| Aº 440 a.D.n. scriptum | Written 440 B.C. |
| Textus Græcus a Carolo Müllero aº D. 1844 in Latinam versus est et invenitur apud The Gutenberg Project | English by G. C. Macaulay 1914 which is available in The Gutenberg Project |
| Book 1 | Clio ( Κλειώ ) the Muse of history | |
| Book 2 | Euterpe ( Εὐτέρπη ) the Muse of lyric poetry/music | |
| Book 3 | Thalia ( Θᾰλία ) the Muse of comedy [one of the Graces] | |
| Book 4 | Melpomene ( Μελπομένη ) the Muse of tragic and lyric poetry | |
| Book 5 | Terpsichore ( Τερψῐχόρη ) the Muse of dance and song | |
| Book 6 | Erato ( Ἐρᾰτώ ) the Muse of mime and erotic poetry | |
| Book 7 | Polymnia [Polyhymnia] ( Πολύμνια ) one of the muses of lyric poetry | |
| Book 8 | Urania ( Οὐρᾰνία ) the Muse of astronomy | |
| Book 9 | Calliope ( Καλλιόπη ) the chief of the Muses and goddess of epic poetry |
Book I
Clio
| 1.0 | Herodotus Halicarnasseus, quæ quum ceteris de rebus, tum de causa bellorum Græcos inter Barbarosque gestorum, perquirendo cognovit, ea his libris consignata in publicum edit ; ne, quæ ab hominibus gesta sunt, progressu temporis oblivione deleantur, neve præclara mirabiliaque facta, quæ vel a Græcis edita sunt vel a Barbaris, sua laude fraudentur. | This is the Showing forth of the Inquiry of Herodotus of Halicarnassos, to the end that neither the deeds of men may be forgotten by lapse of time, nor the works great and marvellous, which have been produced some by Hellenes and some by Barbarians, may lose their renown; and especially that the causes may be remembered for which these waged war with one another. |
| 1.1 | Jam Persarum quidem litteratos, si audias, inimicitiarum primi auctores Phœnices fuere. Hos enim, ajunt, postquam a mari quod Rubrum vocatur ad hoc nostrum mare advenissent, hancque regionem quam etiam nunc incolunt, cœpissent habitare, continuo navigationibus longinquis dedisse operam et, transvehendis mercibus Ægyptiis Assyriisque, quum alias Græciæ partes, tum vero et Argos adisse. (2) Argos enim illis temporibus, inter alia ejus regionis oppida quæ Græcia nunc nominatur, rebus omnibus eminebat. Ad Argos igitur hoc postquam appulissent Phœnices, ibique merces suas venum exposuissent, (3) quinto aut sexto ab adventu die, divenditis fere rebus omnibus, mulieres ad mare venisse, quum alias multas, tum vero et regis filiam, quam quidem eodem nomine Persæ appellant atque Græci, Io Inachi. (4) Quæ dum ad puppim navis stantes mercarentur merces quæ illarum maxime animos advertissent, Phœnices interim mutuo sese cohortatos impetum in illas fecisse : et majorem quidem mulierum numerum profugisse, Io vero cum aliis fuisse raptam : quibus in navem impositis, soluta navi Phœnices Ægyptum versus vela fecisse. Hac quidem ratione in Ægyptum pervenisse Io ajunt Persæ, secus atque Græci, idque primum fuisse injuriarum initium. | 1. Those of the Persians who have knowledge of history declare that the Phenicians first began the quarrel. These, they say, came from that which is called the Erythraian Sea to this of ours; and having settled in the land where they continue even now to dwell, set themselves forthwith to make long voyages by sea. And conveying merchandise of Egypt and of Assyria they arrived at other places and also at Argos; now Argos was at that time in all points the first of the States within that land which is now called Hellas — the Phenicians arrived then at this land of Argos, and began to dispose of their ship’s cargo: and on the fifth or sixth day after they had arrived, when their goods had been almost all sold, there came down to the sea a great company of women, and among them the daughter of the king; and her name, as the Hellenes also agree, was Io the daughter of Inachos. These standing near to the stern of the ship were buying of the wares such as pleased them most, when of a sudden the Phenicians, passing the word from one to another, made a rush upon them; and the greater part of the women escaped by flight, but Io and certain others were carried off. So they put them on board their ship, and forthwith departed, sailing away to Egypt. In this manner the Persians report that Io came to Egypt, not agreeing therein with the Hellenes, and this they say was the first beginning of wrongs. |
| 1.2 | Deinde vero Græcos nonnullos, quorum nomina non possunt memorare (fuerint hi autem Cretenses), Tyrum in Phœnice ajunt appulisse, filiamque regis rapuisse Europam ; (2) ac sic quidem par pari fuisse ab his repensum. Post hæc autem Græcos secundæ injuriæ fuisse auctores : etenim longa navi Æam, Colchidis oppidum, et ad Phasin flumen profectos, perfectis ceteris rebus quarum causa advenissent, rapuisse inde regis filiam Medeam ; (3) quumque ad pœnas raptus hujus repetendas et ad reposcendam filiam caduceatorem in Græciam misisset Colchus, repondisse Græcos, quemadmodum illi de raptu Argivæ Ius, sibi non dedissent pœnas, sic ne se quidem illis daturos. | 2. Then after this, they say, certain Hellenes (but the name of the people they are not able to report) put in to the city of Tyre in Phenicia and carried off the king’s daughter Europa — these would doubtless be Cretans — and so they were quits for the former injury. After this however the Hellenes, they say, were the authors of the second wrong; for they sailed in to Aia of Colchis and to the river Phasis with a ship of war, and from thence, after they had done the other business for which they came, they carried off the king’s daughter Medea: and the king of Colchis sent a herald to the land of Hellas and demanded satisfaction for the rape and to have his daughter back; but they answered that, as the Barbarians had given them no satisfaction for the rape of Io the Argive, so neither would they give satisfaction to the Barbarians for this. |
| 1.3 | Tum deinde, proxima ætate, Alexandrum Priami filium, quum ista audivisset, cupidinem incessisse uxoris sibi e Græcia per rapinam comparandæ — existimantem utique se non daturum pœnas, quoniam nec illi dedissent. (2) Ita quum is rapuisset Helenam, visum esse Græcis primum missis nuntiis Helenam repetere et pœnas de raptu poscere : (3) illos vero hisce, postulata sua exponentibus, raptum exprobrasse Medeæ, ut qui, quum ipsi nec pœnas dedissent, nec illam reposcentibus reddidissent, vellent ab aliis pœnas sibi dari. | 3. In the next generation after this, they say, Alexander the son of Priam, having heard of these things, desired to get a wife for himself by violence from Hellas, being fully assured that he would not be compelled to give any satisfaction for this wrong, inasmuch as the Hellenes gave none for theirs. So he carried off Helen, and the Hellenes resolved to send messengers first and to demand her back with satisfaction for the rape; and when they put forth this demand, the others alleged to them the rape of Medea, saying that the Hellenes were now desiring satisfaction to be given to them by others, though they had given none themselves nor had surrendered the person when demand was made. |
| 1.4 | Hucusque igitur mutuis solum rapinis esse actum : ab illo vero tempore Græcos utique graviorum injuriarum exstitisse auctores ; hos enim priores Asiæ cœpisse bellum inferre, quam Persæ intulissent Europæ. (2) Et mulieres quidem rapere, videri sibi ajunt iniquorum esse hominum ; raptarum vero ultionem tanto studio persequi, amentium ; contra, nullam raptarum curam habere, prudentium : quippe manifestum esse, nisi ipsæ voluissent, non futurum fuisse ut raperentur. (3) Itaque se quidem, Asiam incolentes, ajunt Persæ, raptarum mulierum nullam habuisse rationem ; Græcos autem mulieris Laconicæ causa ingentem contraxisse classem, et mox in Asiam profectos Priami regnum evertisse : (4) ab eo tempore se constanter Græciæ populos sibi esse inimicos existimasse. Nam Asiam et barbaras gentes eam incolentes ad se pertinere autumant Persæ ; Europam vero et Græcos nihil secum commune habere. | 4. Up to this point, they say, nothing more happened than the carrying away of women on both sides; but after this the Hellenes were very greatly to blame; for they set the first example of war, making an expedition into Asia before the Barbarians made any into Europe. Now they say that in their judgment, though it is an act of wrong to carry away women by force, it is a folly to set one’s heart on taking vengeance for their rape, and the wise course is to pay no regard when they have been carried away; for it is evident that they would never be carried away if they were not themselves willing to go. And the Persians say that they, namely the people of Asia, when their women were carried away by force, had made it a matter of no account, but the Hellenes on account of a woman of Lacedemon gathered together a great armament, and then came to Asia and destroyed the dominion of Priam; and that from this time forward they had always considered the Hellenic race to be their enemy: for Asia and the Barbarian races which dwell there the Persians claim as belonging to them; but Europe and the Hellenic race they consider to be parted off from them. |
| 1.5 | Hunc in modum Persæ quidem gestas res esse memorant, et ab Ilii excidio repetunt inimicitiarum suarum adversus Græcos initium. (2) De Io vero cum Persis non consentiunt Phœnices rem isto modo esse gestam. Negant enim se raptu usos illam in Ægyptum abduxisse : sed Argis eam cum nauclero ajunt concubuisse et, quum se gravidam sensisset, veritam parentum iram, sic volentem ipsam cum Phœnicibus enavigasse, ne comperta foret. (3) Hæc sunt igitur quæ partim a Persis, partim a Phœnicibus memorantur. Ego vero, utrum tali modo hæc gesta sint, an alio, non aggredior disceptare : sed, quem ipse novi primum fuisse injuriarum Græcis illatarum auctorem, hunc ubi indicavero, tunc ad reliqua exponenda progrediar, perinde et parvarum civitatum et magnarum, res persecuturus. (4) Etenim quæ olim fuerant magnæ, earum plurimæ factæ sunt : et quæ nostra memoria magnæ fuere, eædem prius exiguæ fuerant. Itaque, bene gnarus humanam felicitatem nequaquam in eodem fastigio manere, perinde utrarumque faciam mentionem. | 5. The Persians for their part say that things happened thus; and they conclude that the beginning of their quarrel with the Hellenes was on account of the taking of Ilion: but as regards Io the Phenicians do not agree with the Persians in telling the tale thus; for they deny that they carried her off to Egypt by violent means, and they say on the other hand that when they were in Argos she was intimate with the master of their ship, and perceiving that she was with child, she was ashamed to confess it to her parents, and therefore sailed away with the Phenicians of her own will, for fear of being found out. These are the tales told by the Persians and the Phenicians severally: and concerning these things I am not going to say that they happened thus or thus, but when I have pointed to the man who first within my own knowledge began to commit wrong against the Hellenes, I shall go forward further with the story, giving an account of the cities of men, small as well as great: for those which in old times were great have for the most part become small, while those that were in my own time great used in former times to be small: so then, since I know that human prosperity never continues steadfast, I shall make mention of both indifferently. |
| 1.6 | Crœsus, genere Lydus, Alyattis, rex fuit populorum intra Halyn fluvium incolentium ; quod flumen, a meridie Syros inter et Paphlagonas interfluens, ad septentrionem in Euxinum qui vocatur Pontum se exonerat. (2) Hic Crœsus e barbaris, quos novimus, primus alios Græcorum imperio suo subjecit et ad tributum pendendum adegit, alios sibi socios et amicos adjunxit. Subegit Ionas et Æoles et Dorienses Asiam incolentes ; amicos autem sibi conciliavit Lacedæmonios. (3) Ante Crœsi vero imperium Græci omnes liberi fuerunt : nam Cimmeriorum expeditio adversus Ioniam, ante Crœsi ætatem suscepta, non oppidorum fuerat redactio in potestatem, sed rapina ex incursione. | 6. Croesus was Lydian by race, the son of Alyattes and ruler of the nations which dwell on this side of the river Halys; which river, flowing from the South between the Syrians and the Paphlagonians, runs out towards the North Wind into that Sea which is called the Euxine. This Croesus, first of all the Barbarians of whom we have knowledge, subdued certain of the Hellenes and forced them to pay tribute, while others he gained over and made them his friends. Those whom he subdued were the Ionians, the Aiolians, and the Dorians who dwell in Asia; and those whom he made his friends were the Lacedemonians. But before the reign of Croesus all the Hellenes were free; for the expedition of the Kimmerians, which came upon Ionia before the time of Croesus, was not a conquest of the cities but a plundering incursion only. |
| 1.7 | Ceterum regnum illud, quum Heraclidarum antea fuisset, ad Crœsi genus, qui Mermnadæ nominabantur, tali modo pervenerat. (2) Candaules, quem Græci Myrsilum vocant, Sardium fuit rex, ab Alcæo oriundus, Herculis filio. (3) Nam Agron, Nini Filius, Beli nepos, Alcæi pronepos, primus ex Heraclidis rex fuerat Sardium ; Candaules vero, Myrsi filius, postremus. Qui vero ante Agronem in eadem regione regnaverant, a Lydo Atyis filio erant oriundi, a quo universus populus Lydorum nomen invenit, quum prius Mæones fuissent nominati. (4) Ab his priscis regibus commissum sibi regnum ex oraculi edicto obtinuerunt Heraclidæ, Iardani ancilla et Hercule prognati ; regnantes, per duas et viginti virorum generationes, annos quinque et quingentos, continua serie filius patri succedens usque ad Candaulen Myrsi filium. | 7. Now the supremacy which had belonged to the Heracleidai came to the family of Croesus, called Mermnadai, in the following manner — Candaules, whom the Hellenes call Myrsilos, was ruler of Sardis and a descendant of Alcaios, son of Heracles: for Agron, the son of Ninos, the son of Belos, the son of Alcaios, was the first of the Heracleidai who became king of Sardis, and Candaules the son of Myrsos was the last; but those who were kings over this land before Agrond, were descendants of Lydos the son of Atys, whence this whole nation was called Lydian, having been before called Meonian. From these the Heracleidai, descended from Heracles and the slave-girl of Iardanos, obtained the government, being charged with it by reason of an oracle; and they reigned for two-and-twenty generations of men, five hundred and five years, handing on the power from father to son, till the time of Clandaules the son of Myrsos. |
| 1.8 | Hic igitur Candaules uxoris suæ amore tenebatur, eamque deperiens arbitrabatur esse sibi uxorem mulierum omnium formosissimam. Quod quum ei esset persuasum, apud Gygen Dascyli filium, unum e corporis custodibus, quem maxime acceptum habebat, ut de rebus etiam gravissimis cum eo communicabat, ita formæ laudem uxoris supra modum extulit. (2) Nec multo post (erat enim in fatis ut infortunatus esset Candaules) his verbis Gygen est allocutus : « Gyge, videris tu mihi de forma uxoris meæ verba facienti fidem non adhibere ; auribus enim minus fidere amant homines quam oculis : fac igitur ut nudam illam spectes. » (3) At ille, vehementer exclamans, « Domine, » inquit, « quemnam sermonem haudquaquam sanum profers, jubens me heram mean nudam spectare ! Mulier enim tunicam exuens, simul etiam verecundiam exuit. (4) Jam olim vero honestatis præcepta inventa sunt ab hominibus, a quibus discere opertet : quorum unum hoc est, Sua quemque debere inspicere. Ego vero persuasum habeo esse illam mulierum omnium pulcherrimam ; teque oro, ne postules illicita. » | 8. This Candaules then of whom I speak had become passionately in love with his own wife; and having become so, he deemed that his wife was fairer by far than all other women; and thus deeming, to Gyges the son of Daskylos (for he of all his bodyguards was the most pleasing to him), to this Gyges, I say, he used to impart as well the more weighty of his affairs as also the beauty of his wife, praising it above measure: and after no long time, since it was destined that evil should happen to Candaules, he said to Gyges as follows: “Gyges, I think that thou dost not believe me when I tell thee of the beauty of my wife, for it happens that men’s ears are less apt of belief than their eyes: contrive therefore means by which thou mayest look upon her naked.” But he cried aloud and said: “Master, what word of unwisdom is this which thou dost utter, bidding me look upon my mistress naked? When a woman puts off her tunic she puts off her modesty also. Moreover of old time those fair sayings have been found out by men, from which we ought to learn wisdom; and of these one is this — that each man should look on his own: but I believe indeed that she is of all women the fairest and I entreat thee not to ask of me that which it is not lawful for me to do.” |
| 1.9 | His usus verbis repugnavit Gyges, veritus ne quid sibi ex ea re mali accideret. Cui rex vicissim, « Confide, » inquit, « Gyge ; neque aut me time, quasi te temptaturus utar hoc sermone, aut uxorem meam, ne quid tibi ex illa detrimenti creetur. Omnino enim eam rationem equidem inibo, ut illa ne intellectura sit quidem, esse se a te conspectam. (2) Te enim post apertam januam cubiculi, in quo cubamus, collocabo. Postquam ego ero ingressus, aderit et uxor mea in cubiculum : posita est autem prope introitum sella in qua vestes suas, aliam post aliam exuens, deponet : ibi tunc licuerit tibi multo cum otio eam spectare. (3) Deinde, quum e sella in lectum conscendet et tu a tergo ejus eris, reliquum est ut tu cures ne illa te conspiciat foras exeuntem. » | 9. With such words as these he resisted, fearing lest some evil might come to him from this; but the king answered him thus: “Be of good courage, Gyges, and have no fear, either of me, that I am saying these words to try thee, or of my wife, lest any harm may happen to thee from her. For I will contrive it so from the first that she shall not even perceive that she has been seen by thee. I will place thee in the room where we sleep, behind the open door; and after I have gone in, my wife also will come to lie down. Now there is a seat near the entrance of the room, and upon this she will lay her garments as she takes them off one by one; and so thou wilt be able to gaze upon her at full leisure. And when she goes from the chair to the bed and thou shalt be behind her back, then let it be thy part to take care that she sees thee not as thou goest through the door.” |
| 1.10 | Igitur Gyges, quum effugere non posset, paratus fuit : quem Candaules, postquam cubandi tempus visum est adesse, in cubiculum introduxit ; pauloque post uxor etiam affuit. (2) Ingressam et vestimenta ponentem Gyges quum spectasset, mox ubi aversa illa in lectum se contulit, clam ipse foras se subduxit : at egredientem conspicata est mulier. (3) Quæ ut intellexit quid a marito actum esset, neque exclamavit, pudore retenta, et se animadvertisse dissimulavit, in animo habens ultionem capere de Candaule. Apud Lydos enim, ac fere apud ceteros quoque barbaros, etiam viro magnum in probrum vertitur nudum conspici. | 10. He then, since he might not avoid it, gave consent: and Candaules, when he considered that it was time to rest, led Gyges to the chamber; and straightway after this the woman also appeared: and Gyges looked upon her after she came in and as she laid down her garments; and when she had her back turned towards him, as she went to the bed, then he slipped away from his hiding-place and was going forth. And as he went out, the woman caught sight of him, and perceiving that which had been done by her husband she did not cry out, though struck with shame, but she made as though she had not perceived the matter, meaning to avenge herself upon Candaules: for among the Lydians as also among most other Barbarians it is a shame even for a man to be seen naked. |
| 1.11 | Itaque tunc quidem nihil aperiens, silentium tenuit illa : simulac vero illuxit, præsto esse jussis famulis quos maxime fidos sibi cognoverat, Gygen ad se vocavit. (2) Et ille, nihil eam nosse ratus eorum quæ gesta essent, arcessitus venit ; quippe et antea solitus, quoties regina vocaret, eam convenire. (3) Ut venit, his verbis eum allocuta est mulier : Gyge, « nunc duarum viarum tibi apertarum optionem concedo utram ingredi volueris : aut enim, interfecto Candaule, et me et regnum Lydorum habeto ; aut te ipsum protinus sic mori oportet, ne posthac, Candaulæ in omnibus obsequens, spectes quæ te spectare nefas est. Enimvero aut illum, qui ista molitus est, interire oportet, aut te, qui nudam me es conspicatus et illicita fecisti. » (4) Ad hæc verba Gyges primum stupere, tum deinde obsecrare illam ne se necessitati illigaret dijudicandæ talis optionis. Nec vero ei persuasit ; sed vidit necessitatem utique sibi propositam aut perdendi herum aut per alios pereundi. Elegit itaque ut ipse superesset : (5) et illam percontans, « Quandoquidem invitum me, inquit, adigis ad herum meum occidendum, age, audiam, ecquo illum modo aggressuri simus? » Et illa excipiens, « Ex eodem loco, inquit, adoriendus erit, unde ille nudam me tibi ostendit : in sopitum somno impetus fiet. » | 11. At the time then she kept silence, as I say, and made no outward sign; but as soon as day had dawned, and she made ready those of the servants whom she perceived to be the most attached to herself, and after that she sent to summon Gyges. He then, not supposing that anything of that which had been done was known to her, came upon her summons; for he had been accustomed before to go whenever the queen summoned him. And when Gyges was come, the woman said to him these words: “There are now two ways open to thee, Gyges, and I give thee the choice which of the two thou wilt prefer to take. Either thou must slay Candaules and possess both me and the kingdom of Lydia, or thou must thyself here on the spot be slain, so that thou mayest not in future, by obeying Candaules in all things, see that which thou shouldest not. Either he must die who formed this design, or thou who hast looked upon me naked and done that which is not accounted lawful.” For a time then Gyges was amazed at these words, and afterwards he began to entreat her that she would not bind him by necessity to make such a choice: then however, as he could not prevail with her, but saw that necessity was in truth set before him either to slay his master or to be himself slain by others, he made the choice to live himself; and he inquired further as follows: “Since thou dost compel me to take my master’s life against my own will, let me hear from thee also what is the manner in which we shall lay hands upon him.” And she answering said: “From that same place shall the attempt be, where he displayed me naked; and we will lay hands upon him as he sleeps.” |
| 1.12 | Ita quum de faciendis insidiis inter se constituissent, ingruente nocte Gyges (nec enim dimittebatur, neque ullum ei effugium erat, sed aut ipsum interire oportebat aut Candaulen) secutus est mulierem in cubiculum ; ubi eum illa, tradito pugione, post eandem januam occultavit. (2) Deinde quiescente Candaule leniter accessit ; illoque obtruncato et uxorem et regnum obtinuit Gyges : cujus etiam Archilochus Parius, qui eadem vixit ætate, in iambis trimetris meminit. | 12. So after they had prepared the plot, when night came on, (for Gyges was not let go nor was there any way of escape for him, but he must either be slain himself or slay Candaules), he followed the woman to the bedchamber; and she gave him a dagger and concealed him behind that very same door. Then afterwards, while Candaules was sleeping, Gyges came privily up to him and slew him, and he obtained both his wife and his kingdom: of him, moreover, Archilochos the Parian, who lived about that time, made mention in a trimeter iambic verse. |
| 1.13 | Obtinuit autem regnum, in eoque confirmatus est e Delphici oraculi effato. Nam quum indigne ferrent Lydi casum Candaulæ, essentque in armis, convenit inter Gygæ factionem et reliquos Lydos, ut, si respondisset oraculum hunc esse regem Lydorum, ipse regnaret ; sin minus, Heraclidis restitueret regnum. (2) Edito igitur secundum eum oraculo, Gyges ita regnum obtinuit. Verumtamen hoc simul edixerat Pythia, ultionem venturam esse Heraclidis in quintum e posteris Gygæ: quod quidem vaticinium nec Lydi nec eorum reges ullius momenti fecerunt, donec exitu comprobatum est. | He obtained the kingdom however and was strengthened in it by means of the Oracle at Delphi; for when the Lydians were angry because of the fate of Candaules, and had risen in arms, a treaty was made between the followers of Gyges and the other Lydians to this effect, that if the Oracle should give answer that he was to be king of the Lydians, he should be king, and if not, he should give back the power to the sons of Heracles. So the Oracle gave answer, and Gyges accordingly became king: yet the Pythian prophetess said this also, that vengeance for the Heracleidai should come upon the descendants of Gyges in the fifth generation. Of this oracle the Lydians and their kings made no account until it was in fact fulfilled. |
| 1.14 | Tali igitur modo ad Mermnadas pervenit Lydiæ regnum, Heraclidis ereptum. Gyges autem, regnum adeptus, Delphos donaria misit non pauca. Et argentea quidem donaria ejus maximo numero Delphis exstant : præter argentum vero, auri etiam immensam vim dedicavit, quum aliarum rerum, tum vero (quod præcipue memoratu dignum) crateres aurei numero sex ab eodem dedicati exstant, (2) pondere triginta talentorum [aureorum, quæ hodie fuerint 2,106,00 libræ. LARCH.], repositi in Corinthiorum thesauro ; qui quidem thesaurus, vere ut dicam, non publicus civitatis Corinthiorum est, sed Cypseli, Ēĕtionis filii. (3) Est autem hic Gyges barbarorum quos novimus primus qui donaria Delphis dedicavit post Midam Gordiæ filium, Phrygiæ regem. Dedicaverat enim Midas quoque regiam sellam, in qua præsidens jus dicere consueverat, spectatu dignam ; positaque est hæc sella ibidem ubi Gygæ crateres. (4) Aurum vero istud et argentum, quod a Gyge dedicatum est, Gygadas [id est Gygæum] vocatur a Delphensibus de illius nomine qui dedicavit. (5) Hic quoque, postquam regno est potitus, arma intulit Mileto et Smyrnæ, et Colophonis urbem cepit : ceterum, quum per octo et triginta, quos regnavit, annos nihil aliud memorabile ab eodem gestum sit, hisce commemoratis, missum hunc faciemus. | Thus the Mermnadai obtained the government, having driven out from it the Heracleidai: and Gyges when he became ruler sent votive offerings to Delphi not a few, for of all the silver offerings at Delphi his are more in number than those of any other man; and besides the silver he offered a vast quantity of gold, and especially one offering which is more worthy of mention than the rest, namely six golden mixing-bowls, which are dedicated there as his gift: of these the weight is thirty talents, and they stand in the treasury of the Corinthians, (though in truth this treasury does not belong to the State of the Corinthians, but is that of Kypselos the son of Aëtion). This Gyges was the first of the Barbarians within our knowledge who dedicated votive offerings at Delphi, except only Midas the son of Gordias king of Phrygia, who dedicated for an offering the royal throne on which he sat before all to decide causes; and this throne, a sight worth seeing, stands in the same place with the bowls of Gyges. This gold and silver which Gyges dedicated is called Gygian by the people of Delphi, after the name of him who offered it. Now Gyges also, as soon as he became king, led an army against Miletos and Smyrna, and he took the lower town of Colophon: but no other great deed did he do in his reign, which lasted eight-and-thirty years, therefore we will pass him by with no more mention than has already been made. |
| 1.15 | Ardyis vero, Gygæ filii, qui post illum regnavit, mentionem injiciam. Hic Prienenses expugnavit, et Miletum invasit : eodemque regnum Sardium obtinente, Cimmerii suis sedibus a Scythis nomadibus pulsi in Asiam venerunt, Sardesque præter arcem ceperunt. | And I will speak now of Ardys the son of Gyges, who became king after Gyges. He took Priene and made an invasion against Miletos; and while he was ruling over Sardis, the Kimmerians driven from their abodes by the nomad Scythians came to Asia and took Sardis except the citadel. |
| 1.16 | Ardys postquam undequinquaginta annos regnarat, successorem habuit filium Sadyatten, qui annos regnavit duodecim. Sadyattæ successit Alyattes ; qui cum Cyaxare, Deiocæ nepote, et cum Medis bellum gessit. Idem Cimmerios ex Asia ejecit ; et Smyrnam, Colophoniorum coloniam, cepit ; et Clazomenas invasit : quo quidem ab oppido non ita ut voluerat discessit, sed cladem haud mediocrem passus. Verum et alias res, dum regnum tenuit, gessit ; quarum memoratu dignissimæ hæ sunt. | Now when Ardys had been king for nine-and-forty years, Sadyattes his son succeeded to his kingdom, and reigned twelve years; and after him Alyattes. This last made war against Kyaxares the descendant of Deïokes and against the Medes, and he drove the Kimmerians forth out of Asia, and he took Smyrna which had been founded from Colophon, and made an invasion against Clazomenai. From this he returned not as he desired, but with great loss: during his reign however he performed other deeds very worthy of mention as follows — |
| 1.17 | Bellum gessit cum Milesiis, a patre traditum. Oppugnabat igitur incursione facta Miletum tali modo : (2) quando terræ fruges adultæ erant, tunc exercitum in regionem immittebat, expeditionem faciens ad cantum fistularum fidiumque, ac tibiæ tam muliebris quam virilis. Ubi vero in fines Milesiorum pervenerat, ædificia in agris nec diruebat nec incendebat, neque fores abstrahebat, sed intacta stare omnia sinebat ; verum arbores et terræ fruges ut corruperat, domum se recipiebat : quum enim mare obtinerent Milesii, nil attinebat circumsedere urbem cum exercitu. (3) Ædificia autem non diruebat Lydus hoc consilio, ut possent inde progressi Milesii terram serere colereque, ipse vero, quum illi terram colerent, haberet quod incursione facta popularetur. | He made war with those of Miletos, having received this war as an inheritance from his father: for he used to invade their land and besiege Miletos in the following manner — whenever there were ripe crops upon the land, then he led an army into their confines, making his march to the sound of pipes and harps and flutes both of male and female tone: and when he came to the Milesian land, he neither pulled down the houses that were in the fields, nor set fire to them nor tore off their doors, but let them stand as they were; the trees however and the crops that were upon the land he destroyed, and then departed by the way he came: for the men of Miletos had command of the sea, so that it was of no use for his army to blockade them: and he abstained from pulling down the houses to the end that the Milesians might have places to dwell in while they sowed and tilled the land, and by the means of their labor he might have somewhat to destroy when he made his invasion. |
| 1.18 | Hoc illo modo bellum gerebat, per undecim annos ; intra quos duo ingentia vulnera Milesii accepere, unum prœlio ad Limeneum in ipsorum finibus commisso, alterum in Mæandri campo. (2) Horum undecim annorum sex adhuc Sadyattes, Ardyis filius, apud Lydos regnaverat, qui ætate illa cum exercitu fines Milesiorum incursavit ; Sadyattes enim hic conflaverat id bellum : quinque vero insequentibus annis Alyattes, Sadyattæ filius, bellum gerebat, qui illud, a patre (ut supra etiam memoravi) sibi traditum, intente persecutus est. (3) Quo in bello nulli ex Ionibus sublevarunt Milesios, præterquam Chii soli : hi autem, opem illis ferentes, vicem rependerunt ; nam et Milesii antea Chiis, in bello cum Erythræis, sociam præstiterant operam. | Thus he continued to war with them for eleven years; and in the course of these years the Milesians suffered two great defeats, once when they fought a battle in the district of Limenion in their own land, and again in the plain of Maiander. Now for six of the eleven years Sadyattes the son of Ardys was still ruler of the Lydians, the same who was wont to invade the land of Miletos at the times mentioned; for this Sadyattes was he who first began the war: but for the five years which followed these first six the war was carried on by Alyattes the son of Sadyattes, who received it as an inheritance from his father (as I have already said) and applied himself to it earnestly. And none of the Ionians helped those of Miletos bear the burden of this war except only the men of Chios. These came to their aid to pay back like with like, for the Milesians had formerly assisted the Chians throughout their war with the people of Erythrai. |
| 1.19 | Sed anno duodecimo, dum succendebantur ab exercitu segetes, hoc rei accidit. Simulatque incensæ segetes erant, valido coorto vento Minervæ templum cognomine Assesiæ corripuit flamma, eoque incendio templum conflagravit. Quæ res principio nullius momenti est habita, deinde vero, simul Sardes redierat exercitus, in morbum Alyattes incidit. (2) Diuturnior quum esset morbus, Delphos misit qui deum de valitudine consulerent, sive alieno consilio ad mittendum inductus, sive suo. Hi quum Delphos venissent, negavit Pythia se responsum eis reddituram priusquam Minervæ templum restituissent, quod Assesi in Milesiorum agro cremassent. | Then in the twelfth year of the war, when standing corn was being burnt by the army of the Lydians, it happened as follows: as soon as the corn was kindled, it was driven by a violent wind and set fire to the temple of Athene surnamed of Assessos; and the temple being set on fire was burnt down to the ground. Of this no account was made then; but afterwards when the army had returned to Sardis, Alyattes fell sick, and as his sickness lasted long, he sent messengers to inquire of the Oracle at Delphi, either being advised to do so by some one, or because he himself thought it best to send and inquire of the god concerning his sickness. But when these arrived at Delphi, the Pythian prophetess said that she would give them no answer, until they should have built up again the temple of Athene which they had burnt at Assessos in the land of Miletos. |
| 1.20 | Hæc ita acta esse equidem e Delphensibus auditu cognovi : sed Milesii istis hoc adjiciunt, Periandrum Cypseli filium, quum audivisset oraculum Alyattæ redditum, ea de re Thrasybulum, Milesiorum tunc temporis tyrannum, hospitio et amicitia sibi inprimis conjunctum, misso nuntio fecisse certiorem ; quo ille, re ante cognita, consilium aliquod ad rem pertinens caperet. Ita quidem Milesii rem gestam narrant. | Thus much I know by the report of the people of Delphi; but the Milesians add to this that Periander the son of Kypselos, being a special guest-friend of Thrasybulos the then despot of Miletos, heard of the oracle which had been given to Alyattes, and sending a messenger told Thrasybulos, in order that he might have knowledge of it beforehand and take such counsel as the case required. This is the story told by the Milesians. |
| 1.21 | Alyattes vero, nuntiato Pythiæ responso, præconem protinus Miletum misit, indutias cum Thrasybulo et Milesiis ad tempus pacturus dum templum ædificaret. (2) Miletum dum se confert legatus, Thrasybulus de tota re liquido antea certior factus, nec ignarus quid moliretur Alyattes, hæc machinatur. (3) Quidquid frumenti in urbe erat, tam suum, quam privatorum, id omne in forum comportari jussit, prædixitque Milesiis, ut ubi signum ipse dedisset, tunc compotationes comessationesque mutuas cuncti instituerent. | And Alyattes, when this answer was reported to him, sent a herald forthwith to Miletos, desiring to make a truce with Thrasybulos and the Milesians for so long a time as he should be building the temple. He then was being sent as envoy to Miletos; and Thrasybulos in the meantime being informed beforehand of the whole matter and knowing what Alyattes was meaning to do, contrived this device — he gathered together in the market-place all the store of provisions which was found in the city, both his own and that which belonged to private persons; and he proclaimed to the Milesians that on a signal given by him they should all begin to drink and make merry with one another. |
| 1.22 | Id fecit prædixitque Thrasybulus hoc consilio, ut Sardianus legatus, postquam ingentem frumenti acervum in foro profusum et homines vidisset oblectationibus vacantes, Alyattæ rem renuntiaret. (2) Quod et factum : nam postquam ista vidit caduceator, expositisque Thrasybulo Lydi mandatis domum rediit, nullam aliam ob causam (ut ego audio) pax composita est. (3) Quum enim existimasset Alyattes vehementem frumenti penuriam Mileti esse, populumque ad extremum malorum esse redactum et fere contritum, audivit e caduceatore Mileto domum redeunte contraria eorum quæ erat opinatus. (4) Inde paullo post pax inter illos conciliata est hac lege, ut mutuo hospites essent sociique : et pro uno Minervæ templo ad Assesum duo ædificavit Alyattes, ipseque e morbo convaluit. Hæc igitur ratio exitusque belli fuit, quod Alyattes cum Milesiis et Thrasybulo gessit. | This Thrasybulos did and thus proclaimed to the end that the herald from Sardis, seeing a vast quantity of provisions carelessly piled up, and the people feasting, might report this to Alyattes: and so on fact it happened; for when the herald returned to Sardis after seeing this and delivering to Thrasybulos the charge which was given to him by the king of Lydia, the peace which was made, came about, as I am informed, merely because of this. For Alyattes, who thought that there was a great famine in Miletos and that the people had been worn down to the extreme of misery, heard from the herald, when he returned from Miletos, the opposite to that which he himself supposed. And after this the peace was made between them on condition of being guest-friends and allies to one another, and Alyattes built two temples to Athene at Assessos in place of one, and himself recovered from his sickness. With regard then to the war waged by Alyattes with the Milesians and Thrasybulos things went thus. |
| 1.23 | Periander vero Cypseli filius erat, is qui Thrasybulum de edito oraculo certiorem fecit, et Corinthi tyrannus : cui maximum in vita oblatum fuisse miraculum narrant Corinthii, hisque Lesbii assentiuntur ; scilicet Arionem Methymnæum delphino insidentem ad Tænaron fuisse delatum. Citharœdus is erat, nulli suæ ætatis secundus ; primusque hominum, quos novimus, dithyrambum et fecit et nominavit docuitque Corinthi. | As for Periander, the man who gave information about the oracle to Thrasybulos, he was the son of Kypselos, and despot of Corinth. In his life, say the Corinthians, (and with them agree the Lesbians), there happened to him a very great marvel, namely that Arion of Methymna was carried ashore at Tainaron upon a dolphin’s back. This man was a harper second to none of those who then lived, and the first, so far as we know, who composed a dithyramb, naming it so and teaching it to a chorus at Corinth. |
| 1.24 | Hunc Arionem ajunt, postquam plurimum temporis apud Periandrum esset versatus, in Italiam Siciliamque cupivisse navigare ; ingentique pecunia ibi comparata, voluisse Corinthum reverti. Igitur quum Tarento esset profecturus, nec ullis magis quam Corinthiis fidem haberet, navigium conduxisse hominum Corinthiorum : (2) at hos, ubi altum tenuere, consilium agitasse de illo in mare projiciendo, quo pecunia potirentur. Tum illum, quid ageretur intelligentem, ad preces confugisse ; et, pecunia omni nautis oblata, vitam esse deprecatum : (3) nautas vero, precibus viri nil commotos, jussisse ut aut sibi manus inferret, quo in terra sepulturam nancisceretur, aut ut ilico in mare se projiceret. (4) Has in angustias et consilii inopiam redactum Arionem orasse, ut, quandoquidem ita eis placitum esset, sinerent se omni ornatu suo indutum, in summo puppis foro stantem, canticum canere ; quo facto pollicebatur sibi se manus illaturum. (5) Tunc nautas, cupidine captos audiendi præstantissimi omnium cantoris, e puppi mediam in navem concessisse ; et illum, omni ornatu indutum, capta cithara, in summo navis foro stantem, carmen quod orthion vocatur peregisse ; peractoque cantu, ita ut erat, cum omni ornatu in mare se conjecisse. (6) Tum illos, continuato cursu, Corinthum navigasse : hunc vero, ajunt, a delphino exceptum dorso, Tænaron fuisse delatum ; ubi quum in terram esset egressus, Corinthum inde eodem habitu perrexisse, ibique quid accidisset enarrasse. (7) Periandrum vero, quum fidem non haberet, tenuisse Arionem in custodia, ne quo prodiret, ceterum curam intendisse in nautas. Nautæ ut Corinthum advenerunt, accitos ad se percontatum esse Periandrum, ecquid de Arione memorarent : (8) quibus dicentibus salvum illum in Italia esse, et fortunatum Tarenti a se relictum, apparuisse Arionem eodem cultu quo in mare prosiluerat ; et illos, perterritos convictosque, non potuisse amplius ire infitias. (9) Hæc quidem et Corinthii narrant et Lesbii ; et exstat Tænari donarium Arionis æneum, non magnum illud quidem, homo insidens delphino. | This Arion, they say, who for the most part of his time stayed with Periander, conceived a desire to sail to Italy and Sicily; and after he had there acquired large sums of money, he wished to return again to Corinth. He set forth therefore from Taras, and as he had faith in Corinthians more than in other men, he hired a ship with a crew of Corinthians. These, the story says, when out in open sea, formed a plot to cast Arion overboard and so possess his wealth; and he having obtained knowledge of this made entreaties to them, offering them his wealth and asking them to grant him his life. With this however he did not prevail upon them, but the men who were conveying him bade him either slay himself there, that he might receive burial on the land, or leap straightway into the sea. So Arion being driven to a strait entreated them that, since they were so minded, they would allow him to take his stand in full minstrel’s garb upon the deck of the ship and sing; and he promised to put himself to death after he had sung. They then, well pleased to think that they should hear the best of all minstrels upon earth, drew back from the stern towards the middle of the ship; and he put on the full minstrel’s garb and took his lyre, and standing on the deck performed the Orthian measure. Then as the measure ended, he threw himself into the sea just as he was, in his full minstrel’s garb; and they went on sailing away to Corinth, but him, they say, a dolphin supported on its back and brought him to shore at Tainaron: and when he had come to land he proceeded to Corinth with his minstrel’s garb. Thither having arrived he related all that had been done; and Periander doubting of his story kept Arion in guard and would let him go nowhere, while he kept careful watch for those who had conveyed him. When these came, he called them and inquired of them if they had any report to make of Arion; and when they said that he was safe in Italy and that they had left him at Taras faring well, Arion suddenly appeared before them in the same guise as when he made his leap from the ship; and they being struck with amazement were no longer able to deny when they were questioned. This is the tale told by the Corinthians and Lesbians alike, and there is at Tainaron a votive offering of Arion of no great size, namely a bronze figure of a man upon a dolphin’s back. |
| 1.25 | Alyattes Lydus, confecto cum Milesiis bello, deinde, quum septem et quinquaginta annos regnasset, vita excessit. Dedicavit autem hic, secundus ex hac familia, postquam e morbo convaluerat, Delphis craterem argenteum ingentem, et basin crateris ferream ferruminatam, spectatu dignam inter omnia quæ sunt Delphis donaria ; Glauci Chii opus, qui unus hominum omnium ferruminationem ferri invenit. | Alyattes the Lydian, when he had thus waged war against the Milesians, afterwards died, having reigned seven-and-fifty years. This king, when he recovered from his sickness, dedicated a votive offering at Delphi (being the second of his house who had so done), namely a great mixing-bowl of silver with a stand for it of iron welded together, which last is a sight worth seeing above all the offerings at Delphi and the work of Glaucos the Chian, who of all men first found out the art of welding iron. |
| 1.26 | Mortuo Alyattæ successit in regnum Crœsus, Alyattæ filius, annos natus quinque et triginta : qui Græcorum primos Ephesios armis invasit. (2) Ibi tunc Ephesii, quum ab eo obsiderentur, urbem suam Dianæ dedicarunt, fune ex illius templo ad murum alligato : est autem inter veterem urbem, quæ tunc obsidebatur, et Dianæ templum septem stadiorum intervallum. (3) Hos igitur primos aggressus est Crœsus ; deinde vero, per vices, singulos quoque Ioniæ et Æoliæ populos, aliis alias causas inferens, graviora causatus adversus hos in quibus graviores reperire causas poterat, nonnullis etiam eorum levia admodum exprobrans. | After Alyattes was dead Croesus the son of Alyattes received the kingdom in succession, being five-and-thirty years of age. He (as I said) fought against the Hellenes and of them he attacked the Ephesians first. The Ephesians then, being besieged by him, dedicated their city to Artemis and tied a rope from the temple to the wall of the city: now the distance between the ancient city, which was then being besieged, and the temple is seven furlongs. These, I say, where the first upon whom Croesus laid hands, but afterwards he did the same to the other Ionian and Aiolian cities one by one, alleging against them various causes of complaint, and making serious charges against those in whose cases he could find serious grounds, while against others of them he charged merely trifling offences. |
| 1.27 | Deinde, postquam Asiam incolentes Græci ad pendendum tributum erant subacti, constituit ædificatis navibus insulanos aggredi. (2) Ad quas compingendas quum omnia ei essent parata, ajunt alii Biantem Prienensem, quum Sardes venisset, alii Pittacum Mytilenæum, interrogatum a Crœso ecquid maxime novi gereretur apud Græcos, ea respondisse quæ illum ne classem conficeret inhibuerunt. Dixisse enim : « Insulani, o rex, decem milia equitum conducunt, expeditionem adversus Sardes atque te molientes. » (3) Crœsum autem, ratum vera eum dicere, respondisse : « Utinam dii hanc mentem dent insulanis, ut Lydorum filios cum equitatu invadere velint ! » (4) Tum illum excipientem dixisse : « Videris mihi, rex, cupide vota facere ut insulanos equis vectos deprehendas in continente, haud absurda spe ; (5) insulanos vero quid putas, e quo primum ædificare te contra se classem audiverunt, exoptare aliud, nisi ut, in altum evectos deprehendant Lydos in mari, teque pro Græcis continentem incolentibus, quos tu in servitute contines, ulciscantur? » (6) Cujus conclusione orationis admodum delectatum Crœsum, paruisse illi, ut qui perapte ad rem locutus videretur, et a fabricanda classe destitisse. Atque ita cum Ionibus insulas incolentibus hospitium contraxit. | Then when the Hellenes in Asia had been conquered and forced to pay tribute, he designed next to build for himself ships and to lay hands upon those who dwelt in the islands; and when all was prepared for his building of ships, they say that Bias of Priene (or, according to another account, Pittacos of Mytilene) came to Sardis, and being asked by Croesus whether there was any new thing doing in Hellas, brought to an end his building of ships by this saying: “O king,” said he, "the men of the islands are hiring a troop of ten thousand horse, and with this they mean to march to Sardis and fight against thee.” And Croesus, supposing that what he reported was true, said: “May the gods put it into the minds of the dwellers of the islands to come with horses against the sons of the Lydians !” And he answered and said: “O king, I perceive that thou dost earnestly desire to catch the men of the islands on the mainland riding upon horses; and it is not unreasonable that thou shouldest wish for this: what else however thinkest thou the men of the islands desire and have been praying for ever since the time they heard that thou wert about to build ships against them, than that they might catch the Lydians upon the sea, so as to take vengeance upon thee for the Hellenes who dwell upon the mainland, whom thou dost hold enslaved?” Croesus, they say, was greatly pleased with this conclusion, and obeying his suggestion, for he judged him to speak suitably, he stopped his building of ships; and upon that he formed a friendship with the Ionians dwelling in the islands. |
| 1.28 | Insequente tempore, subactis fere omnibus populis intra Halyn fluvium incolentibus — nam, exceptis Cilicibus ac Lyciis, ceteros omnes suæ potestati subjectos Crœsus tenebat ; sunt autem populi hi, Phryges, Mysi, Mariandyni, Chalybes, Paphlagones, Thraces quum Thyni tum Bithyni, Cares, Iones, Dorienses, Æolenses, Pamphyli. | As time went on, when nearly all those dwelling on this side the river Halys had been subdued — for except the Kilikians and Lykians Croesus subdued and kept under his rule all the nations, that is to say Lydians, Phrygians, Mysians, Mariandynoi, Chalybians, Paphlagonians, Thracians both Thynian and Bithynian, Carians, Ionians, Dorians, Aiolians, and Pamphylians. |
| 1.29 | Hos igitur postquam sub potestatem suam Crœsus redegerat, eaque accessione regnum Lydorum auxerat, adveniebant Sardes, urbem divitiis florentem, quum alii omnes e Græcia viri per illud tempus sapientiæ laude clari, ut cuique commodum erat eo proficisci, tum vero etiam Solon, Atheniensis : qui postquam Atheniensibus jussu ipsorum scripserat leges, navi profectus, causam interserens velle se alias spectare regiones, decem annos peregrinatus est ; ne scilicet quampiam e legibus, quas tulerat, mutare cogeretur. (2) Nam ipsis Atheniensibus per se id facere nefas erat, quippe qui gravissimo jurejurando sese obstrinxerant, per decem annos eis legibus, quascunque ipsis Solon tulisset, esse usuros. | When these, I say, had been subdued, and while he was still adding to his Lydian dominions, there came to Sardis, then at the height of its wealth, all the wise men of the Hellas who chanced to be alive at that time, brought thither severally by various occasions; and of them one was Solon the Athenian, who after he had made laws for the Athenians at their bidding, left his native country for ten years and sailed away saying that he desired to visit various lands, in order that he might not be compelled to repeal any of the laws which he had proposed. For of themselves the Athenians were not competent to do this, having bound themselves by solemn oaths to submit for ten years to the laws which Solon should propose for them. |
| 1.30 | Hanc ipsam igitur ob causam, tum vero etiam spectandi gratia, peregre profectus Solon in Ægyptum se contulit ad Amasin, atque etiam Sardes ad Crœsum. (2) Quo ut advenit, in regia hospitio acceptus est a Crœso. Tum tertio aut quarto post die, jussu Crœsi, ministri regis circumduxerunt Solonem, thesauros omnes et quidquid ibi magni et opulenti inerat, ostentantes. (3) Quæ quum ille spectasset, et cuncta, ut ei commodum fuerat, esset contemplatus, tali modo eum percunctatus est Crœsus : « Hospes Atheniensis, inquit, multa ad nos de te fama manavit, quum sapientiæ tuæ causa, tum peregrinationis, ut qui sapientiæ studio incumbens multas terras spectandi causa obieris. Nunc igitur incessit me cupido e te sciscitandi, ecquem tu adhuc videris omnium hominum beatissimum. » (4) Nempe, quod se ipsum hominum beatissimum esse putaret, idcirco hanc illi quæstionem proposuit. At Solon, nulla usus assentatione, sed ut res erat respondens, « Ego vero, inquit, beatissimum vidi Tellum Atheniensem. » (5) Quod dictum miratus Crœsus, concitate quærit : « Qua tandem ratione Tellum beatissimum judicas? » Cui ille : « Tellus, inquit, florente civitate, filios habuerat bonos viros honestosque, et illis cunctis prognatos viderat liberos, eosque omnes superstites : idemque, quum re familiari satis lauta, ut apud nos, usus esset, vitæ finem habuit splendidissimum ; (6) nam in prœlio, quod Athenienses adversus finitimos ad Eleusinem commiserunt, postquam fortiter pugnavit, hostemque in fugam vertit, honestissima morte defunctus est ; et eodem loco, quo cecidit, publice ab Atheniensibus sepultus est et magnifice honoratus. » | So Solon, having left his native country for this reason and for the sake of seeing various lands, came to Amasis in Egypt, and also to Croesus at Sardis. Having there arrived he was entertained as a guest by Croesus in the king’s palace; and afterwards, on the third or fourth day, at the bidding of Croesus his servants led Solon round to see his treasuries; and they showed him all things, how great and magnificent they were: and after he had looked upon them all and examined them as he had occasion, Croesus asked him as follows: “Athenian guest, much report of thee has come to us, both in regard to thy wisdom and thy wanderings, how that in thy search for wisdom thou hast traversed many lands to see them; now therefore a desire has come upon me to ask thee whether thou hast seen any whom thou deemest to be of all men the most happy.” This he asked supposing that he himself was the happiest of men; but Solon, using no flattery but the truth only, said: “Yes, O king, Tellos the Athenian.” And Croesus, marvelling at that which he said, asked him earnestly: “In what respect dost thou judge Tellos to be the most happy?” And he said: “Tellos, in the first place, living while his native State was prosperous, had sons fair and good and saw from all of them children begotten and living to grow up; and secondly he had what with us is accounted wealth, and after his life a most glorious end: for when a battle was fought by the Athenians at Eleusis against the neighboring people, he brought up supports and routed the foe and there died by a most fair death; and the Athenians buried him publicly where he fell, and honored him greatly.” |
| 1.31 | Hisce quum Solon, quæ de Tello ejusque felicitate copiose exposuit, admonuisset Crœsum, interrogare hic institit, quemnam secundum ab illo vidisset beatissimum ; existimans utique secundas certe partes sese laturum. (2) At ille, « Cleobin, inquit, et Bitonem. His enim, genere Argivis, et victus suppetebat probabilis, et robur corporis erat tale, ut et uterque pariter certaminum præmia abstulerit, et de eisdem hæc etiam narretur historia. (3) Quum festus dies ageretur Junonis Argivæ, oporteretque omnino matrem horum bigis in templum vehi, nec vero in tempore ex agro adessent boves ; tunc juvenes, urgente hora, jugum sibi subeuntes, plaustrum traxerunt quo mater vehebatur, eoque per quadraginta quinque stadia tracto ad templum pervenerunt. (4) Quo facto quum oculos universi cœtus in se convertissent, optimus eisdem obtigit vitæ exitus ; ostenditque in his numen, melius esse hominibus mori, quam vivere. (5) Nam quum circumstantes Argivi laudarent juvenum robur, Argivæ vero felicem prædicarent matrem quod tales haberet filios ; mater, et facto vehementer gavisa et omine, stans ante simulacrum precata est deam, ut Cleobi et Bitoni filiis suis, qui ipsam magnifice honorassent, id daret quod optimum esset contingere homini. (6) Post hanc precationem, peracto sacrificio, laute epulati juvenes, quum in ipso templo somno se dedissent, non amplius resurrexerunt, sed hoc vitæ exitu sunt perfuncti. Eorundem dein imagines, ut qui homines fuissent præstantissimi, fieri curarunt Argivi, Delphisque dedicarunt. » | So when Solon had moved Croesus to inquire further by the story of Tellos, recounting how many points of happiness he had, the king asked again whom he had seen proper to be placed next after this man, supposing that he himself would certainly obtain at least the second place; but he replied: “Cleobis and Biton: for these, who were of Argos by race, possessed a sufficiency of wealth and, in addition to this, strength of body such as I shall tell. Both equally had won prizes in the games, and moreover the following tale is told of them — There was a feast of Hera among the Argives and it was by all means necessary that their mother should be borne in a car to the temple. But since their oxen were not brought up in time from the field, the young men, barred from all else by lack of time, submitted themselves to the yoke and drew the wain, their mother being borne by them upon it; and so they brought it on for five-and-forty furlongs, and came to the temple. Then after they had done this and had been seen by the assembled crowd, there came to their life a most excellent ending; and in this the deity declared that it was better for man to die than to continue to live. For the Argive men were standing round and extolling the strength of the young men, while the Argive women were extolling the mother to whose lot it had fallen to have such sons; and the mother being exceedingly rejoiced both by the deed itself and by the report made of it, took her stand in front of the image of the goddess and prayed that she would give to Cleobis and Biton her sons, who had honored her greatly, that gift which is best for man to receive: and after this prayer, when they had sacrificed and feasted, the young men lay down to sleep within the temple itself, and never rose again, but were held bound in this last end. And the Argives made statues in the likeness of them and dedicated them as offerings at Delphi, thinking that they had proved themselves most excellent.” |
| 1.32 | Istis igitur secundum felicitatis locum Solon tribuebat. Tum vero subiratus Crœsus : « Hospes Atheniensis, ait, nostra vero felicitas adeo abs te in nihilum projicitur, ut ne privatis quidem hominibus æquiparandos nos existimes? » (2) Cui ille : « Crœse, inquit, gnarum me numen omne esse invidum et summa imis mutare, interrogas de rebus humanis. In diuturno tempore multa videre est quæ quis nolit, atque etiam tolerare multa. Propono enim homini terminum vitæ ad septuaginta annos. (3) Hi septuaginta anni constant e viginti quinque milibus ac ducentis diebus, mense intercalari non posito : sin velis alternos ex illis annis interjecto mense fieri longiores, quo tempestatum vicissitudines justo tempore redeant, menses intercalares per annos septuaginta conficientur triginta quinque, dies autem ex his mensibus mille et quinquaginta. (4) Horum autem dierum omnium, qui in septuaginta annis sunt numero ducenti et quinquaginta supra viginti sex milia, nullus est qui rem prorsus similem, qualis ab alio adducta est, adducat. (5) Itaque, Crœse, homo quantus est, fortunæ casibus est obnoxius. Jam te quidem ego et opulentum video, et multorum hominum regem ; istud vero, quod e me quærebas, de te nondum prædicabo priusquam te vita bene defunctum audiero. (6) Neque enim beatior est magnis opibus præditus, quam is cui in diem victus suppetit, nisi eidem omnibus bonis prædito fortuna concesserit vita bene defungi. Etenim multi homines perquam opulenti, non idcirco beati sunt : multi vero, quibus mediocris res familiaris est, felices. (7) Jam qui admodum dives est, nec tamen beatus, is duabus tantum rebus antecellit felicem ; hic vero divitem, multis rebus. Ille ad explendas cupiditates et ad tolerandum magnum aliquod incidens damnum, validior est : hic vero illum superat hisce rebus ; damnum quidem et cupiditatem non similiter, atque ille, potest ferre, sed hæc incommoda ab illo abigit felicitas ; est vero membris integris, prospera fruens valitudine, malorum exsors, lætus liberis, formosus. (8) Quodsi præterea diem quoque extremum feliciter obierit, hic ille est quem tu quæris, dignus qui beatus prædicetur. Priusquam vero diem obierit, differendum est, necdum beatus hic nominandus, sed felix. (9) Jam ista simul cuncta ut consequatur homo, id quidem fieri non potest ; quemadmodum nulla est terra quæ cuncta sibi suppeditet, sed aliud habet, alio indiget ; quæ vero plurima habet, ea optima est. (10) Nempe eodem modo etiam hominum nemo est omnium, cui uni omnia cumulate assint, sed alia habet, aliorum autem indiget : qui vero eorum plurima ad vitæ usque exitum habuit, ac deinde placide finiit vitam, hic, o rex, me judice, nomine isto prædicari dignus est. Denique in omni re respiciendus finis est, in quem sit res exitura : multos enim deus, postquam felicitatem illis ostendit, funditus dein evertit. » | Thus Solon assigned the second place in respect of happiness to these: and Croesus was moved to anger and said: “Athenian guest, hast thou then so cast aside our prosperous state as worth nothing, that thou dost prefer to us even men of private station?” And he said: “Croesus, thou art inquiring about human fortunes of one who well knows that the Deity is altogether envious and apt to disturb our lot. For in the course of long time a man may see many things which he would not desire to see, and suffer also many things which he would not desire to suffer. The limit of life for a man I lay down at seventy years: and these seventy years give twenty-five thousand and two hundred days, not reckoning for any intercalated month. Then if every other one of these years shall be made longer by one month, that the seasons may be caused to come round at the due time of the year, the intercalated months will be in number five-and-thirty besides the seventy years; and of these months the days will be one thousand and fifty. Of all these days, being in number twenty-six thousand two hundred and fifty, which go to the seventy years, one day produces nothing at all which resembles what another brings with it. Thus then, O Croesus, man is altogether a creature of accident. As for thee, I perceive that thou art both great in wealth and king of many men, but that of which thou didst ask me I cannot call thee yet, until I learn that thou hast brought thy life to a fair ending: for the very rich man is not at all to be accounted more happy than he who has but his subsistence from day to day, unless also the fortune go with him of ending his life well in possession of all things fair. For many very wealthy men are not happy, while many who have but a moderate living are fortunate; and in truth the very rich man who is not happy has two advantages only as compared with the poor man who is fortunate, whereas this latter has many as compared with the rich man who is not happy. The rich man is able better to fulfil his desire, and also to endure a great calamity if it fall upon him; whereas the other has advantage over him in these things which follow — he is not indeed able equally with the rich man to endure a calamity or to fulfil his desire, but these his good fortune keeps away from him, while he is sound of limb, free from disease, untouched by suffering, the father of fair children and himself of comely form; and if in addition to this he shall end his life well, he is worthy to be called that which thou seekest, namely a happy man; but before he comes to his end it is well to hold back and not to call him yet happy but only fortunate. Now to possess all these things together is impossible for one who is mere man, just as no single land suffices to supply all things for itself, but one thing it has and another it lacks, and the land that has the greatest number of things is the best: so also in the case of a man, no single person is complete in himself, for one thing he has and another he lacks; but whosoever of men continues to the end in possession of the greatest number of these things and then has a gracious ending of his life, he is by me accounted worthy, O king, to receive this name. But we must of every thing examine the end and how it will turn out at the last, for to many God shows but a glimpse of happiness and then plucks them up by the roots and overturns them.” |
| 1.33 | Hæc dicens minime gratum se præbebat Crœso, sed is nullam ejus rationem habens a se dimisit, inscitum admodum esse hominem ratus, qui præsentia bona omittens, finem cujusque rei juberet respicere. | Thus saying he refused to gratify Croesus, who sent him away from his presence holding him in no esteem, and thinking him utterly senseless in that he passed over present good things and bade men look to the end of every matter. |
| 1.34 | Post Solonis discessum gravis divinitus vindicta Crœsum excepit ; hac causa, ut conjicere licet, quod se ipsum hominum beatissimum judicaret. Ac statim quidem per quietem oblatum ei somnium est, veritatem indicans malorum quæ filio ejus essent eventura. (2) Erant enim Crœso filii duo ; alter corporis vitio laborabat, erat enim mutus ; alter inter æquales rebus omnibus longe primus : nomen ei erat Atys. Hunc Atyn, Crœso significat somnium, fore ut amittat ferrea cuspide ictum. (3) Expergefactus ille, re secum versata, pertimescens somnium, capit filio uxorem ; eumque, quum solitus esset exercitum ducere Lydorum,nusquam porro ad tale munus emittit : jacula vero et hastas, et cujusque generis tela quibus ad bellum utuntur homines, e virorum habitatione in interiora conclavia congeri jubet, ne quid suspensum in filium suum incidat. | After Solon had departed, a great retribution from God came upon Croesus, probably because he judged himself to be the happiest of all men. First there came and stood by him a dream, which showed to him the truth of the evils that were about to come to pass in respect of his son. Now Croesus had two sons, of whom one was deficient, seeing that he was deaf and dumb, while the other far surpassed his companions of the same age in all things: and the name of this last was Atys. As regards this Atys then, the dream signified to Croesus that he should lose him by the blow of an iron spear-point: and when he rose up from sleep and considered the matter with himself, he was struck with fear on account of the dream; and first he took for his son a wife; and whereas his son had been wont to lead the armies of the Lydians, he now no longer sent him forth anywhere on any such business; and the javelins and lances and all such things which men use for fighting he conveyed out of the men’s apartments and piled them up in the inner bed-chambers, for fear lest something hanging up might fall down upon his son. |
| 1.35 | Interim dum filius ejus nuptias ageret, advenit Sardes vir calamitate obstrictus, cui manus non erant puræ, natione Phryx, regio de genere. (2) Qui quum ad ædes Crœsi venisset, orassetque ut ritu patrio expiari sibi contingeret, expiavit eum Crœsus : est autem modum expiandi apud Lydos similis ei quo Græci utuntur. (3) Peractis legitimis, percontatur Crœsus hominem, unde veniret, quisve esset, his usus verbis : « Quis tu es, homi, et quonam e Phrygiæ loco veniens, ad meos lares supplex te recepisti ? et quem virum, quamve fœminam occidisti? » (4) Cui ille respondit : « O rex, Gordiæ sum filius, Midæ nepos ; est autem nomen mihi Adrasto. Fratrem meum occidi invitus, unde ejectus a patre assum, et rebus omnibus destitutus. » (5) Tum Crœsus : « E viris amicis, inquit, oriundus es, et ad amicos venisti, ubi nullius rei indigebis quoad apus nos manseris. Istam autem calamitatem quam poteris levissime ferendo, plurimum lucri feceris. » Ita ille in Crœsi ædibus vitam agebat. | Then while he was engaged about the marriage of his son, there came to Sardis a man under a misfortune and with hands not clean, a Phrygian by birth and of the royal house. This man came to the house of Croesus, and according to the customs which prevail in that land made request that he might have cleansing; and Croesus gave him cleansing: now the manner of cleansing among the Lydians is the same almost as that which the Hellenes use. So when Croesus had done that which was customary, he asked of him whence he came and who he was, saying as follows: “Man, who art thou, and from what region of Phrygia didst thou come to sit upon my hearth? And whom of men or women didst thou slay?” And he replied: “O king, I am the son of Gordias, the son of Midas, and I am called Adrastos; and I slew my own brother against my will, and therefore am I here, having been driven forth by my father and deprived of all that I had.” And Croesus answered thus: “Thou art, as it chances, the offshoot of men who are our friends and thou hast come to friends, among whom thou shalt want of nothing so long as thou shalt remain in our land: and thou wilt find it most for thy profit to bear this misfortune as lightly as may be.” So he had his abode with Croesus. |
| 1.36 | Per idem tempus in Olympo Mysio aper exstitit mira magnitudine, qui ex illo monte irruens Mysorum arva vastabat ; contra quem quum sæpe egressi essent Mysi, nihil ei mali inflixerant, sed male ab illo fuerant accepti. (2) Ad extremum venere ad Crœsum Mysorum legati, hæc dicentes : « Adparuit, o rex, in regione nostra immani magnitudine aper, qui agrestia corrumpit opera ; cujus ut potiamur studiosi operam dantes, nihil proficimus. Itaque te nunc oramus, filium tuum et selectos juvenes canesque nobiscum emittas, quo belluam e terra nostra tollamus. » (3) Hæc illis precantibus Crœsus, recordatus eorum quæ per somnum ipsi prædicta erant, ita respondit : « Filii quidem mei nolite amplius facere mentionem : nec enim illum emittere vobiscum possum, est enim novus nuptus, et hæc rei ei nunc curæ est. (4) Lydorum autem selectam manum et venaticum omne ministerium una mittam ; hortaborque exeuntes, ut quam promtisse vobiscum belluam a terra submoveant. » | During this time there was produced in the Mysian Olympos a boar of monstrous size. This, coming down from the mountain aforesaid, ravaged the fields of the Mysians, and although the Mysians went out against it often, yet they could do it no hurt, but rather received hurt themselves from it; so at length messengers came from the Mysians to Croesus and said: “O king, there has appeared in our land a boar of monstrous size, which lays waste our fields; and we, desiring eagerly to take it, are not able: now therefore we ask of thee to send with us thy son and also a chosen band of young men with dogs, that we may destroy it out of our land.” Thus they made request, and Croesus calling to mind the words of the dream spoke to them as follows: “As touching my son, make no further mention of him in this matter; for I will not send him with you, seeing that he is newly married and is concerned now with the affairs of his marriage: but I will send with you chosen men of the Lydians and the whole number of my hunting dogs, and I will give command to those who go, to be as zealous as may be in helping you to destroy the wild beast out of your land.” |
| 1.37 | Hæc Crœsus respondit ; quibus quum contenti essent Mysi, intervenit filius, auditis quæ Mysi precarentur. (2) Pernegante vero Crœso se filium cum illis missurum, hæc inquit ad eum adolescens : « At antehac, o pater, hoc mihi honestissimum et nobilissimum fuit, in bella et in venationes exeundo gloriam parare : nunc vero utroque horum exclusum me tenes, nulla in me cognita ignavia aut animi dejectione. (3) Nunc ergo quibus oculis me conspici oportet euntem in forum, aut e foro redeuntem ? quis tandem esse videbor civibus ? qualis videbor novæ nuptæ? cui illa viro putabit se connubio esse junctam ? Proinde me tu aut sinas venatum exire, aut ratione mihi persuadeas, melius mihi hoc esse quod tu ita facis. » | Thus he made reply, and while the Mysians were being contented with this answer, there came in also the son of Croesus, having heard of the request made by the Mysians: and when Croesus said that he would not send his son with them, the young man spoke as follows: “My father, in times past the fairest and most noble part was allotted to us, to go out continually to wars and to the chase and so have good repute; but now thou hast debarred me from both of these, although thou hast not observed in me any cowardly or faint-hearted spirit. And now with what face must I appear when I go to and from the market-place of the city? What kind of a man shall I be esteemed by the citizens, and what kind of a man shall I be esteemed by my newly-married wife? With what kind of a husband will she think that she is mated? Therefore either let me go to the hunt, or persuade me by reason that these things are better for me done as now they are.” |
| 1.38 | Cui respondens Crœsus, « Non quod ignaviam, inquit, o fili, aut aliud quidquam parum mihi gratum in te cognoverim, hoc facio ; sed quod mihi somnii species per quietem oblata dixit brevis ævi te futurum, quippe ferrea periturum cuspide. Cujus visi causa et has tuas nuptias maturavi, nec ad ea quæ nunc suscipiuntur te emitto, vigilans si quo pacto, dum vivo, periculo te queam subducere. Es enim unicus mihi filius ; nam alterum [auribus captum] pro nullo existimo. » | And Croesus made answer thus: “My son, not because I have observed in thee any spirit of cowardice or any other ungracious thing, do I act thus; but a vision of a dream came and stood by me in my sleep and told me that thou shouldest be short-lived, and that thou shouldest perish by a spear-point of iron. With thought of this vision therefore I both urged on this marriage for thee, and I refuse now to send thee upon the matter which is being taken in hand, having a care of thee that I may steal thee from thy fate at least for the period of my own life, if by any means possible for me to do so. For thou art, as it chances, my only son: the other I do not reckon as one, seeing that he is deficient in hearing.” |
| 1.39 | Ibi rursus adolescens : « Ignosco quidem tibi, inquit, pater, quod, quum tale tibi oblatum sit visum, custodiam mei agas : sed, quod tu parum animadvertis, quodve oblitus es in hoc insomnio, id me te monere fas est. (2) Somnium ais tibi dixisse, ferrea cuspide me periturum : at apro quænam sunt manus, quæve ferrea cuspis, quam tu timeas ? Quodsi enim a dente me periturum dixisset, aut ab alia re simili, tum hoc, quod agis, agere te oporteret ; nunc vero a cuspide dixit. Quare, quum non sit nobis cum viris proposita pugna, abire me patere. » | The young man made answer thus: “It may well be forgiven in thee, O my father, that thou shouldest have a care of me after having seen such a vision; but that which thou dost not understand, and in which the meaning of the dream has escaped thee, it is right that I should expound to thee. Thou sayest the dream declared that I should end my life by means of a spear-point of iron: but what hands has a boar, or what spear-point of iron, of which thou art afraid? If the dream had told thee that I should end my life by a tusk, or any other thing which resembles that, it would be right for thee doubtless to do as thou art doing; but it said ‘by a spear-point.’ Since therefore our fight will not be with men, let me now go.” |
| 1.40 | Tum Crœsus : « Fili, » ait, « aliquatenus me vincis, sententiam insomnii declarans. Itaque, tanquam a te victus, sententiam muto, et veniam tibi do venatum exeundi. » | Croesus made answer: “My son, thou dost partly prevail with me by declaring thy judgment about the dream; therefore, having been prevailed upon by thee, I change my resolution and allow thee to go to the chase.” |
| 1.41 | Quibus dictis, Adrastum Phrygem jubet vocari ; eumque, ubi affuit, sic est allocutus : « Adraste, ego te funesta calamitate obstrictum, quam tibi non exprobro, expiavi, et domum meam recepi, in qua etiam nunc omnium rerum sumptum tibi suppedito. (2) Nunc ergo (debes enim de me, prius de te bene merito, in vicem bene mereri) rogo te ut custos sis filii mei venatum exeuntis, ne qui in itinere cooriantur vobis malefici grassatores in perniciem. Ad hæc, tua etiam ipsius interest ut eas ubi splendorem e rebus gestis possis parare ; nam et patrium hoc est tibi, et præterea robur inest. » | Having thus said Croesus went to summon Adrastos the Phrygian; and when he came, he addressed him thus: “Adrastos, when thou wast struck with a grievous misfortune (with which I reproach thee not), I cleansed thee, and I have received thee into my house supplying all thy costs. Now therefore, since having first received kindness from me thou art bound to requite me with kindness, I ask of thee to be the protector of my son who goes forth to the chase, lest any evil robbers come upon you by the way to do you harm; and besides this thou too oughtest to go where thou mayest become famous by thy deeds, for it belongs to thee as an inheritance from thy fathers so to do, and moreover thou hast strength for it.” |
| 1.42 | Cui Adrastus : « Alioquin, inquit, rex, in instud certamen non eram proditurus ; neque enim tali affectum calamitate fas est æqualibus se immiscere fortunatis, neque id ego cupio ; atque etiam alias sæpe me continui. (2) Nunc vero, quoniam tibi hoc cordi est, cui gratum facere debeo (nam rependenda mihi sunt beneficia tua), paratus sum exsequi mandatum : tuque filium tuum, quem custodire me jubes, rediturum esse incolumem, quod quidem penes custodem fuerit, exspecta. » | Adrastos made answer: “O king, but for this I should not have been going to any such contest of valor; for first it is not fitting that one who is suffering such a great misfortune as mine should seek the company of his fellows who are in prosperity, and secondly I have no desire for it; and for many reasons I should have kept myself away. But now, since thou art urgent with me, and I ought to gratify thee (for I am bound to requite thee with kindness), I am ready to do this: expect therefore that thy son, whom thou commandest me to protect, will return home to thee unhurt, so far as his protector may avail to keep him safe.” |
| 1.43 | Hæc postquam Crœso ille responderat, proficiscuntur deinde selectis juvenibus stipati canibusque. Ubi ad Olympum montem pervenerunt, indagant belluam, et inventam circumfusi jaculis incessunt. (2) Ibi tum hospes, idem ille qui a cæde fuerat purgatus, cui Adrasto nomen, vibrato in aprum jaculo, ab illo quidem aberrat, sed Crœsi filium ferit. (3) Atque ita ille, cuspide ictus, somnii effatum explevit. Quod factum nuntiaturus aliquis Crœso cucurrit, veniensque Sardes et pugnam ei et fatum filii indicavit. | When he had made answer to Croesus in words like these, they afterwards set forth provided with chosen young men and with dogs. And when they were come to Mount Olympos, they tracked the animal; and having found it and taken their stand round in a circle, they were hurling against it their spears. Then the guest, he who had been cleansed of manslaughter, whose name was Adrastos, hurling a spear at it missed the boar and struck the son of Croesus. So he being struck by the spear-point fulfilled the saying of the dream. And one ran to report to Croesus that which had come to pass, and having come to Sardis he signified to him of the combat and of the fate of his son. |
| 1.44 | Crœsus, morte filii consternatus, tanto gravius eam tulit, quos is eum occidisset, quem ipse expiaverat a cæde. Et calamitatem eam gravissime lamentans, Jovem Expiatorem invocavit, testificans quæ ab hospite esset passus ; et Larem quoque et Sodalicium invocavit, eundem deum appellans. Nempe Larem (sive Focorum præsidem) vocavit, quod, quem hospitem domi suæ receperat, eundem imprudens interfectorem filii sui aluisset : Sodalicium vero, quod, quem custodem adjunxisset filio suo, eundem inimicissimum deprehendisset. | And Croesus was very greatly disturbed by the death of his son, and was much the more moved to complaining by this, namely that his son was slain by the man whom he had himself cleansed of manslaughter. And being grievously troubled by the misfortune he called upon Zeus the Cleanser, protesting to him that which he had suffered from his guest, and he called moreover upon the Protector of Suppliants and the Guardian of Friendship, naming still the same god, and calling upon him as the Protector of Suppliants because when he received the guest into his house he had been fostering ignorantly the slayer of his son, and as the Guardian of Friendship because having sent him as a protector he had found him the worst of foes. |
| 1.45 | Post hæc Lydi venerunt cadaver ferentes. quos pone sequebatur interfector. Et hic quidem, ubi affuit, stans ante cadaver tradidit sese Crœso, manus protendens, oransque ut se super cadavere mactaret ; non esse sibi vivendum, dicens, qui, post superiorem calamitatem, expiatorem etiam suum perdidisset. (2) Quibus auditis Crœsus, tanto licet domestico in luctu, commiseratus tamen Adrastum, dixit illi : « Habeo abs te, hospes, omnem vindictam, quontiam te ipse morte condemnas ; nec tu mihi hujus mali auctor es, nisi quatenus invitus illud fecisti, sed deorum nescio quis ; qui mihi jam pridem hoc futurum ante significavit. » (3) Crœsus igitur filium, prout justum erat, sepeliendum curavit. Adrastus vero, Gordiæ filius, Midæ nepos, hic idem qui et fratris sui fuerat interfector, et sui expiatoris, ubi silentium fuit hominum circa sepulcrum, agnoscens se esse hominum quos ipse novisset calamitosissimum, super busto se ipse jugulavit. | After this the Lydians came bearing the corpse, and behind it followed the slayer: and he taking his stand before the corpse delivered himself up to Croesus, holding forth his hands and bidding the king slay him over the corpse, speaking of his former misfortune and saying that in addition to this he had now been the destroyer of the man who had cleansed him of it; and that life for him was no more worth living. But Croesus hearing this pitied Adrastos, although he was himself suffering so great an evil of his own, and said to him: “Guest, I have already received from thee all the satisfaction that is due, seeing that thou dost condemn thyself to suffer death; and not thou alone art the cause of this evil, except in so far as thou wert the instrument of it against thine own will, but some one, as I suppose, of the gods, who also long ago signified to me that which was about to be.” So Croesus buried his son as was fitting: but Adrastos the son of Gordias, the son of Midas, he who had been the slayer of his own brother and the slayer also of the man who had cleansed him, when silence came of all men round about the tomb, recognising that he was more grievously burdened by misfortune than all men of whom he knew, slew himself upon the grave. |
| 1.46 | Crœsus vero, filio orbatus, duos annos ingenti in luctu desedit. Sed posthac imperium Astyagis, Cyaxaræ filii, a Cyro Cambysis filio eversum, resque Persarum crescentes, luctui Crœsi finem fecerunt, curamque injecerunt ei et cogitationem, si qua ratione posset crescentem Persarum potentiam, priusquam nimium invalesceret, coercere. (2) Ab hac igitur cogitatione statim temptare oracula cœpit, tum quæ apud Græcos erant, tum id quod in Libya ; aliosque alio dimisit, quorum alii Delphos irent, alii Abas, Phocensium oppidum, alii Dodonam. Alii item ad Amphiaraum mittebantur, et ad Trophonium ; alii ad Branchidas ditionis Milesiæ. (3) Hæc Græca sunt oracula, ad quæ Crœsus misit consulenda : in Libyam vero ad Ammonem alios misit, qui ab illo responsa peterent. (4) Misit autem temptaturus oracula quid saperent ; ut, si illa reperisset verum nosse, tum iterum mitteret qui ex illis quærerent, an expeditionem adversus Persas deberet suscipere. | For two years then Croesus remained quiet in his mourning, because he was deprived of his son: but after this period of time the overthrowing of the rule of Astyages the son of Kyaxares by Cyrus the son of Cambyses, and the growing greatness of the Persians caused Croesus to cease from his mourning, and led him to a care of cutting short the power of the Persians, if by any means he might, while yet it was in growth and before they should have become great.
