having (as she thought) gotten the opportunity, she ordered one of her men standing in concealment to kill Illus as he was leaving her. Obeying the orders of the queen, the man, as he was eagerly striking with his sword on his head, did not cut off his neck, as he wanted, but his ear. |
| 352 | |
| Quod periculum evadens, Illus, mox ab urbe recedens Zenonique infestus, Orientem invasit. Contra quem Leontius directus, ab ipsoque pellacibus verbis illectus, diadema arripuit, simulque Leontius et Illus Rei Publicæ inimici effecti, tyranni in partes Syriæ et Isauriæ debacchantur. Additoque supersolito Isauris dono, omnes simul conspirant contra Zenonem, cujus thesauris in Papirio castello munitissimo repertis desæviunt. | Escaping this danger, Illus, shortly leaving the city and hostile towards Zeno, seized the East. Leontius, sent against him, enticed through seductive verbiage by that very man, usurped the crown; and with Leontius and Illus having simultaneously become enemies of the Republic, as tyrants they rampaged through the regions of Syria and Isauria. Adding tribute above the usual to the Isaurians, they all conspired simultaneously against Zeno, with whose treasures, found in the strongly fortified Papirian stronghold, they ran wild. |
| 353 | |
| Sed non post multum ab exercitu Zenonis in eodem castello capti decollatique sunt, et capita eorum Constantinopolim allata præfixaque hastilibus tabuerunt. Sic quoque Zenon, superatis inimicis suis, in bona pace quievit. | But not much later they were captured and beheaded in the same stronghold by Zeno’s army, and their heads were brought to Constantinople and rotted away spitted on lances. Thus Zeno, having defeated his enemies, also died in good peace. |
| 354 | |
| Anastasius ex silentiario subito ab Ariadne Augusta in imperium sumptus, simulque imperator et maritus innotuit, regnavitque annis XXVII mensibus II. Contra quem Isauri dum sibi, quod Illus tyrannus ille adjecerat donativum, et Zeno reconciliationis gratia invitus largierat, ab isto fraudantur, arma arripiunt. | {Flavius} Anastasius was suddenly raised from being a silentiary {(imperial official charged with keeping silence and order in the court)} to the emperorship by the Augusta Ariadne, and at the same time gained fame as both emperor and husband, and reigned for 27 years and 2 months. The Isaurians took up arms against him since they were cheated by him of the donative which the tyrant Illus had provided them with, and Zeno, for the sake of reconciliation, had unwillingly granted them. |
| 355 | |
| Consertoque prœlio, juxta Cotyaëum, Phrygiæ civitatem, castra metati pæne per sex continuos annos Rei Publicæ adversantur ; ubi et Longinus, eorum et in bello et in consilio prævius, quamvis pedibus ob corporis debilitate segnis, eques tamen in bello acerrimus, dum peremptus fuisset, omnes Isauri fugerunt atque dispersi sunt et devicti, et perquaquam exilio relegati, urbesque eorum nonnullæ solo usque prostratæ. | With the war begun, having set up camp near Cotyaëum, a city of Phrygia, they fought the Republic for almost six continuous years. Where when Longinus {(probably) Calvus} also, their foremost man in both war and strategy, even though slow on his feet due to bodily weakness, nonetheless extremely fierce as a cavalryman in war, had been killed, all the Isaurians fled and were dispersed and vanquished, and expelled everywhere, and some of their cities were razed to the ground. |
| 356 | |
| Variis namque sub Anastasio miles prœliis fatigatus, et nunc in Illyrico cum Sabiniano et Mundone ad Margum, nunc cum Pompejo ad Adrianopolim, nunc cum Aristo ad Zurtam, nunc cum Parthis in Syria — ut omittam intestinas clades et pugnas in foro regiæ civitatis —, ad postremum contra Italiam plus piratico quam publico Marte concertans, frustratus est. | For the soldiery, exhausted by various battles under Anastasius, both now in Illyria with Sabinianus and Mund {“Guardarm,” "Protection"; Hun with a Gothic name} at the Margus {modern Morava} river, and now with Pompey at Adrianople, now with Aristus at the Zurta river, now with the Parthians in Syria — to say nothing of the civil disasters and battles in the forum of the royal city —, finally fighting against Italy in a war more piratical than national, was brought to naught. |
| 357 | |
| Sed et quod plus fuit dolendum, contra ultimum suum famulum Vitalianum de Scythia per sex annos civile bellum extraxit. Is siquidem Vitalianus cum LX milibus armatorum tertio pæne < die congregatis >, non Rei Publicæ sed regi infestus, accedens, multa suburbana regiæ urbis prædis spoliisque attrivit. | But what was more to be regretted was the fact that for six years he protracted a civil war against his own servant, Vitalianus of Scythia. Indeed, this Vitalianus, approaching with 60 thousand armed men mobilized within almost three days, hostile not to the Republic but to the emperor, desolated many suburban districts of the royal city by plunder and pillage. |
| 358 | |
| Contra quem dum Hypatius nepos Cæsaris cum exercitu numeroso pugnaturus egreditur, ante ab Hunnis auxiliaribus capitur et Vitaliano mula insedens turpiter venditur, antequam aperto prœlio parte adversa sese inimicus ostenderet. Post quem item Rufinus Alatharque magister militum sæpe superati, sæpe irrisi ab eo et spreti sunt. | While Hypatius, the nephew of Cæsar, going with a multitudinous army to fight against him, was starting out — before he, as the opponent, could show himself in open battle on the opposite side — beforehand, he was captured by the Hun auxiliaries and, sitting on a female mule, ignominiously sold to Vitalianus. After Hypatius, Rufinus and Alathar, the Master of the Soldiery {(for the Thraces)}, were both often likewise defeated, often ridiculed by him and held in contempt. |
| 359 | |
| Sic quoque diversis partibus inimicorum vallatus agminibus Anastasius sæpe congemuit, nulliusque tamen meruit inimicorum suorum vindictam audire ; sicut nec ipse Ecclesiæ jura servavit ; immo mærens et furens major octogenario ætatis anno, regnique vicesimo et octavo, rebus humanis excessit ; contritaque Res Publica vix Justino ei succedente aliquantulum respiravit. | Thus also Anastasius, walled in on different sides by enemy armies, often groaned; still, he did not deserve to hear the punishment of any of his enemies, as he himself did not keep the laws of the Church; rather, lamenting and raging, he departed from human affairs over eighty years of age and in the twenty-eighth year of his reign; and, under his successor Justinus, the buffeted Republic barely caught its breath a little. |