So having formed this design he began forthwith to make trial of the Oracles, both those of the Hellenes and that in Libya, sending messengers some to one place and some to another, some to go to Delphi, others to Abai of the Phokians, and others to Dodona; and some were sent to the shrine of Amphiaraos and to that of Trophonios, others to Branchidai in the land of Miletos: these are the Oracles of the Hellenes to which Croesus sent messengers to seek divination; and others he sent to the shrine of Ammon in Libya to inquire there. Now he was sending the messengers abroad to the end that he might try the Oracles and find out what knowledge they had, so that if they should be found to have knowledge of the truth, he might send and ask them secondly whether he should attempt to march against the Persians. |
| 1.47 | Ad temptanda igitur oracula hisce cum mandatis Lydos emisit, ut ab eo die, quo Sardibus essent profecti, centum consequentes numerarent dies, et centesimo die oracula adirent, ex eisque quærerent, quid esset quod illo die ageret rex Lydorum Crœsus, Alyattæ filius ; et quidquid a quoque oraculo responsum fuisset, id scripto mandarent, ad seque deferrent. (2) Jam, quid fuerit quod cetera responderint oracula, a nemine memoriæ proditum est : Delphis autem, simul atque Lydi deum consulturi penetrale templi intrarant, et quod ipsis mandatum erat interrogaverant, Pythia hexametro tenore hæc respondit:
mutum percipio, fantis nihil audio vocem. Venit ad hos sensus nidor testudini’ duræ, quæ simul agnina coquitur cum carne lebete ære infra strato, et stratum cui desuper æs est. » |
And to the Lydians whom he sent to make trial of the Oracles he gave charge as follows — that from the day on which they set out from Sardis they should reckon up the number of the days following and on the hundredth day they should consult the Oracles, asking what Croesus the son of Alyattes king of the Lydians chanced then to be doing: and whatever the Oracles severally should prophesy, this they should cause to be written down and bear it back to him. Now what the other Oracles prophesied is not by any reported, but at Delphi, so soon as the Lydians entered the sanctuary of the temple to consult the god and asked that which they were commanded to ask, the Pythian prophetess spoke thus in hexameter measure:
The dumb man I understand, and I hear the speech of the speechless: And there hath come to my soul the smell of a strong-shelled tortoise Boiling in caldron of bronze, and the flesh of a lamb mingled with it; Under it bronze is laid, it hath bronze as a clothing upon it.” |
| 1.48 | Hoc Pythiæ responsum quum scripto mandassent Lydi, Sardes sunt reversi. Postquam vero ceteri quoque, quos circummiserat Crœsus, rediere vaticinia ferentes, singula scripta evolvens Crœsus inspexit. (2) Ac horum quidem nullum advertebat ejus animum, præter id quod Delphis erat allatum : quod simul atque cognovit, adoravit probavitque, unum existimans esse oraculum illud Delphicum, quippe cui compertum fuisset, quid ipse fecisset. (3) Postquam enim emiserat homines qui oracula consulerent, statutum diem observans, tale quidpiam machinatus erat, ea commentus quæ nemo cognoscere aut hariolari posset : testudinem et agnum in frusta concidit, et una coxit ipse æneo in lebete, æneo imposito operculo. | When the Pythian prophetess had uttered this oracle, the Lydians caused the prophecy to be written down, and went away at once to Sardis. And when the rest also who had been sent round were there arrived with the answers of the Oracles, then Croesus unfolded the writings one by one and looked upon them: and at first none of them pleased him, but when he heard that from Delphi, forthwith he did worship to the god and accepted the answer, judging that the Oracle at Delphi was the only true one, because it had found out what he himself had done. For when he had sent to the several Oracles his messengers to consult the gods, keeping well in mind the appointed day he contrived the following device — he thought of something which it would be impossible to discover or to conceive of, and cutting up a tortoise and a lamb he boiled them together himself in a caldron of bronze, laying a cover of bronze over them. |
| 1.49 | Hoc igitur Delphis responsum accepit Crœsus : quid sit vero quod ab Amphiarai oraculo Lydis fuerit responsum, postquam in illius templo legitimis cærimoniis essent perfuncti, non habeo dicere : nec enim de hoc aliud quidquam memoratur, nisi quod hunc etiam Crœsus oraculum verax habere existimaverit. | This then was the answer given to Croesus from Delphi; and as regards the answer of Amphiaraos, I cannot tell what he replied to the Lydians after they had done the things customary in his temple, for there is no record of this any more than of the others, except only that Croesus thought that he also possessed a true Oracle. |
| 1.50 | Post hæc autem ingentibus sacrificiis Delphicum deum propitium sibi reddere instituit. Lectas enim victimas ter millenas de quoque genere immolavit ; præterea lectulos auro argentove obductos, et phialas aureas, et purpureas vestes tunicasque, ingenti pyra exstructa, concremavit. hisce sperans deum magis sibi se conciliaturum ; Lydisque cunctis edixit, ut de suo, quidquid quisque haberet, eidem deo sacrificaret. (2) Tum peractis sacrificiis, conflata immensa vi auri, dimidiatos lateres ex eo procudi jussit, palmarum sex in longitudinem, trium palmarum in latitudinem, crassitie palmari, numero centum et septemdecim. Horum quattuor e purissimo auro erant, singuli pondo duorum talentorum cum dimidio ; reliqui semilateres ex albido auro, pondo binorum talentorum. (3) Fecit etiam leonis effigiem ex auro purissimo, cujus pondus decem talentorum erat. Hic leo, quo tempore deflagravit Delphicum templum, de semilateribus decidit (super illis enim erat collocatus), et nunc in Corinthiorum thesauro est repositus, pondusque ejus sex talentorum est cum dimidio ; periere enim liquefacta talenta tria cum dimidio. | After this with great sacrifices he endeavored to win the favor of the god at Delphi: for of all the animals that are fit for sacrifice he offered three thousand of each kind, and he heaped up couches overlaid with gold and overlaid with silver, and cups of gold, and robes of purple, and tunics, making of them a great pyre, and this he burnt up, hoping by these means the more to win over the god to the side of the Lydians: and he proclaimed to all the Lydians that every one of them should make sacrifice with that which each man had. And when he had finished the sacrifice, he melted down a vast quantity of gold, and of it he wrought half-plinths making them six palms in length and three in breadth, and in height one palm; and their number was one hundred and seventeen. Of these four were of pure gold weighing two talents and a half each, and others of gold alloyed with silver weighing two talents. And he caused to be made also an image of a lion of pure gold weighing ten talents; which lion, when the temple of Delphi was being burnt down, fell from off the half-plinths, for upon these it was set, and is placed now in the treasury of the Corinthians, weighing six talents and a half, for three talents and a half were melted away from it. |
| 1.51 | Hæc Crœsus postquam confecta habuit, Delphos misit, cum eisque simul hæcce : crateres duos ingenti magnitudine, alterum aureum, argenteum alterum ; quorum aureus ad dextram positus erat intrantibus templum, argenteus ad sinistram. (2) Sed et hi, quo tempore conflagravit templum, loco moti sunt : et aureus quidem, cujus pondus octo talenta cum dimidio colligit duodecimque insuper libras, in Clazomeniorum thesauro positus est ; argenteus vero in atrii angulo, capiens amphoras sexcentas ; miscetur enim in eo vinum a Delphensibus festo Theophaniorum die. (3) Ajunt autem Delphenses, esse opus Theodori Samii ; quod etiam ego existimo, esse enim fabricam haud vulgarem apparet. Præterea quattuor dolia misit argentea, quæ in Corinthiorum thesauro reposita sunt. Duas item urnas lustrales dedicavit, auream alteram, alteram argenteam : quarum illa, quæ ex auro est, titulum præfert LACEDÆMONIORUM, dicuntque Lacedæmonii suum esse donarium, falso ; (4) nam et hoc Crœsi est, titulum autem inscripsit Delphensium non nemo, Lacedæmoniis gratificaturus ; cujus nomen, bene mihi cognitum, edere nolo. Sed puer quidem cujus per manum effluit aqua, Lacedæmoniorum donarium est, at urnarum neutra. (5) Alia denique multa donaria minus insignia simul cum istis misit Crœsus : in his guttos argenteos orbiculata forma ; est præsertim mulieris simulacrum aureum tricubitale, quam Delphenses ajunt effigiem esse pistricis Crœsi. Ad hæc uxoris etiam suæ monilia dedicavit, ejusdemque cingula. | So Croesus having finished all these things sent them to Delphi, and with them these besides — two mixing bowls of great size, one of gold and the other of silver, of which the golden bowl was placed on the right hand as one enters the temple, and the silver on the left, but the places of these also were changed after the temple was burnt down, and the golden bowl is now placed in the treasury of the people of Clazomenai, weighing eight and a half talents and twelve pounds over, while the silver one is placed in the corner of the vestibule and holds six hundred amphors (being filled with wine by the Delphians on the feast of the Theophania): this the people of Delphi say is the work of Theodoros the Samian, and, as I think, rightly, for it is evident to me that the workmanship is of no common kind: moreover Croesus sent four silver wine-jars, which stand in the treasury of the Corinthians, and two vessels for lustral water, one of gold and the other of silver, of which the gold one is inscribed “from the Lacedemonians,” who say that it is their offering: therein however they do not speak rightly; for this also is from Croesus, but one of the Delphians wrote the inscription upon it, desiring to gratify the Lacedemonians; and his name I know but will not make mention of it. The boy through whose hand the water flows is from the Lacedemonians, but neither of the vessels for lustral water. And many other votive offerings Croesus sent with these, not specially distinguished, among which are certain castings of silver of a round shape, and also a golden figure of a woman three cubits high, which the Delphians say is a statue of the baker of Croesus. Moreover Croesus dedicated the ornaments from his wife’s neck and her girdles. |
| 1.52 | Ista igitur dona Delphos Crœsus misit. Amphiarao vero, cujus et virtutem et calamitatem fando audierat, clypeum dedicavit totum ex auro ; item hastam e solido auro totam, cujus hastile pariter aureum atque spiculum : quæ donaria ad meam usque ætatem Thebis reposita sunt, et Thebarum quidem in templo Ismenii Apollinis. | These are the things which he sent to Delphi; and to Amphiaraos, having heard of his valor and of his evil fate, he dedicated a shield made altogether of gold throughout, and a spear all of solid gold, the shaft being of gold also as well as the two points, which offerings were both remaining even to my time at Thebes in the temple of Ismenian Apollo. |
| 1.53 | Hæc dona ad deorum templa delaturis Lydis injunxit Crœsus, ut interrogarent oracula, an adversus Persas expeditionem susciperet Crœsus, et an posset sociorum aliquas copias sibi adjungere ? (2) Qui ut eo quo missi erant pervenere, dedicatis donariis, oracula consuluerunt his verbis : « Crœsus, Lydorum rex aliorumque populorum, existimans hæc sola vera esse oracula hominibus, dona vobis misit digna vestris inventis, et nunc e vobis quærit, an adversus Persas suscipiat expeditionem, tum ecquem exercitum socium armorum possit sibi adjungere? » (3) Quæ quum illi interrogassent, utriusque oraculi responsa ad eandem sententiam collinearunt ; quippe prædicebant Crœso, si bellum inferret Persis, eversurum eum esse magnum imperium ; simulque ei consulebant, ut Græcorum exquireret potentissimos, eosque sibi socios adjungeret. | To the Lydians who were to carry these gifts to the temples Croesus gave charge that they should ask the Oracles this question also — whether Croesus should march against the Persians, and if so, whether he should join with himself any army of men as his friends. And when the Lydians had arrived at the places to which they had been sent and had dedicated the votive offerings, they inquired of the Oracles and said: “Croesus, king of the Lydians and of other nations, considering that these are the only true Oracles among men, presents to you gifts such as your revelations deserve, and asks you again now whether he shall march against the Persians, and if so, whether he shall join with himself any army of men as allies.” They inquired thus, and the answers of both the Oracles agreed in one, declaring to Croesus that if he should march against the Persians he should destroy a great empire: and they counselled him to find out the most powerful of the Hellenes and join these with himself as friends. |
| 1.54 | Ea oracula postquam ad se relata Crœsus cognovit, responsis istis vehementer est gavisus : prorsusque existimans se Cyri regnum esse eversurum, missis rursus Delphos legatis, Delphensium singulos, numerum illorum percontatus, viritim duobus stateribus auri donavit. (2) Vicissimque Delphenses Crœso Lydisque in omne futurum tempus primas detulerunt in consulendo oraculo partes, immunitatemque, et primum in consessibus locum, denique jus civitatis, cuique qui numero Delphensium vellet ascribi. | So when the answers were brought back and Croesus heard them, he was delighted with the oracles, and expecting that he would certainly destroy the kingdom of Cyrus, he sent again to Pytho, and presented to the men of Delphi, having ascertained the number of them, two staters of gold for each man: and in return for this the Delphians gave to Croesus and to the Lydians precedence in consulting the Oracle and freedom from all payments, and the right to front seats at the games, with this privilege also for all time, that any one of them who wished should be allowed to become a citizen of Delphi. |
| 1.55 | Ceterum donis istis Delphenses prosecutus Crœsus, tertio oraculum consulit ; quippe veracitatem ejus expertus, largiter sibi in eo consulendo indulgebat. Interrogavit autem oraculum hæc proponens, an diuturnum sibi futurum esset imperium ? (2) Cui Pythia hæc respondit:
Lyde, fugam mollis scruposum corripe ad Hermon, neve mane, ignavus posito sis, Lyde, pudore ! » |
And having made presents to the men of Delphi, Croesus consulted the Oracle the third time; for from the time when he learnt the truth of the Oracle, he made abundant use of it. And consulting the Oracle he inquired whether his monarchy would endure for a long time. And the Pythian prophetess answered him thus:
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| 1.56 | Quibus verbis ad Crœsum perlatis, longe omnium maxime gavisus est, ratus nunquam in Medos mulum pro viro esse regnaturum, adeoque nec ipsum, nec suos posteros, unquam privatum iri imperio. (2) Deinde curam suam eo convertit, ut inquireret quinam essent Græcorum potentissimi, quos socios sibi adjungeret. Sciscitatus igitur repperit, Lacedæmonios et Athenienses præter ceteros eminere, illos quidem Dorico in genere, hos vero in Ionico. (3) Hi enim duo populi præcipui habebantur, alter Pelasgicus, quum antiquitus sint, alter Hellenicus : et alter quidem nunquam solo suo excesserat, alter vero valde multumque erat vagatus. (4) Nam sub Deucalione rege Phthiotin terram habitaverat ; sub Doro vero, Hellenis filio, regionem Ossæ et Olympo subjectam occupavit, quæ Histiæotis vocatur ; (5) tum ex Histæotide ejectus a Cadmeis, Pindum incoluit, et Macednus populus est nominatus ; inde rursus in Dryopidem transiit ; e Dryopide denique sic in Peloponnesum venit, et Doricus est appellatus. | By these lines when they came to him Croesus was pleased more than by all the rest, for he supposed that a mule would never be ruler of the Medes instead of a man, and accordingly that he himself and his heirs would never cease from their rule. Then after this he gave thought to inquire which people of the Hellenes he should esteem the most powerful and gain over to himself as friends. And inquiring he found that the Lacedemonians and the Athenians had the pre-eminence, the first of the Dorian and the others of the Ionian race. For these were the most eminent races in ancient time, the second being a Pelasgian and the first a Hellenic race: and the one never migrated from its place in any direction, while the other was very exceedingly given to wanderings; for in the reign of Deucalion this race dwelt in Pthiotis, and in the time of Doros the son of Hellen in the land lying below Ossa and Olympos, which is called Histiaiotis; and when it was driven from Histiaiotis by the sons of Cadmos, it dwelt in Pindos and was called Makednian; and thence it moved afterwards to Dryopis, and from Dryopis it came finally to Peloponnesus, and began to be called Dorian. |
| 1.57 | Jam Pelasgi quanam lingua usi sint, pro certo affirmare non possum. Sed si fas est conjecturam capere ex his qui etiam nunc supersunt Pelasgi, qui supra Tyrrhenos Crestonem oppidum incolunt, qui eam regionem olim, quæ nunc Thessaliotis vocatur, habitaverant, finitimique per id tempus fuerant eorum qui Dorienses hodie nominantur ; idem ex illis Pelasgis qui Placiam et Scylacen in Hellesponto condiderunt, qui cum Atheniensibus una habitaverunt ; sive quæ sunt alia oppida Pelasgica, quæ nomen mutarunt : ex his si conjecturam capere fas est, barbara lingua usi sunt Pelasgi. (2) Quodsi igitur eadem ratio fuit universi Pelasgici generis, statuendum fuerit Atticum populum, quum sit Pelasgici generis, e quo in Hellenum nomen transiit, simul linguam suam dedidicisse et cum Hellenum lingua permutasse. (3) Etenim neque Crestoniatarum lingua cum ullis eorum, qui nunc circum habitant, consentit, neque Placianorum ; inter ipsos autem convenit : et satis apparet, servasse utrosque eandem sermonis formam, quam secum attulerant quum in has, quas nunc incolunt regiones immigrarunt. | What language however the Pelasgians used to speak I am not able with certainty to say. But if one must pronounce judging by those that still remain of the Pelasgians who dwelt in the city of Creston above the Tyrsenians, and who were once neighbors of the race now called Dorian, dwelling then in the land which is now called Thessaliotis, and also by those that remain of the Pelasgians who settled at Plakia and Skylake in the region of the Hellespont, who before that had been settlers with the Athenians, and of the natives of the various other towns which are really Pelasgian, though they have lost the name — if one must pronounce judging by these, the Pelasgians used to speak a Barbarian language. If therefore all the Pelasgian race was such as these, then the Attic race, being Pelasgian, at the same time when it changed and became Hellenic, unlearnt also its language. For the people of Creston do not speak the same language with any of those who dwell about them, nor yet do the people of Phakia, but they speak the same language one as the other: and by this it is proved that they still keep unchanged the form of language which they brought with them when they migrated to these places. |
| 1.58 | Hellenicum vero genus, e quo ortum cepit, lingua quidem semper utitur eadem, ut mihi quidem prorsus videtur : sed discretum a Pelasgico genere, quum esset infirmum et ab exiguis profectum initiis, in hanc tamen populorum multitudinem maximam accrevit, compluribus etiam aliis populis barbaris sese illi adjungentibus. Quo nimirum, ut mihi etiam videtur, factum est ut Pelasgicum genus, barbarum quum esset, nunquam magnos fecerit profectus. | As for the Hellenic race, it has used ever the same language, as I clearly perceive, since it first took its rise; but since the time when it parted off feeble at first from the Pelasgian race, setting forth from a small beginning it has increased to that great number of races which we see, and chiefly because many Barbarian races have been added to it besides. Moreover it is true, as I think, of the Pelasgian race also, that so far as it remained Barbarian it never made any great increase. |
| 1.59 | Horum igitur populorum Atticum quidem rescivit Crœsus teneri et in partes divulsum esse a Pisistrato, Hippocratis filio, qui ea tempestate tyrannus erat Atheniensium. (2) Hippocrati enim, quum esset privatus spectaretque Olympia, ingens oblatum prodigium fuerat. Sacra quum fecisset, in propinquo stantes lebetes, carnibus et aqua repleti, absque igne fervere cœperant et exundare. (3) Itaque Chilon Lacedæmonius, qui forte aderat prodigiumque erat conspicatus, suasit Hippocrati, primum quidem, ne domum duceret uxorem e qua liberos procrearet : sin jam haberet, secundo loco, ut repudiaret uxorem ; filiumque, si forte ei jam natus esset, abdicaret. (4) Cujus consilio parere nolenti Hippocrati natus posthac est hic Pisistratus ; qui in seditione litoralium Atheniensium, quibus præerat Megacles, Alcmæonis filius, et campestrium, quibus Lycurgus præerat, Aristolaidæ filius, tertiam concitavit factionem, tyrannidem in mente habens. Contractis enim seditiosis qui secum facerent, per causam tutandi montanos, hujuscemodi rem machinatus est. (5) Se ipsum ac mulos quum vulnerasset, agitavit jumenta in fortum, quasi elapsus esset ex inimicorum manibus, qui ipsum rus proficiscentem interimere nimirum voluissent ; precatusque est populum, ut aliquid custodiæ ab illo obtineret : jam enim prius in existimatione apud populum fuerat, quod in bello adversus Megarenses, ipsius ductu gesto, cepisset Nisæam, et alia præclare facta edidisset. (6) Sic deceptus populus Atheniensium adjunxit ei delectos ex urbe viros, qui ut satellites non quidem hastis eum stipabant, sed clavis : ligneas enim clavas gestantes, a tergo eum sequebantur. Iidem vero simul cum Pisistrato insurgentes, arcem occuparunt. (7) Inde igitur imperio Atheniensium potitus Pisistratus, nullis qui tunc erant magistratibus perturbatis, neque legibus mutatis, sed priore statu integro, administrabat civitatem, ac bene recteque moderabatur. | Of these races then Croesus was informed that the Athenian was held subject and torn with faction by Peisistratos the son of Hippocrates, who then was despot of the Athenians. For to Hippocrates, when as a private citizen he went to view the Olympic games, a great marvel had occurred. After he had offered the sacrifice, the caldrons which were standing upon the hearth, full of pieces of flesh and of water, boiled without fire under them and ran over. And Chilon the Lacedemonian, who chanced to have been present and to have seen the marvel, advised Hippocrates first not to bring into his house a wife to bear him children, and secondly, if he happened to have one already, to dismiss her, and if he chanced to have a son, to disown him. When Chilon had thus recommended, Hippocrates, they say, was not willing to be persuaded, and so there was born to him afterwards this Peisistratos; who, when the Athenians of the shore were at feud with those of the plain, Megacles the son of Alcmaion being leader of the first faction, and Lycurgos the son of Aristolaïdes of that of the plain, aimed at the despotism for himself and gathered a third party. So then, after having collected supporters and called himself leader of the men of the mountain-lands, he contrived a device as follows — he inflicted wounds upon himself and upon his mules, and then drove his car into the market-place, as if he had just escaped from his opponents, who, as he alleged, had desired to kill him when he was driving into the country: and he asked the commons that he might obtain some protection from them, for before this he had gained reputation in his command against the Megarians, during which he took Nisaia and performed other signal service. And the commons of the Athenians being deceived gave him those men chosen from the dwellers in the city who became not indeed the spear-men of Peisistratos but his club-men; for they followed behind him bearing wooden clubs. And these made insurrection with Peisistratos and obtained possession of the Acropolis. Then Peisistratos was ruler of the Athenians, not having disturbed the existing magistrates nor changed the ancient laws; but he administered the State under that constitution of things which was already established, ordering it fairly and well. |
| 1.60 | Sed haud multo post Megaclis factio et factio Lycurgi, facta consensione, eum ejecerunt. Ita Pisistratus, postquam primum Athenas obtinuerat, mox tyrannidem nondum satis firmatam rursus amisit. (2) Sed, qui eum ejecerant, mox denuo inter se dissidium fecerunt. Fatigatus autem seditione Megacles, misso ad Pisistratum caduceatore, sciscitatus est velletne filiam suam ducere uxorem, tyrannidis præmio. (3) Quem sermonem ubi admisit Pisistratus, eaque conditione pactionem cum Megacle iniit, machinantur hi ad illum reducendum rem, ut mihi quidem plane videtur, longe stultissimam. Quandoquidem enim jam a priscis inde temporibus a barbarico genere distinctum Græcum fuit, utpote dexterius et a stolida fatuitate magis abhorrens, stultum utique debet videri, usos illos esse tali invento apud Athenienses, qui inter Græcos feruntur sapientia principes. (4) Erat in pago Pæaniensi mulier, nomine Phya, quattuor cubitorum statura minus tribus digitis, et alioqui formosa. (5) Hanc mulierem quum universa instruxissent armatura, in currumque sustulissent edoctam prius eum assumere vultus corporisque habitum quo maxime decora esset apparitura, in urbem agunt, præmissis qui præcurrerent præconibus, qui ubi in urbem venissent, hæc mandata edicerent : « Athenienses, bono animo excipite Pisistratum, quem Minerva ipsa præcipuo inter homines honore prosecuta, in suam reducit arcem ! » (6) Hi igitur passim circumeuntes hæc prædicaverunt : statimque rumor per pagos manavit, Pisistratum a Minerva reduci ; et qui in urbe erant, persuasi hanc mulierem esse ipsam Minervam, adorarunt eam, Pisistratumque receperunt. | However, no long time after this the followers of Megacles and those of Lycurgos joined together and drove him forth. Thus Peisistratos had obtained possession of Athens for the first time, and thus he lost the power before he had it firmly rooted. But those who had driven out Peisistratos became afterwards at feud with one another again. And Megacles, harassed by the party strife, sent a message to Peisistratos asking whether he was willing to have his daughter to wife on condition of becoming despot. And Peisistratos having accepted the proposal and made an agreement on these terms, they contrived with a view to his return a device the most simple by far, as I think, that ever was practised, considering at least that it was devised at a time when the Hellenic race had been long marked off from the Barbarian as more skilful and further removed from foolish simplicity, and among the Athenians who are accounted the first of the Hellenes in ability. In the deme of Paiania there was a woman whose name was Phya, in height four cubits all but three fingers, and also fair of form. This woman they dressed in full armor and caused her to ascend a chariot and showed her the bearing in which she might best beseem her part, and so they drove to the city, having sent on heralds to run before them, who, when they arrived at the city, spoke that which had been commanded them, saying as follows: “O Athenians, receive with favor Peisistratos, whom Athene herself, honoring him most of all men, brings back to her Acropolis.” So the heralds went about hither and thither saying this, and straightway there came to the demes in the country round a report that Athene was bringing Peisistratos back, while at the same time the men of the city, persuaded that the woman was the very goddess herself, were paying worship to the human creature and receiving Peisistratos. |
| 1.61 | Hunc igitur in modum, quem diximus, recuperata tyrannide, Pisistratus e pacto cum Megacle inito filiam Megaclis duxit uxorem. Verum quum et filii essent ei adolescentes, et Alcmæonidæ dicerentur obnoxii esse piaculo, nolens e novo conjugio liberos suscipere, non uti fas est coibat cum uxore. (2) Atque id quidem primum celavit mulier : deinde vero, sive interrogata a matre, sive non, matri suæ apperuit, atque illa cum marito rem communicavit. Megacles vero inique ferens se a Pisistrato ludibrio haberi, per iram e vestigio cum adversæ factionis hominibus, positis inimicitiis, in gratiam rediit. (3) Tum Pisistratus, ubi quid contra se ageretur rescivit, prorsus e terra Attica discessit : et Eretriam profectus est, ubi cum filiis de rebus suis deliberavit. Ubi perferente Hippia suam sententiam, tyrannidem postliminio occupandam esse, munera colligebant ex eis civitatibus, quæ illos superiori tempore observantia quadam erant prosecuti. (4) Quarum quum multæ magnas conferrent pecunias, Thebani præ ceteris liberalitate eminuere. Post hæc, ut brevi sermone absolvam, interjecto tempore, omnia ad reditum eis parata fuere : nam Argivi mercenarii advenerant e Peloponneso, et Naxius vir, cui Lygdamis nomen, ultro eos converat, et quum collatis pecuniis, tum adductis militibus, propensam inprimis animi voluntatem probaverat. | So having received back the despotism in the manner which has been said, Peisistratos according to the agreement made with Megacles married the daughter of Megacles; but as he had already sons who were young men, and as the descendants of Alcmaion were said to be under a curse, therefore not desiring that children should be born to him from his newly-married wife, he had commerce with her not in the accustomed manner. And at first the woman kept this secret, but afterwards she told her mother, whether in answer to her inquiry or not I cannot tell; and the mother told her husband Megacles. He then was very indignant that he should be dishonored by Peisistratos; and in his anger straightway he proceeded to compose his quarrel with the men of his faction. And when Peisistratos heard of that which was being done against himself, he departed wholly from the land and came to Eretria, where he took counsel together with his sons: and the advice of Hippias having prevailed, that they should endeavor to win back the despotism, they began to gather gifts of money from those States which owed them obligations for favors received: and many contributed great sums, but the Thebans surpassed the rest in the giving of money. Then, not to make the story long, time elapsed and at last everything was prepared for their return. For certain Argives came as mercenaries from the Peloponnesus, and a man of Naxos had come to them of his own motion, whose name was Lygdamis, and showed very great zeal in providing both money and men. |
| 1.62 | Itaque Eretria profecti, undecimo anno in patriam redierunt, et primum in Attica terra Marathonem occuparunt. (2) Quo loco quum castra posuissent, mox partim ex urbe qui cum illis sentiebant ad eos conveniebant, partim e pagis alii confluebant, quibus regnum libertate erat optabilius. (3) Atque ita hi quidem congregabantur. Athenienses vero in urbe, quam diu Pisistratus pecuniam cogebat, ac deinde rursus quum Marathonem teneret, nullam ejus rationem habuerant : sed ubi resciverunt, Marathone eum urbem versus movere, tum vero ei occurrendum statuerunt. (4) Hi igitur cum omnibus copiis adversus redeuntes egressi sunt : simulque Pisistratus et qui cum eo erant, ut Marathone profecti contra urbem ivere, illis occurrentes ad templum pervenerunt Pallenidos Minervæ, ibique castra ex adverso posuerunt. (5) Ibi tum divinitus missus astitit Pisistrato Amphilytus Acarnan [Acharnensis?], vir vaticinia edere doctus, qui illum adiens, hexametro tenore vaticinium edidit his verbis:
nocte aderunt thynni claro sub sidere lunæ. » |
So starting from Eretria after the lapse of ten years they returned back; and in Attica the first place of which they took possession was Marathon. While they were encamping here, their partisans from the city came to them, and also others flowed in from the various demes, to whom despotic rule was more welcome than freedom. So these were gathering themselves together; but the Athenians in the city, so long as Peisistratos was collecting the money, and afterwards when he took possession of Marathon, made no account of it; but when they heard that he was marching from Marathon towards the city, then they went to the rescue against him. These then were going in full force to fight against the returning exiles, and the forces of Peisistratos, as they went towards the city starting from Marathon, met them just when they came to the temple of Athene Pallenis, and there encamped opposite to them. Then moved by divine guidance there came into the presence of Peisistratos Amphilytos the Arcarnanian, a soothsayer, who approaching him uttered an oracle in hexameter verse, saying thus:
And in the night the tunnies will dart through the moon-lighted waters.” |
| 1.63 | Sic ille divino afflatu concitatus cecinit : Pisistratus vero, percepto oraculo, accipere se omen dicens, exercitum in hostes duxit. Athenienses autem urbani per id tempus ad prandium se converterant, et a prandio alii ad tesserarum ludum, alii ad somnum. (2) Hos igitur Pisistratus cum suis, facto impetu, in fugam vertit. Qui dum profugiunt, ibi tum prudentissimo consilio usus est Pisistratus, quominus ordines redintegrarent Athenienses, sed dispersi manerent. Filios suos equis impositos præmisit ; qui consecuti fugientes, Pisistrati verbis bono animo esse juberent, et ad sua quemque abire. | This oracle he uttered to him being divinely inspired, and Peisistratos, having understood the oracle and having said that he accepted the prophecy which was uttered, led his army against the enemy. Now the Athenians from the city were just at that time occupied with the morning meal, and some of them after their meal with games of dice or with sleep; and the forces of Peisistratos fell upon the Athenians and put them to flight. Then as they fled, Peisistratos devised a very skilful counsel, to the end that the Athenians might not gather again into one body but might remain scattered abroad. He mounted his sons on horseback and sent them before him; and overtaking the fugitives they said that which was commanded them by Peisistratos, bidding them be of good cheer and that each man should depart to his own home. |
| 1.64 | Ita, dicto parentibus Atheniensibus, Pisistratus tertio potitus Athenis, tyrannidem firmavit quum auxiliaribus multis, tum pecuniarum reditibus, quæ partim ex ipsa regione, partim a Strymone fluvio cogebantur. Filios quoque eorum Atheniensium, qui restiterant neque e vestigio fugam capessiverant, obsidum loco captos Naxum transtulit : nam etiam Naxum Pisistratus bello subegerat, et Lygdamidi tradiderat administrandam. Ad hæc Delum insulam ex oraculi responso expiaverat. Expiavit autem hoc modo : (2) quo usque prospectus templi pertinebat, e tota ea regione effodienda cadavera curavit, et in alium insulæ locum transferenda. (3) Ita Pisistratus Athenis regnabat : Atheniensium autem alii in prœlio ceciderant, alii cum Alcmæonidis e patria terra profugerunt. | Thus then the Athenians did, and so Peisistratos for the third time obtained possession of Athens, and he firmly rooted his despotism by many foreign mercenaries and by much revenue of money, coming partly from the land itself and partly from about the river Strymon, and also by taking as hostages the sons of those Athenians who had remained in the land and had not at once fled, and placing them in the hands of Naxos; for this also Peisistratos conquered by war and delivered into the charge of Lygdamis. Moreover besides this he cleansed the island of Delos in obedience to the oracles; and his cleansing was of the following kind — so far as the view from the temple extended he dug up all the dead bodies which were buried in this part and removed them to another part of Delos. So Peisistratos was tyrant of the Athenians; but of the Athenians some had fallen in the battle, and others of them with the sons of Alcmaion were exiles from their native land. |
| 1.65 | Talem igitur rerum statum per id tempus apud Athenienses obtinere audiverat Crœsus. Lacedæmonios vero rescivit, magnis malis defunctos, bello jam superiores esse Tegeatis. (2) Quippe, regnantibus Spartæ Leone et Hegesicle, quum ceteris in bellis feliciter rem gessissent Lacedæmonii, a Tegeatis solis cladem acceperant. Ac superioribus quidem temporibus et inter se invicem legibus usi erant pessimis fere omnium Græcorum, et cum aliis populis nullum habuerant commercium. Sed leges eorum in melius mutatæ sunt hoc modo. (3) Lycurgo, viro inter Spartanos probato, Delphos ad oraculum profecto, simulatque penetrale ingressus est, protinus Pythia hæcce profatur.
grate Jovi et cunctis qui tecta tuentur Olympi. Ambigo, te-ne deum jam nunc, hominemve, salutem: sed multo magis esse deum te credo, Lycurge. » |
Such was the condition of things which Croesus heard was prevailing among the Athenians during this time; but as to the Lacedemonians he heard that they had escaped from great evils and had now got the better of the Tegeans in the war. For when Leon and Hegesicles were kings of Sparta, the Lacedemonians, who had good success in all their other wars, suffered disaster in that alone which they waged against the men of Tegea. Moreover in the times before this they had the worst laws of almost all the Hellenes, both in matters which concerned themselves alone and also in that they had no dealings with strangers. And they made their change to a good constitution of laws thus — Lycurgos, a man of the Spartans who was held in high repute, came to the Oracle at Delphi, and as he entered the sanctuary of the temple, straightway the Pythian prophetess said as follows:
Loved thou by Zeus and by all who possess the abodes of Olympos. Whether to call thee a god, I doubt, in my voices prophetic, God or a man, but rather a god I think, O Lycurgos.” |
| 1.66 | Ita igitur legibus institutisque in melius mutatis usi sunt Lacedæmonii : vita autem functo Lycurgo templum statuerunt, et magnopere eundem colunt. Tum vero bonitate soli et cultorum frequentia factum est ut brevi incrementum caperent, opibusque augerentur. (2) Jamque quietem agere non contenti, quum Arcadibus præstantiores esse arbitrarentur, de universa Arcadum regione oraculum Delphis consulere. Quibus Pythia hæc respondit:
Multi apud Arcadiam vescentes glande viri sunt, qui te rejicient. Nec vero invidero prorsus: saltandam Tegeam planta plaudente daturus, utque queas campum metiri fune feracem. » |
Having changed thus, the Spartans had good laws; and to Lycurgos after he was dead they erected a temple, and they pay him great worship. So then, as might be supposed, with a fertile land and with no small number of men dwelling in it, they straightway shot up and became prosperous: and it was no longer sufficient for them to keep still; but presuming that they were superior in strength to the Arcadians, they consulted the Oracle at Delphi respecting conquest of the whole of Arcadia; and the Pythian prophetess gave answer thus:
Many there are in Arcadian land, stout men, eating acorns; These will prevent thee from this: but I am not grudging towards thee; Tegea beaten with sounding feet I will give thee to dance in, And a fair plain I will give thee to measure with line and divide it.” |
| 1.67 | Ita quidem priore bello infeliciter semper pugnaverant cum Tegeatis : sed Crœsi ætate, regnum Lacedæmone tenentibus Anaxandrida et Aristone, superiores jam bello fuerant Spartani, idque tali ratione erant consecuti. (2) Quum in bello nunquam non superarentur a Tegeatis, missis Delphos consultoribus sciscitati sunt oraculum, quemnam deorum placarent, ut bello superiores Tegeatis essent futuri. His Pythia respondit, tum futuros, quum ossa Orestis, filii Agamemnonis, ad se attulissent. (3) At loculum Orestis postquam reperire nullo pacto potuerunt, rursus ad deum mittunt sciscitaturos, quonam loco situs Orestes esset. Id interrogantibus consultoribus hæc respondit Pythia:
hic duo flant venti, vi pervehemente citati; reppulsus pulsus, noxæ superindita noxa. Hic Agamemnonides terra omniparente tenetur; quo tu sublato, Tegeæ sperabere victor. » |
In the former war then I say they struggled against the Tegeans continually with ill success; but in the time of Croesus and in the reign of Anaxandrides and Ariston at Lacedemon the Spartans had at length become victors in the war; and they became so in the following manner — As they continued to be always worsted in the war by the men of Tegea, they sent messengers to consult the Oracle at Delphi and inquired what god they should propitiate in order to get the better of the men of Tegea in the war: and the Pythian prophetess made answer to them that they should bring into their land the bones of Orestes the son of Agamemnon. Then as they were not able to find the grave of Orestes, they sent men again to go to the god and to inquire about the spot where Orestes was laid: and when the messengers who were sent asked this, the prophetess said as follows:
Where there do blow two blasts by strong compulsion together; Stroke too there is and stroke in return, and trouble on trouble. There Agamemnon’s son in the life-giving earth is reposing; |
| 1.68 | Ex horum igitur numero Lichas id quod quærebatur invenit Tegeæ, quum fortuna usus, tum solertia. Nam quum eo tempore jus commercii esset Lacedæmoniis cum Tegeatis, intrans ille Tegeæ in ferrariam officinam, spectabat ibi procudendi ferri rationem, mirabaturque id quod fieri videbat. (2) Cujus admirationem animadvertens faber, cessans ab opere ait : « Profecto magis quodammodo, hospes Lacon, miratus fuisses, si id quod ego vidi, tu vidisses, qui nunc fabricationem ferri ita admiraris. (3) Hac ipsa enim in aula puteum quum facere voluissem, fodiendo incidi in loculum septem cubitorum. Ego vero, quum persuadere omnino mihi non potuissem, fuisse unquam majores quam nunc sunt homines, aperui loculum, et vidi cadaver eadem cum loculo longitudine : cujus postquam mensuram cepi, rursus terra obrui. » (4) Hæc illo quæ viderat referente, Lichas narrata animo volvens, conjectabat esse hunc Orestem, quem oraculum dixisset. Conjectabat autem hac ratione : duos videns fabri ferrarii folles, hos esse ventos illos reperiebat, incudem vero et malleum, pulsum illum et repulsum ; procusum porro ferrum, noxam superinditam noxæ; quod quidem ex ea conjectabat ratione, quod in noxam hominis inventum esset ferrum. (5) Quæ quum ita ille conjectasset, Spartam abiit, totamque rem Lacedæmoniis exposuit. Tum illi e composito fictum crimen homini inferentes, exilio eundem mulctant. (6) Qui Tegeam profectus, calamitatem suam rettulit fabro, cum eoque egit ut aulam sibi elocaret. Cui diu quidem reluctanti quum ad extremum persuasisset, ibi habitavit ; moxque effosso sepulcro ossa collegit, Spartamque remigrans transportavit. (7) Quo e tempore, quoties vires suas invicem temptarunt, semper superiores bello excessere Lacedæmonii : eisdemque jam major etiam pars Peloponnesi erat subjecta. | Lichas then, being one of these, discovered it in Tegea by means both of fortune and ability. For as there were at that time dealings under truce with the men of Tegea, he had come to a forge there and was looking at iron being wrought; and he was in wonder as he saw that which was being done. The smith therefore, perceiving that he marvelled at it, ceased from his work and said: “Surely, thou stranger of Lacedemon, if thou hadst seen that which I once saw, thou wouldst have marvelled much, since now it falls out that thou dost marvel so greatly at the working of this iron; for I, desiring in this enclosure to make a well, lighted in my digging upon a coffin of seven cubits in length; and not believing that ever there had been men larger than those of the present day, I opened it, and I saw that the dead body was equal in length to the coffin: then after I had measured it, I filled in the earth over it again.” He then thus told him of that which he had seen; and the other, having thought upon that which was told, conjectured that this was Orestes according to the saying of the Oracle, forming his conjecture in the following manner — whereas he saw that the smith had two pairs of bellows, he concluded that these were the winds spoken of, and that the anvil and the hammer were the stroke and the stroke in return, and that the iron which was being wrought was the trouble laid upon trouble, making comparison by the thought that iron has been discovered for the evil of mankind. Having thus conjectured he came back to Sparta and declared the whole matter to the Lacedemonians; and they brought a charge against him on a fictitious pretext and drove him out into exile. So having come to Tegea, he told the smith of his evil fortune and endeavored to hire from him the enclosure, but at first he would not allow him to have it: at length however Lichas persuaded him and he took up his abode there; and he dug up the grave and gathered together the bones and went with them away to Sparta. From that time, whenever they made trial of one another, the Lacedemonians had much the advantage in the war; and by now they had subdued to themselves the greater part of Peloponnesus besides. |
| 1.69 | Hæc igitur cuncta quum Crœsus comperisset, legatos Spartam misit dona ferentes, societatem petitum, quibus quæ dicere oporteret mandavit. Qui ubi advenere, his usi sunt verbis: « Misit nos Crœsus, Lydorum rex aliorumque populorum, hæc dicens : O Lacedæmonii, quoniam deus me per oraculum monuit, ut Græcum mihi asciscerem socium, vos autem audio principatum tenere Græciæ, vos idcirco ex oraculi mandato invito, amicus esse cupiens et socius absque dolo et fraude. » (2) Hæc Crœsus per legatos nuntiavit. Quorum adventu gavisi Lacedæmonii, qui et ipsi oraculum Crœso editum cognoverant : hospitium et societatem pacto fœdere cum eo contraxerunt ; nam et antea jam beneficiis nonnullis a Crœso fuerant affecti. (3) Sardes enim quum misissent Lacedæmonii ad emendum aurum, quo usuri erant in statuam hanc quæ Apollini posita nunc est in Thornace Laconiæ, Crœsus illud empturis dono dederat. | Croesus accordingly being informed of all these things was sending messengers to Sparta with gifts in their hands to ask for an alliance, having commanded them what they ought to say: and they when they came said: “Croesus king of the Lydians and also of other nations sent us hither and saith as follows: O Lacedemonians, whereas the god by an oracle bade me join with myself the Hellene as a friend, therefore, since I am informed that ye are the chiefs of Hellas, I invite you according to the oracle, desiring to be your friend and your ally apart from all guile and deceit.” Thus did Croesus announce to the Lacedemonians through his messengers; and the Lacedemonians, who themselves also had heard of the oracle given to Croesus, were pleased at the coming of the Lydians and exchanged oaths of friendship and alliance: for they were bound to Croesus also by some services rendered to them even before this time; since the Lacedemonians had sent to Sardis and were buying gold there with purpose of using it for the image of Apollo which is now set up on Mount Thornax in the Lacedemonian land; and Croesus, when they desired to buy it, gave it them as a gift. |
| 1.70 | Quum hanc igitur ob causam, tum quod ipsos reliquis omnibus præferens Græcis selegisset amicos, societatem belli admiserunt Lacedæmonii. (2) Ad quam non modo parati erant denuntianti, verum etiam craterem æneum fabricandum curarunt, multis imagunculis circa exterius labium ornatum, ea magnitudine ut trecentas caperet amphoras, quem ad Crœsum miserunt, dono hoc illum remuneraturi. Hic vero crater Sardes non pervenit, cujus rei causa dupliciter narratur. (3) Lacedæmonii quidem ajunt, quum Sardes veheretur crater ille et prope Samum esset, Samios, re cognita, navibus longis advectos, eum intercepisse. Ipsi vero Samii ajunt, Lacedæmonios craterem advehentes, quum sero venissent et Sardes expugnatas regemque captum esse comperissent, craterem in Samo insula vendidisse, privatosque homines suo ære emptum in Junonis templo consecrasse : fortasse autem hos, qui eum vendiderant, Spartam reversos, dixisse fuisse ipsis illum a Samiis vi ablatum. | For this reason therefore the Lacedemonians accepted the alliance, and also because he chose them as his friends, preferring them to all the other Hellenes. And not only were they ready themselves when he made his offer, but they caused a mixing-bowl to be made of bronze, covered outside with figures round the rim and of such a size as to hold three hundred amphors, and this they conveyed, desiring to give it as a gift in return to Croesus. This bowl never came to Sardis for reasons of which two accounts are given as follows — The Lacedemonians say that when the bowl was on its way to Sardis and came opposite the land of Samos, the men of Samos having heard of it sailed out with ships of war and took it away; but the Samians themselves say that the Lacedemonians who were conveying the bowl, finding that they were too late and hearing that Sardis had been taken and Croesus was a prisoner, sold the bowl in Samos, and certain private persons bought it and dedicated it as a votive offering in the temple of Hera; and probably those who had sold it would say when they returned to Sparta that it had been taken from them by the Samians. |
| 1.71 | Ac de cratere quidem ita res se habuit. Crœsus vero, quum ab oraculi sententia aberrasset, Cappadociam bello invasit, Cyrum et Persarum potentiam eversurum se sperans. (2) Dum vero bellum adversus Persas Crœsus parabat, Lydorum aliquis, qui et jam ante habebatur sapiens, et ab hac, quam tunc dixit, sententia vel maxime etiam nomen est inter Lydos adeptus (Sandanis vocabatur) his verbis Crœsum admonuit : (3) « O rex, inquit, tales adversus homines tu bellum paras, qui coriaceas braccas et e corio reliquam vestem gestant : qui comedunt non quantum volunt, sed quantum habent, aspero solo utentes : ad hæc non vino utuntur, sed aquam bibunt : non ficos habent quas comedant, nec aliud bonum ullum. (4) Hos igitur sive viceris, quid eis auferes, nihil habentibus ? Sin victus fueris, vide quot quantaque bona sis amissurus. Nostra enim bona postquam degustaverint, nolent ea e manibus dimittere, neque se abigi patientur. Equidem igitur diis habeo gratias, quod Persis non in animum inducunt bello invadere Lydos: » (5) Hæc ille dicens, Crœso non persuasit. Etenim Persis, priusquam Lydos subegissent, nihil delicati, nihil boni fuerat. | Thus then it happened about the mixing-bowl: but meanwhile Croesus, mistaking the meaning of the oracle, was making a march into Cappadokia, expecting to overthrow Cyrus and the power of the Persians: and while Croesus was preparing to march against the Persians, one of the Lydians, who even before this time was thought to be a wise man but in consequence of this opinion got a very great name for wisdom among the Lydians, had advised Croesus as follows (the name of the man was Sandanis) — “O king, thou art preparing to march against men who wear breeches of leather, and the rest of their clothing is of leather also; and they eat food not such as they desire but such as they can obtain, dwelling in a land which is rugged; and moreover they make no use of wine but drink water; and no figs have they for dessert, nor any other good thing. On the one hand, if thou shalt overcome them, what wilt thou take away from them, seeing they have nothing? And on the other hand, if thou shalt be overcome, consider how many good things thou wilt lose; for once having tasted our good things, they will cling to them fast and it will not be possible to drive them away. I for my own part feel gratitude to the gods that they do not put it into the minds of the Persians to march against the Lydians.” Thus he spoke not persuading Croesus: for it is true indeed that the Persians before they subdued the Lydians had no luxury nor any good thing. |
| 1.72 | Cappadoces illi a Græcis Syrii nominantur. Fuerant autem hi Syrii, priusquam Persæ obtinuissent imperium Medorum potestati subjecti : tunc vero Cyro parebant. Limes enim Medici imperii et Lydici Halys fluvius erat ; qui ex Armenio monte ortus per Ciliciam fluit, deinde a dextra Matienos habet, a sinistra Phrygas ; quos præterlapsus versus boream sursum fluens, ab altera parte Syrios Cappadocas, a læva vero Paphlagonas disjungit. (2) Ita Halys fluvius omnem fere inferiorem disterminat Asiam, a mari quod Cypro oppositum est ad Pontum usque Euxinum ; estque hæc cervix totius hujus regionis : longitudinem quod attinet itineris, expedito viro quinque dies insumuntur. | Now the Cappadokians are called by the Hellenes Syrians; and these Syrians, before the Persians had rule, were subjects of the Medes, but at this time they were subjects of Cyrus. For the boundary between the Median empire and the Lydian was the river Halys; and this flows from the mountain-land of Armenia through the Kilikians, and afterwards, as it flows, it has the Matienians on the right hand and the Phrygians on the other side; then passing by these and flowing up towards the North Wind, it bounds on the one side the Cappadokian Syrians and on the left hand the Paphlagonians. Thus the river Halys cuts off from the rest almost all the lower parts of Asia by a line extending from the sea that is opposite Cyprus to the Euxine. And this tract is the neck of the whole peninsula, the distance of the journey being such that five days are spent on the way by a man without encumbrance |
| 1.73 | Bellum autem Crœsus Cappadociæ intulit his de causis : partim quidem potiundæ regionis illius desiderio, quam suæ adjicere ditioni cupiebat ; maxime vero, quod oraculo confisus ultionem capere de Cyro vellet Astyagis causa. (2) Astyagem enim, Cyaxaris filium, Crœsi affinem, Mediæ regem, Cyrus Cambysis filius bello victum captumque tenebat. Adfinis autem Crœsi factus erat Astyages hac ratione. (3) Scytharum nomadum turma per seditionem in terram Medicam secesserat, quo tempore Medis imperabat Cyaxares, Phraortæ filius, Dejocis nepos, qui Scythas istos, ut supplices advenientes, benigne exceperat. Idem, quum eos magni faceret, pueros eisdem tradidit, qui et linguam eorum et sagittandi artem addiscerent. (4) Interjecto tempore, quum venatum semper exirent Scythæ, et nunquam non aliquid afferrent, accidit aliquando ut nihil caperent : quos vacuis manibus reversos Cyaxares, vir (ut tum ostendit) ad iram præceps, aspere admodum et contumeliose accepit. (5) Tum illi, indigne secum actum ægerrime ferentes, consilio habito decreverunt unum ex eis pueris, qui in ipsorum disciplinam dati essent, in frusta concidere, et eodem modo paratum quo ferinam parare consuevissent, Cyaxari tanquam feram a se captam afferre, protinusque inde ad Alyatten, Sadyattæ filium, Sardes sese recipere. (6) Atque ita etiam, ut illi decreverant, facta res est. Nam et Cyaxares, et qui cum eo erant convivæ, carnes istas gustarunt ; et Scythæ, perpetrato facinore, ad Alyatten supplices venerunt. | Now for the following reasons Croesus was marching into Cappadokia — first because he desired to acquire the land in addition to his own possessions, and then especially because he had confidence in the oracle and wished to take vengeance on Cyrus for Astyages. For Cyrus the son of Cambyses had conquered Astyages and was keeping him in captivity, who was brother by marriage to Croesus and king of the Medes: and he had become the brother by marriage of Croesus in this manner — A horde of the nomad Scythians at feud with the rest withdrew and sought refuge in the land of the Medes: and at this time the ruler of the Medes was Kyaxares the son of Phraortes, the son of Deïokes, who at first dealt well with these Scythians, being suppliants for his protection; and esteeming them very highly he delivered boys to them to learn their speech and the art of shooting with the bow. Then time went by, and the Scythians used to go out continually to the chase and always brought back something; till once it happened that they took nothing, and when they returned with empty hands Kyaxares (being, as he showed on this occasion, not of an eminently good disposition dealt with them very harshly and used insult towards them. And they, when they had received this treatment from Kyaxares, considering that they had suffered indignity, planned to kill and to cut up one of the boys who were being instructed among them, and having dressed his flesh as they had been wont to dress the wild animals, to bear it to Kyaxares and give it to him, pretending that it was game taken in hunting; and when they had given it, their design was to make their way as quickly as possible to Alyattes the son of Sadyattes at Sardis. This then was done; and Kyaxares with the guests who ate at his table tasted of that meat, and the Scythians having so done became suppliants for the protection of Alyattes. |
| 1.74 | Post hæc, quum Alyattes repetendi Cyaxari Scythas tradere nollet, bellum Lydos inter Medos gestum est per quinque continuos annos : quo in bello Medi sæpe de Lydis, sæpe vero etiam de Medis Lydi victoriam retulerunt ; semel etiam nocturno quodam prœlio dimicarunt. (2) Scilicet pari utrimque fortuna bellum continuantibus accidit sexto anno, ut, postquam signa contulissent, jamque ferveret pugna, subito dies in noctem converteretur : (3) quam diei mutationem Thales Milesius Ionibus prædixerat, hunc ipsum annum præfiniens, quo facta est illa immutatio. (4) Lydi vero et Medi, quum loco diei subito noctem ingruere viderent, pugnandi finem fecerunt, et aliquanto etiam magis utrique componendæ paci cœperunt studere. Auctores vero conventionis hi erant, Syennesis Cilix, et Labynetus Babylonius ; (5) quibus rem urgentibus factum est ut et fœdus inter partes pangeretur, et mutua jungerentur connubia : decreverunt quippe, ut Alyattes filiam suam Aryenin Astyagi, Cyaxaris filio, daret uxorem. Nam absque firmo necessitudinis vinculo non solent conventiones firmæ manere. (6) Fœdus autem sanciunt hi populi eodem ritu atque Græci, nisi quod præterea brachia incidunt summa in cute, et sanguinem mutuo lingunt. | After this, seeing that Alyattes would not give up the Scythians when Kyaxares demanded them, there had arisen war between the Lydians and the Medes lasting five years; in which years the Medes often discomfited the Lydians and the Lydians often discomfited the Medes (and among others they fought also a battle by night): and as they still carried on the war with equally balanced fortune, in the sixth year a battle took place in which it happened, when the fight had begun, that suddenly the day became night. And this change of the day Thales the Milesian had foretold to the Ionians laying down as a limit this very year in which the change took place. The Lydians however and the Medes, when they saw that it had become night instead of day, ceased from their fighting and were much more eager both of them that peace should be made between them. And they who brought about the peace between them were Syennesis the Kilikian and Labynetos the Babylonian: these were they who urged also the taking of the oath by them, and they brought about an interchange of marriages; for they decided that Alyattes should give his daughter Aryenis to Astyages the son of Kyaxares, seeing that without the compulsion of a strong tie agreements are apt not to hold strongly together. Now these nations observe the same ceremonies in taking oaths as the Hellenes, and in addition to them they make incision into the skin of their arms, and then lick up the blood each of the other. |
| 1.75 | Hunc igitur Astyagem, avum suum maternum, Cyrus regno dejectum in sua potestate tenebat, eam ob causam quam in sequentibus exponam. Quo nomine Crœsus ei infensus, ad oracula miserat qui consulerent an bellum Persis inferret ; et ambiguum responsum nactus, ratus sibi favere responsum, expeditionem in Persarum ditionem suscepit. (2) Ubi vero ad Halyn fluvium pervenit Crœsus, deinde, ut ego quidem aio, pontibus eis, qui ibi erant, copias traduxit ; ut vero vulgo Græci narrant, Thales eas Crœso traduxit Milesius. (3) Dubitante enim rege quo pacto flumen transmitterent copiæ suæ (necdum enim eo tempore pontes hos exstitisse), Thaletem ajunt, quum in castris adesset, effecisse ut flumen, quod a læva exercitus fluebat, a dextra etiam flueret. Effecisse autem ajunt hunc in modum : (4) exorsum ab ea fluvii parte, quæ supra castra erat, altam effodisse fossam, et lunata specie ita duxisse, ut, postquam castra ad fluvium locata circuisset a tergo, flumen illac e pristino alveo per fossam aversum, et castra rursus præterlapsum, in pristinum alveum influeret. Ita, simulatque divisum fuisset flumen, ab utraque parte permeabile factum esse. (5) Nonnulli vero etiam ajunt, pristinum alveum prorsus exaruisse. At mihi quidem hoc non persuadent ; quo enim modo, quum reversi sunt, flumen transierunt? | This Astyages then, being his mother’s father, Cyrus had conquered and made prisoner for a reason which I shall declare in the history which comes after. This then was the complaint which Croesus had against Cyrus when he sent to the Oracles to ask if he should march against the Persians; and when a deceitful answer had come back to him, he marched into the dominion of the Persians, supposing that the answer was favorable to himself. And when Croesus came to the river Halys, then, according to my account, he passed his army across by the bridges which there were; but, according to the account which prevails among the Hellenes, Thales the Milesian enabled him to pass his army across. For, say they, when Croesus was at a loss how his army should pass over the river (since, they add, there were not yet at that time the bridges which now there are), Thales being present in the army caused the river, which flowed then on the left hand of the army, to flow partly also on the right; and he did it thus — beginning above the camp he proceeded to dig a deep channel, directing it in the form of a crescent moon, so that the river might take the camp there pitched in the rear, being turned aside from its ancient course by this way along the channel, and afterwards passing by the camp might fall again into its ancient course; so that as soon as the river was thus parted in two it became fordable by both branches: and some say even that the ancient course of the river was altogether dried up. But this tale I do not admit as true, for how then did they pass over the river as they went back? |
| 1.76 | Crœsus igitur, sueprato cum copiis fluvio, in eam Cappadociæ partem pervenit, quæ Pteria nominatur, estque totius hujus regionis pars validissima, ex adverso fere Sinopes urbis ad Pontum Euxinum sita. Ibi castris positis, prædia devastavit Syriorum, (2) et oppidum Pteriorum cepit in servitutemque redegit : cunctaque etiam finitima cepit oppida, Syriosque nihil commeritos funditus evertit. (3) Tum Cyrus, coactu exercitu, assumptisque omnibus qui in medio incolebant, obviam Crœso ivit. Priusquam autem educere aggrederetur copias, caduceatores ad Iones misit solicitandos ut a Crœso deficerent. (4) Et Iones quidem non paruerunt : Cyrus vero ut advenit, castra Crœso opposuit ; et ibidem in terra Pteria valido impetu vires invicem temptarunt. Acri prœlio commisso, multis utrimque occisis, ad extremum, quum nox ingrueret, neutram in partem inclinante victoria discesserunt. Et hunc quidem in modum uterque exercitus pugnaverat. | And Croesus, when he had passed over with his army, came to that place in Cappadokia which is called Pteria (now Pteria is the strongest place in this country, and is situated somewhere about in a line with the city of Sinope on the Euxine). Here he encamped and ravaged the fields of the Syrians. Moreover he took the city of the Pterians, and sold the people into slavery, and he took also all the towns that lay about it; and the Syrians, who were not guilty of any wrong, he forced to remove from their homes. Meanwhile Cyrus, having gathered his own forces and having taken up in addition to them all who dwelt in the region between, was coming to meet Croesus. Before he began however to lead forth his army, he had sent heralds to the Ionians and tried to induce them to revolt from Croesus; but the Ionians would not do as he said. Then when Cyrus was come and had encamped over against Croesus, they made trial of one another by force of arms in the land of Pteria: and after hard fighting, when many had fallen on both sides, at length, night having come on, they parted from one the other with no victory on either side. |
| 1.77 | Crœsus vero, quem copiarum suarum paucitatis pænitebat : nam militum ejus, qui conflixerant, multo minor, quam Cyri, numerus fuerat : ea de causa, quum postridie ejus diei Cyrus aggredi illum non conaretur, Sardes reversus est, habens in animo et Ægyptios evocare e fœdere (quorum cum rege Amasi, prius quam cum Lacedæmoniis, fœdus inierat), et Babylonios arcessere (nam et cum his societatem armorum pepigerat ; rex autem per id tempus Babyloniorum Labynetus erat), et Lacedæmoniis denuntiare, ut ad definitum tempus assint : denique hisce conjunctis, suisque ipsius copiis contractis, constituerat, simulatque præteriisset hiems, primo vere expeditionem in Persas suscipere. (2) Hæc ille animo agens, ut Sardes venit, nuntios misit ad socios, qui illis edicerent, ut ad quintum mensem Sardes convenirent. Præsentem vero exercitum, qui cum Persis pugnaverat, qui ibi aderat mercede conductus, omnem dimisit dispersitque ; nequaquam ratus fore ut Cyrus, qui pari adeo Marte pugnasset, adversus Sardes copias suas duceret. | Thus the two armies contended with one another: and Croesus being ill satisfied with his own army in respect of number (for the army which he had when he fought was far smaller than that of Cyrus), being dissatisfied with it I say on this account, as Cyrus did not attempt to advance against him on the following day, marched back to Sardis, having it in his mind to call the Egyptians to his help according to the oath which they had taken (for he had made an alliance with Amasis king of Egypt before he made the alliance with the Lacedemonians), and to summon the Babylonians as well (for with these also an alliance had been concluded by him, Labynetos being at that time ruler of the Babylonians), and moreover to send a message to the Lacedemonians bidding them appear at a fixed time: and then after he had got all these together and had gathered his own army, his design was to let the winter go by and at the coming of spring to march against the Persians. So with these thoughts in his mind, as soon as he came to Sardis he proceeded to send heralds to his several allies to give them notice that by the fifth month from that time they should assemble at Sardis: but the army which he had with him and which had fought with the Persians, an army which consisted of mercenary troops, he let go and disbanded altogether, never expecting that Cyrus, after having contended against him with such even fortune, would after all march upon Sardis. |
| 1.78 | Hæc dum secum reputat Crœsus, suburbana omnia serpentibus impleta sunt : quos equi, ut apparuerunt, omissis pascuis consuetis, accedentes deglutiebant. Id Crœso cernenti visum est, ut erat, esse portentum : itaque e vestigio misit qui haruspices consulerent Telmessenses. (2) Sed consultoribus Telmessum profectis, ibique quid significaret prodigium edoctis, non contigit, ut Crœso renuntiare responsum possent ; nam priusquam Sardes renavigassent, captus Crœsus erat. (3) Atqui Telmessenses ita censuerant, exercitum peregrinum ingressurum esse terram Crœsi, et incolas oppressurum : serpentes enim, ajebant, esse terræ filios ; equos autem, hostes et advenas. (4) Et hæc quidem responderunt Telmessenses Crœso jam capto, sed nescii adhuc ipsi quid Sardibus ageretur aut quid Crœso accidisset. | When Croesus had these plans in his mind, the suburb of the city became of a sudden all full of serpents; and when these had appeared, the horses leaving off to feed in their pastures came constantly thither and devoured them. When Croesus saw this he deemed it to be a portent, as indeed it was: and forthwith he despatched messengers to the dwelling of the Telmessians, who interpret omens: and the messengers who were sent to consult arrived there and learnt from the Telmessians what the portent meant to signify, but they did not succeed in reporting the answer to Croesus, for before they sailed back to Sardis Croesus had been taken prisoner. The Telmessians however gave decision thus: that an army speaking a foreign tongue was to be looked for by Croesus to invade his land, and that this when it came would subdue the native inhabitants; for they said that the serpent was born of the soil, while the horse was an enemy and a stranger. The men of Telmessos thus made answer to Croesus after he was already taken prisoner, not knowing as yet anything of the things which had happened to Sardis and to Croesus himself. |
| 1.79 | At Cyrus certior factus Crœsum, quum continuo post pugnam in Pteria pugnatam copias suas domum reduceret, decrevisse post reditum dimittere copias, consilio inito intellexit e re sua esse, quam celerrime posset adversus Sardes ducere, priusquam Lydorum copiæ rursus collectæ essent. (2) Atque, ut ei visum erat, ita protinus fecit. Nam exercitum in Lydiam ducens, ipse nuntius Crœso advenit. (3) Ibi tum Crœsus in magnam consilii inopiam adductus, quum longe secus atque exspectaverat res cecidisset, tamen Lydos in prœlium eduxit. (4) Erat autem ea ætate nullus Asiæ populus fortior, nec magis strenuus, quam Lydius. Pugnandi genus erat ex equis ; hastasque gestabant prœlongas, et equitandi inprimis erant periti. | Cyrus, however, so soon as Croesus marched away after the battle which had been fought in Pteria, having learnt that Croesus meant after he had marched away to disband his army, took counsel with himself and concluded that it was good for him to march as quickly as possible to Sardis, before the power of the Lydians should be again gathered together. So when he had resolved upon this, he did it without delay: for he marched his army into Lydia with such speed that he was himself the first to announce his coming to Croesus. Then Croesus, although he had come to a great strait, since his affairs had fallen out altogether contrary to his own expectation, yet proceeded to lead forth the Lydians into battle. Now there was at this time no nation in Asia more courageous or more stout in battle than the Lydian; and they fought on horseback carrying long spears, the men being excellent in horsemanship. |
| 1.80 | Quum in campo esset concursum, ante urbem Sardianam sito, magno et nudo, quem perfluentes cum alii amnes, tum Hyllus, perrumpunt omnes in eum qui maximus est, cui nomen Hermus ; qui e monte Matri Dindymenæ sacro ortus, in mare se exonerat juxta Phocæam urbem : hic ubi Lydos ad pugnandum instructos vidit Cyrus, reformidans equitatum, monitu Harpagi Medi tale iniit consilium. (2) Coactis omnibus quæ exercitum ipsius sequebantur camelis, vel frumentum vel vasa portantibus, sarcinas detraxit, et viros imposuit equestri cultu ornatos : quibus ita instructis præcepit, ut ceteras copias præirent adversus Crœsi equitatum ; peditatum vero jussit camelorum aciem subsequi ; denique post pedestrem aciem equitatum omnem locavit. (3) His omnibus ita ordinatis, edixit ne cui parcerent Lydorum ceterorum, sed occiderent cunctos qui resisterent, Crœsum vero ipsum non occiderent, ne si captus quidem repugnaret. (4) Hoc imperium dedit. Camelos autem adversus equitatum instruxit hac de causa : camelum equus reformidat, adeo quidem ut nec speciem ejus intueri, nec odorem percipere sustineat. Ob id ipsum igitur rationem istam inierat, ut Crœso inutiles essent equestres copiæ, quibus vel maxime se prævaliturum Lydus cogitaverat. (5) Atque etiam, postquam ad pugnam concursum est, ibi tum equi, simulatque olfecerunt camelos conspexeruntque, protinus retro se averterunt, et elusa Crœso spes erat. (6) Nec vero idcirco Lydi continuo abjecere animos : sed, re cognita, ab equis desilientes, pedibus conflixere cum Persis. Postremo vero, multis utrimque cæsis, in fugam versi sunt Lydi : itaque intra murum compulsi, obsidebantur a Persis. | So when the armies had met in that plain which is in front of the city of Sardis — a plain wide and open, through which flow rivers (and especially the river Hyllos) all rushing down to join the largest called Hermos, which flows from the mountain sacred to the Mother surnamed “of Dindymos” and runs out into the sea by the city of Phocaia — then Cyrus, when he saw the Lydians being arrayed for battle, fearing their horsemen, did on the suggestion of Harpagos a Mede as follows — all the camels which were in the train of his army carrying provisions and baggage he gathered together, and he took off their burdens and set men upon them provided with the equipment of cavalry: and having thus furnished them forth he appointed them to go in front of the rest of the army towards the horsemen of Croesus; and after the camel-troop he ordered the infantry to follow; and behind the infantry he placed his whole force of cavalry. Then when all his men had been placed in their several positions, he charged them to spare none of the other Lydians, slaying all who might come in their way, but Croesus himself they were not to slay, not even if he should make resistance when he was captured. Such was his charge: and he set the camels opposite the horsemen for this reason — because the horse has a fear of the camel and cannot endure either to see his form or to scent his smell: for this reason then the trick had been devised, in order that the cavalry of Croesus might be useless, that very force wherewith the Lydian king was expecting most to shine. And as they were coming together to the battle, so soon as the horses scented the camels and saw them they turned away back, and the hopes of Croesus were at once brought to nought. The Lydians however for their part did not upon that act as cowards, but when they perceived what was coming to pass they leapt from their horses and fought with the Persians on foot. At length, however, when many had fallen on either side, the Lydians turned to flight; and having been driven within the wall of their fortress they were besieged by the Persians. |
| 1.81 | Dum vero obsidionem parant Persæ, Crœsus in longius processuram obsidionem ratus, alios ex arce nuntios mittit ad socios. Nam qui prius dimissi erant, hi ad coeundum Sardes quintum mensem edixerant : nunc hos emisit oratum, ut quam celerrime auxilia sibi mitterentur, quippe ab hostibus obsesso. | By these then a siege had been established: but Croesus, supposing that the siege would last a long time, proceeded to send from the fortress other messengers to his allies. For the former messengers were sent round to give notice that they should assemble at Sardis by the fifth month, but these he was sending out to ask them to come to his assistance as quickly as possible, because Croesus was being besieged. |
| 1.82 | Igitur cum ad alios socios misit, tum ad Lacedæmonios. Per idem vero illud tempus ipsis etiam Spartanis acciderat ut contentionem haberent cum Argivis, de loco cui nomen Thyrea. Hasce quippe Thyreas, quum essent Argolicæ ditionis, Lacedæmonii Argivis ademtas tenebant. (2) Etenim Argivorum etiam erat ad Maleas usque regio ad occasum sita, cum in continente, tum insula Cytheria, reliquæque insulæ. (3) Igitur quum ad opem ferendam ademto suo territorio accurrissent Argivi, in colloquium ibi convenerunt cum Lacedæmoniis, pactique sunt ut trecenti utrimque pugnarent, et, utri superiores excessissent, eorum regio foret ; reliquus autem exercitus utrorumque domum discederet, neque præsto esset dum illi pugnarent ; ea scilicet causa, ne, si adessent exercitus, parti quam succumbentem alterutri viderent, auxilium sui ferrent. (4) His conventis disgressi sunt, selecti vero ex utrisque relicti, certamen inierunt : qui quum æquo Marte pugnassent, e sexcentis tres omnino reliqui fuere ; ex Argivis Alcenor et Chromius, e Lacedæmoniis Othryades. Hi autem interveniente nocte supererant. (5) Duo igitur Argivi, ut qui vicissent, cursu Argos repetierunt ; Lacedæmonius vero Othryades, spoliatis Argivorum cadaveribus, armisque in ipsius castra delatis, in statione mansit. Postridie utrique, re audita, advenere : (6) ac statim quidem utrique, vicisse se, contendebant ; Argivi, dicentes suorum plures superfuisse ; Lacedæmonii vero, illos profugisse demonstrantes, suum vero perstitisse, et cadavera spoliasse Argivorum. Ad extremum, e contentione ad arma concurrentes, pugnam capessunt ; et, multis utrimque cæsis, Lacedæmonii victores discedunt. (7) Quo e tempore Argivi, tonsis capitibus, quum antea necessario comati essent, legem condiderunt, sese devoventes, ne prius comam aleret quisquam Argivorum, neve mulieres aurum gestarent, quam Thyreas recepissent. E contrario Lacedæmonii, quum antehac non comarentur, legem tulerunt, ut ab hoc tempore alerent comam. (8) Unum autem illum e trecentis superstitem, Othryadem, ajunt pudore retentum ne occisis commilitonibus Spartam rediret, illic apud Thyreas mortem sibi conscivisse. | So then in sending to his other allies he sent also to Lacedemon. But these too, the Spartans I mean, had themselves at this very time (for so it had fallen out) a quarrel in hand with the Argives about the district called Thyrea. For this Thyrea, being part of the Argive possessions, the Lacedemonians had cut off and taken for themselves. Now the whole region towards the west extending as far down as Malea was then possessed by the Argives, both the parts situated on the mainland and also the island of Kythera with the other islands. And when the Argives had come to the rescue to save their territory from being cut off from them, then the two sides came to a parley together and agreed that three hundred should fight of each side, and whichever side had the better in the fight that nation should possess the disputed land: they agreed moreover that the main body of each army should withdraw to their own country, and not stand by while the contest was fought, for fear lest, if the armies were present, one side seeing their countrymen suffering defeat should come up to their support. Having made this agreement they withdrew; and chosen men of both sides were left behind and engaged in fight with one another. So they fought and proved themselves to be equally matched; and there were left at last of six hundred men three, on the side of the Argives Alkenor and Chromios, and on the side of the Lacedemonians Othryades: these were left alive when night came on. So then the two men of the Argives, supposing that they were the victors, set off to run to Argos, but the Lacedemonian Othryades, after having stripped the corpses of the Argives and carried their arms to his own camp, remained in his place. On the next day both the two sides came thither to inquire about the result; and for some time both claimed the victory for themselves, the one side saying that of them more had remained alive, and the others declaring that these had fled away, whereas their own man had stood his ground and had stripped the corpses of the other party: and at length by reason of this dispute they fell upon one another and began to fight; and after many had fallen on both sides, the Lacedemonians were the victors. The Argives then cut their hair short, whereas formerly they were compelled by law to wear it long, and they made a law with a curse attached to it, that from that time forth no man of the Argives should grow the hair long nor their women wear ornaments of gold, until they should have won back Thyrea. The Lacedemonians however laid down for themselves the opposite law to this, namely that they should wear long hair from that time forward, whereas before that time they had not their hair long. And they say that the one man who was left alive of the three hundred, namely Othryades, being ashamed to return to Sparta when all his comrades had been slain, slew himself there in Thyrea. |
| 1.83 | Hæc cum apud Spartanos aguntur, advenit Sardianus legatus, orans ut obsesso Crœso suppetias ferrent. Et illi nihilo minus, audito legato, ad succurrendum se accinxerunt. Sed quum jam parati essent, et in promtu starent naves, alius affertur nuntius, arcem Lydorum expugnatum esse, Crœsumque vivum ab hostibus captum. Ita quidem Lacedæmonii, casum regis vehementer dolentes, auxilia mittere supersederunt. | Such was the condition of things at Sparta when the herald from Sardis arrived asking them to come to the assistance of Croesus, who was being besieged. And they notwithstanding their own difficulties, as soon as they heard the news from the herald, were eager to go to his assistance; but when they had completed their preparations and their ships were ready, there came another message reporting that the fortress of the Lydians had been taken and that Croesus had been made prisoner. Then (and not before) they ceased from their efforts, being grieved at the event as at a great calamity. |
| 1.84 | Expugnatæ autem sunt Sardes hoc maxime modo. Quartodecimo quam obsideri cœptæ erant die, Cyrus, dimissis per castra equitibus, edixerat copiis suis, dona se daturum ei qui murum primus conscendisset. (2) Mox periculo a militibus facto, postquam conatui non respondit successus, ibi tum, quiescentibus ceteris, vir Mardus genere, cui nomen Hyrœades, ascendere conatus est e parte arcis, qua nulli locati custodes erant ; quia non verendum visum erat, ne ab illa parte unquam arx caperetur. (3) Est enim ibi abrupta arx et inexpugnabilis : qua una etiam parte Meles, rex antiquus Sardium, non circumtulerat leonem, quem ipsi pellex pepererat ; quum responsum edidissent Telmessenses, si leo ille circa murum circumferretur, inexpugnabiles fore Sardes. (4) Meles igitur circa reliquum murum circumferens, qua expugnabile munimentum arcis erat, hanc partem spreverat, ut inexpugnabilem et abruptam : est autem ea Tmolo opposita pars urbis. (5) Hyrœades igitur hic Mardus, quum pridie vidisset Lydorum aliquem ab illa parte arcis descendentem, recepturum galeam quæ superne devoluta erat, eandemque reportantem ; advertens animum, deliberaverat secum. Tunc igitur et ipse ascendit, et ejus vestigia legentes plures Persarum ascendebant. Quum igitur frequenti numero ascendissent, ita Sardes captæ sunt, atque urbs omnis direpta. | Now the taking of Sardis came about as follows — When the fourteenth day came after Croesus began to be besieged, Cyrus made proclamation to his army, sending horsemen round to the several parts of it, that he would give gifts to the man who should first scale the wall. After this the army made an attempt; and when it failed, then after all the rest had ceased from the attack, a certain Mardian whose name was Hyroiades made an attempt to approach on that side of the citadel where no guard had been set; for they had no fear that it would ever be taken from that side, seeing that here the citadel is precipitous and unassailable. To this part of the wall alone Meles also, who formerly was king of Sardis, did not carry round the lion which his concubine bore to him, the Telmessians having given decision that if the lion should be carried round the wall, Sardis should be safe from capture: and Meles having carried it round the rest of the wall, that is to say those parts of the citadel where the fortress was open to attack, passed over this part as being unassailable and precipitous: now this is a part of the city which is turned towards Tmolos. So then this Mardian Hyroiades, having seen on the day before how one of the Lydians had descended on that side of the citadel to recover his helmet which had rolled down from above, and had picked it up, took thought and cast the matter about in his own mind. Then he himself ascended first, and after him came up others of the Persians, and many having thus made approach, Sardis was finally taken and the whole city was given up to plunder. |
| 1.85 | Ad ipsum autem Crœsum quod spectat, gesta sunt hæcce. Erat ei filius, cujus etiam supra mentionem feci, cetera quidem non ineptus, sed mutus. Superiore igitur felici rerum statu omnia pro viribus fecerat Crœsus hujus pueri causa, cum aliis initis rationibus, tum Delphos missis legatis qui super eo oraculum consulerent. (2) Responderat autem ei Pythia hæc:
ne cura gnati exoptatam audisse loquentis intra ædes vocem, sine qua melius tibi longe: ille die quoniam primum infelice loquetur. » |
Meanwhile to Croesus himself it happened thus — He had a son, of whom I made mention before, who was of good disposition enough but deprived of speech. Now in his former time of prosperity Croesus had done everything that was possible for him, and besides other things which he devised he had also sent messengers to Delphi to inquire concerning him. And the Pythian prophetess spoke to him thus:
Do not desire to hear in thy halls that voice which is prayed for, Voice of thy son; much better if this from thee were removèd, Since he shall first utter speech in an evil day of misfortune.” |
| 1.86 | Persæ vero et Sardibus potiti erant, et Crœsum vivum ceperant, postquam regnaverat quattuordecim annos, totidemque dies erat obsessus ; qui adeo ex oraculi responso finem imposuit magno suo imperio. Captum vero Persæ ad Cyrum duxerunt : (2) qui ingenti rogo, ad id ipsum exstructo, compedibus vinctum Crœsum jussit imponi, et circa eum bis septem Lydorum filios ; sive primitias has deo alicui offerre habens in animo, sive votum aliquod persolvere ; sive etiam religiosum esse Crœsum compererat, et rogo imposuit cupidus sciendi, an deus aliquis eum esset liberaturus, ne vivus combureretur. (3) Hoc quidem fecisse Cyrum ajunt ; Crœso vero super pyram stanti in mentem venisse, quamquam cum tanta calamitate colluctanti, illud Solonis, quod sibi divino nutu fuisset dictum, Neminem viventem esse beatum. (4) Hoc ergo dictum ubi animum eius subierit, post longum silentium fertur ex imo pectore vocem edidisse, et ingemiscens ter nominasse Solonem. Tum Cyrum, ajunt, hoc audito, jussisse interpretes e Crœso quærere, quis ille esset quem invocaret ; illosque accedentes quæsivisse. (5) Sed Crœsum initio nihil iis respondisse ; ad extremum vero, quum urgeretur, dixisse : « Is est qui ut omnibus regibus in colloquium veniret, ego ingenti pecuniarum copiæ prætulissem. » Cujus responsi vim quum parum illi intelligerent, denuo quærebant quid esset quod diceret. (6) Instantibus et operose urgentibus dixit demum quod res erat, quo pacto olim Solon ad se venisset Atheniensis, qui postquam omnes suas opes esset contemplatus, pro nihilo eas duxisset, talia scilicet loquutus, et ut sibi omnia evenirent prout ille dixisset ; nec vero ea illum in se magis dixisse, quam in universum genus hominum, et in eos maxime qui sibi ipsis viderentur esse beati. Hæc dum Crœsus referebat, jam incenso rogo arsisse ajunt extrema circumcirca : (7) Cyrum vero, ubi ex interpretibus cognovit quæ Crœsus dixisset, pænitentia ductum, cogitantemque quid esset quod, quum ipse homo esset, alium hominem, qui sese non inferior fuisset felicitate, vivum igni traderet, ad hæc veritum deorum vindictam, reputantemque quam nihil esset in rebus humanis stabile, ocyus restingui jussisse accensum ignem, Crœsumque et qui cum eo aderant deduci ; verum eos, quibus id mandatum esset, vim flammæ non amplius potuisse superare. | The Persians then had obtained possession of Sardis and had taken Croesus himself prisoner, after he had reigned fourteen years and had been besieged fourteen days, having fulfilled the oracle in that he had brought to an end his own great empire. So the Persians having taken him brought him into the presence of Cyrus: and he piled up a great pyre and caused Croesus to go up upon it bound in fetters, and along with him twice seven sons of Lydians, whether it was that he meant to dedicate this offering as first-fruits of his victory to some god, or whether he desired to fulfil a vow, or else had heard that Croesus was a god-fearing man and so caused him to go up on the pyre because he wished to know if any one of the divine powers would save him, so that he should not be burnt alive. He, they say, did this; but to Croesus as he stood upon the pyre there came, although he was in such evil case, a memory of the saying of Solon, how he had said with divine inspiration that no one of the living might be called happy. And when this thought came into his mind, they say that he sighed deeply and groaned aloud, having been for long silent, and three times he uttered the name of Solon. Hearing this, Cyrus bade the interpreters ask Croesus who was this person on whom he called; and they came near and asked. And Croesus for a time, it is said, kept silence when he was asked this, but afterwards being pressed he said: “One whom more than much wealth I should have desired to have speech with all monarchs.” Then, since his words were of doubtful import, they asked again of that which he said; and as they were urgent with him and gave him no peace, he told how once Solon an Athenian had come, and having inspected all his wealth had made light of it, with such and such words; and how all had turned out for him according as Solon had said, not speaking at all especially with a view to Croesus himself, but with a view to the whole human race and especially those who seem to themselves to be happy men. And while Croesus related these things, already the pyre was lighted and the edges of it round about were burning. Then they say that Cyrus, hearing from the interpreters what Croesus had said, changed his purpose and considered that he himself also was but a man, and that he was delivering another man, who had been not inferior to himself in felicity, alive to the fire; and moreover he feared the requital, and reflected that there was nothing of that which men possessed which was secure; therefore, they say, he ordered them to extinguish as quickly as possible the fire that was burning, and to bring down Croesus and those who were with him from the pyre; and they using endeavors were not able now to get the mastery of the flames. |
| 1.87 | Ibi tum Crœsum, ajunt Lydi, cognita Cyri mutatione sententiæ, quum cerneret omnes homines restinguendo igni dare operam, nec coercere illum posse, exclamantem invocasse Apollinem, si quod a se donum ei gratum fuisset oblatum, nunc sibi adesset et e præsenti malo se liberaret. (2) Ita inter lacrimas deum invocante Crœso, repente nubes, quum serenum et tranquillum adhuc fuisset cœlum, esse contractas ; coortaque tempestate, et vehementissimo effuso imbre, ignem esse exstinctum. (3) Tum Cyrum, qui ita intellexisset et deo acceptum et bonum virum esse Crœsum, a rogo ad se jussisse eum deduci, atque in hunc modum interrogasse : « quis tibi hominum, Crœse, persuasit, ut irruptione meam in ditionem facta hostis mihi quam amicus esse malueris? » (5) Cui ille respondit : « hæc ego, o rex, feci tuo prospero, meo infausto fato. Causa autem incepti fuit Græcorum deus, qui me ad bellum impulit suscipiendum. Nemo enim ita amens est, ut bellum præferat paci, quum in hac filii sepeliant patres, in illo autem a patribus filii sepeliantur. Sed, hæc ut it fierent, diis puto placuerat. » | Then it is related by the Lydians that Croesus, having learned how Cyrus had changed his mind, and seeing that every one was trying to put out the fire but that they were no longer able to check it, cried aloud entreating Apollo that if any gift had ever been given by him which had been acceptable to the god, he would come to his aid and rescue him from the evil which was now upon him. So he with tears entreated the god, and suddenly, they say, after clear sky and calm weather clouds gathered and a storm burst, and it rained with a very violent shower, and the pyre was extinguished. Then Cyrus, having perceived that Croesus was a lover of the gods and a good man, caused him to be brought down from the pyre and asked him as follows: “Croesus, tell me who of all men was it who persuaded thee to march upon my land and so to become an enemy to me instead of a friend?” and he said: “O king, I did this to thy felicity and to my own misfortune, and the causer of this was the god of the Hellenes, who incited me to march with my army. For no one is so senseless as to choose of his own will war rather peace, since in peace the sons bury their fathers, but in war the fathers bury their sons. But it was pleasing, I suppose, to the divine powers that these things should come to pass thus.” |
| 1.88 | Hæc postquam Crœsus locutus est, Cyrus vinculis solutum prope se jussit assidere, et plurima eum observantia prosequebatur, intuensque mirabatur eum, cum ipse, tum omnes qui cum eo erant. (2) At ille, cogitabundus, silentium tenuit. Deinde vero conversus, ubi Persas vidit Lydorum urbem vastantes, « Utrum eloqui tibi, inquit, o rex, quod nunc sentio, an tacere hoc in tempore debeo? » Quem ubi Cyrus fidenter quæ vellet dicere jussit, interrogans ille eum, ait : « Ingens hæc hominum turba quid tandem tanto studio facere properat? » (3) Tum rex, « Urbem, inquit, tuam diripit, et opes tuas dissipat. » At Crœsus respondit : « Neque meam urbem, nec meas opes diripit ; nihil enim horum amplius ad me pertinet : sed tua agunt feruntque. » | So he spoke, and Cyrus loosed his bonds and caused him to sit near himself and paid to him much regard, and he marvelled both himself and all who were about him at the sight of Croesus. And Croesus wrapt in thought was silent; but after a time, turning round and seeing the Persians plundering the city of the Lydians, he said: “O king, must I say to thee that which I chance to have in my thought, or must I keep silent in this my present fortune?” Then Cyrus bade him say boldly whatsoever he desired; and he asked him saying: “What is the business that this great multitude of men is doing with so much eagerness?” and he said: “They are plundering thy city and carrying away thy wealth.” And Croesus answered: “Neither is it my city that they are plundering nor my wealth which they are carrying away; for I have no longer any property in these things: but it is thy wealth that they are carrying and driving away.” |
| 1.89 | Advertit hoc Crœsi dictum animum Cyri : itaque remotis ceteris interrogavit Crœsum, quid animadverteret utile ipsi in his, quæ fierent ? Tum ille : « Quoniam dii, inquit, me tibi servum tradiderunt, æquum censeo ut, si quid melius in rebus video, id tibi indicem. (2) Persæ natura protervi sunt, iidemque inopes. Quodsi igitur hos passus fueris raptam ingentem pecuniæ vim sibi retinere, hoc tibi ab his credibile est eventurum : ut quisque istorum plurimis opibus fuerit potitus, ita maxime exspectare debebis hunc adversus te insurrecturum. (3) Nunc igitur ita fac, si tibi placuerit quod ego dico. Adpone ad omnes portas custodes e satellitibus, qui exportantibus res auferant, dicentes, necesse esse ut earum decimæ Jovi offerantur. Sic nec tu in odium illorum incurres, per vim eis res auferendo ; et illi, justa te facere intelligentes, facient non inviti. » | And Cyrus was concerned by that which Croesus had said, and he caused all the rest to withdraw and asked Croesus what he discerned for his advantage as regards that which was being done; and he said: “Since the gods gave me to thee as a slave, I think it right if I discern anything more than others to signify it to thee. The Persians, who are by nature unruly, are without wealth: if therefore thou shalt suffer them to carry off in plunder great wealth and to take possession of it, then it is to be looked for that thou wilt experience this result, thou must expect namely that whosoever gets possession of the largest share will make insurrection against thee. Now therefore, if that which I say is pleasing to thee, do this — set spearmen of thy guard to watch at all the gates, and let these take away the things, and say to the men who were bearing them out of the city that they must first be tithed for Zeus: and thus thou on the one hand wilt not be hated by them for taking away the things by force, and they on the other will willingly let the things go, acknowledging within themselves that thou art doing that which is just.” |
| 1.90 | Hæc audiens Cyrus supra modum gavisus est, ita illi bene monita videbantur. Igitur valde laudato Crœso, jussisque satellitibus exsequi quæ ille monuerat, his verbis eum est allocutus : « Crœse, quoniam hoc tibi institutum est, ut viri regis bene facta dictaque exsequaris, pete quidquid muneris a me volueris in præsentia tibi dari. » (2) Et ille : « Domine, inquit, maxime gratum mihi feceris, si siveris me deum Græcorum, quem maxime omnium veneratus eram, missis hisce compedibus interrogare, Numquid illi fas sit bene de ipso meritos decipere? » (3) Quærenti dein Cyro, quid rei esset, de qua illum accusans hanc a se gratiam peteret ; altius repetens Crœsus, consilia sua omnia exposuit, et oraculorum responsa, maximeque donaria deo a se dicata, et quo pacto concitatus oraculi responso bellum adversus Persas suscepisset. Hæc commemorans eo devenit ut preces suas reperet, nimirum ut sibi liceret ista exprobrare deo. (4) Cui arridens Cyrus, « Et hoc, inquit, a me impetrabis, et quidquid alius idemtidem a me rogaveris. » His auditis Crœsus Lydorum nonnullos Delphos misit, jussos positis ad templi limen compedibus sciscitari, annon puderet deum, quod oraculi responsis excitasset Crœsum ad bellum Persis inferendum, injecta spe eversurum eum esse Cyri potentiam, unde tales ipsi primitiæ evenissent ? nempe compedes ei ostenderent. Hoc igitur sciscitari jussi sunt, et, num fas sit diis Græcorum, esse ingratis. | Hearing this, Cyrus was above measure pleased, because he thought that Croesus advised well; and he commended him much and enjoined the spearmen of his guard to perform that which Croesus had advised: and after that he spoke to Croesus thus: “Croesus, since thou art prepared, like a king as thou art, to do good deeds and speak good words, therefore ask me for a gift, whatsoever thou desirest to be given thee forthwith.” And he said: “Master, thou wilt most do me a pleasure if thou wilt permit me to send to the god of the Hellenes, whom I honored most of all gods, these fetters, and to ask him whether it is accounted by him right to deceive those who do well to him.” Then Cyrus asked him what accusation he made against the god, that he thus requested; and Croesus repeated to him all that had been in his mind, and the answers of the Oracles, and especially the votive offerings, and how he had been incited by the prophecy to march upon the Persians: and thus speaking he came back again to the request that it might be permitted to him to make this reproach against the god. And Cyrus laughed and said: “Not this only shalt thou obtain from me, Croesus, but also whatsoever thou mayst desire of me at any time.” Hearing this Croesus sent certain of the Lydians to Delphi, enjoining them to lay the fetters upon the threshold of the temple and to ask the god whether he felt no shame that he had incited Croesus by his prophecies to march upon the Persians, persuading him that he should bring to an end the empire of Cyrus, seeing that these were the first-fruits of spoil which he had won from it — at the same time displaying the fetters. This they were to ask, and moreover also whether it was thought right by the gods of the Hellenes to practice ingratitude. |
| 1.91 | Lydis illuc profectis ac mandata exsecutis, Pythia fertur ita respondisse : « Sortem fato destinatam effugere etiam deus non potest. Crœsus autem quinti genitoris peccatum luit ; qui quum satelles fuisset Heraclidarum, mulieris dolo obsecutus, interemit dominum, illiusque dignitate potitus est, nihil ad ipsum pertinente. (2) Quamvis autem studuerit Apollo, ut ista Sardium calamitas incideret filiorum Crœsi ætate, non vivente ipso Crœso, mutare tamen fata non potuit : sed, quantum illa permiserunt, tantum effecit, eique gratificatus est. Nam tribus annis distulit Sardium expugnationem : et hoc sciat Crœsus, tribus post annis, quam fata destinarant, captum se esse. (3) Secundo loco quum in eo esset ut igne cremaretur, opem ei tulit. Jam quod ad oraculum spectat, immerito Crœsus deum accusat. Prædixerat enim ei Apollo, si bellum Persis inferret, fore ut ingens everteret imperium. Crœsus autem ad hæc, si recte sibi consulere voluisset, debuerat denuo mittere sciscitatum, suumne, an Cyri imperium dixerit deus ? Igitur quum non intellexerit responsum, nec denuo quæsierit, sibi ipsi tribuat culpam. (4) Eidem vere etiam postremum consulenti respondit Apollo ea quæ de mulo respondit : at ille ne hoc quidem intellexit. Nam mulus hic, Cyrus erat : quippe e duabus diversis gentibus ortus, matre melioris conditionis, patre vero inferioris. Illa enim Meda erat, et quidem Astyagis filia, regis Medorum : hic vero Persa fuit, illorum subjectus imperio, et, quum inferior esset rebus omnibus, dominam suam in matrimonium duxit. » (5) Hæc Lydis Pythia respondit ; quæ illi Sardes retulerunt, Crœsoque nuntiarunt. Quibus auditis, ille suam ipsius agnovit esse culpam, non dei. Quod igitur ad Crœsi imperium spectat, et ad primam Ioniæ sub alienum imperium redactionem, eo modo quo exposuimus res gestæ sunt. | When the Lydians came and repeated that which they were enjoined to say, it is related that the Pythian prophetess spoke as follows: “The fated destiny it is impossible even for a god to escape. And Croesus paid the debt due for the sin of his fifth ancestor, who being one of the spearmen of the Heracleidai followed the treacherous device of a woman, and having slain his master took possession of his royal dignity, which belonged not to him of right. And although Loxias eagerly desired that the calamity of Sardis might come upon the sons of Croesus and not upon Croesus himself, it was not possible for him to draw the Destinies aside from their course; but so much as these granted he brought to pass, and gave it as a gift to Croesus: for he put off the taking of Sardis by three years; and let Croesus be assured that he was taken prisoner later by these years than the fated time: moreover secondly, he assisted him when he was about to be burnt. And as to the oracle which was given, Croesus finds fault with good ground: for Loxias told him beforehand that if he should march upon the Persians he should destroy a great empire: and he upon hearing this, if he wished to take counsel well, ought to have sent and asked further whether the god meant his own empire or that of Cyrus: but as he did not comprehend that which was uttered and did not ask again, let him pronounce himself to be the cause of that which followed. To him also when he consulted the Oracle for the last time Loxias said that which he said concerning a mule; but this also he failed to comprehend: for Cyrus was in fact this mule, seeing that he was born of parents who were of two different races, his mother being of nobler descent and his father of less noble: for she was a Median woman, daughter of Astyages and king of the Medes, but he was a Persian, one of a race subject to the Medes, and being inferior in all respects he was the husband of one who was his royal mistress.” Thus the Pythian prophetess replied to the Lydians, and they brought the answer back to Sardis and repeated it to Croesus; and he, when he heard it, acknowledged that the fault was his own and not that of the god. With regard then to the empire of Croesus and the first conquest of Ionia, it happened thus. |
| 1.92 | Donaria autem Crœsi non ea solum, quæ commemoravimus, sed et alia multa exstant in Græcia. Etenim Thebis Bœotiis tripus est aureus, quem Apollini dicavit Ismenio : Ephesi vero, boves aureæ, et columnarum pleræque : tum in Pronæa æde Delphis, clypeus aureus ingens. (2) Et hæc quidem ad meam usque ætatem superfuerunt ; alia vero interciderunt donaria. Ea autem, quæ apud Branchidas Milesiorum consecraverat, æqualia erant pondere, ut audio, et similia eis quæ sunt Delphis. (3) Et quæ quidem Delphis et Amphiarai oraculo donavit, propria ipsius fuerant et paternarum opum primitiæ: reliqua vero donaria e facultatibus viri fuerunt inimici, qui Crœso, priusquam regnaret, fuerat in republica adversarius, Pantaleonti conciliare studens Lydorum regnum. (4) Erat autem Pantaleon Alyattæ quidem filius, Crœsi frater, at non ex eadem matre : nam Crœsus e Carica uxore natus erat Alyattæ, Pantaleon vero ex Ionica. (5) Postquam autem tradito a patre imperio potitus erat Crœsus, hominem illum, qui sibi erat adversatus, tribulis cruciatum necavit ; et bona ejus, jam ante a se diis dicata, tunc eo quod diximus modo locis istis consecravit. Et hæc quidem de donariis hactenus dicta sunto. | Now there are in Hellas many other votive offerings made by Croesus and not only those which have been mentioned: for first at Thebes of the Boeotians there is a tripod of gold, which he dedicated to the Ismenian Apollo; then at Ephesos there are the golden cows and the greater number of the pillars of the temple; and in the temple of Athene Pronaia at Delphi a large golden shield. These were still remaining down to my own time, but others of his votive offerings have perished: and the votive offerings of Croesus at Branchidai of the Milesians were, as I am told, equal in weight and similar to those at Delphi. Now those which he sent to Delphi and to the temple of Amphiaraos he dedicated of his own goods and as first-fruits of the wealth inherited from his father; but the other offerings were made of the substance of a man who was his foe, who before Croesus became king had been factious against him and had joined in endeavoring to make Pantaleon ruler of the Lydians. Now Pantaleon was a son of Alyattes and a brother of Croesus, but not by the same mother, for Croesus was born to Alyattes of a Carian woman, but Pantaleon of an Ionian. And when Croesus had gained possession of the kingdom by the gift of his father, he put to death the man who opposed him, drawing him upon the carding-comb; and his property, which even before that time he had vowed to dedicate, he then offered in the manner mentioned to those shrines which have been named. About his votive offerings let it suffice to have said so much. |