| 360 | |
| Justinus, ex comite excubitorum a Senatu imperator electus, annos regnavit VIIII. Qui mox inhiantes regno suo Amantium præpositum palatii, Andream et Misaëlem et Ardaburem cubicularios, sentiens afflixit. Nam Amantium et Andream ferro truncavit, Misaëlem et Ardaburem Serdicam in exilium misit. Theocritum quoque satellitem Amantii, quem idem Amantius ad regnandum clam præparaverat, comprehensum carceratumque, saxis contudit ingentibus, salsumque in gurgitem jecit, sepultura cum imperio cui inhiaverat eum privans ; | Justinus, elected emperor by the Senate from being Count of the Imperial Guard, reigned for 9 years. The man soon struck down Amantius, the Palace Manager, Andrew and Misaël and Arða-baúrjis {“Earth-son,” “Child of the land”}, the chamberlains, perceiving them to be gaping after his throne. Indeed, he cut down Amantius and Andrew with the sword, and sent Misaël and Arða-baúrjis into exile at Serdica {(now Sofia, Bulgaria)}. Also taking captive and imprisoning Theocritus, Amantius’s bodyguard, whom the same Amantius had secretly readied for ruling, he crushed him with huge rocks and threw him into the salt sea, depriving him of a burial as well as of the power he had lusted after. |
| 361 | |
| fœdusque cum Vitaliano percussit et ad se evocatum magistrum militum præsentalem et consulem ordinarium fecit ; quem rursus in suspicionem habens facti prioris, XVI vulneribus in palatio cum Celeriano et Paulo satellitibus effosum peremit. | He struck an alliance with Vitalianus and, having called him to himself, also made him a Presental Master of the Soldiers and a year-starting {(“ordinarius”)} consul; suspecting him of returning to his earlier project, he had him stabbed to death with 16 wounds in the palace together with his bodyguards Celerianus et Paulus. |
| 362 | |
| Hic quoque imperator ante quartum mensem obitus sui, senectute sua consulens et Rei Publicæ utilitatibus, Justinianum ex sorore sua nepotem, consortem regni successoremque imperii ordinans, rebus humanis excessit. | Also, this emperor, the fourth month before his own death, taking into consideration his own old age and the welfare of the Republic, ordaining Justinian, his nephew through his sister, as his consort in power and successor in the emperorship, departed from human affairs. |
| 363 | |
| Justinianus imperator regnat jam, juvante Domino, annos XXIIII. Qui ut sceptris regiis a suo avunculo mancipatus est, mox Parthos bella moventes destinato exercitu compescuit, et fines proprios tutans Parthorum sæpe multos afflixit. Postea vero, facientibus peccatis, in die Sabbati sanctæ Paschæ inito certamine, exercitus et non ducis instinctu, in fluvium Euphraten, fugiens Parthos, Romanus numerosus ruit exercitus. Illyricumque sæpe ab Herulis, Gipedisque et Bulgaris devastantibus, per suos judices frequenter obstitit viriliterque cecidit. | Emperor Justinianus, with the help of the Lord, then reigned for 24 years. As soon as he was put in charge of the royal scepters by his uncle, he shortly checked the war-initiating Parthians by sending an army against them and, guarding his own frontiers, often struck down many Parthians. But afterwards, given that sins were being committed, a battle having been begun on Saturday, the eve of holy Easter, at the instigation of the army, not of the general, a multitudinous Roman army fleeing the Parthians plunged into the Euphrates river. Through his magistrates he frequently shielded Illyria from the ravaging Aíruli {“Earls,” “Men”}, Gibiðos {“The Givers”} and Bulgars and manfully beat them. |
| 364 | |
| Posthæc Hypatium Pompejumque, regni sui insidiatores, coacta civili manu, Circum ingressos — et Hypatium torque aureo redimitum pro diademate, locaque imperatoris jam occupantem, Pompejum vero sub clamyde loricatum, et jam palatium invadentem —, utrumque detentum ante fores palatii captum catenatumque discussit ; amputatisque eorum capitibus, ante eos fecit imperium perdere quam haberent. Sociisque eorum qui evaserant a cæde proscriptis, veluti grandi hoste prostrato, de manubiis triumphavit. | Next, Hypatius and Pompey, insurgents against their own government, having gathered a band of civilians and entered the Circus — with Hypatius crowned with a golden wreath for a diadem and already taking over the emperor’s seats, and Pompey wearing armor under his shirt and now invading the palace —, both stopped, arrested in front of the palace gates and fettered, were sentenced; and, having their heads cut off, he made them lose their power before they had it. With those of their associates who escaped the slaughter outlawed, the emperor celebrated a triumph with spoils, as though a great enemy had been defeated. |
| 365 | |
| Eodemque anno post diuturnum immanemque < belli > laborem quod contra Parthos Romanorum fuisset gestum sudoribus, per Rufinum patricium perque Hermogenem magistrum officiorum et utrumque legatum directum a principe, pax depecta est fœdusque initum, et munera ab utroque sibi invicem principe destinata. | In the same year, after the interminable and immense labor of a war that had been waged against the Parthians with the sweat of the Romans, through the patrician Rufinus and Hermogenes the Master of Offices, both sent by the emperor as ambassadors, peace was agreed to and a treaty entered upon, and gifts were sent mutually to one another by both emperors. |
| 366 | |
| Mox quoque soluto de Orientali parte exercitu, eundem ductorem quem dudum Orienti transmiserat, elegit Belisarium ; cui numerosis fortissimisque militibus deputatis, ad australem plăgam contra Wandalos mittit. Qui, favente Deo, qua venerat facilitate, ea celeritate Wandalos superavit, Libyamque ad corpus totius Rei Publicæ jungens, Geilamirem regem opesque Carthaginis in urbe regia principi, spectante populo, obtulit. Cujus nutu remuneratus consulque ordinarius mox designatus, de manubiis Wandalicis Belisarius triumphavit. | Soon, with the army of the Eastern theatre disbanded, he chose Belisarius, the same general whom he had sent across some time ago to the Orient; with a great many and the most valiant soldiers having been assigned to the man, he sent him to the southern regions against the Vandals. Through divine favor he defeated the Vandals with as much speed as the ease with which he had come and, uniting Libya to the body of the whole Republic, in the royal city offered king Gaila-mer {“Glad-famous,” “Cheerfully-renowned”} and the riches of Carthage to the emperor with the people looking on. Having been rewarded under the latter’s approval, and shortly thereafter designated year-starting consul, Belisarius celebrated a triumph with the Vandal spoils. |