| 1.93 | Res admirandas, quæ scripto consignentur, terra Lydia nullas admodum habet, prout aliæ regiones ; præter auri ramenta, quæ e Tmolo deferentur. Unum vero opus hominum exhibet multo maximum, post Ægyptiorum utique et Babyloniorum opera. (2) Est ibi Alyattæ sepulcrum, patris Crœsi ; cujus basis e grandibus lapidibus confecta, reliquum monumentum terræ tumulus est, manibus hominum aggestus. Confecerunt illud homines forenses, opifices, et puellæ corpore quæstum facientes. (3) Fuerunt autem ad meam usque ætatem in summo tumulo quinque termini, in quibus incisa scriptura indicabat quid a singulis confectum fuisset : apparebatque e mensura, puellarum partem operis fuisse maximam. (4) Nam filiæ populi Lydorum meretricantur omnes, dotem sibi colligentes hoc quæstu, quem faciunt donec nupturæ sunt : se autem ipsæ in matrimonium elocant. (5) Circuitus monumenti sex stadiorum est et duorum plethrorum : latitudo, plethrorum tredecim. Monumento contiguus est lacus ingens, quem Lydi referunt esse perennem ; vocatur autem Gygæus. Atque hæc quidem ita se habent. | Of marvels to be recorded the land of Lydia has no great store as compared with other lands, excepting the gold-dust which is carried down from Tmolos; but one work it has to show which is larger far than any other except only those in Egypt and Babylon: for there is there the sepulchral monument of Alyattes the father of Croesus, of which the base is made of larger stones and the rest of the monument is of earth piled up. And this was built by contributions of those who practised trade and of the artisans and the girls who plied their traffic there; and still there existed to my own time boundary-stones five in number erected upon the monument above, on which were carved inscriptions telling how much of the work was done by each class; and upon measurement it was found that the work of the girls was the greatest in amount. For the daughters of the common people in Lydia practice prostitution one and all, to gather for themselves dowries, continuing this until the time when they marry; and the girls give themselves away in marriage. Now the circuit of the monument is six furlongs and two hundred feet, and the breadth is thirteen hundred feet. And adjoining the monument is a great lake, which the Lydians say has a never-failing supply of water, and it is called the lake of Gyges. Such is the nature of this monument. |
| 1.94 | Legibus autem utuntur Lydi similibus atque Græci, præterquam quod filias suas vitæ tradant meretriciæ. Primi vero hominum, quos novimus, aureos et argenteos procuderunt nummos eisque usi sunt : primique etiam fuerunt mercium institores. (2) Narrant porro ipsi Lydi, lusus etiam hos, qui nunc et apud ipsos et apud Græcos in usu sunt, ipsorum fuisse inventum : per idem autem tempus, quo lusus isti apud se sint inventi, Tyrrheniam colonis a Lydis esse frequentatam. Eas res hunc in modum accidisse referunt. Regnante Atye, Manis filio, gravem annonæ caritatem per totam fuisse Lydiam : et Lydos quidem aliquamdiu patienter tolerasse malum ; deinde vero, quum non cessaret, quæsisse remedium, et alium aliud excogitasse. (3) Eo igitur tempore inventos esse et tesserarum et talorum ludum, et pilæ ceterorumque lusuum omnium genera, exceptis calculis : horum enim inventionem sibi non vindicant Lydi. (4) Inventis autem istis adversus famem hunc in modum usos se esse narrant : duorum quorumque dierum alterum ludendo traduxisse totum, ne scilicet cibum requirerent : altero vero, intermissis lusibus, cibum cepisse. Hoc modo per duodeviginti annos traduxisse vitam. (5) Quum vero non remitteret malum, sed magis atque magis ingravesceret ; tum quidem regem Lydos, bifariam divisos, in sortem misisse ; quorum altera pars maneret, altera e patria terra exiret : et se ipsum quidem ei parti adtribuisse regem, cui sors eventura esset manendi, filium autem suum, cui nomen Tyrrheno, ei parti quæ domo esset egressura. (6) Sortitione facta, hos quibus sors obvenerat patrio solo excedendi, Smyrnam descendisse, et constructis navibus, impositisque supellectilibus quæcunque ad usum commoda habuissent, profectos esse, victum et novas sedes quærentes ; donec multos prætervecti populos, in Umbriam pervenissent : ibi oppida condidisse, atque ad hunc usque diem habitare. (7) Mutato vero Lydorum nomine, ascita denominatione a regis filio, qui coloniam deduxerat, Tyrrhenos ab ea se ipsos vocasse. Lydi igitur, ut diximus, a Persis in servitutem sunt redacti. | Now the Lydians have very nearly the same customs as the Hellenes, with the exception that they prostitute their female children; and they were the first of men, so far as we know, who struck and used coin of gold or silver; and also they were the first retail-traders. And the Lydians themselves say that the games which are now in use among them and among the Hellenes were also their invention. These they say were invented among them at the same time as they colonised Tyrsenia, and this is the account they give of them — In the reign of Atys the son of Manes their king there came to be a grievous dearth over the whole of Lydia; and the Lydians for a time continued to endure it, but afterwards, as it did not cease, they sought for remedies; and one devised one thing and another of them devised another thing. And then were discovered, they say, the ways of playing with the dice and the knucklebones and the ball, and all the other games excepting draughts (for the discovery of this last is not claimed by the Lydians). These games they invented as a resource against the famine, and thus they used to do — on one of the days they would play games all the time in order that they might not feel the want of food, and on the next they ceased from their games and had food: and thus they went on for eighteen years. As however the evil did not slacken but pressed upon them ever more and more, therefore their king divided the whole Lydian people into two parts, and he appointed by lot one part to remain and the other to go forth from the land; and the king appointed himself to be over that one of the parts which had the lot to stay in the land, and his son to be over that which was departing; and the name of his son was Tyrsenos. So the one party of them, having obtained the lot to go forth from the land, went down to the sea at Smyrna and built ships for themselves, wherein they placed all the movable goods which they had and sailed away to seek for means of living and a land to dwell in; until after passing by many nations they came at last to the land of the Ombricans, and there they founded cities and dwell up to the present time: and changing their name they were called after the king’s son who led them out from home, not Lydians but Tyrsenians, taking the name from him. The Lydians, then, had been made subject to the Persians, as I say. |
| 1.95 | Hinc jam anquirit narratio nostra, Cyrus ille quisnam fuerit, qui Crœsi evertit imperium, et Persæ qua ratione imperio Asiæ sint potiti. (2) Igitur, quemadmodum quidam memorant Persarum, qui non extollere res Cyri, sed prout illæ se habent referre student, ita ego scribam ; quum possim triplices etiam alias de Cyro narrandi vias indicare. (3) Postquam Assyrii per annos quingentos et viginti superioris Asiæ tenuerant imperium, primi deficere ab illis Medi cœperunt ; qui pro libertate pugnantes cum Assyriis, strenue se gesserunt, excussoque servitutis jugo libertatem obtinuerunt. Post quos et reliquæ gentes idem fecere quod Medi. | And after this our history proceeds to inquire about Cyrus, who he was that destroyed the empire of Croesus, and about the Persians, in what manner they obtained the lead of Asia. Following then the report of some of the Persians — those I mean who do not desire to glorify the history of Cyrus but to speak that which is in fact true — according to their report, I say, I shall write; but I could set forth also the other forms of the story in three several ways. The Assyrians ruled Upper Asia for five hundred and twenty years, and from them the Medes were the first who made revolt. These having fought for their freedom with the Assyrians proved themselves good men, and thus they pushed off the yoke of slavery from themselves and were set free; and after them the other nations also did the same as the Medes. |
| 1.96 | Ceterum quum jam omnes per continentem populi propriis viverent legibus, tali modo rursus tyrannidi subjecti sunt. Fuit inter Medos vir sapiens, cui nomen erat Dejoces, filius Phraortæ; qui quum ad tyrannidem aspiraret, ita se gessit. (2) Quum per vicos habitarent Medi, Dejoces jam ante apud suos probatus, tum magis etiam studiosiusque æquitatem data opera exercebat ; idque, quum multa iniquitas per universam Mediam obtineret, tamen faciebat, quamvis sciret injustos inimicos esse justis. (3) Cujus mores ubi perspexerunt cives eundem vicum incolentes, judicem illum sibi constituerunt. Et ille, ut qui principatum ambiret, rectum se æquumque præbuit, eaque re laudem apud populares obtinuit haud exiguam ; ita quidem ut reliquorum vicorum incolæ, intelligentes Dejocem unum esse virum qui ex æquo jus diceret, quum antea iniquis sententiis sæpe succubuissent, tunc, postquam hoc cognoverunt, libenter et ipsi Dejocem adirent qui lites suas dirimeret, et postremo nulli alii causarum suarum judicium permitterent. | And when all on the continent were thus independent, they returned again to despotic rule as follows: There appeared among the Medes a man of great ability whose name was Deïokes, and this man was the son of Phraortes. This Deïokes, having formed a desire for despotic power, did thus — whereas the Medes dwelt in separate villages, he, being even before that time of great repute in his own village, set himself to practise just dealing much more and with greater zeal than before; and this he did although there was much lawlessness throughout the whole of Media, and although he knew that injustice is ever at feud with justice. And the Medes of the same village, seeing his manners, chose him for their judge. So he, since he was aiming at power, was upright and just, and doing thus he had no little praise from his fellow-citizens, insomuch that those of the other villages learning that Deïokes was a man who more than all others gave decision rightly, whereas before this they had been wont to suffer from unjust judgments, themselves also when they heard it came gladly to Deïokes to have their causes determined, and at last they trusted the business to no one else. |
| 1.97 | Crescente vero in dies numero accurrentium, utpote qui intelligerent lites e vero terminari, animadvertens Dejoces omnia in se esse sita, jam non amplius pro tribunali sedere, ubi antea jus dicere consueverat, voluit, negavitque se porro lites judicaturum ; nec enim e re sua esse, neglectis suis rebus totum diem dirimendis aliorum litibus impendere. (2) Inde quum rapinæ iniquitatesque per vicos multo etiam magis, quam ante, grassarentur ; concilio convocato Medi colloqui inter se de præsente rerum statu deliberareque instituerunt. (3) Ut autem ego existimo, amici maxime Dejocis verba fecerunt hujusmodi : « Profecto, hoc more utentes, non possumus amplius hanc terram incolere. Agite igitur, regem nobis constituamus : sic terra nostra bonis legibus administrabitur, et nos ad negotia nostra redibimus, nec ob hominum iniquitatem solum vertere cogemur. » Talia fere dicentes persuaserunt Medis, ut a rege gubernari vellent. | Then, as more and more continually kept coming to him, because men learnt that his decisions proved to be according to the truth, Deïokes perceiving that everything was referred to himself would no longer sit in the place where he used formerly to sit in public to determine causes, and said that he would determine causes no more, for it was not profitable for him to neglect his own affairs and to determine causes for his neighbors all through the day. So then, since robbery and lawlessness prevailed even much more in the villages than they did before, the Medes having assembled together in one place considered with one another and spoke about the state in which they were: and I suppose the friends of Deïokes spoke much to this effect: “Seeing that we are not able to dwell in the land under the present order of things, let us set up a king from among ourselves, and thus the land will be well governed and we ourselves shall turn to labor, and shall not be ruined by lawlessness.” By some such words as these they persuaded themselves to have a king. |
| 1.98 | Tum continuo in deliberationem adducitur, quemnam sibi regem constituant ; et frequens ab unoquoque proponitur laudaturque Dejoces, ad extremum communi consensu Rex creatur. Tum ille jussit eos ædes sibi ædificare dignas regno, et satellitibus ipsum munire : (2) quod et fecerunt Medi, ædesque ei ædificarunt amplas munitasque in ea regionis parte quam ipse definivit, et satellites ex universis Medis sibi eligere permiserunt. (3) Ille vero, postquam obtinuit imperium, coegit Medos unam urbem condere ; quo hanc tuentes, reliqua oppida minus curarent. Obsequentibus etiam hac in re Medis, arcem exstruxit amplam validamque, hanc quæ nunc Ecbatana vocatur, ita ut alius mœnium orbis alio esset circumdatus : (4) et sic instituta erat hæc arx, ut alius mœnium orbis alio nonnisi propugnaculis esset excelsior. Quod ut fieret, adjuvabat partim quidem ipsius loci commoditas, quum esset collis : sed magis etiam data opera institutum est opus, quum orbes universi sint septem, quorum in postremo regia est et thesauri. (5) Qui autem murus maximum conficit orbem, is Athenarum fere ambitum mœnium amplitudine æquat. Jam primi orbis propugnacula alba sunt ; secundi nigra ; tertii orbis purpurea ; quarti cærulea, quinti sandaracina : (6) ita cunctorum orbium propugnacula pigmentis sunt obducta ; duorum vero postremorum orbium alter argentata propugnacula habet, alter inaurata. | And when they straightway proposed the question whom they should set up to be king, Deïokes was much put forward and commended by every one, until at last they agreed that he should be their king. And he bade them build for him a palace worthy of the royal dignity and strengthen him with a guard of spearmen. And the Medes did so: for they built him a large and strong palace in that part of the land which he told them, and they allowed him to select spearmen from all the Medes. And when he had obtained the rule over them, he compelled the Medes to make one fortified city and pay chief attention to this, having less regard to the other cities. And as the Medes obeyed him in this also, he built large and strong walls, those which are now called Agbatana, standing in circles one within the other. And this wall is so contrived that one circle is higher than the next by the height of the battlements alone. And to some extent, I suppose, the nature of the ground, seeing that it is on a hill, assists towards this end; but much more was it produced by art, since the circles are in all seven in number. And within the last circle are the royal palace and the treasure-houses. The largest of these walls is in size about equal to the circuit of the wall round Athens; and of the first circle the battlements are white, of the second black, of the third crimson, of the fourth blue, of the fifth red: thus are the battlements of all the circles colored with various tints, and the two last have their battlements one of them overlaid with silver and the other with gold. |
| 1.99 | Hæc igitur munimenta Dejoces sibi exstruxit et circa ædes suas : tum vero reliquum populum jussit circumcirca arcem habitare. (2) Constructis autem istis omnibus, ordinem primus Dejoces instituit hunc, ut nemini ad regem liceret ingredi, sed per internuntios omnia transigerentur, nec conspiceretur rex a quoquam : ad hæc, ut ridere aut exspuere coram illo, utique omnibus factu turpe haberetur. (3) Adfectabat autem gravitatem istam hoc consilio, ne cernentes eum æquales et una cum eo educati, domoque orti non viliori, nec virtute inferiores, dolerent eique insidiarentur ; sed ut diversæ naturæ homo illis videretur, ipsum non intuentibus. | These walls then Deïokes built for himself and round his own palace, and the people he commanded to dwell round about the wall. And after all was built, Deïokes established the rule, which he was the first to establish, ordaining that none should enter into the presence of the king, but that they deal with him always through messengers; and that the king should be seen by no one; and moreover that to laugh or to spit in presence is unseemly, and this last for every one without exception. Now he surrounded himself with this state to the end that his fellows, who had been brought up with him and were of no meaner family nor behind him in manly virtue, might not be grieved by seeing him and make plots against him, but that being unseen by them he might be thought to be of different mould. |
| 1.100 | His ita ordinatis, quum firmasset sibi imperium, in exercenda justitia valde severum se præbuit. Litigantes causas suas scripto consignatas ad eum per internuntios intro mittebant ; quas ille judicatas remittebat. (2) Hunc morem in judicandis causis sequebatur : et reliqua etiam omnia recte ab eo ordinata erant. Si quem intellexisset protervius agentem, hunc ad se arcessitum inflicta pro delicti modo pœna multabat : eaque causa exploratores auscultatoresque per universam, cui imperabat, regionem habebat. | Having set these things in order and strengthened himself in his despotism, he was severe in preserving justice; and the people used to write down their causes and send them in to his presence, and he determined the questions which were brought in to him and sent them out again. Thus he used to do about the judgment of causes; and he also took order for this, that is to say, if he heard that any one was behaving in an unruly manner, he sent for him and punished him according as each act of wrong deserved, and he had watchers and listeners about all the land over which he ruled. |
| 1.101 | Dejoces igitur solam Medicam nationem in unam contraxit, eique imperavit. Cujus nationis tot numero gentes [id est, tribus] sunt : Busæ, Paretaceni, Struchates, Arizanti, Budei, Magi. Hæ sunt tot Medorum gentes. | Deïokes then united the Median race alone, and was ruler of this: and of the Medes there are the tribes which here follow, namely, Busai, Paretakenians, Struchates, Arizantians, Budians, Magians: the tribes of the Medes are so many in number. |
| 1.102 | Fuit autem Dejocis filius Phraortes, qui, mortuo Dejoce postquam tres et quinquaginta annos regnasset, suscepit imperium. Hic non contentus solis imperare Medis, expeditionem in Persas suscepit, hosque primos aggressus est, primosque imperio Medorum subjecit. (2) Deinde vero, quum esset horum duorum populorum dominus, validi utriusque, Asiam subegit, ab alio populo ad alium transiens. Postremo adversus Assyrios arma convertens, nempe Assyriorum illos qui Ninum tenebant, quique, quum antea omnibus imperassent, tunc sociis, quippe qui ab illis defecerant, erant nudati, ceterum felici rerum suarum statu utebantur ; adversus hos postquam arma convertit Phraortes, periit et ipse, secundo et vicesimo anno quam regno erat potitus, et plurima pars copiarum ipsius. | Now the son of Deïokes was Phraortes, who when Deïokes was dead, having been king for three-and-fifty years, received the power in succession; and having received it he was not satisfied to be ruler of the Medes alone, but marched upon the Persians; and attacking them first before others, he made these first subject to the Medes. After this, being ruler of these two nations and both of them strong, he proceeded to subdue Asia going from one nation to another, until at last he marched against the Assyrians, those Assyrians I mean who dwelt at Nineveh, and who formerly had been rulers of the whole, but at that time they were left without support their allies having revolted from them, though at home they were prosperous enough. Phraortes marched, I say, against these, and was both himself slain, after he had reigned two-and-twenty years, and the greater part of his army was destroyed. |
| 1.103 | Mortuo Phraorti successit Cyaxares, Phraortis filius, Dejocis nepos. Hic dicitur multo majoribus suis fortior fuisse : et primus in Asia centuriavit milites et per cohortes distribuit, primusque ordinavit ut seorsum in acie staret unumquodque militum genus, hastati, sagittarii, equites : quum prius omnia promiscue pariter fuissent confusa. (2) Idem hic est qui cum Lydis bellum gessit, quo tempore in ipsa pugna dies in noctem est conversus ; quique totam supra Halyn fluvium Asiam sibi subjectam tenuit. Tum undique contractis copiis, quascunque sub potestate sua habebat, adversus Ninum arma convertit, patrem ulturus, et urbem hanc exscindere cupiens. (3) At, superatis prœlio Assyriis, dum Ninum circumsedit, ingruit adversus eum ingens Scytharum exercitus, duce rege Scytharum Madye, Protothyæ filio : qui in Asiam irruperant, quum Cimmerios ex Europa ejecissent ; quos dum fugientes persequebantur, ita in Medicam terram pervenerunt. | When Phraortes had brought his life to an end, Kyaxares the son of Phraortes, the son of Deïokes, received the power. This king is said to have been yet much more warlike than his forefathers; and he first banded the men of Asia into separate divisions, that is to say, he first arrayed apart from one another the spearmen and the archers and the horsemen, for before that time they were all mingled together without distinction. This was he who fought with the Lydians when the day became night as they fought, and who also united under his rule the whole of Asia above the river Halys. And having gathered together all his subjects he marched upon Nineveh to avenge his father, and also because he desired to conquer that city. And when he had fought a battle with the Assyrians and had defeated them, while he was sitting down before Nineveh there came upon him a great army of Scythians, and the leader of them was Madyas the son of Protohyas, king of the Scythians. These had invaded Asia after driving the Kimmerians out of Europe, and in pursuit of them as they fled they had come to the land of Media. |
| 1.104 | Est autem a Mæotide palude ad Phasin flumen atque Colchos expedito viatori iter triginta dierum ; e Colchis vero non ita longo itinere perveniri potest in Mediam, sed unus duntaxat interjectus est populus, Saspires ; quos ubi transieris, continuo Media occurrit. (2) Scythæ tamen hac non irruperunt, sed per deflexum alia via superiore et multo longiore, Caucasaum montem a dextra habentes. Ibi tum Medi cum Scythis congressi, prœlioque superati, Asiæ imperium amiserunt ; Scythæ vero universa Asia sunt potiti. | Now from the Maiotian lake to the river Phasis and to the land of the Colchians is a journey of thirty days for one without encumbrance; and from Colchis it is not far to pass over to Media, for there is only one nation between them, the Saspeirians, and passing by this nation you are in Media. However the Scythians did not make their invasion by this way, but turned aside from it to go by the upper road which is much longer, keeping Mount Caucasus on their right hand. Then the Medes fought with the Scythians, and having been worsted in the battle they lost their power, and the Scythians obtained rule over all Asia. |
| 1.105 | Inde Ægyptum versus intendebant viam : sed Syriam Palæstinam ingressis occurrens Ægypti rex Psammitichus, muneribus precibusque effecit, ut ulterius non progrederentur. Ubi regredientes Ascalonem venerunt, Syriæ oppidum ; maxima Scytharum parte sine maleficio prætergressa, pauci ex illis, pone sequentes, Veneris Cœlestis templum despoliarunt. (2) Est autem illud, quantum sciscitans intelligo, ex omnibus hujus deæ templis vetustissimum. Nam quod in Cypro est templum, hinc prodiit, ut ipsi etiam Cyprii narrant : et, quod Cytheris est, id Phœnices condiderunt, ex hac Syria oriundi. (3) His autem Scythis, qui templum Ascalonis exspoliarunt, eorumque semper posteris, inflixit dea muliebrem morbum ; ita quidem ut etiam Scythæ dicant, ob hanc causam morbo hoc laborare illos, et apud se ab adeuntibus Scythicam terram conspici quo pacto affecti sint, quos Enareas (sive androgynos) Scythæ appellant. | Thence they went on to invade Egypt; and when they were in Syria which is called Palestine, Psammetichos king of Egypt met them; and by gifts and entreaties he turned them from their purpose, so that they should not advance any further: and as they retreated, when they came to the city of Ascalon in Syria, most of the Scythians passed through without doing any damage, but a few of them who had stayed behind plundered the temple of Aphrodite Urania. Now this temple, as I find by inquiry, is the most ancient of all the temples which belong to this goddess; for the temple in Cyprus was founded from this, as the people of Cyprus themselves report, and it was the Phenicians who founded the temple in Kythera, coming from this land of Syria. So these Scythians who had plundered the temple at Ascalon, and their descendants for ever, were smitten by the divinity with a disease which made them women instead of men: and the Scythians say that it was for this reason that they were diseased, and that for this reason travellers who visit Scythia now, see among them the affection of those who by the Scythians are called Enareës. |
| 1.106 | Igitur per octo et viginti annos Asiæ imperium obtinuerunt Scythæ; per eorumque proterviam et contemtum omnia susque deque versa sunt. Nam, præter cædes, tributum exigebant quod a singulis imposuerant, et præter tributum obequitantes rapiebant quod quique haberent. (2) Sed horum quidem majorem numerum Cyaxares et Medi, hospitio exceptos et mero inebriatos, obtruncarunt : atque ita regnum receperunt Medi, et rerum, quarum antea domini fuerant, denuo sunt potiti. (3) Tum vero et Ninum ceperunt (quam quo pacto ceperint, in aliis historiarum libris exponam), et Assyrios, excepta Babylonica ditione, sub potestatem suam redegerunt. | For eight-and-twenty years then the Scythians were rulers of Asia, and by their unruliness and reckless behavior everything was ruined; for on the one hand they exacted that in tribute from each people which they laid upon them, and apart from the tribute they rode about and carried off by force the possessions of each tribe. Then Kyaxares with the Medes, having invited the greater number of them to a banquet, made them drunk and slew them; and thus the Medes recovered their power, and had rule over the same nations as before; and they also took Nineveh — the manner how it was taken I shall set forth in another history — and made the Assyrians subject to them excepting only the land of Babylon. |
| 1.107 | Post hæc Cyaxares, postquam quadraginta annos (simul numeratis his, quibus penes Scythas fuerat imperium) regnaverat, fato functus est. Cyaxari in regnum successit filius Astyages. Huic nata erat filia, cui Mandanæ imposuerat nomen : quæ ei per somnum visa est tantum urinæ fundere, ut et urbs ejus impleretur et tota inundaretur Asia. Quod somnium quum communicasset cum illis e Magorum numero, qui somniorum interpretationi dabant operam, conterritus est, singula quæque ab iis edoctus. (2) Tum deinde Mandanen, viro jam maturam, Medorum nulli, qui ipsius familia dignus fuisset, in matrimonium dedit, visum istud reformidans ; verum Persæ cuidam junxit, cui nomen Cambyses, quem repererat quidem bona familia ortum, et tranquillo hominem ingenio, ceterum quem inferioris esse conditionis, quam mediocrem Medum, judicaverat. | After this Kyaxares died, having reigned forty years including those years during which the Scythians had rule, and Astyages son of Kyaxares received from him the kingdom. To him was born a daughter whom he named Mandane; and in his sleep it seemed to him that there passed from her so much water as to fill his city and also to flood the whole of Asia. This dream he delivered over to the Magian interpreters of dreams, and when he heard from them the truth at each point he became afraid. And afterwards when this Mandane was of an age to have a husband, he did not give her in marriage to any one of the Medes who were his peers, because he feared the vision; but he gave her to a Persian named Cambyses, whom he found to be of a good descent and of a quiet disposition, counting him to be in station much below a Mede of middle rank. |
| 1.108 | Postquam domum duxit Cambyses Mandanen, primo anno aliud vidit visum Astyages. Videbatur ei e naturalibus hujus filiæ enasci vitis, eaque vitis universam obtinere Asiam. (2) Quo de viso sibi oblato quum rettulisset ad somniorum interpretes, arcessivit e Persis filiam partui vicinam ; eamque, postquam advenit, in custodia habuit, interimere cogitans prolem ex ea nascituram : nam e viso illo significaverant ei magi somniorum interpretes, prolem filiæ hujus, loco ipsius, regno esse potiturum. (3) Hæc igitur cavens Astyages, simul atque natus erat Cyrus, vocatum ad se Harpagum, virum sibi cognatum, et Medorum fidissimum, cui res suas crederet omnes, his compellavit verbis : « Harpage, quod tibi committo negotium, id cave ne ullo pacto neglectim tractes, neve me decipias, aliisque hominibus studens, tuis ipse artibus dehinc capiaris. Cape quem Mandane peperit puerum, et domum tuam deportatum occide ; dein, quoquo modo volueris, sepelito. » (4) Respondit ille : « Nec alias, o rex, vidist in hoc homine aliquid quod ingratum tibi fuisset ; cavebimus vero etiam, ne in posterum quidquam in te delinquamus. Quare si tibi gratum est hoc ita fieri, oportet nempe, quod in me est, idoneam operam præstare. » | And when Mandane was married to Cambyses, in the first year Astyages saw another vision. It seemed to him that from the womb of this daughter a vine grew, and this vine overspread the whole of Asia. Having seen this vision and delivered it to the interpreters of dreams, he sent for his daughter, being then with child, to come from the land of the Persians. And when she had come he kept watch over her, desiring to destroy that which should be born of her; for the Magian interpreters of dreams signified to him that the offspring of his daughter should be king in his room. Astyages then desiring to guard against this, when Cyrus was born, called Harpagos, a man who was of kin near him and whom he trusted above all the other Medes, and had made him manager of all his affairs; and to him he said as follows: “Neglect not by any means, Harpagos, the matter which I shall lay upon thee to do, and beware lest thou set me aside, and choosing the advantage of others instead, bring thyself afterwards to destruction. Take the child which Mandane bore, and carry it to thy house and slay it; and afterwards bury it in whatsoever manner thou thyself desirest.” To this he made answer: “O king, never yet in any past time didst thou discern in me an offence against thee, and I keep watch over myself also with a view to the time that comes after, that I may not commit any error towards thee. If it is indeed thy pleasure that this should so be done, my service at least must be fitly rendered.” |
| 1.109 | Hoc dato responso Harpagus, quum ei traditus esset puerulus ornatus ut in mortem, abiit flens domum suam : quo ubi venit, sermonem, quem secum Astyages habuerat, uxori suæ rettulit. (2) Cui illa, « Nunc ergo, inquit, quidnam facere cogitas ? » Et ille : « Non quemadmodum mandavit Astyages ; nec, si vel pejus, quam nunc, insanierit furiosusque fuerit, voluntati ejus obsequar, nec hujus cædis minister ero. (3) Multis autem de causis hunc non occidam ; quoniam et mihi cognatus est puer, et ætate provectus est Astyages, proleque caret mascula. Quodsi igitur post illius obitum in hanc filiam regnum transiturum est, cujus nunc puerum per me vult occidere, nonne mihi supererit ut hoc facto in summum discrimen adducar ? Verumtamen meæ ipsius salutis causa necesse est ut moriatur hic puer : oportet autem ut interfecto ejus sit non aliquis meorum, sed ex ipsius Astyagis ministris. » | Thus he made answer, and when the child had been delivered to him adorned as for death, Harpagos went weeping to his wife all the words which had been spoken by Astyages. And she said to him: “Now, therefore, what is it in thy mind to do?” and he made answer: “Not according as Astyages enjoined: for not even if he shall come to be yet more out of his senses and more mad than he now is, will I agree to his will or serve him in such a murder as this. And for many reasons I will not slay the child; first because he is a kin to me, and then because Astyages is old and without male issue, and if after he is dead the power shall devolve upon this daughter whose son he now wants to kill through me, does not the greatest of dangers then await me? To secure me, this child must die; but one of the servants of Astyages must be the slayer of it, and not one of mine.” |
| 1.110 | His dictis, protinus nuntium misit ad unum ex Astyagis pastoribus, quem noverat pascua habere maxime idonea et montes feris frequentissimos. Nomen huic erat Mitradates ; (2) uxorem autem habebat conservam suam, cui nomen, græca lingua, erat Cyno ; Medorum vero idiomate Spaco : canem enim spaca dicunt Medi. (3) Saltus autem montium, ubi boum pascua habebat hic bubulcus, ad septentriones erant Ecbatanorum, Pontum Euxinum versus. Hoc enim in tractu, quem versus Saspires incolunt, montosa admodum est Medica terra, et alta, silvisque opaca, reliqua vero Media plana est omnis. (4) Vocatus igitur bubulcus postquam nulla interposita mora advenit, hæc ei dixit Harpagus : « Jubet te Astyages hunc puerulum sumere, et loco maxime deserto montium deponere, ut quam citissime pereat. Et hoc præterea me jussit tibi dicere, nisi illum occideris, sed quocunque modo superstitem esse curaveris, pessimo exitio te ab ipso periturum. Mihi autem injunctum est, ut expositum inspiciam. » | Thus he spoke, and straightway sent a messenger to that one of the herdsmen of Astyages who he knew fed his herds on the pastures which were most suitable for his purpose, and on the mountains most haunted by wild beasts. The name of this man was Mitradates, and he was married to one who was his fellow-slave; and the name of the woman to whom he was married was Kyno in the tongue of the Hellenes and in the Median tongue Spaco, for what the Hellenes call kyna (bitch) the Medes call spaca. Now, it was on the skirts of the mountains that this herdsman had his cattle-pastures, from Agbatana towards the North Wind and towards the Euxine Sea. For here in the direction of the Saspeirians the Median land is very mountainous and lofty and thickly covered with forests; but the rest of the land of Media is all level plain. So when this herdsman came, being summoned with much urgency, Harpagos said these words: “Astyages bids thee take this child and place it on the most desolate part of the mountains, so that it may perish as quickly as possible. And he bade me to say that if thou do not kill it, but in any way shalt preserve it from death, he will slay thee by the most evil kind of destruction: and I have been appointed to see that the child is laid forth.” |
| 1.111 | His auditis bubulcus, accepto puerulo, rediit eadem via, et ad stabula pervenit. Forte autem fortuna accidit ut pastoris etiam hujus uxor, quum per totum diem parturiisset, tunc pepererit, quum pastor in urbem esset profectus. (2) Erant autem anxii uterque alterius causa, ille timens partui uxoris ; uxor autem, quod alioquin non solitus esset Harpagus ad se vocare ipsius maritum. Ut vero ex itinere redux astitit pastor, tanquam ex insperato eum conspiciens mulier, prior ex illo quæsivit, quid esset quod tam propere eum ad se vocasset Harpagus. (3) Tum ille, « O mulier, inquit, urbem ingressus vidi audivique quæ nunquam videre me fas erat, nec unquam cadere debebant nostros in dominos. Tota Harpagi domus fletu erat oppleta ; et ego consternatus ivi intro. Ut primum intravi, vidi puerulum in medio positum, palpitantem clamitantemque, auro et variegata veste ornatum. (4) Harpagus ut me conspexit, jussit acceptum ocyus puerum asportare, in locoque feris maxime obnoxio montium deponere ; Astyagem esse dicens, qui hoc mihi injungeret, multas adjiciens minas ni mandata exsequerer. Et ego sumens puerum asportavi, ratus esse alicujus e domisticis ; nunquam enim exputare potuissem unde esset. (5) Stupebam autem videns auro pretiosaque veste ornatum puerum, ad hæc vero planctum manifestum in Harpagi ædibus. Sed protinus in itinere totam rem cognovi e famulo, qui me urbe egredientem comitatus est, infantemque mihi tradidit ; esse scilicet puerum Mandana natum, Astyagis filia, et Cambyse, Cyri filio ; Astyagem occidi eum jubere. Et ecce hic ille est ! » | Having heard this and having taken up the child, the herdsman went back by the way he came, and arrived at his dwelling. And his wife also, as it seems, having been every day on the point of bearing a child, by a providential chance brought her child to birth just at that time, when the herdsman was gone to the city. And both were in anxiety, each for the other, the man having fear about the child-bearing of his wife, and the woman about the cause why Harpagos had sent to summon her husband, not having been wont to do so aforetime. So as soon as he returned and stood before her, the woman seeing him again beyond her hopes was the first to speak, and asked him for what purpose Harpagos had sent for him so urgently. And he said: “Wife, when I came to the city I saw and heard that which I would I had not seen, and which I should wish had never chanced to those whom we serve. For the house of Harpagos was all full of mourning, and I being astonished thereat went within: and as soon as I entered I saw laid out to view an infant child gasping for breath and screaming, which was adorned with gold ornaments and embroidered clothing: and when Harpagos saw me he bade me forthwith to take up the child and carry it away and lay it on that part of the mountains which is most haunted by wild beasts, saying that it was Astyages who laid this task upon me, and using to me many threats, if I should fail to do this. And I took it up and bore it away, supposing that it was the child of some one of the servants of the house, for never could I have supposed whence it really was; but I marvelled to see it adorned with gold and raiment, and I marvelled also because mourning was made for it openly in the house of Harpagos. And straightway as we went by the road, I learnt the whole of the matter from the servant who went with me out of the city and placed in my hands the babe, namely that it was in truth the son of Mandane the daughter of Astyages, and of Cambyses the son of Cyrus, and that Astyages bade slay it. And now here it is.” |
| 1.112 | Hæc dicens bubulcus, puerum detectum ostendit. Et illa, ut vidit puerum, magnum et formosum, lacrimans genuaque complectens mariti, oravit ut neutiquam illum exponeret. At ille negavit se aliter facere posse ; adventuros enim ab Harpago speculatores, rem inspecturos ; seque misere periturum, nisi imperata fecisset. (2) Mulier, ut viro non persuasit, iterum hæc ei verba fecit : « Quoniam ergo persuadere tibi, ne exponas puerum, non possum ; at tu, si utique necesse est ut conspiciatur expositus, ita fac. Nempe et ego peperi, et quidem mortuum enixa sum. (3) Hunc tu asporta et expone ; puerum vero filiæ Astyagis alamus ut a nobis progenitum : ita nec tu convinceris deliquisse adversus heros nostros, nec nobis male fuerit consultum. Defunctus enim regiam consequetur sepulturam ; et, qui superstes est, vitam non amittet. » | And as he said this the herdsman uncovered it and showed it to her. And she, seeing that the child was large and of fair form, wept and clung to the knees of her husband, beseeching him by no means to lay it forth. But he said that he could not do otherwise than so, for watchers would come backwards and forwards sent by Harpagos to see that this was done, and he would perish by a miserable death if he should fail to do this. And as she could not after all persuade her husband, the wife next said as follows: “Since then I am unable to persuade thee not to lay it forth, do thou this which I shall tell thee, if indeed it needs must be seen laid forth. I also have borne a child, but I have borne it dead. Take this and expose it, and let us rear the child of the daughter of Astyages as if it were our own. Thus thou wilt not be found out doing a wrong to those whom we serve, nor shall we have taken ill counsel for ourselves; for the dead child will obtain a royal burial and the surviving one will not lose his life.” |
| 1.113 | Optime ad rem præsentem dicere mulier visa est pastori, et statim rem est exsecutus. Quem puerum morti traditurus attulerat, eum tradidit uxori : suum vero, qui mortuus erat, in vas illud, in quo alterum attulerat, imposuit ; et omni cultu alterius pueri ornatum, in desertissimam regionem montium deportatum exposuit. (2) Postquam in tertium diem expositus infans fuit, in urbem profiscitur pastor, subbubulcorum aliquo custode illius relicto ; et ad Harpagum ingressus, paratum se esse, ait, cadaver pueruli ostendere. (3) Harpagus, missis satellitum suorum fidissimis, per hos inspexit, sepelivitque pastoris puerum. Quo sepulto, illum qui postmodum Cyrus appellatus est sumpsit enutrivitque pastoris uxor, aliud ei nomen, non Cyri, imponens. | To the herdsman it seemed that, the case standing thus, his wife spoke well, and forthwith he did so. The child which he was bearing to put to death, this he delivered to his wife, and his own, which was dead, he took and placed in the chest in which he had been bearing the other; and having adorned it with all the adornment of the other child, he bore it to the most desolate part of the mountains and placed it there. And when the third day came after the child had been laid forth, the herdsman went to the city, leaving one of his under-herdsmen to watch there, and when he came to the house of Harpagos he said that he was ready to display the dead body of the child; and Harpagos sent the most trusted of his spearmen, and through them he saw and buried the herdsman’s child. This then had had burial, but him who was afterwards called Cyrus the wife of the herdsman had received, and was bringing him up, giving him no doubt some other name, not Cyrus. |
| 1.114 | Is quum decem annorum esset puer, res quædam accidit hujusmodi, quæ eum cognitum fecit. Ludebat in eo vico, in quo erant boum greges quos diximus, ludebat autem in via publica : (2) et pueri cum eo colludentes regem suum elegerant hunc quem pastoris filium vulgo nominabant. Ille igitur horum aliis partes distribuebat ædificandi domos, aliis ut essent satellites, uni etiam eorum ut esset regis oculus, alii munus dedit intro ferendi nuntios ; atque ita singulis proprias assignaverat partes. (3) Quum autem unus horum puerorum colludens cum reliquis, qui erat Artembarei filius, nobilis inter Medos viri, mandatis Cyri non paruisset ; jussit Cyrus ceteros pueros medium illium comprehendere. Qui quum ei morem gessissent, aspere admodum Cyrus tractavit puerum. (4) Ille vero, simul atque dimissus est, gravissime offensus, ut qui indigna sese passus esset, in urbem abiit ; et apud patrem de his, quæ ei a Cyro accidissent, acriter est conquestus ; non a Cyro dicens (nec enim jam tum erat ei hoc nomen), sed a filio bubulci Astyagis. (5) Et Artembares ira excandescens regem e vestigio adiit, filium secum ducens, et indigna se passum esse aiebat, dicens : « O rex, a tuo servo, qui bubulci est filius, in hunc modum (hic humeros filii ostendebat) contumelia sumus affecti. » | And when the boy was ten years old, it happened with regard to him as follows, and this made him known. He was playing in the village in which were stalls for oxen, he was playing there, I say, with other boys of his age in the road. And the boys in their play chose as their king this one who was called the son of the herdsman: and he set some of them to build palaces and others to be spearmen of his guard, and one of them no doubt he appointed to be the eye of the king, and to one he gave the office of bearing the messages, appointing a work for each one severally. Now one of these boys who was playing with the rest, the son of Artembares a man of repute among the Medes, did not do that which Cyrus appointed him to do; therefore Cyrus bade the other boys seize him hand and foot, and when they obeyed his command he dealt with the boy very roughly, scourging him. But he, so soon as he was let go, being made much more angry because he considered that he had been treated with indignity, went down to the city and complained to his father of the treatment which he had met with from Cyrus, calling him not Cyrus, for this was not yet his name, but the son of the herdsman of Astyages. And Artembares in the anger of the moment went at once to Astyages, taking the boy with him, and he declared that he had suffered things that were unfitting and said: “O king, by thy slave, the son of a herdsman, we have been thus outraged,” showing him the shoulders of his son. |
| 1.115 | Hæc audiens conspiciensque Astyages, quum vellet honoris Artembaris gratia ulcisci filium, arcessivit bubulcum et puerum. Qui ubi affuerunt ambo, Cyrum intuitus Astyages ait : « Tu vero, quum sis hujus talis hominis gnatus, ausus es filium hujus viri, qui apud me principe loco est, ita contumeliose tractare ! » (2) Cui Cyrus ita respondit : « At equidem, o domine, cum eo sic egi jure meritoque. Nam colludentes e vico nostro pueri, quorum in numero hic fuit, regem me constituerant;: visus enim illis eram ad hoc maxime idoneus. (3) Igitur reliqui pueri imperata faciebant ; at hic dicto non erat audiens, et mandata nihili faciebat, donec tandem pœna ei est inflicta. Quodsi ergo hujus rei causa malum aliquod commerui, en tibi præsto sum ! » | And Astyages having heard and seen this, wishing to punish the boy to avenge the honor of Artembares, sent for both the herdsman and his son. And when both were present, Astyages looked at Cyrus and said: “Didst thou dare, being the son of so mean a father as this, to treat with such unseemly insult the son of this man who is first in my favor?” And he replied thus: “Master, I did so to him with right. For the boys of the village, of whom he also was one, in their play set me up as king over them, for I appeared to them most fitted for this place. Now the other boys did what I commanded them, but this one disobeyed and paid no regard, until at last he received the punishment due. If therefore for this I am worthy to suffer any evil, here I stand before thee.” |
| 1.116 | Hæc dum puer loquebatur, subiit Astyagem ut illum agnosceret ; quum et faciei species convenire cum sua videretur, et responsum esse liberalius, et tempus expositionis cum ætate pueri videretur congruere. (2) Quibus rebus perculsus, aliquantum temporis continuit vocem. Ægre tandem se recipiens, volensque Artembarem dimittere, quo pastorem solum secum relictum posset percunctari : « Artembares, inquit, hæc equidem ita confecturus sum, ut nec tu nec filius tuus habeatis de quo conqueramini. » (3) Dimisso Artembare, Cyrum in interiora ædium introducunt famuli jussu Astyagis. Jamque solum relictum pastorem interrogavit Astyages, puerum hunc unde acceperit, et quis esset qui eum illi tradidisset : (4) et ille e se progenitum, ait, matremque pueri adhuc domi suæ vivere. Astyages vero, non bene illum sibi consulere, inquit, qui velit tormentis ad confitendum adigi : dumque hæc loquitur, signum dat satellitibus ut corripiant hominem. (5) Tum ille, tormentis expromtis, ita demum rem, ut erat, declaravit : nempe a principio orsus, omnia persecutus est, nihil a veritate deflectens ; denique ad preces descendit, et, ut veniam sibi rex daret, oravit. | While the boy thus spoke, there came upon Astyages a sense of recognition of him and the lineaments of his face seemed to him to resemble his own, and his answer appeared to be somewhat over free for his station, while the time of the laying forth seemed to agree with the age of the boy. Being struck with amazement by these things, for a time he was speechless; and having at length with difficulty recovered himself, he said, desiring to dismiss Artembares, in order that he might get the herdsman by himself alone and examine him: “Artembares, I will so order these things that thou and thy son shall have no cause to find fault”; and so he dismissed Artembares, and the servants upon the command of Astyages led Cyrus within. And when the herdsman was left alone with the king, Astyages being alone with him asked whence he had received the boy, and who it was who had delivered the boy to him. And the herdsman said that he was his own son, and that the mother was living with him still as his wife. But Astyages said that he was not well advised in desiring to be brought to extreme necessity, and as he said this he made a sign to the spearmen of his guard to seize him. So he, as he was being led away to the torture, then declared the story as it really was; and beginning from the beginning he went through the whole, telling the truth about it, and finally ended with entreaties, asking that he would grant him pardon. |
| 1.117 | Astyages, postquam verum pastor erat confessus, jam minorem rationem culpæ ejus habuit ; sed Harpago vehementer indignatus, jussit satellites eum vocare. Qui ubi affuit, quæsivit ex eo Astyages : Harpage, quonam genere mortis interfecisti puerum, quem tibi tradidi e filia mea natum ? (2) Harpagus, quum pastorem videret intus esse, non ad mendacia se convertit, ne veritate convictus caperetur ; sed in hunc modum locutus est : « O rex, postquam puerum accepi, deliberavi mecum, anquirens quo pacto et tibi e voluntate tua facerem, et, dum apud te culpa vacarem, nec filiæ tuæ, nec ipsi tibi, essem mea manu carnifex. (3) Igitur ita statui agendum. Pastori huic, ad me vocato, tradidi puerum, dicens te esse qui illum occidi juberes : atque hoc dicens, non sum mentitus ; tu enim ita jusseras. (4) Tradidi autem ei hoc modo, ut mandaverim, exponeret illum in deserto monte, et maneret observaretque donec vitam finiisset ; multa huic comminatus nisi hæc effecta dedisset. (5) Postquam hic imperata fecit, obiitque puer, tum eunuchorum fidelissimos misi, per eosque inspexi mortuum, et sepelivi. Tali modo, rex, gesta est hæc res, talique fato functus est puer. » Sic igitur Harpagus e vero rem exposuit. | So when the herdsman had made known the truth, Astyages now cared less about him, but with Harpagos he was very greatly displeased and bade his spearmen summon him. And when Harpagos came, Astyages asked him thus: “By what death, Harpagos, didst thou destroy the child whom I delivered to thee, born of my daughter?” and Harpagos, seeing that the herdsman was in the king’s palace, turned not to any false way of speech, lest he should be convicted and found out, but said as follows: “O king, so soon as I received the child, I took counsel and considered how I should do according to thy mind, and how without offence to thy command I might not be guilty of murder against thy daughter and against thyself. I did therefore thus — I called this herdsman and delivered the child to him, saying first that thou wert he who bade him slay it — and in this at least I did not lie, for thou didst so command. I delivered it, I say, to this man commanding him to place it upon a desolate mountain, and to stay by it and watch it until it should die, threatening him with all kinds of punishment if he should fail to accomplish this. And when he had done that which was ordered and the child was dead, I sent the most trusted of my eunuchs and through them I saw and buried the child. Thus, O king, it happened about this matter, and the child had this death which I say.” |
| 1.118 | Astyages autem, tegens iram quam adversus eum ob id factum animo conceptam habebat, primum ei rursus narravit rem prouti e bubulco ipse audiverat ; tum, postquam ei hoc repetierat, ad extremum dixit, superesse puerum, et, quæ facta sint, bene habere. « Etenim » (sic perrexit dicere) « admissum in hunc puerum facinus et graviter ipse dolebam, et, quod in filiæ meæ offensionem incurrissem, haud leviter ferebam. (2) Nunc ergo feliciter conversa fortuna, tu tuum filium mitte ad hunc puerum recens advenam, et ipse quoque mihi ad cœnam adesto ; nam pro servato puero sacra diis, ad quos hic honos pertinet, sum facturus. » | So Harpagos declared the truth, and Astyages concealed the anger which he kept against him for that which had come to pass, and first he related the matter over again to Harpagos according as he had been told it by the herdsman, and afterwards, when it had been thus repeated by him, he ended by saying that the child was alive and that that which had come to pass was well, “For,” continued he, “I was greatly troubled by the crime that had been done to this child, and I thought it no light thing that I had been made at variance with my daughter. Therefore consider that this is a happy change of fortune, and first send thy son to be with the boy who is newly come, and then, seeing that I intend to make a sacrifice of thanksgiving for the preservation of the boy to those gods to whom that honor belongs, be here thyself to dine with me.” |
| 1.119 | His auditis Harpagus adoravit regem, et admodum gratulatus sibi, quod et delictum commode ipsi cessisset, et quod felicibus auspiciis ad cœnam esset vocatus, domum rediit. Quam ubi ingressus est, protinus filium, quem habuit unicum, tredecim fere annos natum, emittit, adire jubens Astyagis ædes, et facere quidquid ille jussisset. Ipse vero supra modum gavisus, narravit uxori quæ evenissent. (2) At Astyages, ut ad eum venit Harpagi filius, jugulavit eum, et membratim concidens corpus, partim assavit carnes, partim elixavit ; easque postquam recte paratæ fuerunt, in promtu habuit. (3) Tum, ubi cœnæ affuit hora, quum convenissent et reliqui convivæ et Harpagus, aliis convivis et ipsi Astyagi apponebantur mensæ carnibus agninis refertæ; Harpago vero partes omnes corporis filii ipsius, excepto capite et extremis manibus pedibusque : hæc enim seorsum in canistro reposita erant contecta. (4) Postquam satis pastus illo cibo sibi visus erat Harpagus, quæsivit ex eo Astyages, numquid delectatus esset epulo : qui ubi respondit, valde quidem se eo esse delectatum, attulerunt, quibus id mandatum erat, caput pueri obtectum et manus pedesque ; et astantes jusserunt Harpagum detegere, sumereque ex eis quidquid libuisset. (5) Harpagus obtemperans, ubi detexit, conspicit filii sui reliquias : quo quidem spectaculo non consternatus est, sed sui compos mansit. (6) Quæsivit autem ex eo Astyages, cognosceretne cujus feræ carnes comedisset ? Cui ille, et noscere se, respondit, et placere sibi quidquid rex faceret. Hoc dato responso, sumptis secum reliquis carnibus, domum abiit. Inde collectas, ut puto, reliquias cunctas erat humaturus. | When Harpagos heard this, he did reverence and thought it a great matter that his offence had turned out for his profit and moreover that he had been invited to dinner with happy augury; and so he went to his house. And having entered it straightway, he sent forth his son, for he had one only son of about thirteen years old, bidding him go to the palace of Astyages and do whatsoever the king should command; and he himself being overjoyed told his wife that which had befallen him. But Astyages, when the son of Harpagos arrived, cut his throat and divided him limb from limb, and having roasted some pieces of the flesh and boiled others he caused them to be dressed for eating and kept them ready. And when the time arrived for dinner and the other guests were present and also Harpagos, then before the other guests and before Astyages himself were placed tables covered with flesh of sheep; but before Harpagos was placed the flesh of his own son, all but the head and the hands and the feet, and these were laid aside covered up in a basket. Then when it seemed that Harpagos was satisfied with food, Astyages asked him whether he had been pleased with the banquet; and when Harpagos said that he had been very greatly pleased, they who had been commanded to do this brought to him the head of his son covered up, together with the hands and the feet; and standing near they bade Harpagos uncover and take of them that which he desired. So when Harpagos obeyed and uncovered, he saw the remains of his son; and seeing them he was not overcome with amazement but contained himself: and Astyages asked him whether he perceived of what animal he had been eating the flesh: and he said that he perceived, and that whatsoever the king might do was well pleasing to him. Thus having made answer and taking up the parts of the flesh which still remained he went to his house; and after that, I suppose, he would gather all the parts together and bury them. |
| 1.120 | Hac ultione de Harpago capta, de Cyro deliberans Astyages eosdem vocavit magos, qui ei insomnium in istam partem interpretati erant. Qui ubi convenerunt, quæsivit ex iis, quam in partem interpretati essent insomnium. Illi vero eodem modo responderunt ; dicentes, in fatis fuisse ut regnaret puer, si in vita mansisset, nec ante tempus decessisset. (2) Excepit Astyages : « Atqui vivit puer, et superest : et ruri agentem pueri ejusdem pagi regem elegerunt : atque ille, quæcunque faciunt vere nominati reges, cumulate fecit ; nam et satellites, et janitores, et internuntios, et qui reliquis præessent muneribus, habuit constitutos. Et nunc, quorsum vobis hæc valere videntur? » (3) Responderunt magi : « Si superest puer, et regnavit non præmeditato, confide hactenus, et bono esto animo ; non enim iterum regnabit. Nam in exiguum quidam etiam oraculorum nonnulla nobis exierunt ; et quæ de genere sunt insomniorum, ea quidem in admodum exile quidpiam subinde desinunt. » (4) Ad hæc Astyages, « Et ipse ego, inquit, o magi, in hac maxime sum sententia, quod rex nominatus fuit puer, in eo exitum habere insomnium, nec eum porro esse mihi ullo modo timendum. Verum tamen, probe omnia circumspicientes, consulite mihi, quid futurum sit tutissimum et domui meæ et vobis. » (5) Tum magi, « Nostra etiam, inquiunt, plurimi interest, ut firmum stet tuum regnum. Nam isto modo alienatur illud, si in hunc puerum transit, qui est Persa ; et hos, Medi quum simus, servituri sumus, et nulla in existimatione erimus apud Persas, utpote extranei : te vero manente rege, qui popularis es noster, et regnamus e nostra parte, et magnos a te honores obtinemus. (6) Ita igitur omnino et tibi et regno tuo debemus prospicere. Et nunc, si quid quod timendum esset cerneremus, cuncta tibi prædicturi eramus : at, quum jam in rem exilem exierit insomnium, et nos confidimus, et te ut idem facias hortamur. Hunc vero puerum e conspectu dimitte in Persas et ad suos parentes. » | On Harpagos Astyages laid this penalty; and about Cyrus he took thought, and summoned the same men of the Magians who had given judgment about his dream in the manner which has been said: and when they came, Astyages asked how they had given judgment about his vision; and they spoke according to the same manner, saying that the child must have become king if he had lived on and had not died before. He made answer to them thus: “The child is alive and not dead: and while he was dwelling in the country, the boys of the village appointed him king; and he performed completely all those things which they do who are really kings; for he exercised rule, appointed to their places spearmen of the guard and doorkeepers and bearers of messages and all else. Now therefore, to what does it seem to you that these things tend?” The Magians said: “If the child is still alive and became king without any arrangement, be thou confident concerning him and have good courage, for he shall not be ruler again the second time; since some even of our oracles have had but small results, and that at least which has to do with dreams comes often in the end to a feeble accomplishment.” Astyages made answer in these words: “I myself also, O Magians, am most disposed to believe that this is so, namely that since the boy was named king the dream has had its fulfilment and that this boy is no longer a source of danger to me. Nevertheless give counsel to me, having well considered what is likely to be most safe both for my house and for you.” Replying to this the Magians said: “To us also, O king, it is of great consequence that thy rule should stand firm; for in the other case it is transferred to strangers, coming round to this boy who is a Persian, and we being Medes are made slaves and become of no account in the eyes of the Persians, seeing that we are of different race; but while thou art established as our king, who art one of our own nation, we both have our share of rule and receive great honors from thee. Thus then we must by all means have a care of thee and of thy rule. And now, if we saw in this anything to cause fear, we would declare all to thee beforehand: but as the dream has had its issue in a trifling manner, both we ourselves are of good cheer and we exhort thee to be so likewise: and as for this boy, send him away from before thine eyes to the Persians and to his parents.” |
| 1.121 | His auditis gavisus Astyages, Cyrum ad se vocatum his verbis compellat : « O puer, ego propter insomnii visum vanum injuria te affeci ; tu vero tuo fato superes. Nunc igitur securus abi in Persas ; quo qui te comitentur, tecum mittam. Eo quum veneris, patrem ibi et matrem invenies, non ejus sortis cujus sunt Mithradates bubulcus illiusque uxor. » | When he heard this Astyages rejoiced, and calling Cyrus spoke to him thus: “My son, I did thee wrong by reason of a vision of a dream which has not come to pass, but thou art yet alive by thine own destiny; now therefore go in peace to the land of the Persians, and I will send with thee men to conduct thee: and when thou art come thither, thou shalt find a father and a mother not after the fashion of Mitradates the herdsman and his wife.” |
| 1.122 | Hæc quum dixisset Astyages, dimisit Cyrum. Quem, ad Cambysis ædes delatum, recepere parentes ; receptumque, ubi quis esset cognovere, vehementi cum gaudio sunt amplexati, ut quem protinus a partu vitam finiisse sibi persuasissent : percunctatique sunt, quonam pacto superfuerit. (2) Et ille ipsis rem exposuit ; dicens, se ipsum antea nescivisse, sed plurimum a vero aberrasse ; in itinere autem omnia, quæ sibi acciderint, rescivisse. Putasse enim esse filium bubulci Astyagis ; sed e Media huc iter facientem totam rem e comitibus suis cognovisse. (3) Commemorabat autem educatum se fuisse a bubulci uxore ; et hanc laudabat continenter, eratque ei sermonum argumentum omne Cyno. Quod nomen arripientes parentes ejus, quo magis divinitus superesse Persis videretur puer, sparserunt famam, fuisse Cyrum, quum expositus esset, a cane enutritum. Inde hæc fama in vulgus manavit. | Thus having spoken Astyages sent Cyrus away; and when he had returned and come to the house of Cambyses, his parents received him; and after that, when they learnt who he was, they welcomed him not a little, for they had supposed without doubt that their son had perished straightway after his birth; and they inquired in what manner he had survived. And he told them, saying that before this he had not known but had been utterly in error; on the way, however, he had learnt all his own fortunes: for he had supposed without doubt that he was the son of the herdsman of Astyages, but since his journey from the city began he had learnt the whole story from those who conducted him. And he said that he had been brought up by the wife of the herdsman, and continued to praise her throughout, so that Kyno was the chief person in his tale. And his parents took up this name from him, and in order that their son might be thought by the Persians to have been preserved in a more supernatural manner, they set on foot a report that Cyrus when he was exposed had been reared by a bitch: and from that source has come this report. |
| 1.123 | Jam virilem ætatem ingressum Cyrum, quum et fortissimus esset suorum æqualium et omnibus carissimus, solicitavit Harpagus donis missis, de Astyage cupiens capere ultionem. Nam a se, privato homine, intelligebat vindictam adversus Astyagem non posse existere : sed Cyrum videns subcrescentem, hunc sibi conciliare socium studuit, quæ Cyrus passus erat cum sua conferens calamitate. (2) Sed jam antea hoc ab illo præparatum erat : quum acerbus in Medos esset Astyages, Harpagus cum unoquoque principum Medorum colloquia miscens, persuaserat illis, necesse esse Cyrum rebus præficere, et finem facere regno Astyagis. (3) His ita præparatis, sic demum Cyro in Persis versanti aperire consilium suum cupiens Harpagus, quum aliter id efficere, custoditis itineribus, non posset, tali usus est commento. (4) Leporem callide instruxit ; cujus ventri, ita rescisso ut nihil pilorum avelleret, prout erat, indidit libellum, in quo quæ voluerat scripta erant : tum, consuto rursus ventre, leporem atque retia, veluti venatori, tradidit servorum fidissimo, eumque in Persas misit, ore tenus hoc adjiciens mandatum, ut Cyro leporem tradens simul diceret, necesse esse ut ille sua manu eum exenteret, neque quisquam hoc facienti assit. | Then as Cyrus grew to be a man, being of all those of his age the most courageous and the best beloved, Harpagos sought to become his friend and sent him gifts, because he desired to take vengeance on Astyages. For he saw not how from himself, who was in a private station, punishment should come upon Astyages; but when he saw Cyrus growing up, he endeavored to make him an ally, finding a likeness between the fortunes of Cyrus and his own. And even before that time he had effected something: for Astyages being harsh towards the Medes, Harpagos communicated severally with the chief men of the Medes, and persuaded them that they must make Cyrus their leader and cause Astyages to cease from being king. When he had effected this and when all was ready, then Harpagos wishing to make known his design to Cyrus, who lived among the Persians, could do it no other way, seeing that the roads were watched, but devised a scheme as follows — he made ready a hare, and having cut open its belly but without pulling off any of the fur, he put into it, just as it was, a piece of paper, having written upon it that which he thought good; and then he sewed up again the belly of the hare, and giving nets as if he were a hunter to that one of his servants whom he trusted most, he sent him away to the land of the Persians, enjoining him by word of mouth to give the hare to Cyrus, and to tell him at the same time to open it with his own hands and let no one else be present when he did so. |
| 1.124 | His rebus ita perfectis, Cyrus acceptum leporem aperit, et libellum in eo repertum perlegit, (2) in quo erant perscripta hæc: « O fili Cambysis ! quod te dii respiciunt ; hoc enim absque esset, nunquam tam mira usus esses fortuna : tun nunc de Astyage, tuo interfectore, cape pœnas. Etenim ex hujus consilio tu perieras ; deorum autem beneficio et meo superes. (3) Quæ te omnia pridem puto cognovisse, quum quæ tecum acta sunt, tum quæ ego ab Astyage passus sum eo, quod te non occidi, sed pastori tradidi. Tu nunc, si mea volueris consilia sequi, quibus terris imperat Astyages, earum omnium rex eris. (4) Persuade Persis ut ab illo desciscant, exercitumque duc in Mediam : et, sive ego ab Astyage dux adversus te fuero nominatus, sive alius quisquam nobilium Medorum, habebis quæ voles. Nam primi hi ipsi ab illo deficient, et tecum facientes, tollere Astyagem studebunt. Quare persuasus parata tibi hic quidem esse omnia, fac quæ dixi, et fac celeriter ! » | This then was accomplished, and Cyrus having received from him the hare, cut it open; and having found within it the paper he took and read it over. And the writing said this: “Son of Cambyses, over thee the gods keep guard, for otherwise thou wouldst never have come to so much good fortune. Do thou therefore take vengeance on Astyages who is thy murderer, for so far as his will is concerned thou art dead, but by the care of the gods and of me thou art still alive; and this I think thou hast long ago learnt from first to last, both how it happened about thyself, and also what things I have suffered from Astyages, because I did not slay thee but gave thee to the herdsman. If therefore thou wilt be guided by me, thou shalt be ruler of all that land over which now Astyages is ruler. Persuade the Persians to revolt, and march any army against the Medes: and whether I shall be appointed leader of the army against thee, or any other of the Medes who are in repute, thou hast what thou desirest; for these will be the first to attempt to destroy Astyages, revolting from him and coming over to thy party. Consider then that here at least all is ready, and therefore do this and do it with speed.” |
| 1.125 | His intellectis Cyrus secum deliberavit quo callidissimo modo Persas ad defectionem permoveret. Re deliberata, commodissimum hoc ei visum est consilium, quo nimirum etiam usus est. Conscriptis in libello quæ voluit, contionem convocavit Persarum : tum aperiens libellum legensque, ait, Astyagem sese ducem constituere Persarum. « Nunc igitur, » perrexit, dicere, « edico vobis, Persæ, præsto sitis singuli cum falcibus. » (2) Hæc Cyrus pro contione dixit. Sunt autem Persarum plura genera ; quorum nonnulla in contionem vocavit Cyrus, et ad deficiendum a Medis solicitavit. (3) Sunt autem ea hæc, e quibus alii omnes Persæ pendent : Pasargadæ, Maraphii, Maspii. Ex his nobilissimi sunt Pasargadæ, in quibus est Achæmenidarum familia, e qua reges Persidæ sunt prognati. (4) Alii vero Persæ hi sunt : Panthialæi, Derusiæi, Germanii, qui omnes agrorum culturam exercent ; reliqui sunt nomades, Dai, Mardi, Dropici, Sagartii. | Cyrus having heard this began to consider in what manner he might most skilfully persuade the Persians to revolt, and on consideration he found that this was the most convenient way, and so in fact he did — He wrote first on a paper that which he desired to write, and he made an assembly of the Persians. Then he unfolded the paper and reading from it said that Astyages appointed him commander of the Persians; “and now, O Persians,” he continued, “I give you command to come to me each one with a reaping-hook.” Cyrus then proclaimed this command. (Now there are of the Persians many tribes, and some of them Cyrus gathered together and persuaded to revolt from the Medes, namely those, upon which all the other Persians depend, the Pasargadai, the Maraphians and the Maspians, and of these the Pasargadai are the most noble, of whom also the Achaimenidai are a clan, whence are sprung the Perseïd kings. But other Persian tribes there are, as follows — the Panthaliaians, the Derusiaians and the Germanians, these are all tillers of the soil; and the rest are nomad tribes, namely the Daoi, Mardians, Dropicans and Sagartians.) |
| 1.126 | Ut convenerunt omnes cum prædicto instrumento, ibi tum Cyrus, quum esset tractus Persicæ regionis spinis obsitus, patens quaquaversum octodecim aut viginti stadia, hunc tractum jussit illos eadem die eruncare. (2) Proposito labore postquam perfuncti sunt Persæ, iterum eisdem prædixit, ut in posterum diem adessent loti. Interim vero Cyrus caprarum oviumque et boum greges patris sui omnes in unum congregatos mactavit paravitque, quippe Persarum exercitum hisce excepturus, et vino farinaceisque cibis commodissimis ; (3) utque postridie convenerunt Persæ, recumbere in prato jussos lauto excepit epulo. Dein, postquam a cœna surrexerunt, quæsivit ex his Cyrus, utra optabiliora ipsis viderentur : quæ pridie habuerint, an præsentia ? (4) Et illi, multum interesse, dixerunt : pridie enim omnia se mala habuisse, præsente vero die bona omnia. (5) Id verbum arripiens Cyrus, rem omnem, quam eis propositurus erat, aperuit dicens : « Viri Persæ! ita vobis se res habet. Quod si me sequi volueritis, erunt vobis hæc et infinita alia bona, eritisque omnibus servilibus laboribus expertes : me vero sequi nolentibus erunt labores hesternis similes innumeri. (6) Nunc ergo, mihi dicto audientes, estote liberi ! Nam et ego divina sorte ad hoc natus mihi videor, ut hæc bona in manus nostras congeram ; et vos judico viros esse Medis non inferiores, quum aliis rebus, tum militari laude. Quæ quum ita sint, desciscite quam primum ab Astyage ! » | Now there was a certain region of the Persian land which was overgrown with thorns, extending some eighteen or twenty furlongs in each direction; and when all had come with that which they had been before commanded to bring, Cyrus bade them clear this region for cultivation within one day: and when the Persians had achieved the task proposed, then he bade them come to him on the next day bathed and clean. Meanwhile Cyrus, having gathered together in one place all the flocks of goats and sheep and the herds of cattle belonging to his father, slaughtered them and prepared with them to entertain the host of the Persians, and moreover with wine and other provisions of the most agreeable kind. So when the Persians came on the next day, he made them recline in a meadow and feasted them. And when they had finished dinner, Cyrus asked them whether that which they had on the former day or that which they had now seemed to them preferable. They said that the difference between them was great, for the former day had for them nothing but evil, and the present day nothing but good. Taking up this saying Cyrus proceeded to lay bare his whole design, saying: “Men of the Persians, thus it is with you. If ye will do as I say, ye have these and ten thousand other good things, with no servile labor; but if ye will not do as I say, ye have labors like that of yesterday innumerable. Now therefore do as I say and make yourselves free: for I seem to myself to have been born by providential fortune to take these matters in hand; and I think that ye are not worse men than the Medes, either in other matters or in those which have to do with war. Consider then that this is so, and make revolt from Astyages forthwith.” |
| 1.127 | Igitur Persæ, quum jam pridem ægre tulissent Medorum imperium, ducem nunc patronumque nacti, libenter in libertatem se vindicabant. Astyages vero, ut intellexit moliri hæc Cyrum, misso nuntio, eum ad se vocavit. (2) Cui renuntiare nuntium jussit Cyrus, prius se adventurum, quam gratum futurum esset Astyagi. Quo audito Astyages Medos armavit cunctos, ducemque eis, velut divinitus mente perculsus, præfecit Harpagum, oblitus quæ adversus illum patraverat. (3) Medi, in bellum profecti, ubi Persis ad manus venerunt, pars eorum, quicunque consilii non erant participes, pugnam inibant ; alii vero ad Persarum transierunt partes ; sed plerique ultro cessantes a pugna, fugam capessebant. | So the Persians having obtained a leader willingly attempted to set themselves free, since they had already for a long time been indignant to be ruled by the Medes: but when Astyages heard that Cyrus was acting thus, he sent a messenger and summoned him; and Cyrus bade the messenger report to Astyages that he would be with him sooner than he would himself desire. So Astyages hearing this armed all the Medes, and blinded by divine providence he appointed Harpagos to be the leader of the army, forgetting what he had done to him. Then when the Medes had marched out and began to fight with the Persians, some of them continued the battle, namely those who had not been made partakers in the design, while others went over to the Persians; but the greater number were wilfully slack and fled. |
| 1.128 | Ita turpiter dissoluto Medorum exercitu, ut rem cognovit Astyages, minitans Cyro, ait : « At ne sic quidem gaudebit Cyrus. » (2) His dictis, primum magos somniorum interpretes, qui ei ut Cyrum dimitteret persuaserant, e palis suspendit : deinde Medos, qui in urbe relicti erant, armavit, juvenes provectioresque ætate viros. (3) Quibus eductis, prœlio cum Persis inito, victus est : et ipse Astyages, amissis quos eduxerat Medis, vivus in hostium venit potestatem. | So when the Median army had been shamefully dispersed, so soon as Astyages heard of it he said, threatening Cyrus: “But not even so shall Cyrus at least escape punishment.” Thus having spoken he first impaled the Magian interpreters of dreams who had persuaded him to let Cyrus go, and then he armed those of the Medes, youths and old men, who had been left behind in the city. These he led out and having engaged battle with the Persians he was worsted, and Astyages himself was taken alive, and he lost also those of the Medes whom he had led forth. |
| 1.129 | Tum captivo Astyagi astans Harpagus, lætitia ob illius casum gestiens, insultavit ; et quum alia in eum acerba dicteria conjecit, tum respiciens ad cœnam eam, qua filii carnes comedendas illi Astyages proposuerat, ex eo quæsivit, ecquid placeret ei servitus, qui modo rex fuisset ? (2) Quem aspiciens Astyages, vicissim interrogavit, an suum faceret Cyri factum ? Et Harpagus, suum merito censerit, ait, factum ; se enim ipsum de eo suscipiendo ad Cyrum scripsisse. (3) Tum Astyages, longiorem exorsus sermonem, declaravit ineptissimum illum esse hominum omnium, simulque iniquissimum : ineptissimum quidem, qui, quum ipse potuisset rex evadere, si quoniam hæ res per ipsum gestæ sint, ad alium detulerit imperium : iniquissimum vero, quod propter cœnam istam Medos in servitutem conjecisset. Quodsi enim oportuisset in alium quempiam transferre imperium, seseque destituere ; æquius fuisse Medorum alicui tribuere hoc bonum, quam cuipiam e Persis. Nunc vero Medos, culpa vacantes, servos factos esse pro dominis ; Persas autem, quum Medorum pridem fuissent servi, dominos eorum evasisse. | Then when Astyages was a prisoner, Harpagos came and stood near him and rejoiced over him and insulted him; and besides other things which he said to grieve him, he asked him especially how it pleased him to be a slave instead of a king, making reference to that dinner at which Astyages had feasted him with the flesh of his own son. He, looking at him, asked him in return whether he claimed the work of Cyrus as his own deed: and Harpagos said that since he had written the letter, the deed was justly his. Then Astyages declared him to be at the same time the most unskilful and the most unjust of men; the most unskilful because, when it was in his power to become king (as it was, if that which had now been done was really brought about by him), he had conferred the chief power on another, and the most unjust, because on account of that dinner he had reduced the Medes to slavery. For if he must needs confer the kingdom on some other and not keep it himself, it was more just to give this good thing to one of the Medes rather than to one of the Persians; whereas now the Medes, who were guiltless of this, had become slaves instead of masters, and the Persians who formerly were slaves of the Medes had now become their masters. |
| 1.130 | Igitur Astyages, postquam quinque et triginta annos regnaverat, ita regno exutus est : Medi vero, propter hujus acerbitatem, Persis succubuerunt ; postquam imperium superioris trans Halyn fluvium Asiæ per annos trecentos et duodetriginta tenuerant, demtis eis annis quibus penes Scythas fuerat imperium. (2) Postero quidem tempore pænituit eos hujus facti, desciveruntque a Dario : sed post defectionem denuo subacti sunt, prœlio superati. Tunc Persæ cum Cyro, postquam regnante Astyage adversus Medos rebellarant, Asiæ regnum ab eo tempore obtinuere. Astyagem vero Cyrus, nullo alio malo afficiens, apud se tenuit donec vitam finivit. (3) Hoc igitur modo et natus et educatus Cyrus regnum obtinuit, et post hæc Crœsum, qui ipsum aggredi cœperat, devicit, quemadmodum a me supra expositum est : quo superato, universæ Asiæ imperavit. | Astyages then, having been king for five-and-thirty years, was thus caused to cease from being king; and the Medes stooped under the yoke of the Persians because of his cruelty, after they had ruled Asia above the river Halys for one hundred and twenty-eight years, except during that period for which the Scythians had rule. Afterwards however it repented them that they had done this, and they revolted from Dareios, and having revolted they were subdued again, being conquered in a battle. At this time then, I say, in the reign of Astyages, the Persians with Cyrus rose up against the Medes and from that time forth were rulers of Asia: but as for Astyages, Cyrus did no harm to him besides, but kept him with himself until he died. Thus born and bred Cyrus became king; and after this he subdued Croesus, who was the first to begin the quarrel, as I have before said; and having subdued him he then became ruler of all Asia. |
| 1.131 | Persas vero hisce uti institutis compertum habeo. Simulacra et templa et altaria statuere nefas existimant ; stultitiamque his, qui hoc faciunt, imputant : scilicet, ut mihi videtur, quod non humanæ similem naturam aut formam habere deos arbitrantur, sicuti Græci. (2) Illis igitur mos est, Jovi in summis montium jugis facere sacra, universum cœli orbem Jovem nominantibus. Faciunt autem et Soli sacra, et Lunæ, et Terræ, et Igni, et Aquæ, et Ventis. (3) Et his quidem solis numinibus a priscis inde temporibus sacra faciunt. Addidicerunt vero etiam Uraniæ sacrificare, ab Assyriis et Arabibus accepto ritu. Venerem autem Assyrii Mylitta nominant, Arabes vero Alitta ; Persæ Mitran. | These are the customs, so far as I know, which the Persians practise — Images and temples and altars they do not account it lawful to erect, nay they even charge with folly those who do these things; and this, as it seems to me, because they do not account the gods to be in the likeness of men, as do the Hellenes. But it is their wont to perform sacrifices to Zeus going up to the most lofty of the mountains, and the whole circle of the heavens they call Zeus: and they sacrifice to the Sun and the Moon and the Earth, to Fire and to Water and to the Winds: these are the only gods to whom they have sacrificed ever from the first; but they have learnt also to sacrifice to Aphrodite Urania, having learnt it both from the Assyrians and the Arabians; and the Assyrians call Aphrodite Mylitta, the Arabians Alitta, and the Persians Mitra. |
| 1.132 | Sacrificiorum autem, quæ hisce diis peraguntur a Persis, talis est ratio. Nec altaria erigunt, nec ignem accendunt sacra facturi : libatione non utuntur, non tibia, non libis, non mola. (2) Ut cuique deo sacra quispiam vult facere, in locum mundum adducit victimam, deumque invocat, tiaram myrto maxime cinctam gestans. Non est autem licitum, ut sibi soli bona precetur sacrificans : sed cunctis Persis atque regi ut bene sit, precatur ; quippe in cunctorum Persarum numero et ipse continetur. Postquam in frusta dissecuit victimam, carnesque elixavit, substernit herbas quam tenerrimas, maxime trifolium, hisque carnes omnes imponit. (3) Quibus ita dispositis, vir magus astans accinit theogoniam quampiam, qualem illi esse incantationem dicunt : nam absque mago non fas est illis sacra facere. Interjecto brevi tempore, qui sacra fecit, carnes aufert, eisque utitur prout ei ratio suadet. | Now this is the manner of sacrifice for the gods aforesaid which is established among the Persians — they make no altars neither do they kindle fire; and when they mean to sacrifice they use no libation nor music of the pipe nor chaplets nor meal for sprinkling; but when a man wishes to sacrifice to any one of the gods, he leads the animal for sacrifice to an unpolluted place and calls upon the god, having his tiara wreathed round generally with a branch of myrtle. For himself alone separately the man who sacrifices may not request good things in his prayer, but he prays that it may be well with all the Persians and with the king; for he himself also is included of course in the whole body of Persians. And when he has cut up the victim into pieces and boiled the flesh, he spreads a layer of the freshest grass and especially clover, upon which he places forthwith all the pieces of flesh; and when he has placed them in order, a Magian man stands by them and chants over them a theogony (for of this nature they say that their incantation is), seeing that without a Magian it is not lawful for them to make sacrifices. Then after waiting a short time the sacrificer carries away the flesh and uses it for whatever purpose he pleases. |
| 1.133 | Dierum omnium eum maxime celebrare moris est Persis, quo quisque natus est. Eo die æquum censent copiosius epulum quam alias apponere : et fortunatiores quidem eo die bovem, equum, camelum aut asinum apponunt integrum, in camino assatum ; pauperiores vero minores apponunt pecudes. (2) Farinaceis cibariis paucis utuntur, obsoniis vero et secundis mensis multis, eisque non simul sed paulatim, inlatis. Quapropter Persæ dicunt, Græcos, quum cibum capiunt, desinere esurire ; quoniam post cœnam nihil amplius, quod alicujus momenti sit, eis apponitur : si quid enim porro apponeretur, a comedendo non esse cessaturos. (3) Vino largiter admodum indulgent : nec vero vomere illis licet, nec urinam mittere, alio præsente ; atque hoc illi ita observant. Dum autem vino largius indulgent, interim de rebus maxime seriis deliberare consuerunt : (4) quod vero deliberantibus placuit, id ædium herus, apud quem habita est deliberatio, postridie ejus diei jejunis proponit. Quodsi jejunis idem placet, hoc utuntur ; sin minus, omittunt. Contra, quæ jejuni sobriique ante deliberaverunt, ea vino madidi recognoscunt. | And of all days their wont is to honor most that on which they were born, each one: on this they think it right to set out a feast more liberal than on other days; and in this feast the wealthier of them set upon the table an ox or a horse or a camel or an ass, roasted whole in an oven, and the poor among them set out small animals in the same way. They have few solid dishes, but many served up after as dessert, and these not in a single course; and for this reason the Persians say that the Hellenes leave off dinner hungry, because after dinner they have nothing worth mentioning served up as dessert, whereas if any good dessert were served up they would not stop eating so soon. To wine-drinking they are very much given, and it is not permitted for a man to vomit or to make water in presence of another. Thus do they provide against these things; and they are wont to deliberate when drinking hard about the most important of their affairs, and whatsoever conclusion has pleased them in their deliberation, this on the next day, when they are sober, the master of the house in which they happen to be when they deliberate lays before them for discussion: and if it pleases them when they are sober also, they adopt it, but if it does not please them, they let it go: and that on which they have had the first deliberation when they are sober, they consider again when they are drinking. |
| 1.134 | Si qui in via sibi mutuo obviam veniunt, hac re cognoscere aliquis potest utrum eadem conditione sint qui sibi occurrunt : nempe hi, salutationis loco, ora invicem osculantur. Quodsi alteruter paulo est inferior, osculantur genas ; si multo inferior, prostratus adorat alterum. (2) In honore autem habent, post sese mutuo, illos qui a se proxime habitant ; post hos, qui his finitimi ; et sic deinde in honore habendo pro ratione progrediuntur : minimeque omnium in honore habent hos, qui ab ipsis longissime remoti vivunt. Scilicet se ipsos hominum omnium arbitrantur esse longe præstantissimos ; alios vero pro prædicta ratione virtutem colere ; denique, qui ab ipsis longissime habitent, esse ignavissimos. (3) Quoad vero penes Medos fuerat imperium, etiam populi alter alteri imperabant : cunctis quidem Medi, et præsertim his qui proxime eis habitabant ; hi vero, suis finitimis ; et illi rursus his qui eos proxime attingebant. Et pari quoque ratione Persæ in honore habent alios populos : nam similiter progrediendo alius populus alii præest, et in illum imperii partem aliquam sibi commissam exercet. | When they meet one another in the roads, by this you may discern whether those who meet are of equal rank — for instead of greeting by words they kiss one another on the mouth; but if one of them is a little inferior to the other, they kiss one another on the cheeks, and if one is of much less noble rank than the other, he falls down before him and does worship to him. And they honor of all most after themselves those nations which dwell nearest to them, and next those which dwell next nearest, and so they go on giving honor in proportion to distance; and they hold least in honor those who dwell furthest off from themselves, esteeming themselves to be by far the best of all the human race on every point, and thinking that others possess merit according to the proportion which is here stated, and that those who dwell furthest from themselves are the worst. And under the supremacy of the Medes the various nations used also to govern one another according to the same rule as the Persians observe in giving honor, the Medes governing the whole and in particular those who dwelt nearest to themselves, and these having rule over those who bordered upon them, and those again over the nations that were next to them: for the race went forward thus ever from government by themselves to government through others. |
| 1.135 | Peregrina autem instituta admittunt Persæ omnium hominum maxime. Etenim Medicam vestem, sua esse honestiorem existimantes, gestant ; et ad bella Ægyptiacos adoptarunt thoraces. Atque etiam voluptatum varia genera, ex aliis cognita, sectantur ; et quidem pueris etiam ad venerem utuntur, a Græcis edocti. (2) Ducunt autem eorum quisque legitimas uxores multas, multo vero etiam plures habent pellices. | The Persians more than any other men admit foreign usages; for they both wear the Median dress judging it to be more comely than their own, and also for fighting the Egyptian corslet: moreover they adopt all kinds of luxuries when they hear of them, and in particular they have learnt from the Hellenes to have sexual commerce with boys. They marry each one several lawful wives, and they get also a much larger number of concubines. |
| 1.136 | Strenuitas et boni viri officium apud eos, post bellicam virtutem, æstimatur, si quis multos progenuit filios : et, qui plurimos edidit, huic quotannis dona mittuntur a rege. In multitudine enim existimant robur inesse. (2) Puerorum institutio, a quinto anno incipiens usque in vicesimum, ad sola hæc tria refertur, equitare, arcu uti, et verum loqui. Priusquam quinquennis est puer, non venit in patris conspectum, sed apud mulieres vitam agit : (3) id ea fit causa, ne, si dum ita educatur obit, dolorem afferat patri. | It is established as a sign of manly excellence next after excellence in fight, to be able to show many sons; and to those who have most the king sends gifts every year: for they consider number to be a source of strength. And they educate their children, beginning at five years old and going on till twenty, in three things only, in riding, in shooting, and in speaking the truth: but before the boy is five years old he does not come into the presence of his father, but lives with the women; and it is so done for this reason, that if the child should die while he is being bred up, he may not be the cause of any grief to his father. |
| 1.137 | Laudo equidem istud institutum : sed et hoc laudo, quod propter unam simplicem culpam nec rex ipse quemquam morte plectit, nec reliquorum Persarum quisquam unius culpæ causa in aliquem suorum atrocius quiddam et irreparabile committit : sed, subductis rationibus, postquam plura et majora esse delicta reperit quam præstita officia, sic demum iræ indulget. (2) Ut autem patrem aliquis aut matrem occiderit, id vero nunquam ajunt accidisse : sed quæcunque talia adhuc facta sint, utique necesse esse ajunt, ut causa curatius cognita reperiantur commissa ea esse aut a supposititiis aut adulterino sanguine natis ; nec enim veri simile esse, ut, qui vere pater fuerit, a proprio filio occidatur. | I commend this custom of theirs, and also the one which is next to be mentioned, namely that neither the king himself shall put any to death for one cause alone, nor any of the other Persians for one cause alone shall do hurt that is irremediable to any of his own servants; but if after reckoning he finds that the wrongs done are more in number and greater than the services rendered, then only he gives vent to his anger. Moreover they say that no one ever killed his own father or mother, but whatever deeds have been done which seemed to be of this nature, if examined must necessarily, they say, be found to be due either to changelings or to children of adulterous birth; for, say they, it is not reasonable to suppose that the true parent would be killed by his own son. |
| 1.138 | Quæcunque vero illis facere non licet, ea nec dicere licitum est. Turpissimum autem apud eos habetur, mendacium dicere ; alterum post hos, æs alienum habere ; et hoc quidem quum aliis de causis, tum quod necesse esse ajunt, ut, qui æs alienum habet, etiam subinde mendacium dicat. (2) Si quis e civibus lepra aut vitiligine est correptus, in urbem hic non intrat, nec cum aliis Persis consuetudinem habet. Dicunt autem, eo huic id accidisse, quod in Solem quidpiam deliquerit. (3) Peregrinum vero quemlibet, qui tali morbo laborat, frequentes terra ejiciunt : etiam columbas albas exturbant, eodem malo eas laborare existimantes. In fluvium neque immingunt, neque exspuunt, nec manus in eo abluunt, nec alium hæc facere patiuntur : sed fluvios præcipue colunt. | Whatever things it is not lawful for them to do, these it is not lawful for them even to speak of: and the most disgraceful thing in their estimation is to tell an lie, and next to this to owe money, this last for many other reasons, but especially because it is necessary, they say, for him who owes money, also sometimes to tell lies: and whosoever of the men of the city has leprosy or whiteness of skin, he does not come into a city nor mingle with the other Persians; and they say that he has these diseases because he has offended in some way against the Sun: but a stranger who is taken by these diseases, in many regions they drive out of the country altogether, and also white doves, alleging against them the same cause. And into a river they neither make water nor spit, neither do they wash their hands in it, nor allow any other to do these things, but they reverence rivers very greatly. |
| 1.139 | Porro hoc aliud habent Persæ, quod ipsos quidem latet, at nos non præterit. Scilicet nomina eorum, quæ corporibus vel magnificentiæ cujusque ipsorum respondent, desinunt omnia in eandem literam, quam Dores San, Iones Sigma vocant. In hanc literam, si volueris inquirere, reperies desinere Persarum nomina, non unum et alterum, sed pariter omnia. | This moreover also has chanced to them, which the Persians have themselves failed to notice but I have not failed to do so — their names, which are formed to correspond with their bodily shapes or their magnificence of station, end all with the same letter, that letter which the Dorians call san and the Ionians sigma; with this you will find, if you examine the matter, that all the Persian names end, not some with this and others with other letters, but all alike. |
| 1.140 | Hæc habui quæ de Persis citra dubitationem bene gnarus dicerem. Istudo vero ut occultum refertur, nec satis aperte, quod ad vita functos spectat ; scilicet, non prius sepeliri hominis Persæ cadaver quam ab ave aut a cane sit discerptum. Et Magis quidem esse hoc institutum, certo scio : faciunt enim aperte. (2) Ceterum cera obductum cadaver terra condunt Persæ. Magi vero multum, quum ab aliis hominibus differunt, tum a sacerdotibus Ægyptiorum. (3) Hi enim nefas existimant, quidquam vivum necare, præter ea quæ diis immolant : Magi vero omnia manu sua occidunt, excepto cane atque homine ; et in hoc studium etiam magnum ponunt, necantes perinde et formicas et angues, et alia reptilia atque volucria. Sed utcunque se habeat instituti genuina ratio, hæc hactenus : redeo ad superiorem narrationem. | So much I am able to say for certain from my own knowledge about them: but what follows is reported about their dead as a secret mystery and not with clearness, namely that the body of a Persian man is not buried until it has been torn by a bird or a dog. (The Magians I know for a certainty have this practice, for they do it openly.) However that may be, the Persians cover the body with wax and then bury it in the earth. Now the Magians are distinguished in many ways from other men, as also from the priests in Egypt: for these last esteem it a matter of purity to kill no living creature except the animals which they sacrifice; but the Magians kill with their own hands all creatures except dogs and men, and they even make this a great end to aim at, killing both ants and serpents and all other creeping and flying things. About this custom then be it as it was from the first established; and I return now to the former narrative. |
| 1.141 | Simul atque Lydi subacti a Persis fuere, Iones Æolesque legatos Sardes miserunt ad Cyrum, volentes eisdem conditionibus imperio ejus esse subjecti, quibus Crœso paruerant. (2) At ille, auditis eorum postulatis, fabulam eis narravit hujusmodi : Fuit olim tibicen, inquit, qui, piscibus conspectis in mari, tibia cecinit, ratus illos in terram esse egressuros. Is ubi spe frustratum se vidit, capit rete, et ingentem piscium numerum reti inclusum extraxit. Quos ubi vidit palpitantes, dixit eis : « Desinite nunc saltare, quum, me tibia canente, egredi saltareque nolueritis. » (3) Hanc fabulam Ionibus Æolibusque hac causa Cyrus proposuit, quoniam ante id tempus Iones, per legatos invitati a Cyro ut a Crœso desciscerent, non paruerant ; et tunc demum, confectis rebus, ad parendum Cyro erant parati. (4) Ille igitur, ira commotus, ista eis respondit. Quo responso ad Ionum civitates relato, muris singuli oppida sua cingebant, et ad Panionium congregabantur reliqui omnes præter Milesios ; cum his enim solis Cyrus fœdus fecerat eisdem conditionibus quibus olim Lydus. Reliquis vero Ionibus placuit communi consilio Spartam legatos mittere, qui rogarent Spartanos ut Ionibus auxilio venirent. | The Ionians and Aiolians, as soon as the Lydians had been subdued by the Persians, sent messengers to Cyrus at Sardis, desiring to be his subjects on the same terms as they had been subjects of Croesus. And when he heard that which they proposed to him, he spoke to them a fable, saying that a certain player on the pipe saw fishes in the sea and played on his pipe, supposing that they would come out to land; but being deceived in his expectation, he took a casting-net and enclosed a great multitude of the fishes and drew them forth from the water: and when he saw them leaping about, he said to the fishes: “Stop dancing I pray you now, seeing that ye would not come out and dance before when I piped.” Cyrus spoke this fable to the Ionians and Aiolians for this reason, because the Ionians had refused to comply before, when Cyrus himself by a messenger requested them to revolt from Croesus, while now when the conquest had been made they were ready to submit to Cyrus. Thus he said to them in anger, and the Ionians, when they heard this answer brought back to their cities, put walls round about them severally, and gathered together to the Panionion, all except the men of Miletos, for with these alone Cyrus had sworn an agreement on the same terms as the Lydians had granted. The rest of the Ionians resolved by common consent to send messengers to Sparta, to ask the Spartans to help the Ionians. |
| 1.142 | Iones hi autem, quorum est etiam Panionium illud, præ omnibus quos novimus hominibus oppida condita tenebant in terræ tractu temperie cœli āërisque longe præstantissimo. Etenim neque locorum superius sitorum eadem ratio est atque Ioniæ, neque inferius sitorum ; nec eorum quæ orientem spectant, nec quæ occidentem : quorum alia frigore aut humiditate premuntur, alia æstu et siccitate. (2) Lingua autem non utuntur eadem, sed quattuor modis deflexionum [dialectis]. Prima civitatum Miletus versus meridiem sita est ; dein Myus et Priene : et hæ quidem in Caria sitæ sunt, et dialecto utuntur eadem. Istæ vero in Lydia : Ephesus, Colophon, Lebedus, Teos, Clazomenæ, Phocæa. (3) Atque hæ civitates, ad sermonis characterem quod attinet, cum illis, quas ante nominavi, nihil commune habent, sed inter se conveniunt. Supersunt tres Ionicæ civitates, quarum duæ insulas incolunt, Samum atque Chium : tertia in continente sita est, Erythræ. (4) Ex his Chii et Erythræi eadem utuntur dialecto ; Samii vero sua, ab aliis diversa. Hi sunt quattuor sermonis characteres. | These Ionians to whom belongs the Panionion had the fortune to build their cities in the most favorable position for climate and seasons of any men whom we know: for neither the regions above Ionia nor those below, neither those towards the East nor those towards the West, produce the same results as Ionia itself, the regions in the one direction being oppressed by cold and moisture, and those in the other by heat and drought. And these do not use all the same speech, but have four different variations of language. First of their cities on the side of the South lies Miletos, and next to it Myus and Priene. These are settlements made in Caria, and speak the same language with one another; and the following are in Lydia — Ephesos, Colophon, Lebedos, Teos, Clazomenai, Phocaia: these cities resemble not at all those mentioned before in the speech which they use, but they agree one with another. There remain besides three Ionian cities, of which two are established in the islands of Samos and Chios, and one is built upon the mainland, namely Erythrai: now the men of Chios and of Erythrai use the same form of language, but the Samians have one for themselves alone. Thus there result four separate forms of language. |
| 1.143 | Horum igitur Ionum Milesii tuti a metu erant, utpote fœdus cum Cyro pacti. Qui autem ex eisdem insulas incolebant, ne illi quidem quidquam metuebant : necdum enim eo tempore Phœnices Persarum imperio erant subjecti, nec Persæ ipsi mare exercebant. (2) Separaverant se autem hi Iones (Milesii) a ceteris Ionibus, non aliam ob causam, nisi quod, quum univesa tunc stirps Hellenica infirma esset, populorum omnium infirmissimus et minimi momenti fuerit Ionicus : nam, præter Athenas, nulla alia erat eorum civitas notabilis. (3) Quare et alii Iones et ipsi Athenienses nomen etiam fugiebant, nec Iones volebant appellari : immo etiam nunc plerosque eorum pudet hujus nominis. Sed duodecim illæ civitates gaudebant hoc nomine, et separatim ab aliis templum sibi statuerunt, cui Panionio imposuere nomen ; decreveruntque nullos alios Ionas participes illius facere : nec vero etiam alii, ut in consortium reciperentur, petivere, præter Smyrnæos. | Of these Ionians then those of Miletos were sheltered from danger, since they had sworn an agreement; and those of them who lived in islands had no cause for fear, for the Phenicians were not yet subjects of the Persians and the Persians themselves were not sea-men. Now these were parted off from the other Ionians for no other reason than this — The whole Hellenic nation was at that time weak, but of all its races the Ionian was much the weakest and of least account: except Athens, indeed, it had no considerable city. Now the other Ionians, and among them the Athenians, avoided the name, not wishing to be called Ionians, nay even now I perceive that the greater number of them are ashamed of the name: but these twelve cities not only prided themselves on the name but established a temple of their own, to which they gave the name of Panionion, and they made resolution not to grant a share in it to any other Ionians (nor indeed did any ask to share it except those of Smyrna). |
| 1.144 | Simili ratione Dorienses, Pentapolin quæ nunc vocatur incolentes, quæ olim eadem Hexapolis nominata erat, cavent ne alios ullos e finitimis Doriensibus in Triopici templi communionem recipiant ; verum etiam suo de numero eos, qui adversus id templum scelus admiserant, communione excluserunt. (2) Nam quum in ludis Triopii Apollinis e prisco instituto aurei tripodes donarentur victoribus ; quos tripodas qui acceperant, his non licebat eos extra templum exportare, sed ibidem deo dedicare oportebat ; civis quidam Halicarnassensis, cui nomen erat Agasicles, victoriam quum reportasset, spreta lege domum suam detulit tripodem et clavis ibi affixit. (3) Hanc ob culpam quinque civitates, Lindus, Ialysus, Camirus, Cos et Cnidus, sextam civitatem Halicarnassum communione excluserunt. Talem illi his pœnam inflixere. | Similarly, the Dorians of that district which is now called the Five Cities, but was formerly called the Six Cities, take care not to admit any of the neighboring Dorians to the temple of Triopion, and even exclude from sharing in it those of their own body who commit any offence as regards the temple. For example, in the games of the Triopian Apollo they used formerly to set bronze tripods as prizes for the victors, and the rule was that those who received them should not carry them out of the temple but dedicate them then and there to the god. There was a man then of Halicarnassos, whose name was Agasicles, who being a victor paid no regard to this rule, but carried away the tripod to his own house and hung it up there upon a nail. On this ground the other five cities, Lindos, Ialysos and Cameiros, Cos and Cnidos, excluded the sixth city Halicarnassos from sharing in the temple. |
| 1.145 | Quod autem duodecim civitates confecerunt Iones, nec plures voluerunt recipere, id ea causa fecisse mihi videntur, quod etiam, quo tempore in Peloponneso habitaverant, totidem eorum fuerant regiones ; quemadmodum nunc Achæorum, qui Ionas expulerunt, duodecim regiones sunt : (2) prima Pellene, haud procul Sicyone ; dein Ægira, et Ægæ, in qua est Crathis amnis perennis, a quo et ille in Italia nomen accepit ; tum Bura, et Helice, in quam confugerant Iones ab Achæis prœlio superati ; et Ægium, et Rhypes, et Patrenses, et Pharenses, et Olenus, in qua Pirus est amnis ingens ; et Dyme et Tritæenses, qui soli ex istis omnibus mediterranea habitant. | Upon these they laid this penalty: but as for the Ionians, I think that the reason why they made of themselves twelve cities and would not receive any more into their body, was because when they dwelt in Peloponnesus there were of them twelve divisions, just as now there are twelve divisions of the Achaians who drove the Ionians out: for first, (beginning from the side of Sikyon) comes Pellene, then Aigeira and Aigai, in which last is the river Crathis with a perpetual flow (whence the river of the same name in Italy received its name), and Bura and Helike, to which the Ionians fled for refuge when they were worsted by the Achaians in fight, and Aigion and Rhypes and Patreis and Phareis and Olenos, where is the great river Peiros, and Dyme and Tritaieis, of which the last alone has an inland position. |
| 1.146 | Hæ sunt nunc duodecim Achæorum regiones, quæ olim ibi Ionum fuerant : qua nimirum de causa etiam in Asia duodecim civitates confecerunt : nam, esse hos magis Ionas quam reliqui Iones, aut nobiliori quadam stirpe oriundos, id vero dicere magna foret stultitia. Sunt enim horum quidem haud minima pars Abantes ex Eubœa, quibus nihil cum Ionia aut cum nomine isto commune est : admixti porro eis sunt Minyæ Orchomenii, et Cadmei, et Dryopes, et Phocenses, qui a popularibus suis se sejunxerunt, et Molossi, et Arcades Pelasgi, et Dorienses Epidaurii ; denique multæ aliæ gentes illis immixtæ sunt. (2) qui vero eorum ex Athenarum prytaneo sunt profecti, nobilissimique censentur esse Ionum, hi vero uxores secum in coloniam non adduxerant, sed Caricas habebant uxores, quarum parentes occiderant. (3) Quam ob cædem mulieres hæ legem sibi, juramento firmatam, imposuerunt, filiabusque suis tradiderunt, ne unquam cum maritis caperent cibum, nec maritum suum ulla nomine compellaret ; hanc ob causam, quod ipsarum parentes maritosque et liberos illi occidissent, et dein patrato hoc facinore ipsas duxissent uxores. Hæc autem Mileti facta erant. | These form now twelve divisions of the Achaians, and in former times they were divisions of the Ionians. For this reason then the Ionians also made for themselves twelve cities; for at any rate to say that these are any more Ionians than the other Ionians, or have at all a nobler descent, is mere folly, considering that a large part of them are Abantians from Euboea, who have no share even in the name of Ionia, and Minyai of Orchomenos have been mingled with them, and Cadmeians and Dryopians and Phokians who seceded from their native State and Molossians and Pelasgians of Arcadia and Dorians of Epidauros and many other races have been mingled with them; and those of them who set forth to their settlements from the City Hall of Athens and who esteem themselves the most noble by descent of the Ionians, these, I say, brought no women with them to their settlement, but took Carian women, whose parents they slew: and on account of this slaughter these women laid down for themselves a rule, imposing oaths on one another, and handed it on to their daughters, that they should never eat with their husbands, nor should a wife call her own husband by name, for this reason, because the Ionians had slain their fathers and husbands and children and then having done this had them to wife. This happened at Miletos. |
| 1.147 | Reges vero sibi constituerant, alii Lycios, a Glauco Hippolochi filio oriundos ; alii Cauconas Pylios, a Codro Melanthi filio ; alii ex utroque genere. Enimvero nomen hi tuentur aliquanto acrius quam reliqui Iones. Sint vero etiam ipsi maxime genuini Iones : sunt tamen Iones omnes, quicunque ex Attica oriundi sunt, et Apaturia celebrant : (2) celebrant autem hoc festum omnes, exceptis Ephesiis et Colophoniis ; hi enim soli ex Ionibus Apaturia non celebrant, idque ob cædis quandam quam afferunt causam. | Moreover some of them set Lykian kings over them, descendants of Glaucos and Hippolochos, while others were ruled by Cauconians of Pylos, descendants of Codros the son of Melanthos, and others again by princes of the two races combined. Since however these hold on to the name more than the other Ionians, let them be called, if they will, the Ionians of truly pure descent; but in fact all are Ionians who have their descent from Athens and who keep the feast of Apaturia; and this all keep except the men of Ephesos and Colophon: for these alone of all the Ionians do not keep the Apaturia, and that on the ground of some murder committed. |
| 1.148 | Est autem Panionium sacer locus Mycalæ, septentrionem spectans, communi Ionum consilio Neptuno Heliconio dedicatus. (2) Mycale autem promontorium est continentis, ab occidente Samum versus porrectum. Huc convenientes e civitatibus omnibus Iones festum celebrabant, quod Panionia nominabant. (3) Habent hoc autem non solum Ionum festa, sed etiam Græcorum omnium : ut eorum nomina in eandem desinant literam, quemadmodum etiam Persarum nomina. | Now the Panionion is a sacred place on the north side of Mycale, set apart by common agreement of the Ionians for Poseidon of Helike; and this Mycale is a promontory of the mainland running out Westwards towards Samos, where the Ionians gathering together from their cities used to hold a festival which they called the Panionia. (And not only the feasts of the Ionians but also those of all the Hellenes equally are subject to this rule, that their names all end in the same letter, just like the names of the Persians.) |
| 1.149 | Hæ igitur, quas dixi, Ionum sunt civitates. Æolides vero civitates hæ sunt : Cyme, Phriconis cognominata, Neotichos, Temnus, Cilla, Notium, Ægiroessa, Pitane, Ægææ, Myrina, Grynea. (3) Hæ sunt undecim Æolensium civitates antiquæ: una enim eis ademta est ab Ionibus, Smyrna. Fuerant enim et hæ civitates duodecim, in continente omnes sitæ. Colebant autem hi Æolenses regionem, cui solum præstantius quam Ionum, ceterum cœli temperie Ionum regioni erat inferior. | These then are the Ionian cities: and those of Aiolia are as follows — Kyme, which is called Phriconis, Larisai, Neon-teichos, Temnos, Killa, Notion, Aigiroëssa, Pitane, Aigaiai, Myrina, Gryneia; these are the ancient cities of the Aiolians, eleven in number, since one, Smyrna, was severed from them by the Ionians; for these cities, that is those on the mainland, used also formerly to be twelve in number. And these Aiolians had the fortune to settle in a land which is more fertile than that of the Ionians but in respect of climate less favored. |
| 1.150 | Smyrnam vero tali modo amiserant Æolenses. Cives Colophonios, qui in popularium seditione inferiores discesserant, patriaque fuerant pulsi, intra urbem suam receperunt. Post hæc iidem exsules Colophonii, observato die quo Smyrnæi Baccho extra muros sacra faciebant, occlusis portis urbem tenuere. (2) Dein succurrentibus Æolensibus cunctis, fit pactum hac conditione, ut Iones omnia quæ moveri possent Æolensibus redderent, Æolenses Smyrnam relinquerent. Quo facto, reliquæ undecim civitates Smyrnæos inter se dispertitæ, in civium numerum receperunt. | Now the Aiolians lost Smyrna in the following manner — certain men of Colophon, who had been worsted in party strife and had been driven from their native city, were received there for refuge: and after this the Colophonian exiles watched for a time when the men of Smyrna were celebrating a festival to Dionysos outside the walls, and then they closed the gates against them and got possession of the city. After this, when the whole body of Aiolians came to the rescue, they made an agreement that the Ionians should give up the movable goods, and that on this condition the Aiolians should abandon Smyrna. When the men of Smyrna had done this, the remaining eleven cities divided them amongst themselves and made them their own citizens. |
| 1.151 | Hæ sunt igitur Æolensium civitates in continente sitæ, præter eas quæ Idam incolunt ; hæ enim ab illis sejunctæ sunt. Qui vero insulas obtinent, eorum quinque civitates Lesbum incolunt : nam sextam, quam in Lesbo condiderant, Arisbam, Methymnæi in servitutem redegerunt, quum essent consanguinei. In Tenedo vero una habitatur civitas ; et in Centum-insulis quæ vocantur, itidem una. (2) Lesbii igitur et Tenedii, quemadmodum Iones insulas incolentes, nihil metuebant : reliquis vero civitatibus communi consilio placuit Ionas sequi, quocunque hi ducerent. | These then are the Aiolian cities upon the mainland, with the exception of those situated on Mount Ida, for these are separate from the rest. And of those which are in the islands, there are five in Lesbos, for the sixth which was situated in Lesbos, namely Arisba, was enslaved by the men of Methymna, though its citizens were of the same race as they; and in Tenedos there is one city, and another in what are called the “Hundred Isles.” Now the Lesbians and the men of Tenedos, like those Ionians who dwelt in the islands, had no cause for fear; but the remaining cities came to a common agreement to follow the Ionians whithersoever they should lead. |
| 1.152 | Spartam ut venerunt Ionum Æolensiumque legati, (celeriter enim hæc conficiebantur), oratorem qui nomine omnium verba faceret delegerunt civem Phocæensem, cui nomen erat Pythermus. Et ille purpureo amictus pallio, quo major Spartanorum numerus, adventu eorum cognito, conveniret, in medium progressus, multa fecit verba, orans ut ipsis succurrerent. (2) At Lacedæmonii neutiquam audiebant, nec placebat eis opem ferre Ionibus. Itaque illi discesserunt : Lacedæmonii vero, rejectis Ionum legatis, tamen quinquaginta remorum navi viros emiserunt, res Cyri Ioniæque ut mihi quidem videtur, exploraturos. (3) Qui quum Phocæam appulissent, Sardes miserunt e suis virum probatissimum, Lacrinen nomine, qui Lacedæmoniorum verbis ediceret Cyro, ne ulli civitati terræ Græciæ damnum inferret ; se enim eam rem non neglecturos. | Now when the messengers from the Ionians and Aiolians came to Sparta (for this business was carried out with speed), they chose before all others to speak for them the Phocaian, whose name was Pythermos. He then put upon him a purple cloak, in order that as many as possible of the Spartans might hear of it and come together, and having been introduced before the assembly he spoke at length, asking the Spartans to help them. The Lacedemonians however would not listen to him, but resolved on the contrary not to help the Ionians. So they departed, and the Lacedemonians, having dismissed the messengers of the Ionians, sent men notwithstanding in a ship of fifty oars, to find out, as I imagine, about the affairs of Cyrus and about Ionia. These when they came to Phocaia sent to Sardis the man of most repute among them, whose name was Lacrines, to report to Cyrus the saying of the Lacedemonians, bidding him do hurt to no city of the Hellas, since they would not permit it. |
| 1.153 | Hæc quum dixisset legatus, fertur Cyrus e præsentibus Græcis quæsisse, quinam homines essent Lacedæmonii, quantaque illorum multitudo, qui hæc ei edicerent. (2) Quæ postquam ex his cognovit, legato Spartiatæ respondit : « Nunquam timui tales viros, qui in medio oppido locum habent designatum, in quo congregati, interposito juramento, sese invicem decipiunt : quibus, si ego valebo, accidet ut non de his quæ Ionibus, sed quæ sibi impendent, sint confabulaturi. » (3) Hæc Cyrus in universos conjecit Græcos, eo quod fora publica habent, in quibus emptioni et venditioni dant operam : Persæ autem foris non utuntur, nec est omnino apud illos forum rerum venalium. (4) Post hæc vero, Sardium custodia Tabalo tradita, homini Persæ, et auri transferendi cura, quod Crœsi aliorumque Lydorum fuerat, Pactyæ commissa, Lydo homini, ipse Ecbatana proficiscitur, Crœsum secum ducens, Ionum autem, in præsentia certe, rationem nullam habens. (5) Obstabat enim Babylon, et Bactriana gens, et Sacæ atque Ægyptii, in quos ipse expeditionem cogitabat suscipere, adversus Ionas vero alium mittere ducem. | When the herald had spoken thus, Cyrus is said to have asked those of the Hellenes whom he had with him, what men the Lacedemonians were and how many in number, that they made this proclamation to him; and hearing their answer he said to the Spartan herald: “Never yet did I fear men such as these, who have a place appointed in the midst of their city where they gather together and deceive one another by false oaths: and if I continue in good health, not the misfortunes of the Ionians will be for them a subject of talk, but rather their own.” These words Cyrus threw out scornfully with reference to the Hellenes in general, because they have got for themselves markets and practise buying and selling there; for the Persians themselves are not wont to use markets nor have they any market-place at all. After this he entrusted Sardis to Tabalos a Persian, and the gold both of Croesus and of the other Lydians he gave to Pactyas a Lydian to take charge of, and himself marched away to Agbatana, taking with him Croesus and making for the present no account of the Ionians. For Babylon stood in his way still, as also the Bactrian nation and the Sacans and the Egyptians; and against these he meant to make expeditions himself, while sending some other commander about the Ionians. |
| 1.154 | Ut vero Sardibus discesserat Cyrus, Lydos Pactyas ad desciscendum a Tabalo et Cyro permovit : et ad mare profectus, quum aurum omne e Sardibus in potestate haberet, auxilia mercede conduxit, maritimisque hominibus ut secum militarent persuasit. Tum exercitu adversus Sardes ducto, Tabalum oppugnavit, in arce conclusum. | But when Cyrus had marched away from Sardis, Pactyas caused the Lydians to revolt from Tabalos and from Cyrus. This man went down to the sea, and having in his possession all the gold that there had been in Sardis, he hired for himself mercenaries and persuaded the men of the sea-coast to join his expedition. So he marched on Sardis and besieged Tabalos, having shut himself up in the citadel. |
| 1.155 | Ea re in itinere cognita, Cyrus his verbus Crœsum compellavit : « Crœse, quis mihi erit harum rerum finis ? Non desinent Lydi, uti videtur, et molestiam creare mihi, et ipsi sibi exhibere. Subit animum cogitatio, optimum fore, ut prorsus in servitutem eos redigam. (2) Similiter enim nunc mihi videor fecisse, atque si quis, quorum patrem occidisset, filiis pepercerit. Sic nempe et ego, quum te in potestate habens mecum ducam, qui amplius etiam aliquid quam pater illis fuisti, ipsis Lydis urbem tradidi : ac dein miror, a me eos descivisse ! » (3) Sic ille quæ sentiebat dixit. Cui Crœsus, veritus ne funditus everteret Sardes, his verbis respondit. « Æqua sunt, inquit, o rex, quæ dixisti. At tu tamen ne prorsus indulgeas iræ, nec penitus evertas antiquam urbem, quæ et ante actorum insons est, et eorum quæ nunc aguntur. (4) Nam, quæ ante acta sunt, ea ego feci, et meo capite culpam luo : quæ vero nunc aguntur, eorum reus Pactyas est, cujus tu fidei Sardes commisisti ; hic igitur tibi det pœnas. Lydis vero dans veniam, hæc illis impone, ne posthac a te deficiant, aut ullo modo metuendi sint. (5) Missis nuntiis interdicito illis, ne arma possideant bellica ; et tunicas jube eos sub palliis gestare, cothurnosque pro calceis induere : denique edic ut pueros suos instituant citharam pulsare, et canere, et mercaturam exercere : et mox videbis eos, o rex, feminas e viris factos, ut porro non sit quod verearis ne a te deficiant. » | Hearing this on his way, Cyrus said to Croesus as follows: “Croesus, what end shall I find of these things which are coming to pass? The Lydians will not cease as it seems, from giving trouble to me and from having it themselves. I doubt me if it were not best to sell them all as slaves; for as it is, I see that I have done in like manner as if one should slay the father and then spare his sons: just so I took prisoner and am carrying away thee, who wert much more than the father of the Lydians, while to the Lydians themselves I delivered up their city; and can I feel surprise after this that they have revolted from me?” Thus he said what was in his mind, but Croesus answered him as follows, fearing lest he should destroy Sardis: “O king, that which thou hast said is not without reason; but do not thou altogether give vent to thy wrath, nor destroy an ancient city which is guiltless both of the former things and also of those which have come to pass now: for as to the former things it was I who did them and I bear the consequences heaped upon my head; and as for what is now being done, since the wrongdoer is Pactyas to whom thou didst entrust the charge of Sardis, let him pay the penalty. But the Lydians I pray thee pardon, and lay upon them commands as follows, in order that they may not revolt nor be a cause of danger to thee — send to them and forbid them to possess weapons of war, but bid them on the other hand put on tunics under their outer garments and be shod with buskins, and proclaim to them that they train their sons to play the lyre and the harp and to be retail-dealers; and soon thou shalt see, O king, that they have become women instead of men, so that there will be no fear that they will revolt from thee.” |
| 1.156 | Hæc Cyro Crœsus suasit, optabiliora Lydis ratus, quam in servitutem redigi et pro mancipiis vendi : pulcre quippe intelligebat, nisi probabilem afferret rationem, non persuasurum se esse Cyro, ut mutaret consilium ; simul vero timebat, ne in posterum aliquando Lydi, si præsens periculum evasissent, desciscerent a Persis seseque perditum irent. (2) Cyrus admonitione Crœsi gavisus, et de ira remittens, se ei pariturum ait : et vocato ad se Mazari, homini Medo, dat mandatum, ut, quæ ipsi Crœsus suaserat, illis imperaret ; ceterum ceteros omnes, qui cum Lydis contra Sardes militassent, sub hasta venderet, ipsum autem Pactyam utique vivum ad se adduceret. | Croesus, I say, suggested to him this, perceiving that this was better for the Lydians than to be reduced to slavery and sold; for he knew that if he did not offer a sufficient reason, he would not persuade Cyrus to change his mind, and he feared lest at some future time, if they should escape the present danger, the Lydians might revolt from the Persians and be destroyed. And Cyrus was greatly pleased with the suggestion made and slackened from his wrath, saying that he agreed with his advice. Then he called Mazares a Mede, and laid charge upon him to proclaim to the Lydians that which Croesus suggested, and moreover to sell into slavery all the rest who had joined with the Lydians in the expedition to Sardis, and finally by all means to bring Pactyas himself alive to Cyrus. |
| 1.157 | His ille mandatis ex itinere datis, Persarum in sedes properavit. Pactyas autem, ubi rescivit in propinquo esse exercitum adversus se proficiscentem, timens sibi fugam capessivit, et Cymen pervenit. (2) Mazares, Medus, cum aliqua parte copiarum Cyri adversus Sardes ducens, ubi Pactyam non amplius Sardibus invenit, primum Lydos coegit Cyri mandata exsequi : cujus mandati consequens erat, ut omnem vitæ rationem Lydi mutarent. (3) Dein nuntios Cymen misit Mazares, tradi Pactyam jubens. Cymæi vero statuerunt de consilio in hac re capiendo ad deum referre qui in Branchidis oracula edit. Erat enim ibi oraculum ab antiquis temporibus constitutum, quo et Iones omnes et Æolenses uti consueverant. Est autem locus ille in Milesiorum ditione, supra Panormum portum. | Having given this charge upon the road, he continued his march to the native land of the Persians; but Pactyas hearing that an army was approaching to fight against him was struck with fear and fled away forthwith to Kyme. Then Mazares the Mede marched upon Sardis with a certain portion of the army of Cyrus, and as he did not find Pactyas or his followers any longer at Sardis, he first compelled the Lydians to perform the commands of Cyrus, and by his commands the Lydians changed the whole manner of their life. After this Mazares proceeded to send messengers to Kyme bidding them give up Pactyas: and the men of Kyme resolved to refer to the god at Branchidai the question what counsel they should follow. For there was there an Oracle established of old time, which all the Ionians and Aiolians were wont to consult; and this place is in the territory of Miletos above the port of Panormos. |
| 1.158 | Missis igitur ad Branchidas legatis Cymæi quæsiverunt de Pactya, quidnam facientes gratum maxime diis essent facturi. Et interrogantibus respondit oraculum, dederent Pactyam Persis. Quod responsum ubi ad se relatum audivere Cymæi, tradere illum pararunt. (2) Quam in partem quum ferretur multitudo, Aristodicus Heraclidæ filius, probatus vir inter cives, inhibuit eos ne id facerent, fidem non adhibens effato oraculi, existimansque vera non rettulisse consultores. Denique alii denuo mittuntur legati, qui de Pactya iterum consultarent, quorum in numero Aristodicus erat. | So the men of Kyme sent messengers to the Branchidai to inquire of the god, and they asked what course they should take about Pactyas so as to do that which was pleasing to the gods. When they thus inquired, the answer was given them that they should deliver up Pactyas to the Persians: and the men of Kyme, having heard this answer reported, were disposed to give him up. Then when the mass of the people were thus disposed, Aristodicos the son of Heracleides, a man of repute among the citizens, stopped the men of Kyme from doing so, having distrust of the answer and thinking that those sent to inquire were not speaking the truth; until at last other messengers were sent to the Oracle to ask a second time about Pactyas, and of them Aristodicos was one. |
| 1.159 | Hi ubi ad Branchidas venerunt, unus ex omnibus Aristodicus oraculum consuluit, interrogavitque his verbis : « O rex, venit ad nos supplex Pactyas Lydus mortem effugiens violentam, a Persis sibi imminentem. Hunc illi repetunt, Cymæos illum sibi tradere jubentes. Nos vero, Persarum metuentes potentiam, tradere illum adhuc non sustinuimus, priusquam a te liquido nobis, utrum facere debeamus, declaretur. » (2) Hic postquam ita interrogavit, rursus idem responsum deus dedit, tradere jubens Pactyam Persis. Tum Aristodicus hoc, a se præmeditatum, instituit facere : circa templum circummeans, passeres disturbavit aliaque avium genera, quæ in templo nidificaverant. (3) Dum ille hoc facit, ajunt ex adyto prodiisse vocem, ad Aristodicum conversam, hæc dicentem : « Scelestissime mortalium, quid est quod hic facere audes ? Supplices meos e meo templo evertis ! » (4) Et Aristodicus, nil dubitans, respondisse ad hæc fertur : « O rex, tu tuos supplices ipse ita tueris : Cymæos vero jubes tradere supplicem ! » Cui rursus deus regessit : « Aio et jubeo, quo vos impii ocyus pereatis ; ne dehinc de prodendis supplicibus adeatis oraculum. » | When these came to Branchidai, Aristodicos stood forth from the rest and consulted the Oracle, asking as follows: Lord, there came to us a suppliant for protection Pactyas the Lydian, flying from a violent death at the hands of the Persians, and they demand him from us, bidding the men of Kyme give him up. But we, though we fear the power of the Persians, yet have not ventured up to this time to deliver to them the suppliant, until thy counsel shall be clearly manifested to us, saying which of the two things we ought to do.” He thus inquired, but the god again declared to them the same answer, bidding them deliver up Pactyas to the Persians. Upon this Aristodicos with deliberate purpose did as follows — he went all round the temple destroying the nests of the sparrows and of all the other kinds of birds which had been hatched on the temple: and while he was doing this, it is said that a voice came from the inner shrine directed to Aristodicos and speaking thus: “Thou most impious of men, why dost thou dare to do this? Dost thou carry away by force from my temple the suppliants for my protection?” And Aristodicos, it is said, not being at all at a loss replied to this: “Lord, dost thou thus come to the assistance of thy suppliants, and yet biddest the men of Kyme deliver up theirs?” and the god answered him again thus: “Yea, I bid you do so, that ye may perish the more quickly for your impiety; so that ye may not at any future time come to the Oracle to ask about delivering up of suppliants.” |
| 1.160 | Hæc relata ubi audierunt Cymæi, quum nec prodendo hominem vellent ipsi perire, nec apud se servando oppugnari, Mytilenen eum emiserunt. (2) Mytilenæi vero, quum missis nuntiis Mazares Pactyam repetiisset, parati erant eum tradere, pacti mercedem nescio quam ; nec enim hoc perspicue traditum est ; nec res effectum habuit : nam Cymæi, ut intellexerunt id agere Mytilenæos, navi Lesbum missa, in Chium Pactyam transportarunt. (3) Inde vero, e Minervæ templo urbis Præsidis vi extractus a Chiis, Persis traditus est : tradiderunt eum autem Chii, mercedem pacti Atarneum ; est autem Atarnensis hic ager in Mysia, ex adverso Lesbi. (4) Pactyam igitur sibi deditum Persæ in custodia habuerunt, Cyri in conspectum volentes eum producere. Exinde vero multum effluxit temporis, quo nemo Chiorum mola ex hordeo Atarnensis illius agri deorum ulli litavit, aut e frumento illinc allato libum coxit ; quidquid ille progenuit ager, id ab omnibus sacrificiis procul habitum est. | When the men of Kyme heard this saying reported, not wishing either to be destroyed by giving him up or to be besieged by keeping him with them, they sent him away to Mytilene. Those of Mytilene however, when Mazares sent messages to them, were preparing to deliver up Pactyas for a price, but what the price was I cannot say for certain, since the bargain was never completed; for the men of Kyme, when they learnt that this was being done by the Mytilenians, sent a vessel to Lesbos and conveyed away Pactyas to Chios. After this he was dragged forcibly from the temple of Athene Poliuchos by the Chians and delivered up: and the Chians delivered him up receiving Atarneus in return, (now this Atarneus is a region of Mysia opposition Lesbos). So the Persians having received Pactyas kept him under guard, meaning to produce him before Cyrus. And a long time elapsed during which none of the Chians either used barley-meal grown in this region of Atarneus, for pouring out in sacrifice to any god, or baked cakes for offering of the corn which grew there, but all the produce of this land was excluded from every kind of sacred service. |
| 1.161 | Postquam Pactyam Chii tradiderant, bello aggressus est Mazares eos qui cum illo Tabalum oppugnaverant. Et Prienenses quidem devictos sub corona vendidit ; Mæandri vero campum universum incursans, itemque Magnesiam, exercitum præda ditavit. His autem rebus gestis, paulo post morbo vitam finiit. | The men of Chios had then delivered up Pactyas; and after this Mazares made expedition against those who had joined in besieging Tabalos: and first he reduced to slavery those of Priene, then he overran the whole plain of the Maiander making spoil of it for his army, and Magnesia in the same manner: and straightway after this he fell sick and died. |
| 1.162 | Mortuo Mazare, advenit imperii in inferiore Asia successor Harpagus, natione itidem Medus ; is qui a rege Medorum Astyage nefario epulo erat acceptus, quique Cyro in comparando regno sociam præstiterat operam. (2) Hic vir tunc a Cyro dux copiarum nominatus, ut in Ioniam pervenit, oppida aggeribus jactis capere instituit : scilicet oppidanos intra muros statim compulit, deinde aggestis ad muros aggeribus oppugnavit. Et primum quidem Ioniæ oppidum, quod aggressus est, Phocæa fuit. | After he was dead, Harpagos came down to take his place in command, being also a Mede by race (this was the man whom the king of the Medes Astyages feasted with the unlawful banquet, and who helped to give the kingdom to Cyrus). This man, being appointed commander then by Cyrus, came to Ionia and proceeded to take the cities by throwing up mounds against them: for when he had enclosed any people within their walls, then he threw up mounds against the walls and took their city by storm; and the first city of Ionia upon which he made an attempt was Phocaia. |
| 1.163 | Phocæenses hi longinquis navigationibus primi Græcorum usi erant : et Adriaticum mare et Tyrrheniam et Iberiam et Tartessum Græcis ostenderunt. Vehebantur autem non rotundis navibus, sed penteconteris [quæ quinquaginta remis uno ordine instructæ]. (2) Ac Tartessum quidem postquam venerunt, cari fuerunt regi Tartessiorum, cui erat nomen Arganthonius, qui octoginta annos Tartessiorum regno præfuit, vixit autem in universum annos centum et viginti. (3) Huic viro ita cari fuerunt Phocæenses, ut primum quidem eos hortaretur, Ioniam relinquerent, et qua parte suæ ditionis vellent, habitatum concederent ; dein, ut hoc eis non persuasit, ex eisdem vero cognovit de ingruente Medorum potentia, pecuniam illis dedit e qua murum urbi circumdarent ; et largiter quidem dedit : nam circuitus muri haud pauca sunt stadia, et totus hic murus e magnis lapidibus, eisque bene coaptatis, est exstructus. | Now these Phocaians were the first of the Hellenes who made long voyages, and these are they who discovered the Adriatic and Tyrsenia and Iberia and Tartessos: and they made voyages not in round ships, but in vessels of fifty oars. These came to Tartessos and became friends with the king of the Tartessians whose name was Arganthonios: he was ruler of the Tartessians for eighty years and lived in all one hundred and twenty. With this man, I say, the Phocaians became so exceedingly friendly, that first he bade them leave Ionia and dwell wherever they desired in his own land; and as he did not prevail upon the Phocaians to do this, afterwards, hearing from them of the Mede how his power was increasing, he gave them money to build a wall about their city: and he did this without sparing, for the circuit of the wall is many furlongs in extent, and it is built all of large stones closely fitted together. |
| 1.164 | Tali igitur modo perfectus erat Phocæensium murus. Harpagus vero admoto exercitu urbem obsidens, conditionem proposuit, satis sibi fore, dicens, si unum modo propugnaculum muri dejicere Phocæenses vellent, et unam habitationem dedicare (regi, in obedientiæ ipsi argumentum). (2) Phocæenses vero, ægerrime ferentes servitutem, unum diem se deliberaturos ajebant, ac deinde responsuros : interim vero dum deliberarent, postulabant ut exercitum a muro abduceret. (3) Quibus Harpagus, probe quidem se nosse, ait, quid essent facturi. Igitur dum a muro exercitum abducit Harpagus, Phocæenses interim deductis quas habebant penteconteris navibus, liberos, et uxores, et quæ moveri poterant omnia, eis imponunt ; ad hæc signis deorum templis, aliisque donariis, præterquam quidquid æs aut lapis aut pictura esset, reliquis omnibus in naves impositis, ipsi eas conscendunt, et Chium versus navigant. Phocæam autem hominibus vacuam Persæ tenuerunt. | The wall of the Phocaians was made in this manner: and Harpagos having marched his army against them began to besiege them, at the same time holding forth to them proposals and saying that it was enough to satisfy him if the Phocaians were willing to throw down one battlement of their wall and dedicate one single house. But the Phocaians, being very greatly grieved at the thought of subjection, said that they wished to deliberate about the matter for one day and after that they would give their answer; and they asked him to withdraw his army from the wall while they were deliberating. Harpagos said that he knew very well what they were meaning to do, nevertheless he was willing to allow them to deliberate. So in the time that followed, when Harpagos had withdrawn his army from the wall, the Phocaians drew down their fifty-oared galleys to the sea, put into them their children and women and all their movable goods, and besides them the images out of the temples and the other votive offerings except such as were made of bronze or stone or consisted of paintings, all the rest, I say, they put into the ships, and having embarked themselves they sailed towards Chios; and the Persians obtained possession of Phocaia, the city being deserted of the inhabitants. |
| 1.165 | Constituerant Phocæenses a Chiis dato pretio Œnussas quæ vocantur insulas emere. Sed quum vendere eas nollent Chii, metuentes ne emporium fierent hæ insulæ, eaque re ipsorum insulæ mercatu excluderentur, super hæc in Corsicam (Cyrnum Græci vocant) Phocæenses sunt profecti. In Corsica enim vicesimo ante anno, oraculi monitu, oppidum condiderant, cui nomen Alalia. (2) Arganthonius vero illo tempore e vita jam discesserat. In Corsicam vero profecturi, prius ad Phocæam appulsis navibus, Persarum præsidium, cui ab Harpago custodia urbis mandata erat, interficiunt ; (3) dein, hoc patrato, atroces diras imprecantur si quis ipsorum classem desereret. Ad hæc ingentem ferri massam mari demergunt, jurantes non prius Phocæam se redituros, quam massa illa e mari emersisset. (4) Sed dum in Corsicam abire parant, ultra dimidium civium desiderium cepit et misericordia urbis et consuetarum in patria terra sedium. Igitur hi, violato juramento, retro navigant Phocæam. Ceteri vero, jusjurandum servantes, sublatis ancoris ex Œnussis insulis sunt profecti. | But as for the Phocaians, since the men of Chios would not sell them at their request the islands called Oinussai, from the fear lest these islands might be made a seat of trade and their island might be shut out, therefore they set out for Kyrnos: for in Kyrnos twenty years before this they had established a city named Alalia, in accordance with an oracle, (now Arganthonios by that time was dead). And when they were setting out for Kyrnos they first sailed to Phocaia and slaughtered the Persian garrison, to whose charge Harpagos had delivered the city; then after they had achieved this they made solemn imprecations on any one of them who should be left behind from their voyage, and moreover they sank a mass of iron in the sea and swore that not until that mass should appear again on the surface would they return to Phocaia. However as they were setting forth to Kyrnos, more than half of the citizens were seized with yearning and regret for their city and for their native land, and they proved false to their oath and sailed back to Phocaia. But those of them who kept the oath still, weighed anchor from the islands of Oinussai and sailed. |
| 1.166 | Hi postquam in Corsicam pervenere, quinque annos una cum eis qui antea eo migraverant habitarunt, et templa ibi constituerunt. Ceterum quum vicinos omnes incursionibus prædationibusque molestarent, bellum eis communi consilio intulerunt Tyrrheni et Carthaginienses, utrique navibus sexaginta. (2) Quibus Phocæenses, impletis suis navigiis, quæ erant numero sexaginta, obviam ivere in Sardonium quod vocature mare. (3) Tum commisso prœlio navali, Cadmea quædam victoria obtigit Phocæensibus : nam quadraginta ex eorum navibus perierunt ; viginti autem reliquæ, detortis rostris, inutiles sunt factæ. (4) Inde Alaliam revecti, assumptis liberis et uxoribus, et quidquid ex eorum facultatibus ferre naves possent, relicta Corsica, Rhegium navigarunt. | When these came to Kyrnos, for five years they dwelt together with those who had come thither before, and they founded temples there. Then, since they plundered the property of all their neighbors, the Tyrsenians and Carthaginians made expedition against them by agreement with one another, each with sixty ships. And the Phocaians also manned their vessels, sixty in number, and came to meet the enemy in that which is called the Sardinian sea: and when they encountered one another in the sea-fight the Phocaians won a kind of Cadmean victory, for forty of their ships were destroyed and the remaining twenty were disabled, having had their prows bent aside. So they sailed in to Alalia and took up their children and their women and their other possessions as much as their ships proved capable of carrying, and then they left Kyrnos behind them and sailed to Rhegion. |