| 367 | |
| In Italia vero, Theuderico rege defuncto, Athalaricus nepos ejus ipso ordinante successit, octo annos quamvis pueriliter vivens, matre tamen regente Amalaswintha, degebat, quando et Gallias diu tentas Francis repetentibus reddidit. | But after King Þiuða-reik had died in Italy, in accordance with his directions his grandson Aþala-reik followed him in office, although he was just an eight-year-old boy; for that reason his mother Amala-swinþo {“Amal strength”} directed the government. At that time the long-held Gaulic lands were returned to the Franks at their insistence. |
| 368 | |
| Mortuoque Athalarico, mater sua Theudahathum, consobrinum suum, regni sui participem faciens, non post multum ipso jubente occisa est. Et quia dudum se suumque filium commendaverat principi Justiniano, is mortem ejus audiens doluit, nec passus est inultum transire. Sed mox eundem ducem belli, qui Pœnorum domitor fuerat et de opibus Wandalicis triumphans adhuc in fascibus erat, agmini diversarum præponens nationum, ad partes Hesperias destinavit. | After Aþala-reik’s death his mother made her cousin Þiuða-haþ {“Folk-conflict,” “Nation-battle,” “Clash-of-peoples”} her co-regent, but not long afterwards she was killed at his command. And because quite some while before she had placed herself and her son under the protection of Emperor Justinian, the latter was grieved to hear of her death and did not let it go unpunished. Instead, he sent the same army commander who had vanquished the Phœnicians and who was still invested with consular powers from his triumph over the Vandals {534}, to the western land at the head of troops from various nations. |
| 369 | |
| Qui primo accessu mox Siciliam pervadit, duce ejus Sinderith superato ; ubi dum aliquantum temporis ob ordinandam patriam resĭdēret, comperit in Africa civilia bella intestinaque prœlia debacchari. Nam Stotzas, pæne ultimus militum, et Martini clientulus magistri militum, tyrannidem arripiens auctorque seditiosorum effectus — Cyrillo, Marcello, Fara aliisque diversis judicibus dolo peremptis —, in ducem Salomonem sæviebat, totamque Africam tyrannico ritu vastabat. | In his first attack Belisarius took Sicily, where the Gothic field commander Sinþa-reþ {“Marching plan,” “Journey plan”} was beaten. But while he remained there a bit to reorganize the country, he learned that in Africa civil wars and an internal conflict were raging. For Stotzas, effectively the dregs of soldiery and a retainer of Martinus, the Master of Soldiery {in the East after Belisarius}, having killed Cyrillus, Marcellus, Fara {“Farer,” “Traveler,” “Courier”} and other administrators by trickery, had seized upon despotism ; he had been made the leader of mutineers and was raging against the general Salomon, tyrannically devastating all of Africa {536}. |
| 370 | |
| Emenso ergo Belisarius a Sicilia in Africam pelago, solita felicitate rebelles fugat, provinciam liberat, Salomonemque rursum Carthagine collocans, Siciliam redit. Ubi mox Evermud, Theudahathi Gothorum regis gener, qui contrarius cum exercitu venerat, cernens prosperitatem consulis, ultro se ad partes dedit victoris, hortaturque ut jam anhelanti, suoque adventui suspectæ, subveniret Italiæ. Constructo ergo Belisarius exercitu, et tam navalia quam equestria agmina ductans, vallavit Neapolim, paucisque diebus eam obsidens per aquæductum noctu invasit et, tam Gothis qui aderant quam Romanis rebellantibus interfectis, urbem plenissime spoliavit. | So Belisarius crossed over the water from Sicily to Africa and with his usual success defeated the rebels, liberated the province, re-installed Salomon in Carthage, and then returned to Sicily. Here Ibr-moð {“Boar-mood”}, the Gothic king Þiuða-haþ’s son-in-law who had come with an army to fight him, seeing the success of the victorious consul, surrendered to him of his own accord. He urged him to come to the aid of Italy which, suspicious of his own arrival, now eagerly desired him. So lining up his army and leading it with both fleet and cavalry, Belisarius surrounded Naples with a wall, forced his way into the city by night through an aquaduct after a siege of a few days, killed both the Goths and the rebellious Romans in it, and plundered it thoroughly. |
| 371 | |
| Quod Theudahathus animadvertens, Witigem unum inter alios ductorem exercitus præponens, contra Belisarium dirigit. | When Þiuða-haþ learned of this, he appointed Weiti-gis {“Punishing spear”}, one of his commanders, to the head of the army and sent him against Belisarius. |
| 372 | |
| Qui, Campaniam ingressus, mox ad Campos venisset Barbaricos, ilico exercitus favorem, quem contra Theudahathum suspectum habebat, excepit, et « ¿ Quid », inquit, « vultis ? » Ad illi : « Tollatur », inquiunt, « de medio qui, cum sanguine Gothorum et interitu, sua cupit scelera excusari. » Factoque impetu in eum, consona voce Witigem regem denuntiant. At ille, regno levatus, quod ipse optaverat, mox populi voto consentit, directisque e sociis, Theudahathum Ravennam revertentem exstinguit. | Having hardly arrived at the Barbarian Plains {(= probably the Pomptine Marshes between Rome and Terracina)} in Campania, Weiti-gis immediately won the favor of the army which he suspected was against Þiuða-haþ. So he said, “What do you want?” Whereupon they answered, “Get rid of him who seeks to have his own crimes excused with the blood and downfall of the Goths.” And they rushed upon him and unanimously acclaimed him king. Thus raised to power, as he himself had wanted, in accordance with the people’s wishes he immediately sent off several of his companions and had Þiuða-haþ killed on the latter’s way back to Ravenna. |
| 373 | |
| Regnumque suum confirmans, expeditionem solvit et, privata conjuge repudiata, regiam puellam Mathaswintham, Theuderici regis neptem, sibi plus vi copulat quam amore. Dumque ille novis nuptiis delectatur Ravennæ, consul Belisarius Romanam urbem ingressus est, exceptusque ab illo populo quondam Romano et Senatu (jam pæne ipso nomine cum virtute sepulto), confestim vicina occupat loca, urbium oppidorumque munimina. | To consolidate his rule, he broke off the campaign, repudiated his wife, a commoner, and — more through force than by love — joined to himself in marriage the princess Maþu-swinþo {“Good strength”}, a granddaughter of Þiuða-reik’s. While he was enjoying his new wedding in Ravenna, Consul Belisarius entered Rome {536 December 9/10} and was accepted by that people and Senate that had been formerly Roman (their name having practically died together with their virtue). He quickly occupied the neighboring positions — the fortifications of the cities and towns. |
| 374 | |
| Primaque Getica congressione, Hunila ductante, Perusinum ad oppidum superat et, plus quam septem milibus trucidatis, reliquos Ravennam usque proturbat. Secunda vero, cum ipso Witige, Romanas arces vallante, congreditur, machinasque illius et turres quibus Urbem adire temptabat igne consumptas, per anni spatium, quamvis inedia laborans, deludit. | In his first clash with the Goths under the leadership of Hunila {“Powerful one”} near the city of Perusia, he won, slaughtering more than seven thousand of them, and chased the rest all the way to Ravenna. In the second one he fought with Weiti-gis himself while the latter was surrounding the fortifications of Rome with siege works, used fire to destroy the machines and towers with which he was trying to attack the City, and, even though hard pressed by famine, outsmarted him for a full year. |
| 375 | |
| Posthæc ad Ariminum persecutus, exindeque eum effugatum, Ravenna clausum in deditionem suscepit, atque unus consul, dum contra Getas dimicat, pæne pari eventu de Francis, qui cum Theudeberto rege suo plus ducenta milia advenerant, triumphavit. Sed quia, ad alia occupatus, alibi noluit implicari, rogantibus Francis pacem concessit et, sine suorum dispendio, de finibus Italicis expulit, sumptoque rege et regina simulque et opibus palatii, ad principem qui eum miserat reportavit. Sicque intra pauci temporis spatium Justinianus imperator per fidelissimum consulem duo regna duasque Res Publicas suæ dicioni subegit. | After that he pursued him to Ariminum, chased him from there too, shut him up within Ravenna and forced him to surrender. Also, this one consul, while he was fighting against the Goths, triumphed with almost the same success over the Franks, who had come to Italy in a force more than two hundred thousand strong with their King Þiudða-baírht {“People-gleaming,” “Bright Folk,” “Glorious Nation”}. But because Belisarius, busy with other things, did not want to get tied down elsewhere, at the request of the Franks he gave them peace and, without losing any of his own men, expelled them from Italy. Having taken King Weiti-gis and his queen prisoner, he also took the treasures of their palace together with them back to the Emperor who had sent him. Thus within a short time Emperor Justinian, through his faithful consul, subjected two kings and two kingdoms to his rule. |
| 376 | |
| Quod Parthus comperiens facibusque invidiæ exardescens, in Syriam movit procinctum, et Callinicum, Suram Neocæsareamque devastans Antiochiam venit. Ubi Germanus patricius cum Justino, filio suo, eodemque consule, postquam ab Africana provincia remeasset, dum adventui Parthorum obviare nequit, relicta urbe ad partes secessit Ciliciæ. Persi vero, vacuam ab exercitu Antiochiam nancti, populumque per Orontis alveum ad Seleuciam maritimam cum militibus mixtis fugientem aspiciunt, nec sequuntur, sed prædas per urbem certatim diripiunt, vicinasque urbes et oppida, partim invasa, partim pecuniæ quantitate multata prætereunt, et totius Cœlesyriæ bona sibi unius in anni spatium pæne Parthus assumit. | Learning of this, the Parthians, becoming inflamed with the torches of envy, advanced into Syria and, laying waste to Callinicum {(also called Nicephorium or Leontopolis; on the Euphrates river in northeastern Syria)}, Sura {(on the Euphrates, west of Callinicum)} and Neocaesaria {(Neocaesarea, also called Athis, on the Euphrates, west of Sura)}, proceeded to Antioch. When the patrician Germanus, together with Justin, his son and Consul, had returned from the province of Africa, since he could not block the arrival of the Parthians, he left the city and withdrew to Cilicia {southern Asia Minor}. The Persians took over the City of Antioch, which was empty of troops, and saw the populace intermixed with soldiers fleeing to the seaside Seleucia {Pieria, Mediterranean port city for Antioch} along the route of the Orontes river, yet did not pursue them but competed with one another in pillaging Antioch. They then passed on, partly invading the neighboring cities and towns, partly bypassing them after exacting sums of money from them. Indeed, the Parthians took the wealth of almost all of Cœlesyria in the space of a single year. |
| 377 | |
| Nec sic quoque recedit, sed jugiter adversum Romanam Rem Publicum dimicat. Contra quem Wandalicus Geticusque consul solite destinatur. Qui, etsi non, ut reliquas gentes, eum edomuit, tamen ut intra suos se fines recolligeret, compulit, fuissetque et de hac gente felici duci parta victoria, ni clades in Italia quæ post ejus discessum emerserat, celerem ei successorem dedisset Martinum. Qui, etsi viribus impar, consilio tamen quamvis cum Constantiano conjuncto non minor ; dum resistere contra Parthos non prævalet, ne bella diu teneret, pacem effecit. | And they did not leave, but kept constantly fighting against the Roman Empire. Consul Belisarius, victor over the Vandals and the Goths, was sent against them as usual. Even if he did not subdue them as he did the rest of the nations, he still compelled them to retreat to behind their own borders, and victory over this people, too, would have been granted to this successful general if the disaster of Italy, which had happened after his departure, had not made Martinus his rapid successor. {I.e., Martinus was directed to replace Belisarius in Italy in 542, cf. Procopius, Bell. Pers. 2, 21. 24.} Even if in troops he was unequal to the Parthians, he was not inferior in strategy, even though paired with Constantianus {Master of Soldiery of the East and Count of the Imperial Stables}; since he was unable to hold them at bay, he made peace instead of dragging the war out over a long period. |
| 378 | |
| Cladem vero quam diximus in Hesperia plăga, ut liquidius lector cognoscat, apertius memorabo. Egrediente Belisario consule ab Italia et, ut diximus, rege, regina opibusque palatii ad principem reportante, Gothi, qui trans Padum in Liguria consistebant, recrudescentes animo ad bella consurgunt et, ordinato sibi regulo Hildibado milite, exsistunt adversi ; contra quos dum non unius, sed diversorum temptat varios apparatus, illi, fortiores effecti, persistunt, annique spatio vix emenso Hildibadus interficitur, et loco ejus succedit Erarius ; | But so that the reader may understand more clearly the disaster in the West which I spoke about, I will be more explicit. When Consul Belisarius left Italy taking, as we said, the King and Queen and the treasure of the Palace back to the Emperor, the Goths who dwelt on the other side of the Po in Liguria revived their will to war, rose up, installed Hildi-baðu {"Battle-combat"} as chieftain, and emerged as adversaries. Although the Emperor tried various outfits of not just one but diverse generals against them, the Goths proved themselves the stronger side and held firm. And after little more than a year Hildi-bað was killed and Aira-harjis {“Early(?)-soldier,” “Early(?) warrior”} took his place. |