| 1.167 | Homines vero, qui navibus depressis vecti erant, Carthaginienses et Tyrrheni, *** sortitique sunt eorum partem longe maximam : quos, in terram eductos, lapidibus obruêre. (2) Deinde Agyllæis (sive Cæritibus), quidquid præter eum locum, in quo lapidati Phocæenses jacebant, præteribat, id omne distortum, mutilum, aut membris captum reddebatur, perinde pecudes, jumenta, homines. (3) Itaque Delphos Agyllæi mittebant quæsituros quo pacto delictum possent expiare. Quos Pythia id facere jussit, quod etiam nunc Agyllæi faciunt : nempe magnifice illis parentant, et in eorum honorem ludos agunt gymnicos et equestres. (4) Igitur hi quidem e Phocæensium numero fato tali functi sunt. Qui vero eorum Rhegium se receperunt, ii illinc profecti oppidum in terra Œnotria condiderunt hoc quod nunc Hyela (sive Velia) nominatur. (5) Condiderunt illud autem, ab homine Posidoniata edocti jussos se esse Pythiæ oraculo Cyrnum heroem colere, non insulam. Et hæc quidem hactenus de rebus Phocæensium, Ionicæ civitatis. | But as for the crews of the ships that were destroyed, the Carthaginians and Tyrsenians obtained much the greater number of them, and these they brought to land and killed by stoning. After this the men of Agylla found that everything which passed by the spot where the Phocaians were laid after being stoned, became either distorted, or crippled, or paralysed, both small cattle and beasts of burden and human creatures: so the men of Agylla sent to Delphi desiring to purge themselves of the offence; and the Pythian prophetess bade them do that which the men of Agylla still continue to perform, that is to say, they make great sacrifices in honor of the dead, and hold at the place a contest of athletics and horse-racing. These then of the Phocaians had the fate which I have said; but those of them who took refuge at Rhegion started from thence and took possession of that city in the land of Oinotria which now is called Hyele. This they founded having learnt from a man of Poseidonia that the Pythian prophetess by her answer meant them to found a temple to Kyrnos, who was a hero, and not to found a settlement in the island of Kyrnos. |
| 1.168 | Similiter vero, atque hi, Teii etiam fecerunt. Nam postquam murum illorum, aggere jacto, cepit Harpagus, cuncti navibus conscensis abierunt, in Thraciamque navigarunt, et ibi Abderam condiderunt coloniam : quam quum ante eos Clazomenius Timesius condidisset, operæ fructum non perceperat, sed a Thracibus erat ejectus : cui nunc honorem, ut heroi, habent Teii Abderam habitantes. | About Phocaia in Ionia it happened thus, and nearly the same thing also was done by the men of Teos: for as soon as Harpagos took their wall with a mound, they embarked in their ships and sailed straightway for Thrace; and there they founded the city of Abdera, which before them Timesios of Clazomenai founded and had no profit therefrom, but was driven out by the Thracians; and now he is honored as a hero by the Teïans in Abdera. |
| 1.169 | Isti igitur soli ex Ionibus fuere, qui servitutem non sustinentes, patrias sedes reliquerunt. Ceteri Iones, exceptis Milesiis, armis cum Harpago dimicarunt, quemadmodum hi qui terra excessere, fortesque viri fuerunt quique pro sua patria pugnantes ; sed victi expugnatique, in sua quique patria manentes imperata fecerunt. (2) Milesii vero, qui, ut prædictum est, cum ipso Cyro fœdus pepigerant, quietem habuerunt. Atque ita quidem Ionia iterum in servitutem redacta est. Postquam vero Ionas continentem incolentes subegit Harpagus, insulani Iones, horum exemplo perterriti, ultro se Cyro tradiderunt. | These alone of all the Ionians left their native cities because they would not endure subjection: but the other Ionians except the Milesians did indeed contend in arms with Harpagos like those who left their homes, and proved themselves brave men, fighting each for his own native city; but when they were defeated and captured they remained all in their own place and performed that which was laid upon them: but the Milesians, as I have also said before, had made a sworn agreement with Cyrus himself and kept still. Thus for the second time Ionia had been reduced to subjection. And when Harpagos had conquered the Ionians on the mainland, then the Ionians who dwelt in the islands, being struck with fear by these things, gave themselves over to Cyrus. |
| 1.170 | His malis afflicti Iones quum nihilo minus ad Panionium convenirent, Biantem civem Prienensem audio saluberrimam illis aperuisse sententiam : quam si essent secuti, potuerant Græcorum omnium esse opulentissimi. (2) Hortabatur ille, ut sociata classe Iones vela darent ventis, et in Sardiniam navigarent, ibique unam Ionum omnium conderent civitatem : ita servitute liberatos, opulentos fore, insulam omnium maximam obtinentes, aliisque imperantes : qui si in Ionia manerent, non videre se, ait, quo pacto libertatem unquam sint recuperaturi. (3) Hæc fuit Biantis sententia, quum jam perditæ essent res Ionum. Sed etiam, priusquam pessum iret Ionia, salutaris fuerat Thaletis sententia, civis Milesii, qui generis originem e Phœnicia repetebat. Is Ionas erat hortatus, ut unam communem curiam haberent, quæ esset Tei : Teum enim meditullium esse Ioniæ: reliquæ autem civitates, ab Ionibus habitatæ nihilo minus suis uterentur institutis, perinde ac si singuli essent populi. Tales illis sententias duo hi viri in medium proposuerunt. | When the Ionians had been thus evilly entreated but were continuing still to hold their gatherings as before at the Panionion, Bias a man of Priene set forth to the Ionians, as I am informed, a most profitable counsel, by following which they might have been the most prosperous of all the Hellenes. He urged that the Ionians should set forth in one common expedition and sail to Sardinia, and after that found a single city for all the Ionians: and thus they would escape subjection and would be prosperous, inhabiting the largest of all islands and being rulers over others; whereas, if they remained in Ionia, he did not perceive, he said, that freedom would any longer exist for them. This was the counsel given by Bias of Priene after the Ionians had been ruined; but a good counsel too was given before the ruin of Ionia by Thales a man of Miletos, who was by descent of Phenician race. He advised the Ionians to have one single seat of government, and that this should be at Teos (for Teos, he said, was in the centre of Ionia), and that the other cities should be inhabited as before, but accounted just as if they were demes. These two men set forth to them these kinds of counsels. |
| 1.171 | Ionica subacta Harpagus bellum intulit Caribus, Cauniis, atque Lyciis, simul et Ionas et Æolenses secum ducens. (2) Cares, quos dixi, ex insulis in continentem advenerant. Olim enim Minois imperio subjecti, Lelegesque nominati, insulas incoluerant : et tributum quidem, quoad ego auditu, ultima tempora repetens, potui cognoscere, nullum pependerant ; sed, quoties Minos eorum opera indigebat, naves ejus compleverant. (3) Quandoquidem igitur multos terræ tractus Minos sibi subjecerat, et felicitate utebatur in bello, Carica gens omnium gentium per id tempus longe fuerat clarissima. (4) Ac tria illis inventa debentur, quibus Græci usi sunt : nam et galeis cristas imponere primi Cares docuere, et signa clypeis insculpere ; denique, qui clypeis ansas adjungerent, hi primi fuere, quum antea clypeos abseque ansis gestassent quicunque clypeis consueverant uti, coriaceis loris illos regentes, quæ cervicibus et dexteris humeris circumligata habebant. (5) Deinde, multo tempore interjecto, Cares a Doriensibus et Ionibus ex insulis sunt ejecti, atque ita in continentem pervenerunt. (6) Hæc quidem de Caribus Cretenses memorant ; at Cares ipsi his non assentiuntur, sed a prima gentis origine continentem se autumant incoluisse, eodemque nomine semper fuisse appellatos, quo nunc utuntur. (7) Ostenduntque in oppido, cui Mylasa nomen, priscum Jovis Carii templum, quod quidem cum Mysis atque Lydis commune habent, ut qui consanguinei sint Carum ; Lydum enim et Mysum fratres Caris ajunt fuisse. Cum his igitur templum illud commune habent ; sed quicunque ex alia gente sunt, quamvis eadem cum Caribus lingua utentes, ad hos communio illa nihil pertinet. | But Harpagos, after subduing Ionia, proceeded to march against the Carians and Caunians and Lykians, taking also Ionians and Aiolians to help him. Of these the Carians came to the mainland from the islands; for being of old time subjects of Minos and being called Leleges, they used to dwell in the islands, paying no tribute, so far back as I am able to arrive by hearsay, but whenever Minos required it, they used to supply his ships with seamen: and as Minos subdued much land and was fortunate in his fighting, the Carian nation was of all nations by much the most famous at that time together with him. And they produced three inventions of which the Hellenes adopted the use; that is to say, the Carians were those who first set the fashion of fastening crests on helmets, and of making the devices which are put onto shields, and these also were the first who made handles for their shields, whereas up to that time all who were wont to use shields carried them without handles and with leathern straps to guide them, having them hung about their necks and their left shoulders. Then after the lapse of a long time the Dorians and Ionians drove the Carians out of the islands, and so they came to the mainland. With respect to the Carians the Cretans relate that it happened thus; the Carians themselves however do not agree with this account, but suppose that they are dwellers on the mainland from the beginning, and that they went always by the same name which they have now: and they point as evidence of this to an ancient temple of Carian Zeus at Mylasa, in which the Mysians and Lydians share as being brother races of the Carians, for they say that Lydos and Mysos were brothers of Car; these share in it, but those who being of another race have come to speak the same language as the Carians, these have no share in it. |
| 1.172 | Caunii vero ex eadem, quam incolunt, terra oriundi mihi videntur ; quamquam ipsi se Cretenses esse affirmant. Linguam vero aut ipsi ad Caricum populum accommodarunt, aut Cares ad Caunium ; nec enim hoc dijudicare liquido possum. Institutis autem utuntur longe et ab aliis populis et a Caribus discrepantibus ; (2) habetur enim apud illos honestissimum, ut secundum ætatem atque amicitiam catervatim ad compotationes conveniant viri et mulieres et pueri. Iidem, quum prius templa constituta habuissent peregrinorum deorum, deinde mutata sententia, postquam eis placuit nonnisi patriis uti diis, arma capessiverunt cuncti puberes, et hastis āërem ferientes usque ad Calyndicos fines progressi sunt, dicentes se peregrinos ejicere deos. Talibus institutis Caunii utuntur. | It seems to me however that the Caunians are dwellers there from the beginning, though they say themselves that they came from Crete: but they have been assimilated to the Carian race in language, or else the Carians to the Caunian race, I cannot with certainty determine which. They have customs however in which they differ very much from all other men as well as from the Carians; for example the fairest thing in their estimation is to meet together in numbers for drinking, according to equality of age or friendship, both men, women, and children; and again when they had founded temples for foreign deities, afterwards they changed their purpose and resolved to worship only their own native gods, and the whole body of Caunian young men put on their armor and made pursuit as far as the borders of the Calyndians, beating the air with their spears; and they said that they were casting the foreign gods out of the land. Such are the customs which these have. |
| 1.173 | Lycii vero antiquitus e Creta erant oriundi. Cretam enim omnem olim barbari tenebant. Quum vero de regno in Creta dissiderent Europæ filii, Sarpedon et Minos, superior e contentione discedens Minos, Sarpedonem ejusque asseclas ejecit. Tum hi, insula expulsi, in Asiam pervenerunt, in terram Milyadem : nam, quam regionem nunc Lycii incolunt, hæc olim Milyas erat : Milyæ vero Solymi tum nominabantur. (2) Aliquantum igitur temporis regnum in eos obtinuit Sarpedon : ipsi vero nominabantur, quod et olim nomen obtinuerant, et quo etiam nunc Lycii a finitimis appellantur, Termilæ. Ut vero Athenis Lycus, Pandionis filius, et ipse a fratres expulsus Ægeo, in Termilas ad Sarpedonem pervenit, inde demum, a Lyci nomine, successu temporis, Lycii sunt appellati. (3) Institutis autem utuntur partim Creticis, partim Caricis. Unum autem hocce proprium habent, nec cum ullis aliis hominum commune : sese ipsi a matribus nominant, non a patribus. Si quis ex altero, quis sit, quærit ; respondebit illi hic, esse se hujus vel illius matris filium, et matris suæ matres a superioribus temporibus repetet. (4) Porro, si mulier, quæ civis sit, servo nupserit, honesto loco nati censentur liberi : sin vir civis, atque etiam princeps civium, peregrinam aut uxorem aut pellicem habet, ignobiles erunt liberi. | The Lykians however have sprung originally from Crete (for in old time the whole of Crete was possessed by Barbarians): and when the sons of Europa, Sarpedon and Minos, came to be at variance in Crete about the kingdom, Minos having got the better in the strife of parties drove out both Sarpedon himself and those of his party: and they having been expelled came to the land of Milyas in Asia, for the land which now the Lykians inhabit was anciently called Milyas, and the Milyans were then called Solymoi. Now while Sarpedon reigned over them, they were called by the name which they had when they came thither, and by which the Lykians are even now called by the neighboring tribes, namely Termilai; but when from Athens Lycos the son of Pandion came to the land of the Termilai and to Sarpedon, he too having been driven out by his brother namely Aigeus, then by the name taken from Lycos they were called after a time Lykians. The customs which these have are partly Cretan and partly Carian; but one custom they have which is peculiar to them, and in which they agree with no other people, that is they call themselves by their mothers and not by their fathers; and if one asks his neighbor who he is, he will state his parentage on the mother’s side and enumerate his mother’s female ascendants: and if a woman who is a citizen marry a slave, the children are accounted to be of gentle birth; but if a man who is a citizen, though he were the first man among them, have a slave for wife or concubine, the children are without civil rights. |
| 1.174 | Jam Cares quidem, nullo claro edito facinore, subjugati sunt ab Harpago ; nec vel Cares ipsi memorabile quidquam tunc gesserunt, nec quicunque natione Græci illam regionem incolunt. (2) Incolunt autem quum alii, tum Lacedæmoniorum coloni Cnidii, quorum ager mari est obversus, Triopiumque vocatur. Initium capit Cnidiorum ditio a Bybassia peninsula, et est tota, exiguo excepto spatio, mari circumflua : nam quæ pars ejus ad septentrionem spectat, eam Ceramius sinus includit ; quæ vero ad meridiem, mare quod ad Symen et Rhodum est. Istud igitur exiguum spatium, quod quinque fere stadiorum est, perfodere instituerunt Cnidii per id tempus quo Ioniam Harpagus subegit, cupientes ex agro suo insulam facere. (3) Erat autem universa eorum ditio intra isthmum ; nam ubi illa versus continentem desinit, ibi is isthmus est, quem perfodiebant. Multorum igitur hominum manibus in opere occupatis, quum magis quam consentaneum erat laborarent et alia corporis membra et maxime oculi eorum qui opus faciebant et petram perfringebant, ita ut appareret non sine deorum numine id fieri ; miserunt Delphos qui consulerent oraculum quidnam esset quod ipsis adversaretur. (4) Quibus Pythia, ut ipsi fatentur Cnidii, trimetro tenore hæcce respondit:
nam, si placuisset, insulam dederat deus. » |
Now the Carians were reduced to subjection by Harpagos without any brilliant deed displayed either by the Carians themselves or by those of the Hellenes who dwell in this land. Of these last there are besides others the men of Cnidos, settlers from Lacedemon, whose land runs out into the sea, being in fact the region which is called Triopion, beginning from the peninsula of Bybassos: and since all the land of Cnidos except a small part is washed by the sea (for the part of it which looks towards the North is bounded by the Gulf of Keramos, and that which looks to the South by the sea off Syme and Rhodes), therefore the men of Cnidos began to dig through this small part, which is about five furlongs across, while Harpagos was subduing Ionia, desiring to make their land an island: and within the isthmus all was theirs, for where the territory of Cnidos ends in the direction of the mainland, here is the isthmus which they were digging across. And while the Cnidians were working at it with a great number of men, it was perceived that the men who worked suffered injury much more than might have been expected and in a more supernatural manner, both in other parts of their bodies and especially in their eyes, when the rock was being broken up; so they sent men to ask the Oracle at Delphi what the cause of the difficulty was. And the Pythian prophetess, as the men of Cnidos themselves report, gave them this reply in trimeter verse —
Zeus would have made your land an island, had he willed.” |
| 1.175 | Fuere autem Pedasenses, mediterranea super Halicarnassum habitantes : quibus quoties publice imminet aliquod incommodum, tam ipsis quam accolis, sacerdos femina Minervæ ingentem emittit barbam ; quæ res illis ter accidit. (2) Hi soli ex omnibus Cariam habitantibus Harpago aliquamdiu resistere, et plurimam illi molestiam crearunt ; quum montem, cui Lida nomen, muro muniissent. | There were also the Pedasians, who dwelt in the inland country above Halicarnassos; and among these, whenever anything hurtful is about to happen either to themselves or to their neighbors, the priestess of Athene has a great beard: this befell them three times. These of all about Caria were the only men who held out for any time against Harpagos, and they gave him trouble more than any other people, having fortified a mountain called Lide. |
| 1.176 | Et Pedasenses quidem haud multo post sunt expugnati. Lycii vero, ut in Xanthium campum Harpagus promovit exercitum, eductis copiis pugnam inierunt, pauci adversus multos, et egregia virtutis specimina edidere. Sed prœlio superati, et in oppidum compulsi, congregatis in arcem uxoribus liberisque et rebus pretiosis et servis, ignem subjecerunt arci, ut tota concremaretur. (2) His factis, diris juramentis invicem astricti, egressi sunt, et fortiter pugnantes Xanthii omnes obierunt. Eorum autem Lyciorum, qui nostra ætate Xanthios se esse prædicant, advenæ sunt plerique, exceptis octoginta familiis ; quæ familiæ octoginta tunc temporis forte domo aberant, atque ita superfuerunt. (3) Xantho igitur tali modo potitus Harpagus est. Simili vero ratione etiam Cauno est potitus ; nam et Caunii majori e parte Lycios sunt imitati. | After a time the Pedasians were conquered; and the Lykians, when Harpagos marched his army into the plain of Xanthos, came out against him and fought, few against many, and displayed proofs of valor; but being defeated and confined within their city, they gathered together into the citadel their wives and their children, their property and their servants, and after that they set fire to this citadel, so that it was all in flames, and having done so and sworn terrible oaths with one another, they went forth against the enemy and were slain in fight, that is to say all the men of Xanthos: and of the Xanthians who now claim to be Lykians the greater number have come in from abroad, except only eighty households; but these eighty households happened at that time to be away from their native place, and so they escaped destruction. Thus Harpagos obtained possession of Caunos, for the men of Caunos imitated in most respects the behavior of the Lykians. |
| 1.177 | Inferiorem igitur Asiam subegit Harpagus, superiora autem Asiæ Cyrus ipse, singulos populos in potestatem suam redigens, nullumque prætermittens. Quorum pleraque silentio nos præteribimus : quæ vero plurimo cum labore gessit et quæ præ ceteris maxime sunt memorabilia, eorum faciam mentionem. | So Harpagos was conquering the coast regions of Asia; and Cyrus himself meanwhile was doing the same in the upper parts of it, subduing every nation and passing over none. Now most of these actions I shall pass over in silence, but the undertakings which gave him trouble more than the rest and which are the most worthy of note, of these I shall make mention. |
| 1.178 | Universo continente inferioris Asiæ potestati suæ subjecto, Assyrios Cyros aggressus est. Sunt autem Assyriæ quum aliæ urbes insignes multæ, tum clarissima omnium et munitissima, quæ post Ninum eversam regia sedes erat, Babylon ; cujus hæc erat conditio. (2) Sita in ampla planitie, formam habet quadratam, cujus quodque latus centum et viginti stadia metitur : ita totius urbis circuitus conficitur quadringentorum octoginta stadiorum. Hæc amplitudo est urbis Babyloniæ. Exornata vero instructaque erat ita, ut nulla alia cujus ad nos notitia pervenit. (3) Statim fossa eam circumdat alta lataque, et aqua nunquam non repleta : dein murus, cujus latitudo quinquaginta cubitorum regiorum est, altitudo ducentorum cubitorum. Est autem cubitus regius major vulgari tribus digitis. | Cyrus, so soon as he had made subject to himself all other parts of the mainland, proceeded to attack the Assyrians. Now Assyria has doubtless many other great cities, but the most famous and the strongest, and the place where the seat of their monarchy had been established after Nineveh was destroyed, was Babylon; which was a city such as I shall say. — It lies in a great plain, and in size it is such that each face measures one hundred and twenty furlongs, the shape of the whole being square; thus the furlongs of the circuit of the city amount in all to four hundred and eighty. Such is the size of the city of Babylon, and it had a magnificence greater than all other cities of which we have knowledge. First there runs round it a trench deep and broad and full of water; then a wall fifty royal cubits in thickness and two hundred cubits in height: now the royal cubit is larger by three fingers than the common cubit. |
| 1.179 | Oportet vero ad hæc me declarare, quem in usum insumpta sit terra e fossa egesta, et murus ille quo pacto fuerit confectus. Ut fossam fodiebant, ita simul terram e fossa egestam formabant in lateres:utque laterum probabilem numerum duxerant, ita eos in fornacibus coquebant. Tum loco calcis asphalto calida utentes, et tricesimo cuique laterum ordini arundinum texta interstipantes, primum labia construxerunt fossæ, deinde ipsum murum eodem modo. (2) Super muro vero in utriusque lateris ora ædificarunt unius conclavis domunculas, sibi invicem obversas, medium autem spatium tantum reliquerunt, ut circumagi in eo quadrigæ possent. In muro circumcirca centum sunt portæ, æneæ omnes ; et postes etiam, et superiora limina, itidem ex ære. (3) Est autem aliud oppidum octo dierum itinere distans a Babylone, cui nomen Is. Ibi fluvius est, non magnus, cui et ipsi Is nomen, qui in Euphratem undam suam infundit. Hic igitur Is fluvius simul cum unda sua multos edit grumos asphalti : unde ad ædificandum murum Babylonis asphaltus devecta est. | I must also tell in addition to this for what purpose the earth was used, which was taken out of the trench, and in what manner the wall was made. As they dug the trench they made the earth which was carried out of the excavation into bricks, and having moulded enough bricks they baked them in kilns; and then afterwards, using hot asphalt for mortar and inserting reed mats at every thirty courses of brickwork, they built up first the edges of the trench and then the wall itself in the same manner: and at the top of the wall along the edges they built chambers of one story facing one another; and between the rows of chambers they left space to drive a four-horse chariot. In the circuit of the wall there are set a hundred gates made of bronze throughout, and the gate-posts and lintels likewise. Now there is another city distant from Babylon a space of eight days’ journey, of which the name is Is; and there is a river there of no great size, and the name of the river is also Is, and it sends its stream into the river Euphrates. This river Is throws up together with its water lumps of asphalt in great abundance, and thence was brought the asphalt for the wall of Babylon. |
| 1.180 | Tali igitur modo munita Babylon est. Sunt autem duæ urbis regiones. mediam enim perfluit et in duas partes dividit flumen, cui nomen Euphrates. Is ex Armenia fluit amplus et altus atque rapidus ; exonerat se autem in Erythræum mare. (2) Murus igitur utrimque brachia ad flumen usque ducta habet : inde inflexa procedit utrimque maceria e coctili latere, quæ utrique fluminis labio prætenditur. (3) Urbs ipsa domibus repleta est trium aut quattuor tabulatorum ; per eamque ductæ sunt viæ ad lineam directæ, quum ceteræ, tum eæ quæ e transverso ad flumen pertinent. (4) Ad harum viarum quamque apertæ sunt in maceria juxta flumen decurrente portæ minores, totidem numero quot viæ sunt : atque etiam hæ portæ ex ære sunt, per quas ad ipsum flumen transitur. | Babylon then was walled in this manner; and there are two divisions of the city; for a river whose name is Euphrates parts it in the middle. This flows from the land of the Armenians and is large and deep and swift, and it flows out into the Erythraian sea. The wall then on each side has its bends carried down to the river, and from this point the return walls stretch along each bank of the stream in the form of a rampart of baked bricks: and the city itself is full of houses of three and four stories, and the roads by which it is cut up run in straight lines, including the cross roads which lead to the river; and opposite to each road there were set gates in the rampart which ran along the river, in many in number as the ways, and these also were of bronze and led like the ways to the river itself. |
| 1.181 | Murus quem dixi, robur præcipuum munimenti est : circumductus est autem interius alius murus, haud multo infirmior altero, sed angustior. In medio autem utriusque regionis, in quas urbs dividitur, exstructa erat, in altera quidem regia aula, vasto circuito validoque ; in altera, Jovis Beli templum æneis portis instructum, quod nunc etiam superest, duo stadia quaquaversum metiens, forma quadrata. (2) Hujus in templi medio turris solida exstructa est, unum stadium tam in longitudinem quam in latitudinem patens : et super hac turri erecta est alia, iterumque super hac alia, ad octo turres numero. (3) Hæ turres conscenduntur extrinsecus, via circum omnes sursum ducente : in medio vero ascensu diversorium est, et sellæ in quibus residentes requiescere possint qui ascendunt. (4) Extremæ turri templum superstructum est amplum : quo in templo stratus lectus magnus, juxtaque eum apposita mensa aurea. (5) Imago autem aut statua nulla inest, neque pernoctat ibi quisquam mortalium, præter unam mulierem ex indigenis, quamcunque ex omnibus selegerit deus, ut Chaldæi ajunt, qui sunt hujus dei sacerdotes. | This wall then which I have mentioned is as it were a cuirass for the town, and another wall runs round within it, not much weaker for defence than the first but enclosing a smaller space. And in each division of the city was a building in the midst, in the one the king’s palace of great extent and strongly fortified round, and in the other the temple of Zeus Belos with bronze gates, and this exists still up to my time and measures two furlongs each way, being of a square shape: and in the midst of the temple is built a solid tower measuring a furlong both in length and in breadth, and on this tower another tower has been erected, and another again upon this, and so on up to the number of eight towers. An ascent to these has been built running outside round about all the towers; and when one reaches about the middle of the ascent one finds a stopping-place and seats to rest upon, on which those who ascend sit down and rest: and on the top of the last tower there is a large cell, and in the cell a large couch is laid, well covered, and by it is placed a golden table: and there is no image there set up nor does any human being spend the night there except only one woman of the natives of the place, whomsoever the god shall choose from all the woman, as say the Chaldeans who are the priests of this god. |
| 1.182 | Narrant autem iidem, quod mihi quidem non persuadent, ventitare ipsum deum in istud templum, et in lecto illo quiescere, sicut Thebis Ægyptiis fit eodem modo, ut Ægyptii narrant ; nam et ibi in Jovis Thebani templo decumbit mulier : utramque autem harum cum nullo viro ajunt habere consuetudinem : (2) similiterque Pataris in Lycia fatidica dei sacerdos, suo quidem tempore ; nec enim constanter ibi est oraculum : quod si est, tunc qualibet nocte cum deo illa in templo includitur. | These same men say also, but I do not believe them, that the god himself comes often to the cell and rests upon the couch, as happens likewise in the Egyptian Thebes according to the report of the Egyptians, for there also a woman sleeps in the temple of the Theban Zeus (and both these women are said to abstain from commerce with men), and as happens also with the prophetess of the god in Patara of Lykia, whenever there is one, for there is not always an Oracle there, but whenever there is one, then she is shut up during the nights in the temple within the cell. |
| 1.183 | Est autem in Babylonico templo alia etiam ædes inferne : ubi magnum est simulacrum Jovis sedentis, aureum, cui mensa magna apposita aurea, et scabellum et sella ex auro : omnia hæc, ut narraverunt Chaldæi, ex octingentis auri talentis confecta. (2) Extra templum vero altare est aureum. Estque præterea alia ara ingens, ubi justæ ætatis mactantur victimæ; nam ad auream illam aram non nisi lactentes mactare pecudes fas est. (3) In majore ara vero adolent etiam singulis annis Chaldæi mille thuris talenta, quo tempore festos dies huic deo agunt. (4) Erat autem illa adhuc ætate in eodem templo statua solida ex auro, duodecim cubitorum : quam ego quidem non vidi, refero autem quæ a Chaldæis narrantur. (5) Huic statuæ insidiatus Darius, Hystaspis filius, non tamen ausus est eam auferre : Xerxes vero Darii filius abstulit, occiso sacerdote, qui, ut statum loco moveret, conatus erat prohibere. Atque ita quidem exornatum illud templum erat : exstant vero in eodem complura etiam privata donaria. | There is moreover in the temple at Babylon another cell below, wherein is a great image of Zeus sitting, made of gold, and by it is placed a large table of gold, and his footstool and seat are of gold also; and, as the Chaldeans reported, the weight of the gold of which these things are made is eight hundred talents. Outside this cell is an altar of gold; and there is also another altar of great size, where full-grown animals are sacrificed, whereas on the golden altar it is not lawful to sacrifice any but young sucklings only: and also on the larger altar the Chaldeans offer one thousand talents of frankincense every year at the time when they celebrate the feast in honor of this god. There was moreover in these precincts still remaining at the time of Cyrus, a statue twelve cubits high, of gold and solid. This I did not myself see, but that which is related by the Chaldeans I relate. Against this statue Dareios the son of Hystaspes formed a design, but he did not venture to take it: it was taken however by Xerxes the son of Dareios, who also killed the priest when he forbade him to meddle with the statue. This temple, then, is thus adorned with magnificence, and there are also many private votive-offerings. |
| 1.184 | Babylonis hujus quum multi alii fuerant reges, qui et urbem et templa exornarunt, quorum in Assyriarum rerum historia faciam mentionem : tum in his etiam duæ mulieres. (2) Harum illa, quæ prior regnavit, posteriorem quinque generationibus antecessit, eique nomen fuit Semiramis ; quæ aggeres per planitiem excitavit spectatu dignos, quum antea fluvius per universum campum solitus esset restagnare. | Of this Babylon, besides many other rulers, of whom I shall make mention in the Assyrian history, and who added improvement to the walls and temples, there were also two who were women. Of these, the one who ruled first, named Semiramis, who lived five generations before the other, produced banks of earth in the plain which are a sight worth seeing; and before this the river used to flood like a sea over the whole plain. |
| 1.185 | Altera, quæ post hanc regnavit, nomine Nitocris, quæ priore regina fuit intelligentior, partim monumenta reliquit, quæ commemorabo ; partim, quum Medorum imperium amplum videret nec agens quietem, quod et alia multa oppida ab illis capta essent, et in his Ninus, præmunivit se adversus illos quam maxime potuit. (2) Primum quidem Euphratum fluvium, qui Babylonem perfluit, quum antea recto cursu fluxisset, hunc illa, fossis superne ductis, ita tortuosum reddidit, ut ter in suo cursu ad quempiam Assyriæ vicum perveniat. (3) Ardericca vici nomen est, ad quem ita Euphrates accedit. Et nunc, qui ab hoc nostro mari Babylonem proficiscuntur, quum Euphrate fluvio versus illam descendunt, ter ad eundem vicum accedunt, quidem tribus deinceps diebus. (4) Hoc tale ab illa effectum est. Præterea aggerem ad utramque fluvii ripam aggessit miratu dignum, quum latitudinis causa, tum altitudinis. (5) Longe vero supra Babylonem alveum effodit recipiendo lacui, nonnihil deflectens a flumine ; et in altitudinem quidem ubique fodit usque dum aqua scaturiret, in amplitudinem vero circuitum alvei fecit quadringentorum et viginti stadiorum : terram autem e fossa egestam insumsit in aggeres juxta ripam fluvii jaciendos. (6) Tum, absoluto effodiendi labore, advectis lapidibus, totum alveum circumcirca crepidine munivit. Duo autem ista opera fecit, flumen tortuosum, et ex effosso alveo lacunam, hoc consilio, ut lentius flueret flumen, multis flexibus fracto illius impetu, utque flexuosa fieret navigatio Babylonem, et post navigationem exciperet accedentes longus circa lacunam anfractus. (7) Ab ea autem parte terræ Babyloniæ fecit hæc Nitocris, qua erat e Media introitus et iter brevissimum ; ne Medi sese ingerentes, res ipsius specularentur. | The queen who lived after her time, named Nitocris, was wiser than she who had reigned before; and in the first place she left behind her monuments which I shall tell of; then secondly, seeing that the monarchy of the Medes was great and not apt to remain still, but that besides other cities even Nineveh had been captured by it, she made provision against it in so far as she was able. First, as regards the river Euphrates which flows through the midst of their city, whereas before this it flowed straight, she by digging channels above made it so winding that it actually comes three times in its course to one of the villages in Assyria; and the name of the village to which the Euphrates comes is Ardericca; and at this day those who travel from this Sea of ours to Babylon, in their voyage down the river Euphrates arrive three times at this same village and on three separate days. This she did thus; and she also piled up a mound along each bank of the river, which is worthy to cause wonder for its size and height: and at a great distance above Babylon, she dug a basin for a lake, which she caused to extend along at a very small distance from the river, excavating it everywhere of such depth as to come to water, and making the extent such that the circuit of it measured four hundred and twenty furlongs: and the earth which was dug out of this excavation she used up by piling it in mounds along the banks of the river: and when this had been dug by her she brought stones and set them all round it as a facing wall. Both these two things she did, that is she made the river to have a winding course, and she made the place which was dug out all into a swamp, in order that the river might run more slowly, having its force broken by going round many bends, and that the voyages might be winding to Babylon, and after the voyages there might succeed a long circuit of the pool. These works she carried out in that part where the entrance to the country was, and the shortest way to it from Media, so that the Medes might not have dealings with her kingdom and learn of her affairs. |
| 1.186 | Has igitur munitiones illa e profundo sibi circumdedit : quibus tale quoddam corollarium, alteri instituto veluti medium interponens, adjecit. Quum in duas regiones divisa urbs esset, quarum medium fluvius obtinebat ; superiorum regum ætate, quoties ex una regione in alteram vellet aliquis transire, navigio erat transeundum. Quod quum, ut equidem existimo, esset molestum, (2) illa huic quoque rei providit. Ut enim alveum stagno recipiendo effodit, simul aliud hoc monumentum ejusdem operæ reliquit. Lapides cædendos curavit permagnos : qui postquam fuere parati, effosusque locus fuit quem dixi, in hunc ipsum effossum locum cursum omnem fluminis avertit ; qui locus ut implebatur, ita vetus fluminis alveus exsiccabatur. Igitur per id tempus partim fluvii labia, qua is per urbem decurrit, ac descensus qui e minoribus portis ad flumen ducunt, coctis lateribus eodem modo, quo murus structus erat, exædificavit : partim, in media fere urbe, e lapidibus, quos exscindi jusserat, pontem ædificavit, ferro et plumo lapides vinciens. (3) Eo super ponte interdiu quotidie tigna quadrata intendebantur, quibus transirent Babylonii ; noctu vero tollebantur hæc tigna, ea causa, ne per noctem ex altera urbis regione in alteram transeuntes furta exercerent. (4) Postquam fossa lacus fuerat factus aqua fluminis repletus, perfectusque pons fuerat ; tum deinde Euphrates fluvius in pristinum alveum e lacu iterum est derivatus : atque ita, quum effossus locus palus fieret, commode hoc recteque factum visum est, et civibus pons erat exstructus. | These defences she cast round her city from the depth; and she made the following addition which was dependent upon them — The city was in two divisions, and the river occupied the space between; and in the time of the former rulers, when any one wished to pass over from the one division to the other, he had to pass over in a boat, and that, as I imagine, was troublesome: she however made provision also for this; for when she was digging the basin for the lake she left this other monument of herself derived from the same work, that is, she caused stones to be cut of very great length, and when the stones were prepared for her and the place had been dug out, she turned aside the whole stream of the river into the place which she had been digging; and while this was being filled with water, the ancient bed of the river being dried up in the meantime, she both built up with baked bricks after the same fashion as the wall the edges of the river, where it flows through the city, and the places of descent leading from the small gateways to the river; and also about the middle of the city, as I judge, with the stones which she had caused to be dug out she proceeded to build a bridge, binding together the stones with iron and lead: and upon the top she laid squared timbers across, to remain there while it was daytime, over which the people of Babylon made the passage across; but at night they used to take away these timbers for this reason, namely that they might not go backwards and forwards by night and steal from one another: and when the place dug out had been made into a lake full of water by the river, and at the same time the bridge had been completed, then she conducted the Euphrates back into its ancient channel from the lake, and so the place dug out being made into a swamp was thought to have served a good purpose, and there had been a bridge set up for the men of the city. |
| 1.187 | Eadem regina dolum etiam quempiam machinata est hujusmodi. Super porta urbis celeberrima sepulcrum exstrui sibi jussit sublime, in summo ipsius portæ. Ei sepulcro inscriptionem incidi curavit in hanc sententiam : SI QUIS EORUM, QUI POST ME REGES ERUNT BABYLONIS, PECUNIA INDIGUERIT, APERIAT HOC SEPULCRUM, ET SUMAT QUANTUM VOLUERIT PECUNIÆ. AT, NISI ADMODUM INDIGUERIT, UTIQUE NON APERIAT. NEC ENIM ID ILLI PROFUERIT. (2) Hoc sepulcrum intactum stetit, donec regnum ad Darium pervenit. Dario vero indigna res esse videbatur, hac porta non uti, et pecuniam quæ ibi deposita esset, atque etiam ipsa invitaret, non auferre. Porta hac autem non utebatur eo, quod per illam transeunti cadaver capiti immineret. (3) Igitur aperuit sepulcrum : at pecuniam quidem repperit nullam, sed cadaver, et aliam inscriptionem his fere verbis conceptam : NISI INSATIABILIS ESSES ET TURPI LUCRO INHIANS, DEFUNCTORUM LOCULOS NON APERUISSES. Hæc sunt quæ de regione hac memorantur. | This same queen also contrived a snare of the following kind — Over that gate of the city through which the greatest number of people passed she set up for herself a tomb above the very gate itself. And on the tomb she engraved writing which said thus: “If any of the kings of Babylon who come after me shall be in want of wealth, let him open my tomb and take as much as he desires; but let him not open it for any other cause, if he be not in want; for that will not be well.” This tomb was undisturbed until the kingdom came to Dareios; but to Dareios it seemed that it was a monstrous thing not to make any use of this gate, and also, when there was money lying there, not to take it, considering that the money itself invited him to do so. Now the reason why he would not make any use of this gate was because the corpse would have been above his head as he drove through. He then, I say, opened the tomb and found not indeed money but the corpse, with writing which said thus: “If thou hadst not been insatiable of wealth and basely covetous, thou wouldest not have opened the resting-places of the dead.” |
| 1.188 | Ejusdem hujus reginæ filium, Assyriæ regem, cui nomen erat Labynetus, idem quod patri, bello petiit Cyrus. Proficiscitur autem in bellum rex magnus, bene instructus domo farinaceis cibariis et pecudibus : atque etiam aquam e Choaspe fluvio secum vehit, qui Susa præterfluit, e quo solo rex bibit neque ex ullo alio fluvio. (2) Hoc e Choaspe aquam decoctam vehentes in vasis argenteis quam plurimi currus quattuor rotarum mulis juncti constanter eum sequuntur quocunque proficiscitur. | This queen then is reported to have been such as I have described: and it was the son of this woman, bearing the same name as his father, Labynetos, and being ruler over the Assyrians, against whom Cyrus was marching. Now the great king makes his marches not only well furnished from home with provisions for his table and with cattle, but also taking with him water from the river Choaspes, which flows by Susa, of which alone and of no other river the king drinks: and of this water of the Choaspes boiled, a very great number of waggons, four-wheeled and drawn by mules, carry a supply in silver vessels, and go with him wherever he may march at any time. |
| 1.189 | Cyrus igitur adversus Babylonem proficiscens ubi ad Gynden amnem pervenit ; qui fontes in Matianis montibus habens, postquam per Dardanenses perfluit, in alium fluvium Tigrin sese exonerat, qui Opin oppidum præterfluens in Erythræum mare infunditur ; hunc Gynden fluvium, qui navibus poterat trajici, quum transire Cyrus conaretur ; ibi tunc unus e sacris equis candidis, ferox et petulans ut erat, ingressus flumen, transire conabatur : at fluminis impetus, illum contorquens, demersum abripuit. (2) Cui fluvio vehementer ob hanc contumeliam iratus Cyrus, minatus est, ita tenuem illum se effecturum, ut posthac mulieres etiam, ne genu quidem madefacientes, possint transire. (3) Hæc minatus, omissa adversus Babylonem expeditione, exercitum bifariam divisit : eoque facto, intentis funibus designavit ab utraque Gyndæ ripa centum et octoginta fossas, quaquaversum ducendas ; distributumque exercitum has fossas fodere jussit. (4) Igitur, magna hominum multitudine opus faciente, effectum quidem est opus ; verumtamen totam æstatem in eodem hoc loco opus facientes consumsere. | Now when Cyrus on his way towards Babylon arrived at the river Gyndes — of which river the springs are in the mountains of the Matienians, and it flows through the Dardanians and runs into another river, the Tigris, which flowing by the city of Opis runs out into the Erythraian Sea — when Cyrus, I say, was endeavoring to cross this river Gyndes, which is a navigable stream, then one of his sacred white horses in high spirit and wantonness went into the river and endeavored to cross, but the stream swept it under water and carried it off forthwith. And Cyrus was greatly moved with anger against the river for having done thus insolently, and he threatened to make it so feeble that for the future even women could cross it easily without wetting the knee. So after this threat he ceased from his march against Babylon and divided his army into two parts; and having divided it he stretched lines and marked out straight channels, one hundred and eighty on each bank of the Gyndes, directed every way, and having disposed his army along them he commanded them to dig: so, as a great multitude was working, the work was completed indeed, but they spent the whole summer season at this spot working. |
| 1.190 | Postquam Gyndæ fluvio hanc pœnam inflixit Cyrus, ut in trecentos sexaginta canales essent diductus, altero demum appetente vere adversus Babylonem exercitum duxit. (2) Et Babylonii, copiis extra urbem eductis, eum exspectarunt. Ubi propius urbem accessit, prœlio cum eo conflixerunt Babylonii, quo prœlio superati, in urbem sunt compulsi. Jam pridem vero, bene gnari non quieturum Cyrum, quum vidissent eum cunctos pariter populos aggredi, permultorum annorum commeatum in urbem comportaverant. (3) Quare hi quidem non admodum graviter ferebant obsiditionem : at Cyrus magnis difficultatibus premebatur, quandoquidem multo jam tempore circumacto nihil admodum promotæ res ejus erant. | When Cyrus had taken vengeance on the river Gyndes by dividing it into three hundred and sixty channels, and when the next spring was just beginning, then at length he continued his advance upon Babylon: and the men of Babylon had marched forth out of their city and were awaiting him. So when in his advance he came near to the city, the Babylonians joined battle with him, and having been worsted in the fight they were shut up close within their city. But knowing well even before this that Cyrus was not apt to remain still, and seeing him lay hands on every nation equally, they had brought in provisions beforehand for very many years. So while these made no account of the siege, Cyrus was in straits what to do, for much time went by and his affairs made no progress onwards. |
| 1.191 | Igitur, sive quis alius ei dubitanti consilium subgessit, sive ipse quid faciendum esset intellexit, hoc facere instituit. Universo exercitu circa flumen disposito, ab ea maxime parte qua urbem influit, partim vero etiam a tergo ubi ex urbe egreditur, prædixit mulitibus, ut, quum viderint vado transiri flumen posse, tunc ea via urbem ingrediantur. (2) Hoc dato mandato, ipse cum inutili copiarum parte abiit, et ad lacunam contendit. Quo ut pervenit, quod Babyloniorum regina circa flumen et circa paludem feceret, idem nunc ipse Cyrus fecit. (3) Fluvio per fossam in eum locum, qui nunc palus erat, derivato, pristinum alveum vado pervium reddidit, subsidente aqua. Quo facto Persæ, qui ad hoc ipsum ibi dispositi erant, per alveum Euphratis fluvii, cujus aqua in tantum retrogressa erat, ut vix medium femur hominis attingeret, per hunc alveum Babylonem sunt ingressi. (4) Quodsi igitur aut ante cognovissent aut animadvertissent Babylonii quæ Cyrus instituebat, sane non passi essent Persas urbem intrare, sed misere perdidissent. Quippe si portulas omnes, quæ ad flumen pertinent, clausissent, ipsique macerias conscendissent secundum utramque fluminis ripam ductas, veluti in nassa capturi illos fuerant. (5) Nunc ex inopinato astiterunt eis Persæ. Propter amplitudinem vero urbis, ut ajunt ejus incolæ, postquam captæ jam erant extremæ urbis partes, qui mediam Babylonem incolebant, non animadverterunt captos se esse ; sed quum festus forte tunc ageretur dies, saltabant per id tempus et voluptatibus indulgebant, donec tandem verum resciverunt. Atque ita quidem tunc primum capta est Babylon. | Therefore, whether it was some other man who suggested it to him when he was in a strait what to do, or whether he of himself perceived what he ought to do, he did as follows — The main body of his army he posted at the place where the river runs into the city, and then again behind the city he set others, where the river issues forth from the city; and he proclaimed to his army that so soon as they should see that the stream had become passable, they should enter by this way into the city. Having thus set them in their places and in this manner exhorted them he marched away himself with that part of his army which was not fit for fighting: and when he came to the lake, Cyrus also did the same things which the queen of the Babylonians had done as regards the river and the lake; that is to say, he conducted the river by a channel into the lake, which was at that time a swamp, and so made the former course of the river passable by the sinking of the stream. When this had been done in such a manner, the Persians who had been posted for this very purpose entered by the bed of the river Euphrates into Babylon, the stream having sunk so far that it reached about to the middle of a man’s thigh. Now if the Babylonians had had knowledge of it beforehand or had perceived that which was being done by Cyrus, they would have allowed the Persians to enter the city and then destroyed them miserably; for if they had closed all the gates that led to the river and mounted themselves upon the ramparts which were carried along the banks of the stream, they would have caught them as it were in a fish-wheal: but as it was, the Persians came upon them unexpectedly; and owing to the size of the city (so it is said by those who dwell there) after those about the extremities of the city had suffered capture, those Babylonians who dwelt in the middle did not know that they had been captured; but as they chanced to be holding a festival, they went on dancing and rejoicing during this time until they learnt the truth only too well. Babylon then had thus been taken for the first time. |
| 1.192 | Opes autem quantæ sint Babyloniorum, quum aliis documentis declarabo, tum hoc. Magno regi, præter tributa quæ ei penduntur, universa terra cui imperat, ad alendum ipsum et exercitum ejus, in certas partes est distributa. (2) Jam quum in anno duodecim sint menses, per quattuor menses alit eum Babylonia terra ; per octo reliquos menses, tota reliqua Asia. Ita Assyria hæc terra tertiam partem possidet opum totius Asiæ: (3) et præfectura hujus regionis (Satrapias Persæ vocant) omnium præfecturarum longe est præstantissima ; quandoquidem Tritantæchmæ, Artabazi filio, cui hic districtus a rege commissus erat, quotidie redibat artaba pecunia repleta : est autem artaba mensura Persica, capiens medimnum Atticum cum tribus chœnicibus Atticis. Equos autem ibidem rex suum in usum alebat, exceptis his qui ad bellum usum erant destinati, admissarios quidem octingentos, equas autem, quibus illi admittebantur, decies sexies mille ; nam singuli mares vicenis feminis admittebantur. (4) Canum autem Indicorum tanta alebatur multitudo, ut quattuor essent ampli vici in planitie siti, aliorum tributorum immunes, quibus hoc injunctum erat, ut canes illos alerent. Has opes possidebat is, qui Babyloni imperabat. | And as to the resources of the Babylonians, how great they are, I shall show by many other proofs and among them also by this — For the support of the great king and his army, apart from the regular tribute the whole land of which he is ruler has been distributed into portions. Now whereas twelve months go to make up the year, for four of these he has his support from the territory of Babylon, and for the remaining eight months from the whole of the rest of Asia; thus the Assyrian land is in regard to resources the third part of all Asia: and the government, or satrapy as it is called by the Persians, of this territory is of all the governments by far the best; seeing that when Tritantaichmes son of Artabazos had this province from the king, there came in to him every day an artab full of silver coin (now the artab is a Persian measure and holds more than the medimnos of Attica by three Attic choinikes); and of horses he had in this province as his private property, apart from the horses for use in war, eight hundred stallions and sixteen thousand mares, for each of these stallions served twenty mares: of Indian hounds moreover such a vast number were kept that four large villages in the plain, being free from other contributions, had been appointed to provide food for the hounds. |
| 1.193 | In agro Assyriaco pluit quidem aliquantulum, et hoc est e quo radix frumenti primum capit nutrimentum ; dein vero e fluvio irrigata seges augetur, et maturescit triticum, non quod fluvius ipse, sicut in Ægypto, arva inundet, sed manibus hominum et tollenonibus hæc irrigantur. (2) Est enim tota Babylonia terra fossis discissa : quarum fossarum maxima, orienti hiberno obversa, navibus trajicitur ; influit autem ex Euphrate in alium fluvium, Tigrin, ad quem Ninus urbs ædificata erat. (3) Est autem hæc regio omnium, quas quidem novimus, longe fertilissima ferendo cereali frumento. Nam alias fruges ex arboribus ne conatur quidem proferre, nec ficum, nec vitem progignens, nec oleam. Sed cereali frumento progignendo ita opportunum solum est, ut ducena plerumque reddat : quando vero plurimum, etiam tricena profert. (4) Folia autem tritici atque hordei quattuor admodum digitorum latitudinem habent. E milio et sesamo quantæ magnitudinis arbor existat, bene equidem cognitum habens, commemorare nolo ; satis gnarus, eos quis Babyloniam terram non adierunt, ne his quidem, quæ de aliis frumenti generibus dicta sunt, fidem ullam adhibituros. Oleo non utuntur, nisi quod e sesamo paratur. (5) Palmas vero arbores habent, per totam planitiem plantatas ; quarum pleræque frugiferæ sunt, e quibus et cibum et vinum et mel parant. Has arbores colunt ficuum more, quum aliis rebus, tum quod mascularum quas Græci vocant palmarum fructum glandiferis palmis circumligant, quo glandem maturet culex sese insinuans, nec decidat fructus palmæ. Nam culices in suo fructu generant masculæ palmæ, similiter ut apud nos caprificorum grossi. | Such was the wealth which belonged to the ruler of Babylon. Now the land of the Assyrians has but little rain; and this little gives nourishment to the root of the corn, but the crop is ripened and the ear comes on by the help of watering from the river, not as in Egypt by the coming up of the river itself over the fields, but the crop is watered by hand or with swing-buckets. For the whole Babylonian territory like the Egyptian is cut up into channels, and the largest of the channels is navigable for ships and runs in the direction of the sunrising in winter from the Euphrates to another river, namely the Tigris, along the bank of which lay the city of Nineveh. This territory is of all that we know the best by far for producing corn: as to trees, it does not even attempt to bear them, either fig or vine or olive, but for producing corn it is so good that it returns as much as two-hundred-fold for the average, and when it bears at its best it produces three-hundred-fold. The leaves of the wheat and barley there grow to be full four fingers broad; and from millet and sesame seed how large a tree grows, I know myself but shall not record, being well aware that even what has already been said relating to the crops produced has been enough to cause disbelief in those who have not visited the Babylonian land. They use no oil of olives, but only that which they make of sesame seed; and they have date-palms growing over all the plain, most of them fruit-bearing, of which they make both solid food and wine and honey; and to these they attend in the same manner as to fig-trees, and in particular they take the fruit of those palms which the Hellenes call male-palms, and tie them upon the date-bearing palms, so that their gall-fly may enter into the date and ripen it and that the fruit of the palm may not fall off: for the male-palm produces gall-flies in its fruit just as the wild-fig does. |
| 1.194 | Quod vero eorum quæ sunt in illa regione post ipsam quidem urbem, maxime mihi mirabile visum est, exponere aggredior. Navigia, quibus utuntur qui secundo flumine Babylonem proficiscuntur, rotunda sunt, et e corio confecta cuncta. (2) Scilicet in Armeniis, qui supra Assyrios incolunt, e sectis salicibus costas conficiunt : his, fundi loco, pelles extrinsecus tectorias prætendunt, nec puppim distinguentes, nec proram in angustius contrahentes, sed clypei instar rotunda facientes navigia. Tale navigium, mercibus impositis, totum stramine complent, et flumini permittunt deferendum : maxime vero dolia palmeo vino onusta devehunt. (3) Regitur autem navis duobus remis, a duobus viris, quorum alter introrsus trahit remum, alter extrorsus pellit, uterque stans rectus. Conficiuntur autem hujusmodi navigia etiam admodum magna, itemque minora : et maxima quidem onus ferunt quinque milium talentorum. (4) In quoque navigio asinus inest vivus, in majoribus plures. Postquam igitur navi Babylonem pervenerunt, mercesque distraxerunt, tum et costas navigii et stramentum venumdant ; pelles vero asinis imponunt, hosque retro agunt in Armeniam. (5) Nam adverso flumine navigari nullo pacto potest, propter fluminis impetum : quam ob causam etiam non e ligno, sed e pellibus, conficiunt navigia. (6) Postquam asinos agitando in Armeniam redierunt, alia navigia eodem modo conficiunt. Talis igitur illis est navigiorum ratio. | But the greatest marvel of all the things in the land after the city itself, to my mind is this which I am about to tell: Their boats, those I mean which go down the river to Babylon, are round and all of leather: for they make ribs for them of willow which they cut in the land of the Armenians who dwell above the Assyrians, and round these they stretch hides which serve as a covering outside by way of hull, not making broad the stern nor gathering in the prow to a point, but making the boats round like a shield: and after that they stow the whole boat with straw and suffer it to be carried down the stream full of cargo; and for the most part these boats bring down casks of palm-wood filled with wine. The boat is kept straight by two steering-oars and two men standing upright, and the man inside pulls his oar while the man outside pushes. These vessels are made both of very large size and also smaller, the largest of them having a burden of as much as five thousand talents’ weight; and in each one there is a live ass, and in those of larger size several. So when they have arrived at Babylon in their voyage and have disposed of their cargo, they sell by auction the ribs of the boat and all the straw, but they pack the hides upon their asses and drive them off to Armenia: for up the stream of the river it is not possible by any means to sail, owing to the swiftness of the current; and for this reason they make their boats not of timber but of hides. Then when they have come back to the land of the Armenians, driving their asses with them, they make other boats in the same manner. |
| 1.195 | Vestimento autem utuntur hujusmodi : tunica ad pedes promissa linea, cui aliam superinduunt tunicam laneam, tum candidam pænulam superne circumjiciunt. Calceamenta gestant sui moris, Bœotiis soccis fere similia. Comam alunt ; mitris caput redimiunt : toto corpore unguntur. (2) Annulum signatorium unusquisque gestat, et baculum arte factum : in quoque baculo superne vel malum est fabrefactum, vel rosa, vel lilium, vel aquila, aut aliud quidpiam : nec enim illis mos est baculum absque insigni gestare. Talis igitur illis est corporis cultus. | Such are their boats; and the following is the manner of dress which they use, namely a linen tunic reaching to the feet, and over this they put on another of wool, and then a white mantle thrown round, while they have shoes of a native fashion rather like the Boeotian slippers. They wear their hair long and bind their heads round with fillets, and they are anointed over the whole of their body with perfumes. Each man has a seal and a staff carved by hand, and on each staff is carved either an apple or a rose or a lily or an eagle or some other device, for it is not their custom to have a staff without a device upon it. |
| 1.196 | Institutis vero utuntur hujusmodi. Uno quidem hoc, ut mea fert sententia, prudentissimo ; quo etiam Venetos uti, Illyricum populum, fando accepi. In singulis vicis, semel quotannis, hæc faciebant. (2) Virgines, quotquot viro maturæ essent, congregatas simul omnes, in unum locum deducebant : ibi eas virorum circulus circumstabat. Tunc præco singulas deinceps, quamque sigillatim, in medio statuens venum exponebat ; incipiens ab ea quæ omnium pulcherrima esset : deinde, hac magno auri pretio venum data, aliam proclamabat, quæ huic venustate formæ proxima erat. Vendebantur autem hac conditione, ut matrimonio jungerentur. (3) Igitur e Babyloniis nuptiarum cupidis quicunque erant locupletes, hi licitando quisque alterum superantes emebant sibi formosissimas : qui vero de plebe erant, hi formæ speciem nihil curantes, pecuniam accipiebant et virgines deformiores. (4) Nam præco, postquam speciosissimarum virginum peregerat venditionem, tum vero deformissimam excitabat, aut si qua illarum manca esset, et hanc proclamabat quis vellet, accepto minimo auri pondere, in matrimonium ducere ; et, qui minimo se contentum fore declarasset, ei hæc tradebatur. Aurum autem conficiebatur a formosioribus virginibus : atque ita formosiores elocabant deformes et mancas. (5) Nemini autem licitum erat, filiam suam cui ipse vellet in matrimonium dare : neque emptori absque fidejussore domum ducere virginem licebat ; sed dato præde spondere quisque tenebatur, in matrimonium se eam utique accepturum, et sic demum abducere secum licebat : si sibi mutuo non convenissent, lege cautum erat ut pecuniam acceptam sponsus repræsentaret. Licitum vero etiam erat homini, qui ex alio vico affuisset, aliquam e virginibus, si quam vellet, sibi emere. (6) Hoc igitur pulcherrimum institutum apud eos olim valebat. At nunc quidem non amplius est in usu : sed recens aliud quiddam invenerunt, ne injuria afficerentur filiæ aut in aliam civitatem abducerentur : ubi capta urbe malis premi cœperunt, resque eorum perditæ sunt, quilibet homo de plebe, inopia victus laborans, filias suas ad quæstum corpore faciendum adigit. | Such is the equipment of their bodies: and the customs which are established among them are as follows, the wisest in our opinion being this, which I am informed that the Enetoi in Illyria also have. In every village once in each year it was done as follows — When the maidens grew to the age for marriage, they gathered these all together and brought them in a body to one place, and round them stood a company of men: and the crier caused each one severally to stand up, and proceeded to sell them, first the most comely of all, and afterwards, when she had been sold and had fetched a large sum of money, he would put up another who was the most comely after her: and they were sold for marriage. Now all the wealthy men of the Babylonians who were ready to marry vied with one another in bidding for the most beautiful maidens; those however of the common sort who were ready to marry did not require a fine form, but they would accept money together with less comely maidens. For when the crier had made an end of selling the most comely of the maidens, then he would cause to stand up that one who was least shapely, or any one of them who might be crippled in any way, and he would make proclamation of her, asking who was willing for least gold to have her in marriage, until she was assigned to him who was willing to accept least: and the gold would be got from the sale of the comely maidens, and so those of beautiful form provided dowries for those which were unshapely or crippled; but to give in marriage one’s own daughter to whomsoever each man would, was not allowed, nor to carry off the maiden after buying her without a surety; for it was necessary for the man to provide sureties that he would marry her, before he took her away; and if they did not agree well together, the law was laid down that he should pay back the money. It was allowed also for any one who wished it to come from another village and buy. This then was their most honorable custom; it does not however still exist at the present time, but they have found out of late another way, in order that the men may not ill-treat them or take them to another city: for since the time when being conquered they were oppressed and ruined, each one of the common people when he is in want of livelihood prostitutes his female children. |
| 1.197 | Alio, post istud, prudenti instituto utuntur hocce. Ægrotos in forum publicum exportant ; medicis enim non utuntur : ibi accedunt ad ægrotum, eique de curando morbo consulunt, si quis vel eodem morbo, quo ille, olim laboravit, aut alium vidit laborantem. Adeuntes igitur consulunt huic ea suadentque, quibus quisque remediis adhibitis vel ipse morbum evaserat, vel alium vidit evasisse. Silentio vero præterire ægrotum nemini licet, quin eum interrogaverit quonam morbo laboret. | Next in wisdom to that, is this other custom which was established among them — they bear out the sick into the market-place; for of physicians they make no use. So people come up to the sick man and give advice about his disease, if any one himself has ever suffered anything like that which the sick man has, or saw any other who had suffered it; and coming near they advise and recommend those means by which they themselves got rid of a like disease or seen some other get rid of it: and to pass by the sick man in silence is not permitted to them, nor until one has asked what disease he has. |
| 1.198 | Mortuos melle condunt. Luctus funebres, Ægyptiis similes. Quoties cum uxore sua concubuit vir Babylonius, incenso turi assidet, et ex alia parte idem facit mulier : tum, ubi illucescit, lavantur ambo ; nullum enim vas tangunt priusquam se abluerint. Idem institutum Arabes sequuntur. | They bury their dead in honey, and their modes of lamentation are similar to those used in Egypt. And whenever a Babylonian man has intercourse with his wife, he sits by incense offered, and his wife does the same on the other side, and when it is morning they wash themselves, both of them, for they will touch no vessel until they have washed themselves: and the Arabians do likewise in this matter. |
| 1.199 | Est autem institutorum, quibus Babylonii utuntur, turpissimum hocce. Quamlibet indigenam mulierem oportet, in Veneris templo sedentem, semel in vita cum peregrino viro consuetudinem habere. (2) Multæ igitur, dedignantes ceteris se immiscere mulieribus, quippe divitiis superbientes, plaustris vectæ in camaris stant ad templum, et ingens illas famularum numerus sequitur. (3) Pleræque autem hoc modo faciunt. In septo Veneri consecrato sedent corona funiculo modo torta caput redimitæ mulieres numero multæ; aliæ enim adveniunt, aliæ abeunt. Sunt autem per medias mulieres transitus viarum ad lineam quaquaversum directi, quibus transeuntes viri seligunt quas volunt. (4) Ibi postquam consedit mulier, non prius domum abit, quam peregrinorum quispiam, pecunia in sinum conjecta, cum ea extra fanum concubuit. (5) Qui pecuniam ei projicit, is compellare eam his verbis debet : « Mylitta deam, ut tibi assit, precor. » Mylitta autem Venerem vocant Assyrii. Pecunia vero quantulacunque fuerit, mulier eam non rejecerit : nam nefas hoc ei est ; fit enim sacra pecunia. (6) Sequitur igitur eum qui primus pecuniam projecit, nec enim ullum repudiat. Postquam vero cum illo rem habuit et religioni deæ satisfecit, domum abit : ab eoque tempore, quantumcunque sit quod ei offeras, non poteris rem cum ea habere. (7) Quæ igitur speciosa sunt forma præditæ et statura, eæ cito redeunt : quæ vero deformes, multum manent temporis, priusquam legi possint satisfacere ; manent enim nonnullæ ad tres et quattuor annos. Obtinet autem alicubi etiam in Cypro simile institutum. | Now the most shameful of the customs of the Babylonians is as follows: every woman of the country must sit down in the precincts of Aphrodite once in her life and have commerce with a man who is a stranger: and many women who do not deign to mingle with the rest, because they are made arrogant by wealth, drive to the temple with pairs of horses in covered carriages, and so take their place, and a large number of attendants follow after them; but the greater number do thus — in the sacred enclosure of Aphrodite sit great numbers of women with a wreath of cord about their heads; some come and others go; and there are passages in straight lines going between the women in every direction, through which the strangers pass by and make their choice. Here when a woman takes her seat she does not depart again to her house until one of the strangers has thrown a silver coin into her lap and has had commerce with her outside the temple, and after throwing it he must say these words only: “I demand thee in the name of the goddess Mylitta”: now Mylitta is the name given by the Assyrians to Aphrodite: and the silver coin may be of any value; whatever it is she will not refuse it, for that is not lawful for her, seeing that this coin is made sacred by the act: and she follows the man who has first thrown and does not reject any: and after that she departs to her house, having acquitted herself of her duty to the goddess, nor will you be able thenceforth to give any gift so great as to win her. So then as many as have attained to beauty and stature are speedily released, but those of them who are unshapely remain there much time, not being able to fulfil the law; for some of them remain even as much as three or four years: and in some parts of Cyprus too there is a custom similar to this. |