| 379 | |
| qui et ipse, vix anno expleto, peremptus est, et in regno. Malo Italiæ Badwila juvenis nepos asciscitur Hildibadi. Qui mox et sine mora Faventino in oppido, Æmiliæ solo, prœlio commisso, Romanum superavit exercitum ; et nec diu posthæc, item per suos ad Mucellos annonariæ Tusciæ feliciter dimicans, judices fugat, exercitum partim donis, partim blanditiis sibi consociat, totamque Italiam cum ipsa Roma pervadit, omniumque urbium munimenta destruens, cunctos senatores nudatos, demolita Roma, ad Campaniæ terram transmutat. | This man, too, was assassinated in office in just over a year. Then, to the misfortune of Italy, the youthful Baðwila {or Baðu “(Little) Combatant,” “(Little) Fighter,” (“-ila” is a diminutive suffix) ; Totila’s real name}, a nephew of Hildi-bað’s, was elevated to the throne {October 541}. He quickly and without delay went into battle {spring 542} near the city of Faventia {modern Faenza, southwest of Ravenna} on the soil of Æmilia, and defeated the Roman army. Not long afterwards he fought a successful battle through his officers near Mucelli {modern Mugello}, in grain-supplying Tuscany, put the officials to flight, won the army over partly by gifts and partly by flattery, and marched through the whole of Italy including Rome. He tore down the fortifications of all of the cities and, after destroying Rome, moved the Senators, one and all, to the state of Campania, after he had divested them of everything {547}. |
| 380 | |
| Contra quem, ut superius diximus, Belisarius de Oriente dirigitur cum paucis, ratus omnem exercitum quem demiserat integrum reperire. Et ideo postquam Ravennam ingressus est, nec cum quibus ei obviaret invenit ; remensoque Adriatico mari, Epirum revertitur, ubi Johannes et Valerianus ei conjuncti, dum in contiones et jurgia concertant, Totila, qui Badwila, hostile opus in Italia peragit. Belisarius quoque, impatiens tantæ crudelitatis, navalem classem a Sicilia solvens, per Tyrrheni maris æstum Romani in portus se recepit stationem ; egressusque ad Urbem, quam ut destructam et desolatam attendit, condoluit, hortansque socios, ad reparationem tantæ Urbis accingitur. | Belisarius was sent against him from the Orient with just a few troops, thinking he would find intact the entire army that he had left. So when after his arrival in Ravenna {544} he found no forces with whom he could face Baðwila, he went back over the Adriatic Sea to Epirus, where Johannes and Valerianus joined him. But while these three were arguing and quarreling with one another, Totila {Tot- = perhaps -tojis "doer, worker" (cf. fulla-tojis "perfectly wrought," Lat. per-fectus, & ubil-tojis "evil-doing") + -ila, i.e., "(Little) Doer, "Achiever"}, also called Baðwila, completed his hostile work in Italy. Belisarius, who could not face this cruelty, weighed anchor with a fleet from Sicily, betook himself through the Tyrrhenian Sea to anchorage at the port of Rome {546}; going thence to the City and finding it destroyed and desolate, it pained him and, exhorting his comrades, he set about to restore the great City. |
| 381 | |
| Ubi necdum vallo circumsæptus infestum experitur Totilam sed, solitis victoriis intrepidus, quamvis cum paucis contra eum egressus, sic effugavit, ut plus fugientes Tiberi demergerentur quam gladio caderent. Indeque, hortatus exercitum, regreditur Siciliam, quatenus et Romæ annonæ faceret copiam et, vicinus ad fretum, Totilam turbaret in Campania commorantem. Sed ut assolet, rerum mutatio et principum voluntate diversa. | When the wall around the city was not yet quite finished, he found Totila attacking him ; but given all of his usual victories he was unafraid, marched out against him with but few troops and put him to flight so badly, that more fleeing men drowned in the Tiber than died by the sword {547}. Then, after having exhorted his army, he returned to Sicily to, insofar as possible, provide the city with grain and, being close to the straits, cause trouble for Totila who was staying in Campania. But as usual, there is a change of events also depending on the varying will of emperors. |
| 382 | |
| Quiescente in Domino Theodora Augusta, evocatur ad urbem Belisarius de Sicilia. Post cujus discessum Totila, securus, iterata rabie et tradentibus Isauris, invadit Romam ; et sic, sumptis undique viribus militarique vallatus auxilio, ingreditur capitque Siciliam. | When the Empress Theodora died, Belisarius was called back to Constantinople from Sicily. After his departure Totila, unhampered and with renewed madness, attacked Rome, which the Isaurians also handed over to him. And thus, gathering forces from everywhere and fortified with military auxiliaries, he invaded and conquered Sicily. |
| 383 | |
| Contra quem Germanus patricius dum exire disponit cum exercitu, Mathaswintham, Theuderici regis neptem, et a Witigi mortuo derelictam, tradente sibi principe in matrimonio sumptam, in Serdicensi civitate extremum halitum fudit, relinquens uxorem gravidam quæ post ejus obitum postumum ei edidit filium, vocavitque Germanum ; qua felicitate sibi Totila comperta, totam pæne insultans Romanis devastat Italiam. | Now the emperor had given Maþu-swinþo, the granddaughter of Þiuða-reik and widow of Weiti-gis, in marriage to the Patrician Germanus. But while he was to set out with the army against Totila, he died in the city of {Ulpia} Serdica {(now Sofia, Bulgaria)} , leaving behind a pregnant wife. (After his death she bore him a posthumous son and named him Germanus.) When Totila heard of this stroke of luck, deriding the Romans, he laid waste almost the whole of Italy. |
| 384 | |
| In Africa vero, a Mauris dudum perempto Salomone, Stotzas et Johannes invicem singulari certamine corruunt ; aliusque Johannes qui « Stotzas junior » dicebatur, suscepta tyrannide, Gunthiricum, magistrum militum, secum suadet. Qui, interfecto Ariobindo, jugalem ejus, neptem imperatoris sibi cupiens sociare, prævenitur ab Artabane. Qui, eo in convivio trucidato, neptemque imperatoris ereptam ad urbem principi dirigit cum honore, simulque ferreis vinculis colligatum ei tyrannum destinavit Johannem qui, Stotza perempto, in eadem successerat tyrannide. | But in Africa, with Salomon long since killed by the Moors {543}, Stotzas and John fell together, mutually, in a duel-like battle. Adopting tyranny, yet another John — called “Stotzas the Younger” — persuaded Gunþi-reik {"Battle-ruler"}, Master of the Soldiery, to go along with him. He, having killed her husband {543} Arja-bind {“Aryan-bound,” “Noble bond”} and seeking to acquire the Emperor’s niece as wife, was forestalled in this by Artabanes. Having killed Gunþi-reik at a banquet, he both sent the Emperor’s rescued niece with honor to Constantinople, to the Emperor, and at the same time also sent him John the tyrant chained in iron shackles — the one who, after Stotzas’ murder, had taken the latter’s place in the selfsame tyranny. |
| 385 | |
| Quem in urbem præfectus discussum, manibusque truncatis, ad exemplum ceterorum in patibulo fixit. Johanni dehinc patricio, cognomine Troglita, Africæ procuratione commissa, Artabanus, evocatus, magistri militum præsentalis accepit dignitatem. Nec diu intercedente in ipsum principem manus injicere gestiens, detectus et comprobatus, pietate tamen principali impunitus permansit, et quasi benevolus contra Totilam in Siciliam cum Liberio patricio properavit. Johannes vero, in Africana provincia feliciter degens, Mauris partis adversæ per Pacificos Mauros superatis, una die decem et septem eorum præfectos exstinxit, pacemque totius Africæ, juvante Domino, impetravit. | After he had been put on trial in the city and his hands cut off, the prefect hung him on an X-cross as an example to others. After the command of Africa had been assigned to John the Patrician, surnamed Troglita, Artabanus was recalled and accepted the title of Presental Master of the Soldiery. Not long afterwards, Artabanus, seeking to lay hands on the Emperor himself, was exposed and convicted, but through Imperial pardon he remained unpunished, and as if being faithful he hastened with the patrician Liberius to Sicily against Totila. John, on the other hand, was working successfully in the African province. After having defeated the Moors of the hostile faction through the Peacefurthering Moors, in a single day he annihilated seventeen of their leaders and with the help of the Lord achieved the peace of the whole of Africa. |
| 386 | |
| Langobardorum gens, socia Romani regni principibus, et Theudahathi sororis filiam (dante sibi imperatore) in matrimonio jungens regi suo, contra æmulos Romanorum Gipedas, una die pugna commissa, eorum pæne castra pervasit, cecideruntque ex utraque parte amplius LX milia ; | The nation of the Langobards {“Long-beards”}, which was allied with the princes of the Roman Empire and had joined the daughter of the sister of Þiuða-haþ {“Folk-conflict,” “Nation-battle,” “Clash-of-peoples”} (whom the Emperor had given to them) to their king in marriage, in one day launched a battle against the enemies of the Romans, the Gibiðos {“The Givers”}, and practically overran their camp. Altogether on both sides more than sixty thousand men died. |
| 387 | |
| nec par, ut ferunt, audita est in nostris temporibus pugna a diebus Attilæ in illis locis, præter illam quæ ante hanc contigerat sub Calluce magister militum idem cum Gipedis, aut certe Mundonis cum Gothis, in quibus ambobus auctores belli pariter corruerunt. | And they say that in our times no battle equal to this one has been heard of in these parts since the days of Attila, other than the one before this with the Gibiðos which had happened under Callux the Master of the Soldiery, or, similarly, that of Mundo {“Guardarm,” "Protection"; Giped/Hun with a Gothic name} with the Goths, in both of which the initiators of the war fell equally. |
| 388 | |
| Hi sunt casus Romanæ Rei Publicæ præter instantiam cottidianam Bulgarum, Antium et Sclavinorum. Quæ si quis scire cupit, annales consulumque seriem revolvat sine fastidio, reperietque dignam nostri temporis Rem Publicam tragœdiæ. Scietque unde orta, quomodo aucta, qualiterve sibi cunctas terras subdiderit, et quomodo iterum eas ab ignaris rectoribus amiserit. Quod et nos pro captu ingenii breviter tetigimus, quatenus diligens lector latius ista legendo cognoscat. | These are the misfortunes of the Roman Empire aside from the daily inroads of the Bulgars, Antes and Slavs. If anyone wishes to know them, let him go through the annals and the history of the consuls without disdain, and he will find a modern-day empire worthy of a tragedy. And he will know whence it arose, how it grew or in what way it subjected all lands to itself and how again it lost them through ignorant rulers. It is something we, to the extent of our ability, have treated so that, through reading, the serious reader may gain a broader knowledge of these things. |
| Explicit (Added by later copyists) |
|
| Explicit historia Romanae rei publicae. | The end of the history of the Roman Empire. |
| Veturius magister militiae Christianos milites persequitur, paulatim ex illo jam tempore persecutione adversus nos incipiente. | Veturius, Master of the Soldiers, persecutes the Christian soldiers, the persecution against us beginning little by little from just that time. {(Jerome § 2317)} |
| Galerius Maximianus, superato Narseo, et uxoribus ac liberis sororibusque ejus captis, a Diocletiano ingenti honore suscipitur. | Galerius Maximian, after he had defeated Narses, and captured his wives, children and sisters, is received by Diocletian with great honour. |
| Diocletianus et Maximianus Augusti, insigni pompa Romæ triumpharunt, antecedentibus currum eorum Narsei conjuge, sororibus, liberis, et omni præda qua Parthos spoliaverant. | Diocletian and Maximian Augusti celebrated a triumph at Rome with notable pomp. Before their chariot went the wife, sisters and children of Narses, and all the booty, which they had looted from the Parthians. |
| Terræmotu horribili apud Tyrum et Sidonem multa opera conciderunt, et populus innumerabilis oppressus est. | In a horrible earthquake at Tyre and Sidon, many edifices were ruined and an immense number of people were crushed. |
| Decimo nono anno Diocletiani, mense Martio, in diebus Paschæ, ecclesiæ subversæ sunt. IV autem persecutionis anno Constantinus regnare ortus. | In the nineteenth year of Diocletian, during the month of March, in the days of Easter, the churches were destroyed. However in the 4th year of the persecution, Constantine began to reign. |
| Secundo anno persecutionis Diocletianus Nicomediæ, Maximianus Mediolani purpuram deposuerunt. | In the second year of the persecution, Diocletian at Nicomedia, and Maximianus at Milan, laid down the purple. |