| 1.200 | Sed de institutis Babyloniorum hæc hactenus. Sunt autem inter illos tres familiæ sive tribus, quæ nulla re alia nisi piscibus vescuntur. Hos illi postquam ceperunt, siccant ad solem, deinde tali modo parant : in mortarium conjectos, et pistillis contusos, per sindonem tanquam cribro incernunt. Tum, qui his vesci cupit, vel tanquam mazam subigit, vel coquit vel panem. | These customs then are established among the Babylonians: and there are of them three tribes which eat nothing but fish only: and when they have caught them and dried them in the sun they do thus — they throw them into brine, and then pound them with pestles and strain them through muslin; and they have them for food either kneaded into a soft cake, or baked like bread, according to their liking. |
| 1.201 | Jam Cyrum, hoc etiam subacto populo, incessit cupido Massagetas sub potestatem suam redigendi. Populus hic et magnus dicitur esse et validus, habitans versus orientem solem trans Araxen fluvium, ex adverso Issedonum. Aiuntque etiam nonnulli, esse Scythicum hunc populum. | When this nation also had been subdued by Cyrus, he had a desire to bring the Massagetai into subjection to himself. This nation is reputed to be both great and warlike, and to dwell towards the East and the sunrising, beyond the river Araxes and over against the Issedonians: and some also say that this nation is of Scythian race. |
| 1.202 | Araxes autem ab aliis major, ab aliis minor esse perhibetur Istro : esse autem in illo ajunt insulas frequentes, Lesbi fere magnitudine. In his habitare homines, qui æstate radicibus vescantur cujusque generis, quas e terra effodiant ; fruges autem arborum, quas reperiunt, in cibum seponant maturas, eisque vescantur per hiemem. (2) Repertas autem ab his etiam esse alias arbores, hujusmodi fructus ferentes, quos catervatim congressi, accensoque igni circumsedentes, in ignem conjiciant, tum olfacientes fructum in igne ardentem, odore inebrientur, perinde atque Græci vino : majore vero copia injecto fructu, magis inebriari ; denique ad saltandum surgere, et ad canendum progredi. (3) Talem his esse vitæ rationem narrant. Fluit autem Araxes e Matianis, indidem atque Gyndes ille quem in trecentos sexaginta fossas Cyrus diduxit. Erumpit autem e quadraginta orificiis, quæ omnia, uno excepto, in paludes et lacunas exeunt, quibus in paludibus habitare ajunt homines crudis piscibus vescentes, et pro vestimento pellibus utentes phocarum. (4) Unus ille, quem dixi, alveorum Araxis nullo obstante impedimento in Caspium mare influit. Exsistit autem Caspium mare seorsum per se, et cum reliquo mari non miscetur. Nam et totum quod Græci navigant mare, et quod est extra columnas, quod Atlanticum vocatur, et Erythræum, hæc omnia unum sunt mare et continuum. | Now the Araxes is said by some to be larger and by others to be smaller than the Ister: and they say that there are many islands in it about equal in size to Lesbos, and in them people dwelling who feed in the summer upon roots of all kinds which they dig up and certain fruits from trees, which have been discovered by them for food, they store up, it is said, in the season when they are ripe and feed upon them in the winter. Moreover it is said that other trees have been discovered by them which yield fruit of such a kind that when they have assembled together in companies in the same place and lighted a fire, they sit round in a circle and throw some of it into the fire, and they smell the fruit which is thrown on, as it burns, and are intoxicated by the scent as the Hellenes are with wine, and when more of the fruit is thrown on they become more intoxicated, until at last they rise up to dance and begin to sing. This is said to be their manner of living: and as to the river Araxes, it flows from the land of the Matienians, whence flows the Gyndes which Cyrus divided into the three hundred and sixty channels, and it discharges itself by forty branches, of which all except one end in swamps and shallow pools; and among them they say that men dwell who feed on fish eaten raw, and who are wont to use as clothing the skins of seals: but the one remaining branch of the Araxes flows with unimpeded course into the Caspian Sea. Now the Caspian Sea is apart by itself, not having connection with the other Sea: for all that Sea which the Hellenes navigate, and the Sea beyond the Pillars, which is called Atlantis, and the Erythraian Sea are in fact all one and continuous. |
| 1.203 | Caspium vero aliud est, ab illo disjunctum, longitudinem habens navigationis dierum quindecim, navi remis agitata ; latitudinem, ubi latissime patet, octo dierum. Et ei quidem parti hujus maris quæ ad occidentem spectat, Caucasus mons prætenditur, montium omnium et amplissimus et altissimus. (2) Populos autem multos et multiplicis generis in se comprehendit Caucasus ; quorum plerique fructibus silvestrium arborum arbustorumque vitam sustentant. In his ajunt esse arbores, folia hujusmodi ferentes, quibus contritits, admixta aqua, varias in vestimentis figuras pingant ; easque figuras non elui, sed cum reliqua lana senescere, ac si initio intextæ fuissent. Concubitum autem horum hominum in propatulo fieri ajunt, veluti pecudum. | But the Caspian is a different one, separate from the latter; in length it is a voyage of fifteen days if one uses oars, and in breadth, where it is broadest, a voyage of eight days. On the side towards the West of this Sea the Caucasus runs along by it, which is of all mountain-ranges both the greatest in extent and the loftiest: and the Caucasus has many various races of men dwelling in it, living for the most part on the wild produce of the forests; and among them there are said to be trees which produce leaves of such a kind that by pounding them and mixing water with them they paint figures upon their garments, and the figures do not wash out, but grow old with the woollen stuff as if they had been woven into it at the first: and men say that the sexual intercourse of these people is open like that of cattle. |
| 1.204 | Occidentalem igitur plagam hujus maris, quod Caspium vocatur, Caucasus mons includit : versus auroram vero et orientem solem excipit planities, immensæ amplitudinis prospectu : cujus amplæ planitiei haud minimam partem tenebant hi Massagetæ, quos Cyrus bello aggredi studiose parabat. (2) Fuerunt autem multæ res magnæque, quæ ad hoc bellum illum excitaverant atque stimulaverant. Primum quidem, ipsius ortus, quo fiebat ut aliquid amplius quam hominem se esse existimaret : tum vero felicitas, qua in bellis usus erat ; nam quocunque arma sua Cyrus direxisset, nullo pacto fieri poterat ut ea gens vim illius effugeret. | On the West then of this Sea which is called Caspian the Caucasus is the boundary, while towards the East and the rising sun a plain succeeds which is of limitless extent to the view. Of this great plain then the Massagetai occupy a large part, against whom Cyrus had become eager to march; for there were many strong reasons which incited him to it and urged him onwards — first the manner of his birth, that is to say the opinion held of him that he was more than a mere mortal man, and next the success which he had met with in his wars, for whithersoever Cyrus directed his march, it was impossible for that nation to escape. |
| 1.205 | Erat ea tempestate Massagetarum regnum penes feminam, quam mortuus rex viduam reliquerat : Tomyris reginæ nomen fuit. Hanc Cyrus, missis legatis, voluit sibi, ut aiebat, despondere, cupiens in matrimonio habere. At Tomyris intelligens, non se, sed regnum ambiri Massagetarum, aditu illi interdixit. (2) Post hæc Cyrus, ut dolo res ei non successit, exercitu ad Araxen ducto, aperto bello Massagetas adortus est, fluvium pontibus jungens, quibus traduceret copias, et turres in navigiis ædificans, quibus pars copiarum transveheretur. | Now the ruler of the Massagetai was a woman, who was queen after the death of her husband, and her name was Tomyris. To her Cyrus sent and wooed her, pretending that he desired to have her for his wife: but Tomyris understanding that he was wooing not herself but rather the kingdom of the Massagetai, rejected his approaches: and Cyrus after this, as he made no progress by craft, marched to the Araxes, and proceeded to make an expedition openly against the Massagetai, forming bridges of boats over the river for his army to cross, and building towers upon the vessels which gave them passage across the river. |
| 1.206 | Qui dum his rebus occupatur, mittit ad eum Tomyris caduceatorem, qui reginæ verbis hæc Cyro diceret : « O rex Medorum, desine urgere quæ tu urges : nec enim nosti an tuo commodo sit futurum ut hæc perficiantur. His vero omissis, regna in tuis, et patere ut nos videas regnare apud hos quibus imperamus. (2) Noles autem meis monitis uti ; immo quidlibet potius, quam quietem agere, voles. Quodsi ergo vehementer cupis pugnæ discrimen cum Massagetis experiri ; age, omisso labore quem jungendo flumini impendis, ingredere nostram terram : nos interim trium dierum itinere a fluvio recedemus. Sin malueris nos in vestram recipere, tu similiter fac. » (3) His auditis Cyrus, convocatis Persarum primatibus, rem in medium proposuit, una cum eis deliberaturus quidnam facere debeat. (4) Quorum cunctorum sententiæ in hoc consentiebant, ut illum juberent Tomyrin ejusque exercitum in suam regionem recipere. | While he was busied about this labor, Tomyris sent a herald and said thus: “O king of the Medes, cease to press forward the work which thou art now pressing forward; for thou canst not tell whether these things will be in the end for thy advantage or no; cease to do so, I say, and be king over thine own people, and endure to see us ruling those whom we rule. Since however I know that thou wilt not be willing to receive this counsel, but dost choose anything rather than to be at rest, therefore if thou art greatly anxious to make trial of the Massagetai in fight, come now, leave that labor which thou hast in yoking together the banks of the river, and cross over into our land, when we have first withdrawn three days’ journey from the river: or if thou desirest rather to receive us into your land, do thou this same thing thyself.” Having heard this Cyrus called together the first men among the Persians, and having gathered these together he laid the matter before them for discussion, asking their advice as to which of the two things he should do: and their opinions all agreed in one, bidding him receive Tomyris and her army into his country. |
| 1.207 | At consilio quum interesset Crœsus Lydus, hanc ille sententiam improbans, contrariam proposuit, his usus verbis : « O rex, jam alias tibi professus sum, quoniam me Juppiter tibi in manus tradidit, si quem videro casum domui tuæ impendere, pro viribus me illum aversurum. Quæ mihi acciderant tristia, documenta mihi fuere. (2) Quodsi immortalis existimas esse, et exercitui imperare immortali, nil opus fuerit me meam tibi sententiam declarare : sin te et hominem esse intelligis, et hominibus imperare ; illud primum cogita, orbem quemdam esse rerum humanarum, qui dum convertitur, non sinit eosdem semper esse felices. (3) Jam igitur ego de re proposita contra, quam hi, sentio. Si enim hostes voluerimus in nostram recipere terram, hoc tibi in ea re periculum inest : (4) si inferior discesseris, simul universum regnum perdes ; manifestum est enim, victores Massagetas non retro fugituros, sed in tua regna irrupturos : sin viceris, non tanta erit victoria, quanta si trajecto flumine viceris Massagetas, et fugientes insequaris ; nam hoc idem priori oppono, victorem te hostium continuo in medium regnum Tomyrios ducturum exercitum. (5) Sed, præter hæc quæ exposui, turpe est, nec ferendum, ut Cyrus Cambysis filius, feminæ cedens, pedem referat e regione quam occupavit. Nunc ergo mihi videtur, trajecto fluvio progrediendum esse quantum illi recesserint, ac deinde operam dandam ut illos superes tali inita ratione. (6) Scilicet quum Massagetæ, ut equidem audio, bonorum Persicorum sint insueti, et magnorum vitæ commodorum expertes ; hisce hominibus, cæsa parataque magna pecudum copia, ad hæc vini meri crateribus et farinaceis omnis generis cibariis largiter appositis, epulum parandum est nostris in castris ; ac deinde, relicta vilissima copiarum parte, cum reliquis versus fluvium retrogrediendum. (7) Nisi enim me fallit sententia, illi conspecto bonarum rerum apparatu, in has se conjicient, et nobis oblata erit magnorum edendorum facinorum occasio. » | But Croesus the Lydian, being present and finding fault with this opinion, declared an opinion opposite to that which had been set forth, saying as follows: “O king, I told thee in former time also, that since Zeus had given me over to thee, I would avert according to my power whatever occasion of falling I might see coming near thy house: and now my sufferings, which have been bitter, have proved to be lessons of wisdom to me. If thou dost suppose that thou art immortal and that thou dost command an army which is also immortal, it will be of no use for me to declare to thee my judgment; but if thou hast perceived that thou art a mortal man thyself and dost command others who are so likewise, then learn this first, that for the affairs of men there is a revolving wheel, and that this in its revolution suffers not the same persons always to have good fortune. I therefore now have an opinion about the matter laid before us, which is opposite to that of these men: for if we shall consent to receive the enemy into our land, there is for thee this danger in so doing — if thou shalt be worsted thou wilt lose in addition all thy realm, for it is evident that if the Massagetai are victors they will not turn back and fly, but will march upon the provinces of thy realm; and on the other hand if thou shalt be the victor, thou wilt not be victor so fully as if thou shouldest overcome the Massagetai after crossing over into their land and shouldest pursue them when they fled. For against that which I said before I will set the same again here, and say that thou, when thou hast conquered, wilt march straight against the realm of Tomyris. Moreover besides that which has been said, it is a disgrace and not to be endured that Cyrus the son of Cambyses should yield to a woman and so withdraw from her land. Now therefore it seems good to me that we should cross over and go forward from the crossing as far as they go in their retreat, and endeavor to get the better of them by doing as follows — The Massagetai, as I am informed, are without experience of Persian good things, and have never enjoyed any great luxuries. Cut up therefore cattle without stint and dress the meat and set out for these men a banquet in our camp: moreover also provide without stint bowls of unmixed wine and provisions of every kind; and having so done, leave behind the most worthless part of thy army and let the rest begin to retreat from the camp towards the river: for if I am not mistaken in my judgment, they when they see a quantity of good things will fall to the feast, and after that it remains for us to display great deeds.” |
| 1.208 | Hæ quum inter se oppositæ essent sententiæ, Cyrus, repudiata priore, Crœsi sententiam amplexus est, et Tomyri prædixit, ut retro cederet ; se enim, trajecto flumine, illi occursurum. (2) Illa igitur retro cessit, quemadmodum prius pollicita erat. Et Cyrus, postquam Crœsum in manus filii sui Cambysis, cui etiam regnum reliquit, tradiderat, multisque verbis filio mandarat, ut illum in honore haberet, beneque ei faceret, si transitus in Massagetas minus prospere cessisset ; hisce datis mandatis, illos remisit in Persidem, ipse vero cum exercitu flumen trajecit. | These were the conflicting opinions; and Cyrus, letting go the former opinion and choosing that of Croesus, gave notice to Tomyris to retire, as he was intending to cross over to her. She then proceeded to retire, as she had at first engaged to do, but Cyrus delivered Croesus into the hands of his son Cambyses, to whom he meant to give the kingdom, and gave him charge earnestly to honor him and to treat him well, if the crossing over to go against the Massagetai should not be prosperous. Having thus charged him and sent these away to the land of the Persians, he crossed over the river both himself and his army. |
| 1.209 | Trajecto Araxe, prima nocte in Massagetarum terra quiescenti Cyro visum oblatum est tale. Visus sibi est per somnum conspicere filiorum Hystaspis maximum natu, alas in humeris habentem, et harum altera Asiam obumbrantem, altera Europam. (2) Erat autem Hystaspi Arsamis filio, ex Achæmenidarum familia, filius natu maximus Darius, juvenis tunc temporis viginti maxime annorum : isque relictus erat in Perside, quippe militarem nondum habens ætatem. (3) Et somno experrectus Cyrus, de oblato viso secum cogitabat. Quod quum illi magni videretur esse momenti, Hystaspem ad se vocat, remotisque arbitris ei dicit : « Hystaspes ! filius tuus deprehensus est mihi et meo regno insidiari : id qua ratione certo cognoverim, tibi dicam. (4) Mei curam gerunt dii, mihique ante significant omnia quæ imminent. Nunc igitur proxima nocte per quietem vidi filiorum tuorum natu maximum alas in humeris habentem, earum altera Asiam obumbrantem, altera Europam. (5) Quod quum mihi oblatum sit visum, fieri prorsus nullo modo potest quin mihi illum insidiari intelligam. Quare tu ocyus retro proficiscere in Persidem, et fac, postquam rebus hic bene gestis illuc rediero, filium tuum mihi sistas, ut ejus causam cognoscam. » | And when he had passed over the Araxes, night having come on he saw a vision in his sleep in the land of the Massagetai, as follows — in his sleep it seemed to Cyrus that he saw the eldest of the sons of Hystaspes having upon his shoulders wings, and that with the one of these he overshadowed Asia and with the other Europe. Now of Hystaspes the son of Arsames, who was a man of the Achaimenid clan, the eldest son was Dareios, who was then, I suppose, a youth of about twenty years of age, and he had been left behind in the land of the Persians, for he was not yet of full age to go out to the wars. So then when Cyrus awoke he considered with himself concerning the vision: and as the vision seemed to him to be of great import, he called Hystaspes, and having taken him apart by himself he said: “Hystaspes, thy son has been found plotting against me and against my throne: and how I know this for certain I will declare to thee — The gods have a care of me and show me beforehand all the evils that threaten me. So in the night that is past while sleeping I saw the eldest of thy sons having upon his shoulders wings, and with the one of these he overshadowed Asia and with the other Europe. To judge by this vision then, it cannot be but that he is plotting against me. Do thou therefore go by the quickest way back to Persia and take care that, when I return thither after having subdued these regions, thou set thy son before me to be examined.” |
| 1.200 | Hæc Cyrus dixit, ratus sibi Darium insidias struere : at illi deus significaverat, ipsum eodem loco, ubi erat, periturum, regnumque ipsius ad Darium transiturum. (2) Hystaspes illi his verbis respondit : « O rex, ne sit is homo Persa natus, si quis tibi insidias est structurus ! Sin fuerit, pereat quam primum ! Tibine insidiari, qui Persas e servitute in libertatem vindicasti ; et, quum aliis fuissent subjecti, fecisti ut imperent omnibus ! (3) Quodsi vero visum aliquod tibi significat, filium meum res novas adversus te moliri, ego illum tibi tradam, ut de eo facias quodcunque placuerit. » Hæc postquam respondit Hystaspes, trajecto Araxe in Persas profectus est, Cyro filium suum Darium custoditurus. | Cyrus said thus supposing that Dareios was plotting against him; but in fact the divine powers were showing him beforehand that he was destined to find his end there and that his kingdom was coming about to Dareios. To this then Hystaspes replied as follows: “O king, heaven forbid that there should be any man of Persian race who would plot against thee, and if there be any, I pray that he perish as quickly as may be; seeing that thou didst make the Persians to be free instead of slaves, and to rule all nations instead of being ruled by others. And if any vision announces to thee that my son is planning rebellion against thee, I deliver him over to thee to do with him whatsoever thou wilt.” Hystaspes then, having made answer with these words and having crossed over the Araxes, was going his way to the Persian land to keep watch over his son Dareios for Cyrus. |
| 1.211 | Cyrus ab Araxe unius diei itinere progressus, fecit quod Crœsus illum monuerat. Deinde postquam ipse, inutili copiarum parte in castris relicta, cum flore exercitus Persarum, ad Araxem regressus est, accurrit castra invadens tertia pars exercitus Massagetarum. Hi eos, qui de Cyri exercitu relicti erant, repugnantes occidunt ; tum, paratum conspicati epulum, superatis adversariis, ad epulandum discumbunt ; denique cibo potuque repleti, sopore opprimuntur. (2) Inter hæc supervenientes Persæ magnum eorum numerum interficiunt, multo vero plures vivos capiunt, quum alios, tum reginæ Tomyrios filium, ducem Massagetarum, cui nomen erat Spargapises. | Cyrus meanwhile went forward and made a march of one day from the Araxes according to the suggestion of Croesus. After this when Cyrus and the best part of the army of the Persians had marched back to the Araxes, and those who were unfit for fighting had been left behind, then a third part of the army of the Massagetai came to the attack and proceeded to slay, not without resistance, those who were left behind of the army of Cyrus; and seeing the feast that was set forth, when they had overcome their enemies they lay down and feasted, and being satiated with food and wine they went to sleep. Then the Persians came upon them and slew many of them, and took alive many more even than they slew, and among these the son of the queen Tomyris, who was leading the army of the Massagetai; and his name was Spargapises. |
| 1.212 | Tum illa, cognotis quæ et exercitui et filio suo acciderant, misso ad Cyrum legato hæc ei edixit : « Inexplebilis sanguine Cyre ! ne utique efferaris re gesta, quod viteo fructu, quo repleti vos ita insanitis, ut postquam vinum in corpus descendit, scelestis vocibus exundetis, tali veneno deceptum filium meum superasti, non justo prœlio et bellica virtute vicisti. (2) Nunc ergo consilium, quod tibi bono animo profero, accipe. Redde mihi filium, et abi ex hac terra, impune ferens quod tertiam exercitus Massagetarum partem hac contumelia affecisti. Quodsi hæc non feceris, Solem juro, dominum Massagetarum, certe me te, quamvis inexplebilem, sanguine satiaturam. » | She then, when she heard that which had come to pass concerning the army and also the things concerning her son, sent a herald to Cyrus and said as follows: “Cyrus, insatiable of blood, be not elated with pride by this which has come to pass, namely because with that fruit of the vine, with which ye fill yourselves and become so mad that as the wine descends into your bodies, evil words float up upon its stream — because setting a snare, I say, with such a drug as this thou didst overcome my son, and not by valor in fight. Now therefore receive the word which I utter, giving thee good advice — Restore to me my son and depart from this land without penalty, triumphant over a third part of the army of the Massagetai: but if thou shalt not do so, I swear to thee by the Sun, who is lord of the Massagetai, that surely I will give thee thy fill of blood, insatiable as thou art.” |
| 1.213 | Horum verborum ad se relatorum nullam Cyrus habuit rationem. Reginæ autem Tomyrios filius Spargapises, postquam remissa vi vini didicit quonam in malo esset, oravit Cyrum ut vinculis solveretur, idque ei rex indulsit. At simulatque solutus erat et manuum suarum potens, se ipse interemit. Et hoc vitæ exitu ille usus est. | When these words were reported to him Cyrus made no account of them; and the son of the queen Tomyris, Spargapises, when the wine left him and he learnt in what evil case he was, entreated Cyrus that he might be loosed from his chains and gained his request, and then so soon as he was loosed and had got power over his hands he put himself to death. |
| 1.214 | Sed Tomyris, ubi ei morem non gessit Cyrus, contractis omnibus copiis, prœlio cum illo conflixit. Hoc prœlium, quotquot a barbaris hominibus prœlia commissa sunt, equidem existimo omnium fuisse acerrimum ; rem enim tali modo gestam esse accepi. (2) Primum ex aliquo spatio distantes, tela invicem conjecisse ; dein, absumptis telis, concurrisse, et hastis conflixisse gladiisque ; (3) atque diutius ita consertis manibus pugnasse, neutris fugam capessere volentibus. Ad extremum vero superiores Massagetæ discesserunt. (4) Igitur maxima pars Persici exercitus eodem in loco est interemta, et ipse Cyrus obiit, postquam annos regnaverat undetriginta. (5) Tum Tomyris, sacco sanguine repleto humano, Cyri cadaver inter cæsorum Persarum stragem jussit perquiri : ubi repperit, caput ejus in saccum demisit, (6) mortuo his verbis insultans : « Tu me vivam, tuique victricem, perdidisti, qui filium meum dolo cepisti : te vero ego, sicuti minata sum sanguine satiabo. » Quod igitur ad vitæ finem Cyri spectat, multa quidem alia diversaque narrantur, sed ista mihi maxime verisimilis visa erat narratio. | He then ended his life in this manner; but Tomyris, as Cyrus did not listen to her, gathered together all her power and joined battle with Cyrus. This battle of all the battles fought by Barbarians I judge to have been the fiercest, and I am informed that it happened thus — first, it is said, they stood apart and shot at one another, and afterwards when their arrows were all shot away, they fell upon one another and engaged in close combat with their spears and daggers; and so they continued to be in conflict with one another for a long time, and neither side would flee; but at last the Massagetai got the better in the fight: and the greater part of the Persian army was destroyed there on the spot, and Cyrus himself brought his life to an end there, after he had reigned in all thirty years wanting one. Then Tomyris filled a skin with human blood and had search made among the Persian dead for the corpse of Cyrus: and when she found it, she let his head down into the skin and doing outrage to the corpse she said at the same time this: “Though I yet live and have overcome thee in fight, nevertheless thou didst undo me by taking my son with craft: but I according to my threat will give thee thy fill of blood.” Now as regards the end of the life of Cyrus there are many tales told, but this which I have related is to my mind the most worthy of belief. |
| 1.215 | Utuntur Massagetæ et vestimento et vitæ ratione simili Scytharum. Ex equis pugnant, et pedites : nam utroque genere valent. Et arcu et hastis utuntur, bipennesque gestare consuerunt. (2) Ad omnia auro utuntur aut ære. Ad hastas, ad sagittarum cuspides, ad bipennes non nisi ære utuntur ; ad capitis ornatum, et ad cingula circum lumbos et circa axillas, auro. (3) Similiter equis circa pectus æneos circumponunt thoraces : habenarum autem ornatum et frenos et phaleras ex auro habent. Argento vero et ferro nihil utuntur ; nec enim in eorum terra metalla hæc reperiuntur, sed æris et auri immensa copia. | As to the Massagetai, they wear a dress which is similar to that of the Scythians, and they have a manner of life which is also like theirs; and there are of them horsemen and also men who do not ride on horses (for they have both fashions), and moreover there are both archers and spearmen, and their custom it is to carry battle-axes; and for everything they use either gold or bronze, for in all that has to do with spear-points or arrow-heads or battle-axes they use bronze, but for head-dresses and girdles and belts round the arm-pits they employ gold as ornament: and in like manner as regards their horses, they put breast-plates of bronze about their chests, but on their bridles and bits and cheek-pieces they employ gold. Iron however and silver they use not at all, for they have them not in their land, but gold and bronze in abundance. |
| 1.216 | Institutis utuntur hisce. Uxorem quidem ducit unusquisque ; his autem in commune utuntur. Nam, quod Græci ajunt a Scythis fieri, id non Scythæ faciunt, sed Massagetæ: nempe cujuscunque mulieris cupido incessit Massagetam, cum ea, pharetra pro plaustro suspensa, impune concumbit. (2) Terminum quidem ætatis nullum statutum habent : sed quando quis admodum ætate provectus est, convenientes propinqui mactant eum, et alias simul cum eo pecudes, coctisque carnibus laute epulantur. Et hæc eis sors felicissima habetur. Qui vero morbo obiit, eum non comedunt, sed terra condunt ; miserum reputantes quod eo non pervenerit ut immolaretur. (3) Sementem nullam faciunt ; sed pecoribus victitant, et piscibus, quos ingenti copia Araxes fluvius illis suppeditat : lacte pro potu utuntur. (4) Deorum unum Solem colunt, cui equos immolant. Lex autem et ratio hujus sacrificii hæc est : deorum pernicissimo tribuunt pernicissimum mortalium. | These are the customs which they have — Each marries a wife, but they have their wives in common; for that which the Hellenes say that the Scythians do, is not in fact done by the Scythians but by the Massagetai, that is to say, whatever woman a man of the Massagetai may desire he hangs up his quiver in front of the waggon and has commerce with her freely. They have no precise limit of age laid down for their life, but when a man becomes very old, his nearest of kin come together and slaughter him solemnly and cattle also with him; and then after that they boil the flesh and banquet upon it. This is considered by them the happiest lot; but him who has ended his life by disease they do not eat, but cover him up in the earth, counting it a misfortune that he did not attain to being slaughtered. They sow no crops but live on cattle and on fish, which last they get in abundance from the river Araxes; moreover they are drinkers of milk. Of gods they reverence the Sun alone, and to him they sacrifice horses: and the rule of the sacrifice is this — to the swiftest of the gods they assign the swiftest of all mortal things. |
Book II
Euterpe
| 2.1 | Vita functo Cyro, regnum suscepit Cambyses, Cyri filius et Cassandanæ, Pharnaspis filiæ, quæ quum antea fato esset functa, ingenti luctu eam Cyrus erat prosequutus, et aliis omnibus, quibus imperabat, luctu eam prosequi præceperat. (2) Hujus igitur mulieris et Cyri filius Cambyses, quum Ionas et Æolenses pro servis a patre acceptis haberet, adversus Ægyptum expeditionem suscepit, quum alios ad id bellum faciendum ducens, quibus imperabat, tum nimirum et Græcos qui ipsius potestati erant subjecti. | When Cyrus had brought his life to an end, Cambyses received the royal power in succession, being the son of Cyrus and of Cassandane the daughter of Pharnaspes, for whose death, which came about before his own, Cyrus had made great mourning himself and also had proclaimed to all those over whom he bore rule that they should make mourning for her: Cambyses, I say, being the son of this woman and of Cyrus, regarded the Ionians and Aiolians as slaves inherited from his father; and he proceeded to march an army against Egypt, taking with him as helpers not only the other nations of which he was the ruler, but also those of the Hellenes over whom he had power besides. |
| 2.2 | Ægypti, priusquam apud eos regnum obtinuisset Psammitichus, antiquissimos sese omnium hominum esse existimaverant. Postquam vero Psammitichus, regnum adeptus, voluit cognoscere, quinam fuerint primi et antiquissimi, ab illo tempore Phrygas sese priores arbitrantur, se autem reliquis omnibus. Psammitichus autem, quum perquisitione instituta nullum exitum hujus quæstionis, quinam essent primi hominum, potuisset reperire, tale quiddam est machinatus. (2) Duo pueros recens natos ex humilis sortis parentibus tradidit pastori, qui eos apud greges tali modo aleret : præcepit ut nemo coram illis vocem ullam ederet, sed jacerent in solitaria casa seorsim, et justis temporibus capræ ad eos adducerentur : ubi lacte expleti forent, alia omnia pastor ageret. (3) Hæc fecit præcepitque Psammitichus, cupiens cognoscere, quamnam post obscuros infantum vagitus primam vocem essent edituri. (4) Atque id etiam factum est. Nam postquam per duos continuos annos mandata exsecutus erat pastor, aperienti januam intrantique allabentes ambo pueruli becos clamabant, manusque porrigebant. (5) Quod pastor primum audiens, tacuit : sed, quum crebrius adeunti puerosque curanti idem semper verbum repeteretur, ita demum significavit hero, ejusque jussu pueros in conspectum ejus produxit. (6) Quod ubi ipse etiam Psammitichus cognovit sciscitatus est, quinam hominum rem aliquam becos vocarent : et sciscitando comperit, Phrygas eo vocabulo panem significare. Ita Ægyptii, ex eo quidem ducto argumento, Phrygibus concessere, esse illos se antiquiores. (7) Ita quidem rem actam esse, e Vulcani sacerdotibus Memphi audivi. Græci vero et alia narrant vana multa, et in his, mulierum linguas exscidisse Psammitichum, hisque mulieribus pueros illos tradidisse nutriendos. | Now the Egyptians, before the time when Psammetichos became king over them, were wont to suppose that they had come into being first of all men; but since the time when Psammetichos having become king desired to know what men had come into being first, they suppose that the Phrygians came into being before themselves, but they themselves before all other men. Now Psammetichos, when he was not able by inquiry to find out any means of knowing who had come into being first of all men, contrived a device of the following kind — Taking two new-born children belonging to persons of the common sort he gave them to a shepherd to bring up at the place where his flocks were, with a manner of bringing up such as I shall say, charging him namely that no man should utter any word in their presence, and that they should be placed by themselves in a room where none might come, and at the proper time he should bring to them she-goats, and when he had satisfied them with milk he should do for them whatever else was needed. These things Psammetichos did and gave him this charge wishing to hear what word the children would let break forth first, after they had ceased from wailings without sense. And accordingly so it came to pass; for after a space of two years had gone by, during which the shepherd went on acting so, at length, when he opened the door and entered, both the children fell before him in entreaty and uttered the word bekos, stretching forth their hands. At first when he heard this the shepherd kept silence; but since this word was often repeated, as he visited them constantly and attended to them, at last he declared the matter to his master, and at his command he brought the children before his face. Then Psammetichos having himself also heard it, began to inquire about what nation of men named anything bekos, and inquiring he found that the Phrygians had this name for bread. In this manner and guided by an indication such as this, the Egyptians were brought to allow that the Phrygians were a more ancient people than themselves. That so it came to pass I heard from the priests of that Hephaistos who dwells at Memphis; but the Hellenes relate, besides many other idle tales, that Psammetichos cut out the tongues of certain women, and then caused the children to live with these women. |
| 2.3 | De puerorum igitur illorum nutritione mihi ista narrata sunt. Sed et alia (ad Ægyptiorum antiquitatem pertinentia) Memphi audivi, cum Vulcani sacerdotibus sermones miscens. Atque earumdem rerum causa Thebas etiam et Heliopolim me contuli, scire cupiens, an illorum narrationes conveniant cum his quæ Memphi narrantur. Heliopolitæ enim dicuntur ex omnibus Ægyptiis peritissimi antiquitatis. (2) Quæ igitur audivi ad res divinas spectantia, ea non est mihi animus in publicum edere, exceptis deorum nominibus, existimans omnes (in Ægypto) homines idem de his nosse : quæcunque vero de illis rebus præterea commemoravero, eorum nonnisi a narrationis serie coactus faciam mentionem. | With regard then to the rearing of the children they related so much as I have said: and I heard also other things at Memphis when I had speech with the priests of Hephaistos. Moreover I visited both Thebes and Heliopolis for this very cause, namely because I wished to know whether the priests at these places would agree in their accounts with those at Memphis; for the men of Heliopolis are said to be the most learned in records of the Egyptians. Those of their narrations which I heard with regard to the gods I am not earnest to relate in full, but I shall name them only, because I consider that all men are equally ignorant of these matters: and whatever things of them I may record, I shall record only because I am compelled by the course of the story. |
| 2.4 | Quod ad res humanas spectat, hæc illi secum consentientes dixerunt : primos hominum omnium Ægyptios annum invenisse, duodecim partes succedentium invicem temporum per illum distribuentes. (2) Hæc autem illos ex astris invenisse ajebant. Agunt autem annum Ægyptii tanto prudentius, ut equidem arbitror, quam Græci ; quod Græci tertio quoque anno, vicissitudinis temporum causa, intercalarem mensem coguntur adjicere ; Ægyptii vero duodecim menses tricenorum dierum agentes, singulis annis quinque dies extra numerum adjiciunt, atque ita illis circumactus vicissitudinum anniversarium circulus eodem semper tempore redit. (3) Ad hæc duodecim deorum nomina Ægyptios primos ajebant instituisse, et ab illis Græcos accepisse : aras item et imagines et templa diis primos eosdem tribuisse, et figuras lapidibus insculpsisse. (4) Et horum pleraque re ipsa demonstrabant ita se habere. Regnasse autem in Ægypto, ex hominum numero, primum dixere Menem. Hoc regnante totam Ægyptum, excepto Thebano districtu, paludem fuisse ; et tunc temporis nihil ex aqua eminuisse eorum, quæ nunc sunt infra Mœridem lacum, ad quem est e mari navigatio adverso flumine septem dierum. | But as to those matters which concern men, the priests agreed with one another in saying that the Egyptians were the first of all men on earth to find out the course of the year, having divided the seasons into twelve parts to make up the whole; and this they said they found out from the stars: and they reckon to this extent more wisely than the Hellenes, as it seems to me, inasmuch as the Hellenes throw in an intercalated month every other year, to make the seasons right, whereas the Egyptians, reckoning the twelve months at thirty days each, bring in also every year five days beyond the number, and thus the circle of their seasons is completed and comes round to the same point whence it set out. They said moreover that the Egyptians were the first who brought into use appellations for the twelve gods and the Hellenes took up the use from them; and that they were the first who assigned altars and images and temples to the gods, and who engraved figures on stones; and with regard to the greater number of these things they showed me by actual facts that they had happened so. They said also that the first man who became king of Egypt was Min; and that in his time all Egypt except the district of Thebes was a swamp, and none of the regions were then above water which now lie below the lake of Moiris, to which lake it is a voyage of seven days up the river from the sea: |
| 2.5 | Et recte quidem hoc, quod ad terram spectat, dixisse mihi visi sunt. Etenim cuilibet, qui, etiam si non ante audiverit, tamen oculis suis hanc terram aspexerit, si modo non prorsus destitutus fuerit intelligentia, manifestum est, Ægyptum hanc, quam Græci navibus adeunt, acquisitam Ægyptiis terram esse, et fluminis donum ; atque etiam eorum, quæ supra hunc lacum ita sunt ad trium dierum navigationem, eandem esse rationem ; quamquam de hoc tractu nihil amplius tale illi narraverunt. (2) Est enim natura hujus regionis, quæ Ægyptus vocatur, hujusmodi. Primum quidem, navi eam petens, quando unius etiam diei cursu adhuc abfueris a terra, si bolidem demiseris, limum extrahes, et in undecim orgyiis [66 pedibus] eris : quod quidem ostendit, in tantum progredi telluris profusionem. | And I thought that they said well about the land; for it is manifest in truth even to a person who has not heard it beforehand but has only seen, at least if he have understanding, that the Egypt to which the Hellenes come in ships is a land which has been won by the Egyptians as an addition, and that it is a gift of the river: moreover the regions which lie above this lake also for a distance of three days’ sail, about which they did not go on to say anything of this kind, are nevertheless another instance of the same thing: for the nature of the land of Egypt is as follows — First when you are still approaching it in a ship and are distant a day’s run from the land, if you let down a sounding-line you will bring up mud and will find yourself in eleven fathoms. This then so far shows that there is a silting forward of the land. |
| 2.6 | Ipsius autem Ægypti longitudo secundum mare est sexaginta schœnorum, quatenus quidem nos Ægyptum definimus, ut a Plinthinete sinu pertineat usque ad Serbonidem lacum, ad quem Casius mons porrigitur : ab hoc igitur lacu sunt sexaginta illi schœni. (2) Nam qui haud multum terræ possident homines, hi eam orgyiis metiuntur ; qui paulo plus, stadiis ; qui multum possident, parasangis ; qui valde amplam regionem, hi schœnis eam metiuntur. Valet autem parasanga triginta stadia ; schœnus vero unusquisque (quæ Ægyptia est mensura) sexaginta stadia. Ita Ægypti longitudo secundum mare ter mille sexcentorum fuerit stadiorum. | Then secondly, as to Egypt itself, the extent of it along the sea is sixty schoines, according to our definition of Egypt as extending from the Gulf of Plinthine to the Serbonian lake, along which stretches Mount Casion; from this lake then the sixty schoines are reckoned: for those of men who are poor in land have their country measured by fathoms, those who are less poor by furlongs, those who have much land by parasangs, and those who have land in very great abundance by schoines: now the parasang is equal to thirty furlongs, and each schoine, which is an Egyptian measure, is equal to sixty furlongs. So there would be an extent of three thousand six hundred furlongs for the coast-land of Egypt. |
| 2.7 | Inde versus interiora, usque Heliopolin, in latitudinem patet Ægyptus, tota plana est, aquis irrigua, limosa. Est autem iter a mari Heliopolin ascendenti par fere longitudine viæ ei, quæ Athenis a duodecim deorum ara Pisam ducit ad Olympii Jovis templum. (2) Exiguum quidam interesse reperiet, si quis computaverit, quominus æqualis sit longitudo utriusque itineris ; haud amplius quam quindecim stadia : nam via Athenis Pisam eget quindecim stadiis ad explendum mille quingenta ; a mari autem Helipolin plenus hic numerus est. | From thence and as far as Heliopolis inland Egypt is broad, and the land is all flat and without springs of water and formed of mud: and the road as one goes inland from the sea to Heliopolis is about the same in length as that which leads from the altar of the twelve gods at Athens to Pisa and the temple of Olympian Zeus: reckoning up you would find the difference very small by which these roads fail of being equal in length, not more indeed than fifteen furlongs; for the road from Athens to Pisa wants fifteen furlongs of being fifteen hundred, while the road to Heliopolis from the sea reaches that number completely. |
| 2.8 | Ab Heliopoli superiora petenti angusta Ægyptus est : nam ab altera parte mons Arabiæ prætenditur, a septentrione versus meridiem et austrum excurrens, semper in altius tendens ad Erythræum quod vocatur mare ; quo in monte lapicidinæ sunt, unde Memphin ducti sunt lapides ad exstruendas pyramides. (2) Hoc loco desinens mons flectitur in eam quam dixi partem. Qua vero est maxima ejus longitudo, duorum mensium itineris esse accepi ab oriente versus occidentem ; et extrema quidem illius, orientem spectantia, thuris esse feracia. (3) Hæc igitur hujus montis ratio est. Ab altera Ægypti parte, Libyam versus, alius mons prætenditur saxeus, in quo pyramides exstructæ sunt, arena obvolutus, pari modo porrectus atque ea pars Arabici montis quæ ad meridiem tendit. (4) Ab Heliopoli igitur non multum in latitudinem patet regio quæ Ægyptus esse censetur, sed ad quattuor dierum adverso flumine navigationem angusta Ægyptus est. Est autem regio, inter duos quos dixi montes interjecta, campestris ; cujus latitudo, ubi minima, ducentorum admodum stadiorum esse, haud amplius, mihi visa est, ab Arabico monte ad Libycum : exinde vero rursus fit latior Ægyptus. | From Heliopolis however, as you go up, Egypt is narrow; for on the one side a mountain-range belonging to Arabia stretches along by the side of it, going in a direction from North towards the midday and the South Wind, tending upwards without a break to that which is called the Erythraian Sea, in which range are the stone-quarries which were used in cutting stone for the pyramids at Memphis. On this side then the mountain ends where I have said, and then takes a turn back; and where it is widest, as I was informed, it is a journey of two months across from East to West; and the borders of it which turn towards the East are said to produce frankincense. Such then is the nature of this mountain-range; and on the side of Egypt towards Libya another range extends, rocky and enveloped in sand: in this are the pyramids, and it runs in the same direction as those parts of the Arabian mountains which go towards the midday. So then, I say, from Heliopolis the land has no longer a great extent so far as it belongs to Egypt, and for about four days’ sail up the river Egypt properly so called is narrow: and the space between the mountain-ranges which have been mentioned is plain-land, but where it is narrowest it did not seem to me to exceed two hundred furlongs from the Arabian mountains to those which are called the Libyan. After this again Egypt is broad. |
| 2.9 | Hæc igitur est hujus regionis natura. Est vero Heliopoli Thebas naviganti adverso flumine iter novem dierum : stadia sunt autem quater mille octingenta et sexaginta ; schœni enim numerantur octoginta et unus. Hæc stadia si inter se componantur, quum latitudinem secundum mare porrectam jam supra dixerim esse trium milium sex centorum stadiorum, quænam sit longitudo a mari versus mediterranea Thebas usque, nunc declarabo : est nempe stadiorum sexies mille centum et viginti. Thebis autem usque Elephantinen sunt mille et octingenta stadia. | Such is the nature of this land: and from Heliopolis to Thebes is a voyage up the river of nine days, and the distance of the journey in furlongs is four thousand eight hundred and sixty, the number of the schoines being eighty-one. If these measures of Egypt in furlongs be put together the result is as follows — I have already before this shown that the distance along the sea amounts to three thousand six hundred furlongs, and I will now declare what the distance is inland from the sea to Thebes, namely six thousand one hundred and twenty furlongs: and again the distance from Thebes to the city called Elephantine is one thousand eight hundred furlongs. |
| 2.10 | Hujus igitur quam dixi regionis plurima pars, quemadmodum et narrarunt sacerdotes, et mihi ipsi visum erat, acquisita Ægyptiis terra est. Etenim, quod inter prædictos montes supra Memphin sitos interjectum est, id mihi visum erat olim sinus maris fuisse, quemadmodum ea quæ circa Ilium sunt et Teuthraniam, et quæ circa Ephesum et Mæandri campum, si licet parva conferre cum magnis : nam neuter eorum fluviorum, quorum e proluvie hæc loca enata sunt, ne cum uno quidem e Nili ostiis, quæ numero quinque sunt, magnitudinem si spectes, meretur comparari. (2) Sunt vero etiam alii fluvii, magnitudine cum Nilo neutiquam conferendi, qui tamen res maximas efficiunt : quorum ego nomina edere possum, quum aliorum, tuum maxime Acheloi ; qui Acarnaniam perfluens, ibique in mare se exonerans, Echinadum jam dimidiam partem ex insulis fecit continentem. | Of this land then, concerning which I have spoken, it seemed to myself also, according as the priests said, that the greater part had been won as an addition by the Egyptians; for it was evident to me that the space between the aforesaid mountain-ranges, which lie above the city of Memphis, once was a gulf of the sea, like the regions about Ilion and Teuthrania and Ephesos and the plain of the Maiander, if it be permitted to compare small things with great; and small these are in comparison, for of the rivers which heaped up the soil in those regions none is worthy to be compared in volume with a single one of the mouths of the Nile, which has five mouths. Moreover there are other rivers also, not in size at all equal to the Nile, which have performed great feats; of which I can mention the names of several, and especially the Acheloös, which flowing through Acarnania and so issuing out into the sea has already made half of the Echinades from islands into mainland. |
| 2.11 | Est autem in Arabia, haud procul ab Ægypto, maris sinus, e Rubro quod vocatur mari in terram pertinens, ita longus et angustus, uti dicturus sum. (2) Longitudo navigationis, si ab intimo sinus recessu proficiscaris navi remis agitata, donec in mare apertum perveneris, tanta est ut dies in ea consumantur quadraginta : latitudo autem, ubi latissimus sinus, dimidii unius diei navigatio. Obtinet autem in illo quotidie fluxus maris et refluxus. (3) Alium igitur similem fere huic sinum olim Ægyptum fuisse existimo, e septentrionali mari versus Æthiopiam influentem, sicut Arabius ille, de quo dicturus sum, ex australi mari Syriam versus tendit ; ambo propemodum sibi invicem recessus suos perforantes, exiguo terræ spatio interjecto. (4) Quodsi igitur Nilus in hunc Arabium sinum voluerit alveum suum avertere, quid impedit quominus hic sinus intra viginti annorum milia ingesto limo compleatur ? Ego quidem arbitror, etiam intra decim milia annorum posse compleri. Cur igitur intra temporis spatium, quod ante meam ætatem effluxit, sinus multo etiam major quam hic non potuerit compleri a fluvio tam ingente tamque valido ? | Now there is in the land of Arabia, not far from Egypt, a gulf of the sea running in from that which is called the Erythraian Sea, very long and narrow, as I am about to tell. With respect to the length of the voyage along it, one who set out from the innermost point to sail out through it into the open sea, would spend forty days upon the voyage, using oars; and with respect to breadth, where the gulf is broadest it is half a day’s sail across: and there is in it an ebb and flow of tide every day. Just such another gulf I suppose that Egypt was, and that the one ran in towards Ethiopia from the Northern Sea, and the other, the Arabian, of which I am about to speak, tended from the South towards Syria, the gulfs boring in so as almost to meet at their extreme points, and passing by one another with but a small space left between. If then the stream of the Nile should turn aside into this Arabian gulf, what would hinder that gulf from being filled up with silt as the river continued to flow, at all events within a period of twenty thousand years? indeed for my part I am of opinion that it would be filled up even within ten thousand years. How, then, in all the time that has elapsed before I came into being should not a gulf be filled up even of much greater size than this by a river so great and so active? |
| 2.12 | Itaque hæc, quæ de Ægypto rettuli, et his qui ea referunt credo, et ipse per me ita se habere existimo ; quum et prominere videam Ægyptum ultra terram continentem, et conchylia videam reperiri in montibus, et salsuginem ubique efflorescere, it aut ab ea etiam pyramides corrodantur, et eum solummodo montem Ægypti, qui supra Memphin est, arena obtectum : (2) ad hæc nec finitimæ regioni Arabicæ similem Ægyptum videmus, nec Libycæ, nec vero etiam Syriacæ; (nam Arabiæ partem secundum mare porrectam Syrii tenent); sed nigram terram atque confractam, utpote limum et proluviem ex Æthiopia a fluvio delatam : (3) contra, Libyæ solum scimus rubicundum esse et arenosius, Arabiæ vero et Syriæ magis argillosum petrosumque. | As regards Egypt then, I both believe those who say that things are so, and for myself also I am strongly of opinion that they are so; because I have observed that Egypt runs out into the sea further than the adjoining land, and that shells are found upon the mountains of it, and an efflorescence of salt forms upon the surface, so that even the pyramids are being eaten away by it, and moreover that of all the mountains of Egypt, the range which lies above Memphis is the only one which has sand: besides which I notice that Egypt resembles neither the land of Arabia, which borders upon it, nor Libya, nor yet Syria (for they are Syrians who dwell in the parts of Arabia lying along the sea), but that it has soil which is black and easily breaks up, seeing that it is in truth mud and silt brought down from Ethiopia by the river: but the soil of Libya, we know, is reddish in color and rather sandy, while that of Arabia and Syria is somewhat clayey and rocky. |
| 2.13 | Magnum vero etiam hoc mihi documentum memorarunt sacerdotes, e quo de hujus terræ natura possit judicari : scilicet regnante Mœride, quando fluvius ad octo minimum cubitos auctus erat, irrigabat Ægyptum quæ infra Memphin est : a Mœridis autem obitu usque ad id tempus, quo ego hoc e sacerdotibus audivi, nondum effluxerant anni nongenti. (2) Nunc vero, nisi ad sedecim, aut ad quindecim minimum, cubitos augeatur fluvius, in terram non exundat. (3) Videnturque mihi ex Ægyptiis hi qui infra Mœridem lacum quum alia loca, tum Delta quod vocatur, incolunt, si pro eadem portione paulatim exaltabitur, ea terra, et magis proinde magisque augebitur ; videntur, inquam, mihi Ægyptii, quum terram eorum non amplius inundare Nilus potuerit, tunc per omne reliquum ævum idem passuri esse, quod ipsi ajebant Græcos aliquando passuros. (4) Nam quum audissent, universam Græcorum terram pluvia irrigari, non fluviis, quemadmodum Ægyptus ; dixerunt, fore ut Græci aliquando, magna spe frustrati, misere esuriant. Quod verbum eo valebat, si quando ipsis deus noluerit pluere, sed siccitatem immittere, fame pressum iri Græcos ; nec enim aliud illis esse refugium unde aquam petant, nisi a solo Jove. | The priests also gave me a strong proof concerning this land as follows, namely that in the reign of king Moiris, whenever the river reached a height of at least eight cubits it watered Egypt below Memphis; and not yet nine hundred years had gone by since the death of Moiris, when I heard these things from the priests: now however, unless the river rises to sixteen cubits, or fifteen at the least, it does not go over the land. I think too that those Egyptians who dwell below the lake of Moiris and especially in that region which is called the Delta, if that land continues to grow in height according to this proportion and to increase similarly in extent, will suffer for all remaining time, from the Nile not overflowing their land, that same thing which they themselves said that the Hellenes would at some time suffer: for hearing that the whole land of the Hellenes has rain and is not watered by rivers as theirs is, they said that the Hellenes would at some time be disappointed of a great hope and would suffer the ills of famine. This saying means that if the god shall not send them rain, but shall allow drought to prevail for a long time, the Hellenes will be destroyed by hunger; for they have in fact no other supply of water to save them except from Zeus alone. |
| 2.14 | Et hoc quidem, ad Græcos spectans, recte dixere Ægyptii. Age vero, ipsorum etiam Ægyptiorum quænam conditio sit, dicam. Si acciderit, quod paulo ante dixi, ut regio infra Memphin sita (hæc est enim quæ augetur) eadem ratione, qua præterito tempore, in altitudinem augeatur, quid aliud eveniet, nisi ut fame premantur Ægyptii regionem illam incolentes, quandoquidem nec pluvia irrigabitur illorum terra, nec fluvius poterit arva inundare ? (2) Nam profecto nunc quidem hi, præ aliis hominibus cunctis, et præ reliquis Ægpytiis, minimo labore fructum e terra percipiunt : qui neque aratro sulcos findendo, nec terram fodiendo molestiam habent, nec opus ullum faciunt eorum, quibus alii omnes homines circa segetem multo cum labore occupantur : sed, postquam fluvius sponte accedens arva inundavit, et irrigata rursus reliquit, semen quisque in arvum suum spargit, tum sues in illus immittit ; deinde, conculcato a suibus semine, messis tempus exspectat : denique, postquam per sues [ni potius, per boves] frumentum extrivit, ita illud domum comportat. | This has been rightly said by the Egyptians with reference to the Hellenes: but now let me tell how matters are with the Egyptians themselves in their turn. If, in accordance with what I before said, their land below Memphis (for this is that which is increasing) shall continue to increase in height according to the same proportion as in past time, assuredly those Egyptians who dwell here will suffer famine, if their land shall not have rain nor the river be able to go over their fields. It is certain however that now they gather in fruit from the earth with less labor than any other men and also with less than the other Egyptians; for they have no labor in breaking up furrows with a plough nor in hoeing nor in any other of those labors which other men have about a crop; but when the river has come up of itself and watered their fields and after watering has left them again, then each man sows his own field and turns into it swine, and when he has trodden the seed into the ground by means of the swine, after that he waits for the harvest; and when he has threshed the corn by means of the swine, then he gathers it in. |
| 2.15 | Quodsi igitur Ionum de Ægypto sequi vellemus sententiam, qui Delta solum ajunt esse Ægyptum, quam secundum mare a Persei quæ vocatur specula usque ad Pelusiacas Taricheas porrigi dicunt, qua sunt quadraginta schœni ; a mari vero versus mediterranea pertinere Ægyptum ajunt usque ad Cercasorum oppidum, ad quod scinditur Nilus, partim Pelusium versus fluens, partim Canobum ; reliquos autem omnes Ægypti tractus, alios Libyæ esse ajunt, alios Arabiæ: hac, inquam, ratione utendo demonstare possemus, nullam olim terram habuisse Ægyptios ; (2) quandoquidem Delta hoc, ut ipsi affirmant Ægyptii, utque mihi videtur, alluta terra est, et, verbo ut dicam, nuper enata. Quodsi igitur nulla olim fuit Ægyptiorum terra, quas tandem nugas egerunt, primos se hominum fuisse existimantes ? Nec vero oportebat eos experimentum facere in puerulis, quemnam sermonem primum essent emissuri. (3) Ego vero existimo, Ægyptios non simul cum Delta, quod Iones vocant, originem cepisse, quin potius semper exstitisse, e quo hominum exstitit genus ; postquam vero proluvione aucta fuit eorum terra, multos quidem eorum in pristinis sedibus mansisse, alios vero paulatim versus inferiora descendisse. Olim igitur Thebæ (Thebais) Ægyptus nominabatur ; cujus est circuitus sexies mille centum et viginti stadiorum. | If we desire to follow the opinions of the Ionians as regards Egypt, who say that the Delta alone is Egypt, reckoning its sea-coast to be from the watch-tower called of Perseus to the fish-curing houses of Pelusion, a distance of forty schoines, and counting it to extend inland as far as the city of Kercasoros, where the Nile divides and runs to Pelusion and Canobos, while as for the rest of Egypt, they assign it partly to Libya and partly to Arabia — if, I say, we should follow this account, we should thereby declare that in former times the Egyptians had no land to live in; for, as we have seen, their Delta at any rate is alluvial, and has appeared (so to speak) lately, as the Egyptians themselves say and as my opinion is. If then at the first there was no land for them to live in, why did they waste their labor to prove that they had come into being before all other men? They needed not to have made trial of the children to see what language they would first utter. However I am not of opinion that the Egyptians came into being at the same time as that which is called by the Ionians the Delta, but that they existed always ever since the human race came into being, and that as their land advanced forwards, many of them were left in their first abodes and many came down gradually to the lower parts. At least it is certain that in old times Thebes had the name of Egypt, and of this the circumference measures six thousand one hundred and twenty furlongs. |
| 2.16 | Quodsi igitur nos recte de his statuimus, Iones non recte de Ægypto sentiunt : Sin vera est Ionum sententia, demonstrabo equidem, Græcos et ipsos Ionas nescire computare numeros. Nam quum tres esse dicant universæ terræ partes, Europam, Asiam, et Libyam ; oportebat sane his quartam annumerare, Delta Ægyptiacum ; si quidem (ut iidem hi ajunt) nec Asiæ illud est, nec Libyæ. (2) Nam, secundum hanc utique rationem, non Nilus est qui Asiam a Libya disterminat : sed, quum circa apicem hujus Delta in duas partes frangatur Nilus, consequens est ut inter Asiam et Libyam medium Delta sit interjectum. | If then we judge aright of these matters, the opinion of the Ionians about Egypt is not sound: but if the judgment of the Ionians is right, I declare that neither the Hellenes nor the Ionians themselves know how to reckon since they say that the whole earth is made up of three divisions, Europe, Asia, and Libya: for they ought to count in addition to these the Delta of Egypt, since it belongs neither to Asia nor to Libya; for at least it cannot be the river Nile by this reckoning which divides Asia from Libya, but the Nile is cleft at the point of this Delta so as to flow round it, and the result is that this land would come between Asia and Libya. |
| 2.17 | Sed Ionum omittamus opinionem ; nos vero de his ita statuimus : Ægyptum dicimus esse universam hanc regionem ab Ægyptiis habitatam, quemadmodum Ciliciam quæ a Cilicibus, et Assyriam quæ ab Assyriis. Limitem vero qui Asiam a Libya disterminet, rectam si sequamur rationem, nullum alium novimus nisi Ægyptiorum fines. (2) Sin ea ratione utamur, quam Græci sequuntur, statuemus Ægyptum universam, initium sumentem a Catadupis [Catarrhacte minore] et Elephantine oppido, in duas secari partes, et utrumque nomen participare ; alteram enim ejus partem Africæ esse, alteram Asiæ. (3) Nilus enim postquam ad Catadupa Ægyptum primum intravit, mediam illam dividens fluit in mare. Usque ad Cercasorum igitur oppidum nonnisi uno alveo fluit : ab hoc vero oppido tres in vias scinditur, (4) quarum una orientem versus tendit, quod Pelusium ostium vocatur ; altera via occidentem versus tendens, Canobicum nominatur ostium. Quæ autem Nili via recta progreditur, hæc est : postquam e superiore regione delatus ad apicem illius Delta pervenit, inde medium Delta scindens in mare undas suas exonerat, nec minimam aquarum portionem, nec minime notabilem, huic viæ tribuens : quæ Sebennyticum ostium vocatur. (5) Sunt vero etiam duo alia ostia a Sebennytico diremta et per se in mare exeuntia : quorum alterum Saiticum, alterum nominatur Mendesium. Bolbitinum vero ostium et Bucolicum, non nativa sunt ostia, sed manu effossa. | We dismiss then the opinion of the Ionians, and express a judgment of our own in this matter also, that Egypt is all that land which is inhabited by Egyptians, just as Kilikia is that which is inhabited by Kilikians and Assyria that which is inhabited by Assyrians, and we know of no boundary properly speaking between Asia and Libya except the borders of Egypt. If however we shall adopt the opinion which is commonly held by the Hellenes, we shall suppose that the whole of Egypt, beginning from the Cataract and the city of Elephantine, is divided into two parts and that it thus partakes of both the names, since one side will thus belong to Libya and the other to Asia; for the Nile from the Cataract onwards flows to the sea cutting Egypt through the midst; and as far as the city of Kercasoros the Nile flows in one single stream, but from this city onwards it is parted into three ways; and one, which is called the Pelusian mouth, turns towards the East; the second of the ways goes towards the West, and this is called the Canobic mouth; but that one of the ways which is straight runs thus — when the river in its course downwards comes to the point of the Delta, then it cuts the Delta through the midst and so issues out to the sea. In this we have a portion of the water of the river which is not the smallest nor the least famous, and it is called the Sebennytic mouth. There are also two other mouths which part off from the Sebennytic and go to the sea, and these are called, one the Saïtic, the other the Mendesian mouth. The Bolbitinitic and Bucolic mouths, on the other hand, are not natural but made by digging. |
| 2.18 | Confirmatur autem mea sententia, tantam esse Ægyptum quantam ego ratione demonstravi, effato etiam quod Ammonis oraculum edidit ; quod effatum ego tum demum cognovi, postquam meam de Ægypto sententiam mecum jam constitutam habueram. (2) Scilicet Mareæ oppidi et Apidis incolæ, quorum ager Libyæ est confinis, ipsi sese Libyes existimantes esse, non Ægyptios ; quum ægre ferrent cærimonias sacrorum quæ in Ægypto observantur, cuperentque non prohiberi esu boum feminarum ; ad Ammonem miserunt, dicentes, sibi nihil cum Ægyptiis esse commune ; habitare enim extra Delta, nec sibi cum illis convenire, [sive, nec eadem, qua illos, lingua uti], postulareque ut sibi liceat omni genere carnium vesci. (3) Hoc vero eos deus vetuit facere, dicens, Ægyptum esse hanc terram quam Nilus affluens irriget ; et Ægyptios esse hos, qui infra Elephantinen urbem habitantes, ex hoc fluvio bibant. Hoc illis oraculum editum est. | Moreover also the answer given by the Oracle of Ammon bears witness in support of my opinion that Egypt is of the extent which I declare it to be in my account; and of this answer I heard after I had formed my own opinion about Egypt. For those of the city of Marea and of Apis, dwelling in the parts of Egypt which border on Libya, being of opinion themselves that they were Libyans and not Egyptians, and also being burdened by the rules of religious service, because they desired not to be debarred from the use of cows’ flesh, sent to Ammon saying that they had nought in common with the Egyptians, for they dwelt outside the Delta and agreed with them in nothing; and they said they desired that it might be lawful for them to eat everything without distinction. The god however did not permit them to do so, but said that that land which was Egypt which the Nile came over and watered, and that those were Egyptians who dwelling below the city of Elephantine drank of that river. Thus it was answered to them by the Oracle about this: |
| 2.19 | Inundat autem Nilus, ubi justum augmentum cepit, non modo Delta, verum etiam eas regiones, quæ vel Libyæ dicuntur esse, vel Arabiæ, et quidem alicubi ad bidui utrimque viam, alibi etiam amplius, alibi minus. (2) De natura autem hujus fluvii nec a sacerdotibus, nec ab alio quoquam discere quidquam potui. Cupidus autem eram ex illis cognoscere, cur Nilus descendat augmentum capiens inde a solstitio æstivo ad centum dies, dein, expleto fere hoc numero dierum, retro cedat, diminuta paulatim aquæ copia ita ut constanter per totam hiemem brevis sit, donec redeat æstivum solstitium. (3) De his igitur nihil quidquam potui comperire ab Ægyptiis, quum ex eis quærerem, quamnam vim habeat Nilus, quod natura contraria esset atquereliqui fluvii. Hæc igitur, quæ dixi, cognoscere cupiens, sciscitatus sum, tum vero etiam, cur unus omnium fluviorum nullas efflantes auras præberet. | and the Nile, when it is in flood, goes over not only the Delta but also of the land which is called Libyan and of that which is called Arabian sometimes as much as two days’ journey on each side, and at times even more than this or at times less. As regards the nature of the river, neither from the priests nor yet from any other man was I able to obtain any knowledge: and I was desirous especially to learn from them about these matters, namely why the Nile comes down increasing in volume from the summer solstice onwards for a hundred days, and then, when it has reached the number of these days, turns and goes back, failing in its stream, so that through the whole winter season it continues to be low, and until the summer solstice returns. Of none of these things was I able to receive any account from the Egyptians, when I inquired of them what power the Nile has whereby it is of a nature opposite to that of other rivers. And I made inquiry, desiring to know both this which I say and also why, unlike all other rivers, it does not give rise to any breezes blowing from it. |