| Maximinus et Severus a Galerio Maximiano Cæsares facti. | Maximinus {Daia} et Severus are made Cæsars by Galerius Maximianus. |
| Constantius XVI imperii anno diem obiit in Britannia Eboraci, post quem filius ejus Constantinus ex concubina Helena procreatus, regnum invadit. | In the 16th year of his reign Constantius {I Chlorus} died in Britain at York; after him his son Constantine, born from the concubine Helena, takes possession of the empire. |
| Maxentius, Herculii Maximiani filius, a prætorianis militibus Romæ Augustus appellatur. | Maxentius, the son of Maximianus Herculius, is named Augustus at Rome by the Prætorian Guard. |
| Severus Cæsar a Galerio Maximiano contra Maxentium missus, Ravennæ secundo imperii sui anno interficitur. | Severus Cæsar, sent against Maxentius by Galerius Maximianus, is killed at Ravenna in the second year of his reign. |
| Licinius a Galerio Carnunti imperator factus. | Licinius made emperor at Carnuntum by Galerius. |
| Herculius Maximianus a filia Fausta detectus, quod dolum Constantino viro suo pararet, Massiliæ fugiens occiditur. | Maximianus Herculius, detected by his daughter Fausta, because he was preparing a swindle against his son-in-law Constantine, in flight is slain at Marseilles. |
| Galerius Maximianus moritur. | Galerius Maximianus dies. |
| Maximinus, persecutione in Christianos facta, quum jam a Licinio puniendus esset, apud Tarsum moritur. | Maximinus, after a persecution had been carried out against the Christians, when now about to be punished by Licinius, dies at Tarsus. |
| Maxentius juxta pontem Milvium a Constantino superatus occiditur. | Maxentius, defeated by Constantine near the Milvian Bridge, dies. |
| Bellum Cibalense adversum Licinium. | The war against Licinius at Cibalæ. |
| Diocletianus haud procul a Salonis in villa sua Spalato moritur, et solus omnium inter deos privatus refertur. | Diocletian dies in his villa at Split, not far from Salonæ, and, alone of all (the emperors), is declared to be among the gods as a private citizen. |
| Crispus et Constantinus, filii Constantini, et Licinius adolescens, Licinii Augusti filius, Constantini ex sorore nepos, Cæsares appellantur. Quorum Crispum Lactantius Latinis litteris erudivit — vir omnium suo tempore eloquentissimus, sed adeo in hac vita pauper, ut plerumque etiam necessariis indiguerit. | Crispus and Constantine, sons of Constantine, and Licinius, the adolescent son of Licinius Augustus, the offspring of Constantine's sister, are appointed Cæsars; of these, Lactantius, the most eloquent man of his time, educated Crispus in Latin literature; but he (Lactantius) was in fact so poor in this life that he generally lacked even the necessities. |
| Licinius Christianos de palatio suo pellit. | Licinius expels the Christians from his palace. |
| Constantius, filius Constantini, Cæsar factus. | Constantius, the son of Constantine, appointed Cæsar. |
| Licinius Thessalonicæ, contra jus sacramenti, privatus occiditur. | Licinius, contrary to a solemn pledge, is slain as a private citizen at Thessalonica. |
| Crispus filius Constantini, et Licinius junior, Constantiæ Constantini sororis et Licinii filius, crudelissime interficiuntur. | Crispus, the son of Constantine, and Licinius junior, the son of Constantia, the sister of Constantine, and of Licinius, are very cruelly killed. |
| Vicennalia Constantini Nicomediæ acta, et sequenti anno Romæ edita. | The Vicennalia of Constantine held in Nicomedia, and proclaimed at Rome in the following year. |
| Drepanam Bithyniæ civitatem, in honorem martyris Luciani ibi conditi, Constantinus instaurans ex vocabulo matris suæ « Helenopolim » nuncupavit. | Constantine, restoring the city of Drepana in Bithynia in honor of the martyr Lucian, who was buried there, named it “Helenopolis,” from the name of his mother. |
| In Antiochia dominicum quod vocatur « aureum » ædificari cœptum. | In Antioch the construction of the Dominicum which is called “Aureum” begun. |
| Constantinus uxorem suam Faustam interficit. | Constantine kills his wife Fausta. |
| Dedicatur Constantinopolis, omnium pæne urbium nuditate. | Constantinople is dedicated by denuding nearly every other city. |
| Edicto Constantini gentilium templa subversa sunt. | By an edict of Constantine the temples of the gentiles were overthrown. |
| Romani Gothos in Sarmatarum regione vicerunt. | The Romans defeated the Goths in the land of the Sarmatians. |
| Constans, filius Constantini, provehitur ad regnum. | Constans, the son of Constantine, is promoted to the royal power. |
| Pestilentia et fame innumerabilis multitudo in Syria Ciliciaque perit. | An innumerable multitude perish from pestilence and famine in Syria and Cilicia. |
| Sarmatæ Limigantes dominos suos qui nunc Argaragantes vocantur, facta manu, in Romanum solum expulerunt. | The Limigantes Sarmatians, having gathered a force, expelled their masters, who are now called the Argaragantes, onto Roman soil. |
| Calocerus in Cypro res novas molitus opprimitur. | Calocerus revolts in Cyprus and is suppressed. |
| Constantinus cum liberis suis honorificas ad Antonium litteras mittit. | Constantine and his children sent an honorific letter to Antonius. |
| Tricennalibus Constantini, Dalmatius Cæsar appellatur. | On the Tricennalia of Constantine, Dalmatius is named a Cæsar. |
| Tiberianus, vir disertus, præfectus prætorio, Gallias regit. | The prætorian prefect Tiberian, an eloquent man, rules the Gallic provinces. |
| Constantinus extremo vitæ suæ tempore, ab Eusebio Nicomedensi episcopo baptizatus, in Arianum dogma declinat, a quo usque in præsens tempus, ecclesiarum rapinæ et totius orbis est secuta discordia. | Constantine, baptized by Eusebius of Nicomedia at the very end of his life, falls into the dogma of Arius, and from that time until now seizures of churches and discord of the whole world have followed. |
| Constantinus, quum bellum pararet in Persas, in Acyrone villa publica juxta Nicomediam moritur anno ætatis LXVI, post quem tres liberi ejus ex Cæsaribus Augusti appellantur. | While preparing for war against the Persians, Constantine dies at Ancyra in a public villa near Nicomedia at the age of 66; after him his three sons are hailed Augusti from being Cæsars. |
| Ablabius præfectus prætorio et multi nobilium occisi. | Ablabius the Prætorian Prefect and many of the nobles slaughtered. |
| Šapor rex Persarum, Mesopotamia vastata, duobus ferme mensibus Nisibin obsedit. | Šapor, king of Persia, after Mesopotamia had been devastated, besieged Nisibis for almost two months. |
| Dalmatius Cæsar, quem patruus Constantinus consortem regni filiis dereliquerat, factione Constantii patruelis et tumultu militari interimitur. | Dalmatius Cæsar, whom his uncle Constantine had left as a colleague in the power of his sons, is murdered by a plot of his cousin Constantius and in a military disturbance. |
| Ex hoc loco impietas Ariana, Constantii regis fulta præsidio, exiliis, carceribus et variis afflictionum modis, primum Athanasium, deinde omnes non suæ partis episcopos persecuta est. | From this point the Arian impiety, propped up by the support of the ruler, Constantius, with exiles and imprisonments and various types of affliction first persecuted Athanasius and then all bishops not of their party. |
| Constantinus, bellum fratri inferens juxta Aquilejam, Alsæ occiditur. | Constantine, waging war against his brother near Aquileja, is slain at Alsa. |
| Vario eventu adversum Francos a Constante pugnatur. | Constans fights against the Franks with mixed fortune. |
| Multæ orientis urbes terræ motu horribili consederunt. | Many cities of the east collapsed in a horrible earthquake. |
| Franci a Constante perdomiti et pax cum eis facta. | The Franks are subdued by Constans and peace made with them. |
| Šapor, Persarum rex, Christianos persequitur. | Šapor, king of the Persians, persecutes the Christians. |
| Dyrrachium terræ motu corruit et tribus diebus ac noctibus Roma nutavit plurimæque Campaniæ urbes vexatæ. | Dyrrachium collapsed in an earthquake, and for three days and nights Rome tottered and many cities of Campania were shaken. |
| Magnis Rei Publicæ expensis in Seleucia Syriæ portus effectus. | A sea-port constructed in Seleucia of Syria at great expense to the state. |
| Rursum Šapor tribus mensibus obsidet Nisibin. | Šapor for three months again besieges Nisibis. |
| Solis facta defectio. | An eclipse of the sun happened. {(A.D. 346 June 6)} |
| Bellum Persicum nocturnum apud Singaram in quo haud dubiam victoriam militum stoliditate perdidimus ; neque vero ullum Constantio ex novem gravissimis prœliis contra Persas gravius bellum fuit — nam, ut alia omittam, Nisibis obsessa, Bizabde et Amida captæ sunt. | Nocturnal Persian battle at Singara in which we lost a certain victory by the stupidity of the soldiers. Nor indeed was there any more serious battle out of nine extremely serious conflicts against the Persians, for, to pass over the others, Nisibis was besieged and Bizabde and Amida were captured. |
| Magnentio apud Augustodunum arripiente imperium, Constans haud longe ab Hispania in castro cui Helenæ nomen est interficitur anno ætatis XXX — quam ob rem, turbata Re Publica, Vetranio Mursæ, Nepotianus Romæ, imperatores facti. | After Magnentius had seized the emperorship at Augustodunum, Constans is killed in the thirtieth year of his life not far from Spain in a camp which is named Helena; on account of this, since the state was thrown into turmoil, Vetranio, at Mursa, and Nepotian, at Rome, became emperors. |
| Romæ populus adversum Magnentiacos rebellans ab Heraclida Senatore proditur. | At Rome, the people rebelling against the followers of Magnentius are betrayed by Heraclides the senator. |
| Nepotiani caput pilo per Urbem circumlatum multæque proscriptiones nobilium et cædes factæ. | The head of Nepotian paraded through the City on a pike, and many proscriptions and slaughters of noblemen carried out. |
| Vetranioni apud Naissum a Constantio regium insigne detractum. | The insignia of imperial power taken away from Vetranio by Constantius at Naissus. |
| Magnentius Mursæ victus, in quo prœlio Romanæ vires conciderunt. | Magnentius conquered at Mursa, in which battle the Roman forces were ruined. |
| Gallus, Constantii patruelis, Cæsar factus. | Gallus, cousin of Constantius, made Cæsar. |
| Gallus Judæos qui, interfectis per noctem militibus, arma ad rebellandum invaserant oppressit, cæsis multis hominum milibus, usque ad innoxiam ætatem, et civitates eorum Diocæsaream, Tiberiadem et Diospolim plurimaque oppida igni tradidit. | Gallus crushed the Jews, who after killing the soldiers by night had taken possession of arms in order to rebel, with the slaughter of many thousands of men, even including those of innocent years, and turned over to fire their cities, Diocæsarea, Tiberias and Diospolis, and a great many towns. |
| Nonnulli nobilium Antiochiæ a Gallo interfecti. | Some of the nobles of Antioch killed by Gallus. |
| Magnentius Lugduni in palatio propria se manu interficit, et Decentius, frater ejus, quem ad tuendas Gallias Cæsarem miserat, apud Senonas laqueo vitam explet. | Magnentius of Lugdunum kills himself in the palace by his own hand; and his brother Decentius, whom he had sent to look after the Gallic provinces, ends his life among the Senones with a noose. |
| Gallus Cæsar, sollicitatus a Constantio patrueli — cui in suspicionem ob egregiam indolem venerat —, Histriæ occiditur. | Gallus Cæsar, deceived by his cousin Constantius, under whose suspicion he had come because of his outstanding inborn ability, is executed at Histria. |
| Silvanus in Gallia res novas molitus, XXVIII die exstinctus est. | Silvanus, having revolted in Gaul, died on the twenty-eighth day. |
| Julianus, frater Galli, Mediolanii Cæsar appellatur. | Julian, brother of Gallus, is named Cæsar at Milan. |
| Magnæ Alamannorum copiæ apud Argentoratum, oppidum Galliarum, a Cæsare Juliano oppressæ. | Large numbers of the forces of the Alamanni crushed by Julian Cæsar at Argentoratum, a city of the Gallic provinces. |
| Saraceni, in monasterium beati Antonii irruentes, Sarmatam interficiunt. | Saracens, rushing into the monastery of Blessed Anthony, kill Sarmata. |
| Constantio Romam ingresso, ossa Andreæ apostoli et Lucæ evangelistæ a Constantinopolitanis miro favore suscepta. | After Constantius had entered Rome, the bones of the apostle Andrew and evangelist Luke were received from the people of Constantinople with marvellous goodwill. |
| Nicomedia terræ motu funditus eversa ; vicinis urbibus ex parte vexatis. | Nicomedia utterly destroyed by an earthquake; the neighbouring cities partially damaged. |
| Gratianus, qui nunc imperator est, nascitur. | Gratian, who is now emperor, is born. |
| Constantius Mopsucrenis inter Ciliciam Cappadociamque moritur, anno ætatis XLV. | Constantius II dies at Mopsucrene, between Cilicia and Cappadocia, in the forty-fifth year of his life. {(A.D. 361 — Jerome § 2377)} |
Return to § 302 (the lacuna) in the Romana.
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| Deus vult ! | — Þeedrich ( Inscriptio electronica : Theedrich@harbornet.com ) |
| Dies immutationis recentissimæ : die Martis, 2016 Apr 19 |