| 2.20 | Græcorum vero nonnulli, insignes esse cupientes sapientiæ nomine, triplices vias explicandæ fluvii hujus naturæ inierunt : quarum viarum duas ne commemorare quidem operæ pretium duco, nisi quod nude significare eas volo. (2) Nempe earum altera [quæ Thaletem auctorem habet] ait, ventos etesias efficere ut augeatur flumen, prohibentes Nilum quominus in mare influat. At sæpius accidisse novimus, ut non flarent etesiæ, et idem tamen fecerit Nilus. Ad hæc, si etesiæ in causa essent, oporteret ut aliis etiam fluviis, qui adversus etesias fluunt, idem quod Nilo et eodem modo accideret ; atque eo etiam magis, quo minores sunt illi, adeoque cursum habent debiliorem. (3) Sunt autem in Syria multi fluvii, sunt item in Libya, quibus nihi tale accidit quale Nilo. | However some of the Hellenes who desired to gain distinction for cleverness have given an account of this water in three different ways: two of these I do not think it worth while even to speak of except only to indicate their nature; of which the one says that the Etesian Winds are the cause that makes the river rise, by preventing the Nile from flowing out into the sea. But often the Etesian Winds fail and yet the Nile does the same work as it is wont to do; and moreover, if these were the cause, all the other rivers also which flow in a direction opposed to the Etesian Winds ought to have been affected in the same way as the Nile, and even more, in as much as they are smaller and present to them a feebler flow of stream: but there are many of these rivers in Syria and many also in Libya, and they are affected in no such manner as the Nile. |
| 2.21 | Altera via [Hecatæi] inscitior est quidem, quam prædicta, sed (ut ita dicam) mirabilior : ait enim, eo id facere Nilum, quod ab Oceano fluat ; Oceanum autem totam circumfluere terram. | The second way shows more ignorance than that which has been mentioned, and it is more marvellous to tell; for it says that the river produces these effects because it flows from the Ocean, and that the Ocean flows round the whole earth. |
| 2.22 | Jam tertia illarum viarum, [Anaxagoræ)] quum maxime speciosa sit, maxime omnium a vero aberrat. Nam et hæc nihil dicit, quum ait, e liquefacta nive fluere Nilum ; qui quidem e Libya per mediam fluit Æthiopiam, ac tum demum Ægyptum intrat. (2) Quo igitur pacto e nive fluat, qui e calidissimis locis fluit in frigidiora ? Quarum rerum pleræque sunt ejusmodi, ut homini, qui quidem judicare de talibus rebus valet, nullo modo probabile videatur Nilum fluere e nive. (3) Primum quidem et maximum documentum exhibent venti, qui ex illis locis calidi perflant. Deinde hoc, quod constanter illa regio absque imbribus et absque glacie est : postquam autem nix decidit, omnino necesse est ut intra quinque dies pluat ; quare, si ningeret in illis regionibus, plueret etiam. (4) Tertium documentum sunt homines, ab æstu nigri : tum quod milvi et hirundines non desinunt istic perennes esse ; grues vero, hiemem Scythicæ terræ fugientes, in hæc loca tanquam in hiberna confugiunt. (5) Quodsi ergo ningeret, vel quantulumcumque, in hac regione per quam fluit et ubi initium capit Nilus, nihil horum esset futurum, quemadmodum necessitas arguit. | The third of the ways is much the most specious, but nevertheless it is the most mistaken of all: for indeed this way has no more truth in it than the rest, alleging as it does that the Nile flows from melting snow; whereas it flows out of Libya through the midst of the Ethiopians, and so comes out into Egypt. How then should it flow from snow, when it flows from the hottest parts to those which are cooler? And indeed most of the facts are such as to convince a man (one at least who is capable of reasoning about such matters), that it is not at all likely that it flows from snow. The first and greatest evidence is afforded by the winds, which blow hot from these regions; the second is that the land is rainless always and without frost, whereas after snow has fallen rain must necessarily come within five days, so that if it snowed in those parts rain would fall there; the third evidence is afforded by the people dwelling there, who are of a black color by reason of the burning heat. Moreover kites and swallows remain there through the year and do not leave the land; and cranes flying from the cold weather which comes on in the region of Scythia come regularly to these parts for wintering: if then it snowed ever so little in that land through which the Nile flows and in which it has its rise, none of these things would take place, as necessity compels us to admit. |
| 2.23 | Qui vero de Oceano dixit, is quum rem, de qua quæritur, in obscurum rejecerit, refutari non meretur. Ego enim fluvium Oceanum nullum novi : Homerum vero, aut alium ex antiquioribus poetis, puto invenisse nomen, et in poesin introduxisse. | As for him who talked about the Ocean, he carried his tale into the region of the unknown, and so he need not be refuted; since I for my part know of no river Ocean existing, but I think that Homer or one of the poets who were before him invented the name and introduced it into his verse. |
| 2.24 | Jam si, improbatis sententiis quæ ab aliis sunt propositæ, nunc meam de rebus tam occultis debeo declarare, dicam qua de causa fieri mihi videatur, ut æstate Nilus augeatur. Hiberno tempore sol, a priore cursu per hiemes depulsus, per superiora Libyæ transit. (2) Ita brevissimis verbis res tota declarata est : cui enim regioni proximus est hic deus, et supra quam ille transit, eam consentaneum est maxime sitire et aquæ inopiam pati, adeoque maxime exsiccari fluviorum scaturigines quæ sunt in ea regione. | If however after I have found fault with the opinions proposed, I am bound to declare an opinion of my own about the matters which are in doubt, I will tell what to my mind is the reason why the Nile increases in the summer. In the winter season the Sun, being driven away from his former path through the heaven by the stormy winds, comes to the upper parts of Libya. If one would set forth the matter in the shortest way, all has now been said; for whatever region this god approaches most and stands directly above, this it may reasonably be supposed is most in want of water, and its native streams of rivers are dried up most. |
| 2.25 | Ut vero pluribus verbis rem declarem, ita se habet. Sol, per superiora Libyæ transiens, facit hocce : quum in illis locis constanter serenus sit āër, quumque calida sit ipsa regio, nec venti frigidi ; per ea loca transiens sol facit idem, quod æstate facere consuevit, quando per medium cœlum transit. (2) Scilicet attrahit ad se aquam, attractamque in superiora loca dispellit, quam suscipientes venti dissipantesque liquefaciunt ; e quo consequitur ut venti ex illa regione flantes, Notus et Africus, omnium ventorum maxime sint pluvii. (3) Videtur autem mihi sol ne omnem quidem Nili aquam, quam quotannis attrahit, semper demittere, sed partem etiam circum se retinere. Mitescente vero hieme, redit sol in medium cœlum, et ab eo inde tempore pariter ex omnibus fluminibus aquam attrahit. (4) Ante id tempus igitur, quum multa de cœlo aqua fluviis misceatur, quippe imbribus perfusa terra, torrentibusque excavata, grandes illi fluunt : æstate vero, quum imbres eos deficiunt et sol aquam fluviorum attrahit, fluunt tenues. (5) Quare consentaneum est ut Nilus, quum imbribus non augeatur, aqua vero ejus a sole attrahatur, solus fluviorum per hiemem multo tenuior fluat quam æstate : æstate enim pariter atque aliæ omnes aquæ attrahitur, hieme vero solus hoc patitur. Ita equidem mihi persuasi, solem esse hujus rei causam. | However, to set it forth at greater length, thus it is — the Sun passing in his course by the upper parts of Libya, does thus, that is to say, since at all times the air in those parts is clear and the country is warm, because there are no cold winds, in passing through it the Sun does just as he was wont to do in the summer, when going through the midst of the heaven, that is he draws to himself the water, and having drawn it he drives it away to the upper parts of the country, and the winds take it up and scattering it abroad melt it into rain; so it is natural that the winds which blow from this region, namely the South and South-west Winds, should be much the most rainy of all the winds. I think however that the Sun does not send away from himself all the water of the Nile of each year, but that he also lets some remain behind with himself. Then when the winter becomes milder, the Sun returns back again to the midst of the heaven, and from that time onwards he draws equally from all rivers; but in the meanwhile they flow in large volume, since water of rain mingles with them in great quantity, because their country receives rain then and is filled with torrent streams. In summer however they are weak, since not only the showers of rain fail then, but also they are drawn by the Sun. The Nile however, alone of all rivers, not having rain and being drawn by the Sun, naturally flows during this time of winter in much less than its proper volume, that is much less than in summer; for then it is drawn equally with all the other waters, but in winter it bears the burden alone. Thus I suppose the Sun to be the cause of these things. |
| 2.26 | Est autem, ut mea fert opinio, idem sol etiam causa, quæ ut āër ibi siccus sit efficit, omnia qua transit exurens : unde fit, ut superiora Libyæ perpetuo æstu premantur. (2) Quodsi permutaretur statio plagarum ; si in ea cœli parte, qua nunc stat Boreas et hiems, foret Notus et meridies ; contra, ubi nunc Notus, ibi Boreas staret : hæc si ita haberent, sol ab hieme et Borea e medio cœlo depulsus, transiturus esset superiora Europæ, quemadmodum nunc transit superiora Libyæ. Quodsi ergo per Europam omnem transiret, existimo eum Istro flumini idem esse facturum quod nunc Nilo facit. | He is also the cause in my opinion that the air in these parts is dry, since he makes it so by scorching up his path through the heaven: thus summer prevails always in the upper parts of Libya. If however the station of the seasons had been changed, and where now in the heaven are placed the North Wind and winter, there was the station of the South Wind and of the midday, and where now is placed the South Wind, there was the North, if this had been so, the Sun being driven from the midst of the heaven by the winter and the North Wind would go to the upper parts of Europe, just as now he comes to the upper parts of Libya, and passing in his course throughout the whole of Europe I suppose that he would do to the Ister that which he now works upon the Nile. |
| 2.27 | De aura vero, quod e Nilo non perflat, hæc est mea sententia : nullo modo esse consentaneum ut e calidis locis aura perflet : aura enim e frigido aliquo spirat. | As to the breeze, why none blows from the river, my opinion is that from very hot places it is not natural that anything should blow, and that a breeze is wont to blow from something cold. |
| 2.28 | Sed sint hæc uti sunt, utque a principio fuerunt. Fontes vero Nili nemo neque Ægyptiorum, nec Libyum, nec Græcorum, quibuscum ego sermones miscui, se scire professus est, nisi in Ægypto, in Sai oppido, scriba rerum pretiosarum quæ Minervæ consecratæ sunt. (2) At is ludere mihi visus est, dicens accurate se nosse. Dixit autem hoc modo : esse duos montes, cacuminibus in acutum desinentibus, inter Syenen Thebaidis oppidum et inter Elephantinen sitos ; quorum alter Crophi, alter Mophi nominetur. (3) E medio horum montium fluere Nili fontes, fundum nullum habentes ; et dimidium quidem aquarum versus Ægyptum et septentrionem fluere, alterum dimidium versus Æthiopiam et meridiem. (4) Quod autem fundo careant hi fontes, id experimento cognovisse, aiebat, Psammitichum Ægypti regem ; etenim funem eo loci demisisse, multa milia orgyiarum continentem, neque ad fundum pervenisse. (5) Ita scriba ille, si modo vera sunt quæ dixit, declaravit, ut equidem intelligo, propter validos quosdam gurgites et aquarum repercussionem, quippe quæ montibus illidantur, descendere in fundum non potuisse demissam bolidem. | Let these matters then be as they are and as they were at the first: but as to the sources of the Nile, not one either of the Egyptians or of the Libyans or of the Hellenes, who came to speech with me, professed to know anything, except the scribe of the sacred treasury of Athene at the city of Saïs in Egypt. To me however this man seemed not to be speaking seriously when he said that he had certain knowledge of it; and he said as follows, namely that there were two mountains of which the tops ran up to a sharp point, situated between the city of Syene, which is in the district of Thebes, and Elephantine, and the names of the mountains were, of the one Crophi and of the other Mophi. From the middle between these two mountains flowed (he said) the sources of the Nile, which were fathomless in depth, and half of the water flowed to Egypt and towards the North Wind, the other half to Ethiopia and the South Wind. As for the fathomless depth of the source, he said that Psammetichos king of Egypt came to a trial of this matter; for he had a rope twisted of many thousands of fathoms and let it down in this place, and it found no bottom. By this the scribe (if this which he told me was really as he said) gave me to understand that there were certain strong eddies there and a backward flow, and that since the water dashed against the mountains, therefore the sounding-line could not come to any bottom when it was let down. |
| 2.29 | Ex alio vero nemine nihil quidquam potui comperire. Sed hæc certe alia, quæ ad superiorem Ægyptum spectant, quoad longissime potui, exquirendo cognovi ; quum usque ad Elephantinen oppidum ipse spectator accesserim, ulteriora vero auditu acceperim. (2) Ab Elephantine oppido superiora petenti acclivis locus est. Eo igitur loco navi utrimque, veluti bove, alligata oportet iter facere : quodsi rumpatur funis, retrogreditur navigium, vi fluminis abreptum. Est autem ille locus quattuor dierum navigatio ; et tortuosus ibi Nilus est, quemadmodum Mæander : schœni autem sunt duodecim, per quos isto modo navigare oportet. (3) Inde in planum pervenis campum, in quo insulam Nilus circumfluit, cui nomen est Tachompso. Jam regionem supra Elephantinen sitam, et insulæ, quam dixi, dimidiam partem, Æthiopes incolunt ; alteram insulæ partem Ægyptii. (4) Insulæ contiguus est lacus ingens, circum quem nomades incolunt Æthiopes : hunc lacum ubi pernavigaveris, rursus in alveum Nili pervenies, qui in hunc lacum perfluit. Inde progrediens, secundum flumen iter facies quadraginta dierum : eminent enim e Nilo scopuli acuti, frequentiaque saxa sunt, per quæ navigare non licet. (5) Hoc tractu intra quadraginta dies peragrato, rursus aliud navigium conscendes, et post dierum duodecim navigationem ad magnum pervenies oppidum, cui nomen Meroe ; quod oppidum dicitur esse metropolis reliquorum Æthiopum. (6) In hoc e diis omnibus unum Jovem colunt et Bacchum ; hos vero magnis honoribus venerantur : estque ibi Jovis oraculum constitutum. Bellum hi Æthiopes faciunt, quando hic deus illos per oraculum jussit ; et quo ille jubet, eo bellum inferunt. | From no other person was I able to learn anything about this matter; but for the rest I learnt so much as here follows by the most diligent inquiry; for I went myself as an eye-witness as far as the city of Elephantine and from that point onwards I gathered knowledge by report. From the city of Elephantine as one goes up the river there is country which slopes steeply; so that here one must attach ropes to the vessel on both sides, as one fastens an ox, and so make one’s way onward; and if the rope break, the vessel is gone at once, carried away by the violence of the stream. Through this country it is a voyage of about four days in length, and in this part the Nile is winding like the river Maiander, and the distance amounts to twelve schoines, which one must traverse in this manner. Then you will come to a level plain, in which the Nile flows round an island named Tachompso. (Now in the regions above Elephantine there dwell Ethiopians at once succeeding, who also occupy half of the island, and Egyptians the other half.) Adjoining this island there is a great lake, round which dwell Ethiopian nomad tribes; and when you have sailed through this you will come to the stream of the Nile again, which flows into this lake. After this you will disembark and make a journey by land of forty days; for in the Nile sharp rocks stand forth out of the water, and there are many reefs, by which it is not possible for a vessel to pass. Then after having passed through this country in the forty days which I have said, you will embark again in another vessel and sail for twelve days; and after this you will come to a great city called Meroe. This city is said to be the mother-city of all the other Ethiopians: and they who dwell in it reverence of the gods Zeus and Dionysos alone, and these they greatly honor; and they have an Oracle of Zeus established, and make warlike marches whensoever this god commands them by prophesyings and to whatsoever place he commands. |
| 2.30 | Ab hoc oppido navi profectus, eodem temporis spatio, quo ex Elephantine ad metropolin pervenisti Æthiopum, ad Automolos [id est, Transfugas] pervenies. Automolis his nomen est Asmach ; quod vocabulum nostro sermone significat Regi a sinistra manu stantes. (2) Erant autem hi Ægyptii, e bellatorum ordine, numero ducenta quadraginta milia, qui ad Æthiopes defecerant hac de causa. Regnante Psammiticho præsidia constituta erant Ægyptiorum, adversus Æthiopas, in Elephantine oppido ; adversus Arabes vero et Syros aliud præsidium Daphnis Pelusiacis ; rursusque aliud Mareæ, adversus Libyam. (3) Et mea etiam ætate adhuc eodem modo se habent Persarum præsidia atque olim sub Psammiticho erant : nam et Elephantinæ in præsidio sunt Persæ, et Daphnis. Jam Ægyptiis, qui tunc Elephantinen tribus continuis annis præsidio tenuerant, nemo advenit qui eis in præsidium succederet : itaque hi, re deliberata, communi consilio omnes a Psammiticho desciscentes, ad Æthiopas transierunt. (4) Qua re cognita, Psammitichus illos persecutus est : assecutusque multis verbis oravit dehortatusque est, patrios ne desererent deos, et liberos atque uxores. Cui unum ex his, pudenda ostendentem, respondisse ferunt, ubi hæc essent, ibi non defore ipsis liberos, nec uxores. (5) Hi postquam in Æthiopiam pervenere, tradiderunt se regi Æthiopiæ; qui illos ita remuneratus est : erat illi cum nonnullis Æthiopum contentio ; jussit igitur hos sedibus suis expellere et eorum terram habitare. Ita, Ægyptiis intra Æthiopum fines receptis, mitiores facti sunt Æthiopes, mores Ægyptiacos edocti. | Sailing from this city you will come to the “Deserters” in another period of time equal to that in which you came from Elephantine to the mother-city of the Ethiopians. Now the name of these “Deserters” is Asmach, and this word signifies, when translated into the tongue of the Hellenes, “those who stand on the left hand of the king.” These were two hundred and forty thousand Egyptians of the warrior class, who revolted and went over to the Ethiopians for the following cause — In the reign of Psammetichos garrisons were set, one towards the Ethiopians at the city of Elephantine, another towards the Arabians and Assyrians at Daphnai of Pelusion, and another towards Libya at Marea: and even in my own time the garrisons of the Persians too are ordered in the same manner as these were in the reign of Psammetichos, for both at Elephantine and at Daphnai the Persians have outposts. The Egyptians then of whom I speak had served as outposts for three years and no one relieved them from their guard; accordingly they took counsel together, and adopting a common plan they all in a body revolted from Psammetichos and set out for Ethiopia. Hearing this Psammetichos set forth in pursuit, and when he came up with them he entreated them much and endeavored to persuade them not to desert the gods of their country and their children and wives: upon which it is said that one of them pointed to his privy member and said that wherever this was, there would they have both children and wives. When these came to Ethiopia they gave themselves over to the king of the Ethiopians; and he rewarded them as follows — there were certain of the Ethiopians who had come to be at variance with him; and he bade them drive these out and dwell in their land. So since these men settled in the land of the Ethiopians, the Ethiopians have come to be of milder manners, from having learnt the customs of the Egyptians. |
| 2.31 | Ad quattuor igitur mensium navigationem viamque cognitus est Nilus, ultra eum cursum quem per Ægyptum conficit. Etenim dierum summam colligendo, reperies tot insumendos esse menses, si quis ab Elephantine ad hos Automolos voluerit proficisci. Fluit autem Nilus a vespera et solis occasu. Quæ vero ultra sunt, nemo novit : est enim deserta terra ob solis fervorem. | The Nile then, besides that part of its course which is in Egypt, is known as far as a four months’ journey by river and land: for that is the number of months which are found by reckoning to be spent in going from Elephantine to these “Deserters”: and the river runs from the West and the setting of the sun. But what comes after that no one can clearly say; for this land is desert by reason of the burning heat. |
| 2.32 | Verumtamen hæcce audivi ex hominibus nonnullis Cyrenæis, qui se dicebant ad Ammonis venisse oraculum, ibique sermones miscuisse cum Etearcho, rege Ammoniorum. Tum forte, ex aliis sermonibus incidisse se, ajebant, in confabulationem de Nilo, cujus fontes nemini sint cogniti : et dixisse Etearchum, venisse ad se olim homines Nasamonas : (2) est autem hic Libycus populus, Syrtin incolens et terræ tractum a Syrti orientem versus haud ita magnum ; hos Nasamonas, ubi ex eis quæsisset an aliquid amplius haberent quæ de desertis dicerent Libyæ, narrasse : fuisse apud se dynastarum quorumdam filios petulantes ; qui, postquam virilem attigissent ætatem, quum alia curiosius machinati sint, tum vero quinque e suo numero sorte designaverint, solitudines Africæ lustraturos, operamque daturos, ut aliquid amplius viderent quam hi qui eas quam longissime inspexissent. (3) (Nam Libyæ totum tractum secundum mare boreale porrectum, ab Ægypto inde usque ad Soloentem promontorium, ubi desinit Libyca, Libyes incolunt, et multi quidem Libyci populi, præter eas partes quas Græci atque Phœnices obtinent. Quæ vero supra oram maritimam sita sunt, et supra eorum hominum ditionem quorum sedes usque ad mare pertinent ; superiora ista Libyæ a feris habitantur : supra vero tractum feris refertum, arena est, arida prorsus et aqua carens terra, denique omnino deserta.) (4) Juvenes igitur illos, ab æqualibus suis emissos, aqua et cibariis bene instructos, primum terram peragrasse habitatam : eaque trajecta, pervenisse in eam quæ feris est referta ; tum ex hac transisse in desertam, iter Zephyrum ventum versus per eam facientes. Postquam multum terræ arenosæ permeassent, post multos dies conspexisse tandem aliquando arbores, quæ in planitie creverant ; accessisseque et fructum arborum gustasse. Gustantibus vero supervenisse homines parvos, minores modica statura, qui eos prehensos abduxissent : sermonem vero illorum non intellexisse Nasamonas, nec illos sermonem ipsorum. (5) Ab his igitur abductos esse per maximas paludes, easque prætergressos pervenisse in oppidum, in quo cunctos fuisse his, qui illos abduxerant, statura æquales, nigros autem colore. Ad oppidum illud fluere flumen ingens : fluere autem ab occidente versus orientem solem, in eoque reperiri crocodilos. | Thus much however I heard from men of Kyrene, who told me that they had been to the Oracle of Ammon, and had come to speech with Etearchos king of the Ammonians: and it happened that after speaking of other matters they fell to discourse about the Nile and how no one knew the sources of it; and Etearchos said that once there had come to him men of the Nasamonians (this is a Libyan race which dwells in the Syrtis, and also in the land to the East of the Syrtis reaching to no great distance), and when the Nasamonians came and were asked by him whether they were able to tell him anything more than he knew about the desert parts of Libya, they said that there had been among them certain sons of chief men, who were of unruly disposition; and these when they grew up to be men had devised various other extravagant things and also they had told off by lot five of themselves to go to see the desert parts of Libya and to try whether they could discover more than those who had previously explored furthest: for in those parts of Libya which are by the Northern Sea, beginning from Egypt and going as far as the headland of Soloeis, which is the extreme point of Libya, Libyans (and of them many races) extend along the whole coast, except so much as the Hellenes and Phenicians hold; but in the upper parts, which lie above the sea-coast and above those people whose land comes down to the sea, Libya is full of wild beasts; and in the parts above the land of wild beasts it is full of sand, terribly waterless and utterly desert. These young men then (said they), being sent out by their companions well furnished with supplies of water and provisions, went first through the inhabited country, and after they had passed through this they came to the country of wild beasts, and after this they passed through the desert, making their journey towards the West Wind; and having passed through a great tract of sand in many days, they saw at last trees growing in a level place; and having come up to them, they were beginning to pluck the fruit which was upon the trees: but as they began to pluck it, there came upon them small men, of less stature than men of the common size, and these seized them and carried them away; and neither could the Nasamonians understand anything of their speech nor could those who were carrying them off understand anything of the speech of the Nasamonians: and they led them (so it was said) through very great swamps, and after passing through these they came to a city in which all the men were in size like those who carried them off and in color of skin black; and by the city ran a great river, which ran from the West towards the sunrising, and in it were seen crocodiles. |
| 2.33 | Hactenus igitur a me exposita sit Ammonii Etearchi narratio : hoc unum adjiciam, dixisse eum, rediisse hos Nasamonas, ut quidem narraverint Cyrenæi; et homines illos, ad quos pervenissent, præstigiatores esse omnes. Jam vero fluvium illum præterfluentem et Etearchus conjectabat esse Nilum, atque etiam ratio ita suadet. (2) Fluit enim e Libya Nilus, mediam illam secans ; et, ut ego conjicio, e manifestis de his quæ minus cognita sunt conjecturam capiens, similum Istro cursus rationem habet.Nam Ister fluvius, a Celtis et Pyrene oppido initium sumens, mediam perfluit scinditque Europam. (3) Habitant autem Celtæ extra Herculis columnas, finitimique sunt Cynesiorum, qui sunt extremus populus versus occidentem eorum qui Europam incolunt. Desinit autem Ister, in mare influens Ponti Euxini, ubi Istram habitant coloni Milesiorum. | Of the account given by Etearchos the Ammonian let so much suffice as is here said, except that, as the men of Kyrene told me, he alleged that the Nasamonians returned safe home, and that the people to whom they had come were all wizards. Now this river which ran by the city, Etearchos conjectured to be the Nile, and moreover reason compels us to think so; for the Nile flows from Libya and cuts Libya through in the midst, and as I conjecture, judging of what is not known by that which is evident to the view, it starts at a distance from its mouth equal to that of the Ister: for the river Ister begins from the Keltoi and the city of Pyrene and so runs that it divides Europe in the midst (now the Keltoi are outside the Pillars of Heracles and border upon the Kynesians, who dwell furthest towards the sunset of all those who have their dwelling in Europe); and the Ister ends, having its course through the whole of Europe, by flowing into the Euxine Sea at the place where the Milesians have their settlement of Istria. |
| 2.34 | Ister igitur, quum per habitatam fluat terram, multis hominibus notus est. Nili autem fontes docere nemo non potest, quoniam non habitata desertaque est Libya, quam perfluit. De ejus cursu vero, quoad longissime eum cognoscere percunctando potui, dictum est. Exit autem Nilus in Ægyptum. (2) Sita est autem Ægyptus ex adverso maxime montanæ Ciliciæ, unde ad Sinopen oppidum ad Pontum Euxinum via recta est expedito homini quinque dierum : Sinope autem est ex adverso Istri, qua is in mare influit. Ita Nilum quidem, qui totam Libyam percurrit, æqualem censeo Istro. Sed de Nilo hæc dicta sufficiant. |
Now the Ister, since it flows through land which is inhabited, is known by the reports of many; but of the sources of the Nile no one can give an account, for the part of Libya through which it flows is uninhabited and desert. About its course however so much as it was possible to learn by the most diligent inquiry has been told; and it runs out into Egypt. Now Egypt lies nearly opposite to the mountain districts of Kilikia; and from thence to Sinope, which lies upon the Euxine Sea, is a journey in the same straight line of five days for a man without encumbrance; and Sinope lies opposite to the place where the Ister runs out into the sea: thus I think that the Nile passes through the whole of Libya and is of equal measure with the Ister. Of the Nile then let so much suffice as has been said. |
| 2.35 | Progredior nunc, longiorem de Ægypto narrationem exordiens, quoniam et plures res mirabiles habet, quam alia quælibet regio, et narrationem omnem superantia opera exhibet præ quavis alia : qua de causa copiosius de ea exponam. (2) Ægyptii, quemadmodum apud eos cœlum diversum est, et fluvii natura longe differt ceterorum natura fluviorum, sic et ipsi plerisque omnibus in rebus mores sequuntur et instituta ceteris hominibus contraria. Apud eos mulieres forum frequentant et mercantur ; viri autem, domi sedentes, telam texunt. (3) Texunt autem alii homines tramam sursum adigentes, Ægyptii deorsum. Onera viri in capitibus ferunt ; feminæ in humeris. (4) Mingunt feminæ, rectæ stantes ; viri, se deprimentes. Alvum exonerant intra domos ; cibum vero capiunt extra, in viis publicis : dicentes, quæ turpia quidem sint, sed necessaria, ea in occulto facienda ; quæ vero non turpia, in aperto. (5) Femina nulla sacerdotio fungitur, nec dei ullius, nec deæ: viri sacerdotes sunt tam dearum omnium, quam deorum. Nutrire parentes non tenentur filii, nisi ultro id faciant ; filiæ vero, etiam si nolint, lege tenentur. | Of Egypt however I shall make my report at length, because it has wonders more in number than any other land, and works too it has to show as much as any land, which are beyond expression great: for this reason then more shall be said concerning it. The Egyptians, in agreement with their climate, which is unlike any other, and with the river, which shows a nature different from all other rivers, established for themselves manners and customs in a way opposite to other men in almost all matters: for among them the women frequent the market and carry on trade, while the men remain at home and weave; and whereas others weave pushing the woof upwards, the Egyptians push it downwards: the men carry their burdens upon their heads and the women upon their shoulders: the women make water standing up and the men crouching down: they ease themselves in their houses and they eat without in the streets, alleging as reason for this that it is right to do secretly the things that are unseemly though necessary, but those which are not unseemly, in public: no woman is a minister either of male or female divinity, but men of all, both male and female: to support their parents the sons are in no way compelled, if they do not desire to do so, but the daughters are forced to do so, be they never so unwilling. |
| 2.36 | Deorum sacerdotes aliis in terris comam alunt ; in Ægypto tondentur. Apud alios homines institutum est, ut in propinquorum funeribus tondeant caput : Ægyptii, mortuo aliquo suorum, capillos et barbam augeri sinunt, antea tonsi. (2) Alii homines seorsum ab animalibus vitam agunt : Ægyptii una cum animalibus degunt. Alii tritico et hordeo vescuntur : apud Ægyptios, qui hisce vitam sustentat, ei id maximo probro est ; ex olyra vero panem et alia farinacea parant, quam nonnulli zeam vocant. (3) Farinam Ægyptii pedibus subigunt, lutum vero manibus ; manibus item stercus tollunt. Pudenda alii homines sinunt uti natura sunt, nisi qui ab his didicere, Ægyptii ea circumcidunt. (4) Vestes vir quilibet binas habet ; femina unam. Velorum annulos et funes alii extrinsecus alligant, Ægyptii intrinsecus. (5) Literarum elementa scribunt et calculis computant Græci a sinistra parte ad dextram promoventes manum : Ægyptii a dextra ad sinistram ; atque id facientes, dextrorsum se scribere dicunt, Græcos autem ad sinistram. Utuntur autem duplici genere scripturæ, quorum alterum sacrum vocatur, alterum populare. | The priests of the gods in other lands wear long hair, but in Egypt they shave their heads: among other men the custom is that in mourning those whom the matter concerns most nearly have their hair cut short, but the Egyptians, when deaths occur, let their hair grow long, both that on the head and that on the chin, having before been close shaven: other men have their daily living separated from beasts, but the Egyptians have theirs together with beasts: other men live on wheat and barley, but to any one of the Egyptians who makes his living on these it is a great reproach; they make their bread of maize, which some call spelt; they knead dough with their feet and clay with their hands, with which also they gather up dung: and whereas other men, except such as have learnt otherwise from the Egyptians, have their members as nature made them, the Egyptians practise circumcision: as to garments, the men wear two each and the women but one: and whereas others make fast the rings and ropes of the sails outside the ship, the Egyptians do this inside: finally in the writing of characters and reckoning with pebbles, while the Hellenes carry the hand from the left to the right, the Egyptians do this from the right to the left; and doing so they say that they do it themselves rightwise and the Hellenes leftwise: and they use two kinds of characters for writing, of which the one kind is called sacred and the other common. |
| 2.37 | Religiosi quum sint supra modum, et magis quam alii homines, ritibus utuntur hujusmodi. Ex æneis bibunt poculis, eaque quotidie operose eluunt exterguntque ; non hic, nec vero ille ; sed ad unum omnes. (2) Vestimenta gestant linea, semper recens lota ; hoc enim quam maxime curant. Pudenda autem circumcidunt munditiei causa ; maluntque mundi esse, quam decori. (3) Sacerdotes tertio quoque die totum radunt corpus, ne aut pediculus aut aliud quid sordidum illis insit, dum diis officia præstant. (4) Vestem sacerdotes nonnisi lineam gestant, et calceamenta e papyro ; aliam vestem, aut alia calceamenta gestare, non est illis licitum. Bis quotidie lavantur frigida, et bis unaquaque nocte. Denique alias observant cærimonias, verbo ut dicam, infinitas. (5) Fruuntur vero etiam commodis haud paucis. Nihil enim suarum rerum vel usu deterunt vel consumunt : sed apponuntur illis quotidie sacri cibi cocti, et carnis bovinæ et anserinæ copia quædam haud exigua : etiam vinum viteum eisdem præbetur. (6) Piscibus autem vesci nefas illis est. Fabas nullas utique serunt Ægyptii, et, si quæ nascuntur, has nec crudas manducant, nec coctis vescuntur : sacerdotes vero ne aspicere quidem eas sustinent, immundum esse lugem existimantes. (7) Non est autem cuique deo sacerdos unus ; sed plures, quorum unus est princeps sacerdos : qui si moritur, ei succedit filius. | They are religious excessively beyond all other men, and with regard to this they have customs as follows — they drink from cups of bronze and rinse them out every day, and not some only do this but all: they wear garments of linen always newly washed, and this they make a special point of practice: they circumcise themselves for the sake of cleanliness, preferring to be clean rather than comely. The priests shave themselves all over their body every other day, so that no lice or any other foul thing may come to be upon them when they minister to the gods; and the priests wear garments of linen only and sandals of papyrus, and any other garment they may not take nor other sandals; these wash themselves in cold water twice in the day and twice again in the night; and other religious services they perform (one may almost say) of infinite number. They enjoy also good things not a few, for they do not consume or spend anything of their own substance, but there is sacred bread baked for them and they have each great quantity of flesh of oxen and geese coming in to them each day, and also wine of grapes is given to them; but it is not permitted to them to taste of fish: beans moreover the Egyptians do not at all sow in their land, and those which grow they neither eat raw nor boil for food; nay the priests do not endure even to look upon them, thinking this to be an unclean kind of pulse: and there is not one priest only for each of the gods but many, and of them one is chief-priest, and whenever a priest dies his son is appointed to his place. |
| 2.38 | Boves mares Epapho sacros esse æstimant ; et hac de causa in hunc modum eos explorant. Si vel unum pilum nigrum in bove conspicit is qui explorat, hunc non censet esse mundum. (2) Est autem sacerdos ad id constitutus, qui et recto stante bove, et resupinato, et lingua ejus exserta, inquirat an mundus sit respectu præscriptorum signorum, quæ ego alibi exponam. Inspicitque ille etiam caudæ pilos, an habeat illos bos secundum naturam constitutos. (3) Quodsi his omnibus rebus mundus bos est, tum notat illum sacerdos papyro cornibus circumvoluto, deinde inlita terra signatoria annulum imprimit ; atque ita bos abducitur : non signatum autem immolanti, capitis pœna dicta est. Hic est ritus, quo exploratur victima. | The males of the ox kind they consider to belong to Epaphos, and on account of him they test them in the following manner — If the priest sees one single black hair upon the beast he counts it not clean for sacrifice; and one of the priests who is appointed for the purpose makes investigation of these matters, both when the beast is standing upright and when it is lying on its back, drawing out its tongue moreover, to see if it is clean in respect of the appointed signs, which I shall tell of in another part of the history: he looks also at the hairs of the tail to see if it has them growing in the natural manner: and if it be clean in respect of all these things, he marks it with a piece of papyrus, rolling this round the horns, and then when he has plastered sealing-earth over it he sets upon it the seal of his signet-ring, and after that they take the animal away. But for one who sacrifices a beast not sealed the penalty appointed is death. In this way then, the beast is tested. |
| 2.39 | Sacrificium autem tali modo instituitur. Postquam justa nota signatus bos ad aram adductus est, ad quam peragere volunt sacrificium, pyram accendunt. Deinde super ara vinum adversus victimam libant, invocatoque deo illam mactant, mactatæque caput abscindunt. (2) Tum corpus quidem pecudis excoriant ; capiti vero illi multa mala imprecantur, eo facto, qui forum venale habent, et quorum in oppido Græci mercatores cum ipsis habitant, hi caput illud in forum ferunt venduntque ; quibus vero non assunt Græci, hi illud in fluvium abjiciunt. (3) Imprecantur autem capitibus, hæc verba pronuntiantes : Si quid mali aut nobis sacrificantibus aut universæ imminet Ægypto, illud in hoc caput vertito ! Quod igitur ad capita mactatarum victimarum attinet, et ad vinum super eas effusum, Ægyptii omnes, omnibus in sacrificiis, eisdem ritibus perinde utuntur : atque inde fit ut nullius etiam alius animantis capite quisquam Ægyptius vescatur. | Moreover their appointed manner of sacrifice is as follows — they lead the sealed beast to the altar where they happen to be sacrificing and then kindle a fire: after that, having poured libations of wine over the altar so that it runs down upon the victim and having called upon the god, they cut its throat, and having cut its throat they sever the head from the body. The body then of the beast they flay, but upon the head they make many imprecations first, and then they who have a market and Hellenes sojourning among them for trade, these carry it to the market-place and sell it, while they who have no Hellenes among them cast it away into the river: and this is the form of imprecation which they utter upon the heads, praying that if any evil be about to befall either themselves who are offering sacrifice or the land of Egypt in general, it may come rather upon this head. Now as regards the heads of the beasts which are sacrificed and the pouring over them of the wine, all the Egyptians have the same customs equally for all their sacrifices; and by reason of this custom none of the Egyptians eat of the head either of this or of any other kind of animal. |
| 2.40 | Exenteratio autem victimæ et crematio, pro diversis sacris, diversa est. Quam igitur maximam deam censent esse, cui item maximum agunt festum, huic quo ritu fiat exenteratio et crematio dicam. (2) Postquam excoriarunt bovem, peractis precibus, totam inferiorem alvum exenterant, viscera vero et adipem in corpore relinquunt : pedes autem amputant, et extremam coxam, armosque, et cervicem. (3) His factis, reliquum bovis corpus implent panibus mundis, melle, uva passa, ficis, thure, myrrha, aliisque aromatibus : tum ita repletum incendunt, oleum largiter infundentes. Priusquam autem id sacrum faciant, jejunium agunt. Dum ardet victima, plangunt omnes : denique, plangendi fine facto, epulum apponunt e victimarum reliquiis. | But the manner of disembowelling the victims and of burning them is appointed among them differently for different sacrifices; I shall speak however of the sacrifices to that goddess whom they regard as the greatest of all, and to whom they celebrate the greatest feast. — When they have flayed the bullock and made imprecation, they take out the whole of its lower entrails but leave in the body the upper entrails and the fat; and they sever from it the legs and the end of the loin and the shoulders and the neck: and this done, they fill the rest of the body of the animal with consecrated loaves and honey and raisins and figs and frankincense and myrrh and every other kind of spices, and having filled it with these they offer it, pouring over it great abundance of oil. They make their sacrifice after fasting, and while the offerings are being burnt, they all beat themselves for mourning, and when they have finished beating themselves they set forth as a feast that which they left unburnt of the sacrifice. |
| 2.41 | Mundos igitur boves mares et vitulos immolant Ægyptii omnes : feminas vero immolare nefas est, sed sacræ illæ sunt Isidi. Est enim Isidis imago muliebris, bubulis instructa cornibus, quemadmodum Io pingitur a Græcis : et boves feminas cuncti perinde colunt Ægyptii pecudum omnium longe maxime. (2) Quapropter nec vir Ægyptius, neque mulier, Græcum virum osculabitur, aut cultro hominis Græci aut veru aut olla utetur ; et ne mundi quidem bovis carnem, quæ græco cultro dissecta fuerit, gustabit. (3) Mortuos vero boves hoc modo sepeliunt. Feminas quidem in fluvium conjiciunt : mares autem defodiunt quique in suis suburbiis, ita ut alterum cornu aut etiam utrumque emineat e terra signi causa. Putrefacto cadavere, quando statutum adest tempus, venit in unumquodque oppidum navis e Prosopitide quæ vocatur insula, quæ in Delta est, novem schœnos in circuitu habens. (4) In hac igitur Prosopitide insula quum alia insunt oppida multa, tum illud e quo naves circummittuntur boum ossa ablaturæ, cui nomen Atarbechis ; in qua est templum Veneri sacrum. (5) Ex hoc igitur oppido multi homines, alii in alia oppida, circumvehuntur, qui ossa illa effodiunt, et abducta sepeliunt unum in locum cuncta. Eodem vero modo, atque boves, sepeliunt etiam alia pecora mortua : est enim etiam de his ita lege cautum ; nam ne hæc quidem mactant. | The clean males then of the ox kind, both full-grown animals and calves, are sacrificed by all the Egyptians; the females however they may not sacrifice, but these are sacred to Isis; for the figure of Isis is in the form of a woman with cow’s horns, just as the Hellenes present Io in pictures, and all the Egyptians without distinction reverence cows far more than any other kind of cattle; for which reason neither man nor woman of Egyptian race would kiss a man who is a Hellene on the mouth, nor will they use a knife or roasting-spits or a caldron belonging to a Hellene, nor taste of the flesh even of a clean animal if it has been cut with the knife of a Hellene. And the cattle of this kind which die they bury in the following manner — the females they cast into the river, but the males they bury, each people in the suburb of their town, with one of the horns, or sometimes both, protruding to mark the place; and when the bodies have rotted away and the appointed time comes on, then to each city comes a boat from that which is called the island of Prosopitis (this is in the Delta, and the extent of its circuit is nine schoines). In this island of Prosopitis is situated, besides many other cities, that one from which the boats come to take up the bones of the oxen, and the name of the city is Atarbechis, and in it there is set up a holy temple of Aphrodite. From this city many go abroad in various directions, some to one city and others to another, and when they have dug up the bones of the oxen they carry them off, and coming together they bury them in one single place. In the same manner as they bury the oxen they bury also their other cattle when they die; for about them also they have the same law laid down, and these also they abstain from killing. |
| 2.42 | Jam quicunque templum habent Jovi Thebano sacrum, aut qui præfecturam incolunt Thebanam, hi omnes ovibus abstinent, capras vero immolant. (Nec enim omnes Ægyptii eosdem perinde deos colunt, exceptis Iside et Osiride, quem esse Bacchum aiunt : hos enim pariter colunt omnes.) Qui vero templum habent Mendeti sacrum, aut qui e Mendesia sunt præfectura, hi capris abstinent, oves vero immolant. (2) Thebani igitur, et quicunque alii, horum sacra sequentes, ovibus abstinent, hac de causa legem illam sibi constitutam dicunt : cupivisse Herculem utique conspicere Jovem, hunc autem ab illo conspici noluisse ; ad extremum, quum assidue rogaret Hercules, hoc invento usum esse Jovem : excoriasse arietem, tum abscissum arietis caput sibi prætendentem,et vellere ejus indutum, ita se ei ostendisse. (3) Inde Jovis imaginem faciunt Ægyptii arietina facie ; et ab Ægyptiis hoc accepere Ammonii, qui sunt Ægyptiorum Æthiopumque colonia, et sermone utuntur ex utrisque mixto. (4) Videturque mihi ipsum etiam nomen Ammoniorum indidem originem cepisse ; nam Jovem Ægyptii Ammoun vocant. Thebani igitur arietes non mactant : sed sacros eos istam ob causam habent. (5) Verumtamen uno die quotannis, in Jovis festo,unum arietem cædunt ; cujus detracto vellere similiter induunt Jovis simulacrum, deinde aliud simulacrum Herculis ad illud adducunt : eoque facto omnes, qui circa templum sunt, plangunt hircum, et deinde sacro in loculo eum sepeliunt. | Now all who have a temple set up to the Theban Zeus or who are of the district of Thebes, these, I say, all sacrifice goats and abstain from sheep: for not all the Egyptians equally reverence the same gods, except only Isis and Osiris (who they say is Dionysos), these they all reverence alike: but they who have a temple of Mendes or belong to the Mendesian district, these abstain from goats and sacrifice sheep. Now the men of Thebes and those who after their example abstain from sheep, say that this custom was established among them for the cause which follows — Heracles (they say) had an earnest desire to see Zeus, and Zeus did not desire to be seen of him; and at last when Heracles was urgent in entreaty Zeus contrived this device, that is to say, he flayed a ram and held in front of him the head of the ram which he had cut off, and he put on over him the fleece and then showed himself to him. Hence the Egyptians make the image of Zeus into the face of a ram; and the Ammonians do so also after their example, being settlers both from the Egyptians and from the Ethiopians, and using a language which is a medley of both tongues: and in my opinion it is from this god that the Ammonians took the name which they have, for the Egyptians call Zeus Amun. The Thebans then do not sacrifice rams but hold them sacred for this reason; on one day however in the year, on the feast of Zeus, they cut up in the same manner and flay one single ram and cover with its skin the image of Zeus, and then they bring up to it another image of Heracles. This done, all who are in the temple beat themselves in lamentation for the ram, and then they bury it in a sacred tomb. |
| 2.43 | Ad Herculem vero quod spectet, hunc sermonem audivi, esse eum e duodecim deorum numero. De altero vero Hercule, quem Græci norunt, nusquam in Ægypto comperire quidquam potuit. Ac sane, nomen Herculis non a Græcis accepisse Ægyptios, sed Græcos potius ab Ægyptiis, et Græcorum eos ipsos qui Amphitryonis filio nomen Herculis imposuerunt ; hoc, inquam, ita esse, quum alia multa documenta habeo, (2) tum vero et hoc, quod hujus Herculis parentes ambo, Amphitryo et Alcmena, origine Ægyptii fuere, et quod Ægyptii nec Neptuni nomen, nec Dioscurorum, se nosse ajunt, neque hi dii ab illis in reliquorum deorum numerum sunt relati. (3) Atqui si a Græcis ullius dei nomen accepissent, horum haud minime, immo vel maxime, memoriam erant conservaturi (quandoquidem jam tunc navigationibus utebantur, atque etiam Græcorum nonnulli mare exercebant), ut existimo equidem, et non temere persuasum habeo : quare horum deorum nomina magis etiam, quam Herculis, ad Ægyptiorum notitiam erant perventura. (4) At est Ægyptiis antiquus aliquis deus Hercules ; nam, ut ipsi dicunt, septemdecim milia annorum usque ad Amasidis regnum effluxerant, postquam e primis octo diis exstiterunt illi duodecim, quorum in numero Herculem ponunt. | About Heracles I heard the account given that he was of the number of the twelve gods; but of the other Heracles whom the Hellenes know I was not able to hear in any part of Egypt: and moreover to prove that the Egyptians did not take the name of Heracles from the Hellenes, but rather the Hellenes from the Egyptians — that is to say those of the Hellenes who gave the name Heracles to the son of Amphitryon — of that, I say, besides many other evidences there is chiefly this, namely that the parents of this Heracles, Amphitryon and Alcmene, were both of Egypt by descent, and also that the Egyptians say that they do not know the names either of Poseidon or of the Dioscuroi, nor have these been accepted by them as gods among the other gods; whereas if they had received from the Hellenes the name of any divinity, they would naturally have preserved the memory of these most of all, assuming that in those times as now some of the Hellenes were wont to make voyages and were sea-faring folk, as I suppose and as my judgment compels me to think; so that the Egyptians would have learnt the names of these gods even more than that of Heracles. In fact however Heracles is a very ancient Egyptian god; and (as they say themselves) it is seventeen thousand years to the beginning of the reign of Amasis from the time when the twelve gods, of whom they count that Heracles is one, were begotten of the eight gods. |
| 2.44 | Qua de re cupiens certius aliquid, undecunque possem, cognoscere, Tyrum etiam navigavi in Phœnice, quum audivissem esse ibi Herculis templum præcipua religione cultum : (2) conspexique id templum, quum aliis multis donariis largiter instructum, tum duæ in eo columnæ erant, altera purissimo ex auro, altera e smaragdo lapide, quæ noctu eximie splendebat. Sermones autem miscens cum illis dei sacerdotibus, quæsivi ex eis quantum temporis esset e quo id templum esset statutum. (3) Reperi autem, ne his quidem convenire cum Græcis : dixerunt enim, simul cum Tyro condita templum etiam illud esse constitutum ; esse autem, e quo condita Tyrus sit, annos bis mille et trecentos. (4) Vidi vero Tyri aliud etiam Herculis templum, cognomine Thasii. (5) Adii autem etiam Thasum, ibique templum reperi a Phœnicibus illis exstructum, qui, quum ad quærendam Europam navibus essent profecti, Thasum condiderunt : quod quidem quinque hominum generationibus prius accidit, quam in Græcia natus est Hercules, Amphitryonis filius. (6) Ex hactenus igitur narratis clare patet, antiquum deum Herculem esse. Quare rectissime mihi videntur illi e Græcis facere, qui bina Herculis templa constituta habent ; et alteri Herculi ut immortali, cognomine Olympio, sacra faciunt ; alterum heroicis honoribus prosquuntur. | I moreover, desiring to know something certain of these matters so far as might be, made a voyage also to Tyre of Phenicia, hearing that in that place there was a holy temple of Heracles; and I saw that it was richly furnished with many votive offerings besides, and especially there were in it two pillars, the one of pure gold and the other of an emerald stone of such size as to shine by night: and having come to speech with the priests of the god, I asked them how long time it was since their temple had been set up: and these also I found to be at variance with the Hellenes, for they said that at the same time when Tyre was founded, the temple of the god also had been set up, and that it was a period of two thousand three hundred years since their people began to dwell at Tyre. I saw also at Tyre another temple of Heracles, with the surname Thasian; and I came to Thasos also and there I found a temple of Heracles set up by the Phenicians, who had sailed out to seek for Europa and had colonised Thasos; and these things happened full five generations of men before Heracles the son of Amphitryon was born in Hellas. So then my inquiries show clearly that Heracles is an ancient god, and those of the Hellenes seem to me to act most rightly who have two temples of Heracles set up, and who sacrifice to the one as an immortal god and with the title Olympian, and make offerings of the dead to the other as a hero. |
| 2.45 | Narrant autem Græci quum alia multa inconsiderate, tum et hæc fatua eorum fabula est, quam de Hercule memorant ; dicentes, quum in Ægyptum venisset, coronatum ab Ægyptiis veluti victimam fuisse, et cum pompa eductum, ut Jovi immolaretur : illumque initio quidem quietem egisse, deinde vero quum ad altare auspicarentur sacrificium, exserto robore cunctos interfecisse. (2) Mihi vero hæc dicentes Græci prorsus ignari videntur esse naturæ Ægyptiorum, institutorumque quibus illi utuntur. Quibus enim nefas est vel pecudes mactare, exceptis ovibus et bobus maribus vitulisque, si mundi fuerint, et anseribus ; hi quo pacto hominem mactarent ? (3) Præterea, quum unus fuerit Hercules, atque etiam tum homo, ut ipsi ajunt ; quo pacto fieri potuit ut multas hominum myriades occideret ? Sed hæc a me hactenus hisce de rebus dicta dii et heroes, quæso, in bonam partem accipiant ! | Moreover, besides many other stories which the Hellenes tell without due consideration, this tale is especially foolish which they tell about Heracles, namely that when he came to Egypt, the Egyptians put on him wreaths and led him forth in procession to sacrifice him to Zeus; and he for some time kept quiet, but when they were beginning the sacrifice of him at the altar, he betook himself to prowess and slew them all. I for my part am of opinion that the Hellenes when they tell this tale are altogether without knowledge of the nature and customs of the Egyptians; for how should they for whom it is not lawful to sacrifice even beasts, except swine and the males of oxen and calves (such of them as are clean) and geese, how should these sacrifice human beings? Besides this, how is it in nature possible that Heracles, being one person only and moreover a man (as they assert), should slay many myriads? Having said so much of these matters, we pray that we may have grace from both the gods and the heroes for our speech. |
| 2.46 | Capras autem et hircos hac de causa non mactant ii ex Ægyptiis, quos supra dixi. Pan in octo deorum numero habetur apud Mendesios : quos octo deos priores ajunt fuisse duodecim diis. (2) Pingunt autem et exsculpunt pictores et sculptores simulacrum Panis prorsus ut Græci, facie caprina, et pedibus hirci : non quod eum talem esse arbitrentur ; sed similem illum ceteris diis existimant. Cur autem ita pingant eum, non mihi lubet exponere. (2) Religiose autem colunt Mendesii caprarum omne genus, sed magis etiam mares quam feminas ; et horum eos majore in honore habent qui cornua non emittunt. Ex his autem unus est maxime, qui quando moritur, universa Mendesia præfectura ingenti in luctu versatur. (4) Nominatur vero et hircus et Pan sermone Ægyptiorum Mendes. Accidit autem in hac præfectura mea ætate hoc prodigium : hircus cum muliere cooit propalam : eaque res ad omnium hominum notitiam pervenit. | Now the reason why those of the Egyptians whom I have mentioned do not sacrifice goats, female or male, is this — the Mendesians count Pan to be one of the eight gods (now these eight gods they say came into being before the twelve gods), and the painters and image-makers represent in painting and in sculpture the figure of Pan, just as the Hellenes do, with goat’s face and legs, not supposing him to be really like this but to resemble the other gods; the cause however why they represent him in this form I prefer not to say. The Mendesians then reverence all goats and the males more than the females (and the goatherds too have greater honor than other herdsmen), but of the goats one especially is reverenced, and when he dies there is great mourning in all the Mendesian district: and both the goat and Pan are called in the Egyptian tongue Mendes. Moreover in my lifetime there happened in that district this marvel, that is to say a he-goat had intercourse with a woman publicly, and this was so done that all men might have evidence of it. |
| 2.47 | Suem vero sordidum animal esse censent Ægyptii ; ita quidem, ut, si quis inter transeundum vel solis vestimentis suem tetigerit, ad flumen abeat, et immergens sese abluat. Itaque etiam subulci, quamvis sint indigenæ Ægyptii, soli ex omnibus Ægyptiis nullum templum ingrediuntur : neque quisquam illis filiam vult elocare, nec illorum filiam ducere uxorem : sed inter se subulci filias elocant, et matrimonia ineunt. (2) Aliis igitur diis sues immolare nefas ducunt Ægyptii : Lunæ vero et Baccho solis, eodem tempore, eodem plenilunio, sues immolant, et carne eorum vescuntur. (3) Cur autem ceteris in festis a suibus abhorreant, in hoc vero eas immolent, causam hujus rei afferunt Ægyptii ; quam licet noverim, non valde me decet referre. (4) Sacrificantur autem sues Lunæ in hunc modum : qui sacrum facit, is mactata sue extremam ejus caudam, splenem, et omentum, in unum componit, omnique adipe, qui in pecudis abdomine est, obtegit, tum accenso igne adolet. Deinde reliqua carne vescuntur eodem plenilunii die, quo sacra fecerunt : alio vero die nemo amplius gustaverit. Pauperes vero, ob victus tenuitatem, farinaceas fingunt sues, eisque coctis sacrificium peragunt. | The pig is accounted by the Egyptians an abominable animal; and first, if any of them in passing by touch a pig, he goes into the river and dips himself forthwith in the water together with his garments; and then too swineherds, though they be native Egyptians, unlike all others do not enter any of the temples in Egypt, nor is anyone willing to give his daughter in marriage to one of them or to take a wife from among them; but the swineherds both give in marriage to one another and take from one another. Now to the other gods the Egyptians do not think it right to sacrifice swine; but to the Moon and to Dionysos alone at the same time and on the same full-moon they sacrifice swine, and then eat their flesh: and as to the reason why, when they abominate swine at all their other feasts, they sacrifice them at this, there is a story told by the Egyptians; and this story I know, but it is not a seemly one for me to tell. Now the sacrifice of the swine to the Moon is performed as follows — when the priest has slain the victim, he puts together the end of the tail and the spleen and the caul, and covers them up with the whole of the fat of the animal which is about the paunch, and then he offers them with fire; and the rest of the flesh they eat on that day of full moon upon which they have held the sacrifice, but on any day after this they will not taste of it: the poor however among them by reason of the scantiness of their means shape pigs of dough and having baked them they offer these as a sacrifice. |
| 2.48 | Baccho vero, vespera quæ festum antecedit, unusquisque suem ante januam ædium suarum mactat ; mactatam vero eidem subulco, qui illi eam vendiderat, tradit auferendam. (2) Reliquum vero festum Baccho, choros si excipias, Ægyptii eodem prorsus modo agunt atque Græci. Loco phallorum autem alio invento utuntur ; imaginibus fere cubitalibus, nervo mobilibus, quas per vicos circumferunt mulieres, nutante veretro, haud multo minori quam reliquum totum corpus. (3) Præcedit tibia, sequunturque mulieres, Baccho carmina canentes. Cur autem veretrum sit majus, et hoc unum in corpore moveatur, ejus rei sacra quædam redditur ratio. | Then for Dionysos on the eve of the festival each one kills a pig by cutting its throat before his own doors, and after that he gives the pig to the swineherd who sold it to him, to carry away again; and the rest of the feast of Dionysos is celebrated by the Egyptians in the same way as by the Hellenes in almost all things except choral dances, but instead of the phallos they have invented another contrivance, namely figures of about a cubit in height worked by strings, which women carry about the villages, with the privy member made to move and not much less in size than the rest of the body: and a flute goes before and they follow singing the praises of Dionysos. As to the reason why the figure has this member larger than is natural and moves it, though it moves no other part of the body, about this there is a sacred story told. |
| 2.49 | Jam igitur hujus sacri videtur mihi Melampus, Amythaonis filius, non fuisse ignarus, sed cognitum illud habuisse. Qui enim Græcos et nomen et sacra Bacchi et phalli pompam docuit, is Melampus est. (2) Sed non totam rem recte perceptam aperuit : alii autem post eum docti viri amplius illam patefecerunt. Phallum certe, qui in Bacchi pompa circumfertur, Melampus instituit, et ab illo edocti faciunt Græci quæ faciunt. (3) Ego itaque affirmo, Melampodem, quum esset vir doctrina et ingenio præstans, et divinandi artem sibi comparasse, et quum alia multa, quæ ex Ægypto cognoverat, tum ea quæ ad Bacchum spectant, Græcos docuisse, pauca ex illis immutantem. (4) Nec enim dicam equidem, fortuito congruere ea quæ in Ægypto peraguntur huic deo, et quæ apud Græcos : forent enim reliquis Græcorum moribus institutisque conformia, nec recens introducta : nec vero rursus dicam, a Græcis accepisse Ægyptios sive hoc, sive aliud ullum institutum. (5) Accepisse autem Melampus hæc quæ ad Bacchi cultum spectant, maxime a Cadmo Tyrio mihi videtur et ab his qui cum eo e Phœnice in hanc terram, quæ nunc Bœotia vocatur, advenerat. | Now I think that Melampus the son of Amythaon was not without knowledge of these rites of sacrifice, but was acquainted with them: for Melampus is he who first set forth to the Hellenes the name of Dionysos and the manner of sacrifice and the procession of the phallos. Strictly speaking indeed, he when he made it known did not take in the whole, but those wise men who came after him made it known more at large. Melampus then is he who taught of the phallos which is carried in procession for Dionysos, and from him the Hellenes learnt to do that which they do. I say then that Melampus being a man of ability contrived for himself an art of divination, and having learnt from Egypt he taught the Hellenes many things, and among them those that concern Dionysos, making changes in some few points of them: for I shall not say that that which is done in worship of the god in Egypt came accidentally to be the same with that which is done among the Hellenes, for then these rites would have been in character with the Hellenic worship and not lately brought in; nor certainly shall I say that the Egyptians took from the Hellenes either this or any other customary observance: but I think it most probable that Melampus learnt the matters concerning Dionysos from Cadmos the Tyrian and from those who came with him from Phenicia to the land which we now call Boeotia. |
| 2.50 | Enimvero omnia propemodum deorum nomina ex Ægypto in Græciam pervenerunt. Nam, a barbaris advenisse, perquirendo compertum habeo : puto autem, ex Ægypto maxime fuisse allata. (2) Etenim si Neptunum et Dioscuros excipias, ut jam ante dixi, tum Junonem, Vestam, Themidem, Charitas et Nereidas ; reliquorum deorum omnium nomina ab omni retro tempore in Ægypto exstitere. Dico autem quæ dicunt ipsi Ægyptii. (3) Quorum vero deorum ignorare se nomina ajunt, his mihi videntur Pelasgi nomina imposuisse, excepto Neptuno : hujus autem dei notitia e Libya ad Græcos pervenit : nullus enim populus, præter Libyes, Neptuni olim nomen habuit : Libyes vero deum hunc perpetuo coluerunt. Porro nec heroas ullo cultu prosequuntur Ægpytii. | Moreover the naming of almost all the gods has come to Hellas from Egypt: for that it has come from the Barbarians I find by inquiry is true, and I am of opinion that most probably it has come from Egypt, because, except in the case of Poseidon and the Dioscuroi (in accordance with that which I have said before), and also of Hera and Hestia and Themis and the Charites and Nereïds, the Egyptians have had the names of all the other gods in their country for all time. What I say here is that which the Egyptians think themselves: but as for the gods whose names they profess that they do not know, these I think received their naming from the Pelasgians, except Poseidon; but about this god the Hellenes learnt from the Libyans, for no people except the Libyans have had the name of Poseidon from the first and have paid honor to this god always. Nor, it may be added, have the Egyptians any custom of worshipping heroes. |
| 2.51 | Ista igitur, quæ dixi, et præterea alia, de quibus dicturus sum, ab Ægyptiis receperunt Græci. Quod vero Mercurii imagines faciunt erecta pudenda habentes, id non ab Ægyptiis didicerunt ; sed a Pelasgis acceperunt primi Græcorum omnium Athenienses, ac deinde ab his ceteri. (2) Nam cum Atheniensibus, qui jam tum Hellenibus accensebantur, simul in eadem regione habitabant Pelasgi ; unde etiam ipsi cœperunt in Hellenum numero haberi. Quisquis mysteriis Cabirorum initiatus est, quæ Samothraces celebrant, is novit quid sit quod dico. (3) Samothraciam enim prius incoluerant hi Pelasgi, qui cum Atheniensibus habitaverunt : et ab his Samothraces mysteria acceperunt. Igitur Mercurii imagines pudendis erectis primi Græcorum Athenienses fecerunt, a Pelasgis edocti. Pelasgi vero ejus rei sacram quamdam rationem afferebant, quæ in Samothracicis mysteriis explicatur. | These observances then, and others besides these which I shall mention, the Hellenes have adopted from the Egyptians; but to make, as they do, the images of Hermes with the phallos they have learnt not from the Egyptians but from the Pelasgians, the custom having been received by the Athenians first of all the Hellenes and from these by the rest; for just at the time when the Athenians were beginning to rank among the Hellenes, the Pelasgians became dwellers with them in their land, and from this very cause it was that they began to be counted as Hellenes. Whosoever has been initiated in the mysteries of the Cabeiroi, which the Samothrakians perform having received them from the Pelasgians, that man knows the meaning of my speech; for these very Pelasgians who became dwellers with the Athenians used to dwell before that time in Samothrake, and from them the Samothrakians received their mysteries. So then the Athenians were the first of the Hellenes who made the images of Hermes with the phallos, having learnt from the Pelasgians; and the Pelasgians told a sacred story about it, which is set forth in the mysteries in Samothrake. |
| 2.52 | Sacrificia autem omnia olim peragebant Pelasgi deos precantes, ut ego Dodonæ mihi affirmatum cognovi : sed cognomento aut nomine nullum eorum compellabant ; necdum enim audiverant. (2) Simpliciter deos, θεούς, appellabant, eo quod illi omnes res ordine posuissent, θέντες (a θεῖναι, ponere), et distributionem earum omnem in manu haberent. (3) Deinde vero, multo interjecto tempore, didicerunt ex Ægypto allata deorum nomina ceterorum præter Bacchum, cujus nomen multo post cognoverunt. Aliquanto post, Dodonam miserunt, horum nominum causa oraculum consulentes : est enim antiquissimum Græcis oraculum hoc constitutum, et tunc temporis nullum aliud præter hoc erat. (4) Consulentibus igitur Dodonæ oraculum Pelasgis, an nomina susciperent deorum a barbaris allata, datum est responsum, Uterentur illis. Ab hoc igitur tempore in sacris faciendis usi sunt Pelasgi nominibus deorum : a Pelasgis vero postmodum acceperunt ea Hellenes. | Now the Pelasgians formerly were wont to make all their sacrifices calling upon the gods in prayer, as I know from that which I heard at Dodona, but they gave no title or name to any of them, for they had not yet heard any, but they called them gods ({theous}) from some such notion as this, that they had set ({thentes}) in order all things and so had the distribution of everything. Afterwards, when much time had elapsed, they learnt from Egypt the names of the gods, all except Dionysos, for his name they learnt long afterwards; and after a time the Pelasgians consulted the Oracle at Dodona about the names, for this prophetic seat is accounted to be the most ancient of the Oracles which are among the Hellenes, and at that time it was the only one. So when the Pelasgians asked the Oracle at Dodona whether they should adopt the names which had come from the Barbarians, the Oracle in reply bade them make use of the names. From this time they sacrificed using the names of the gods, and from the Pelasgians the Hellenes afterwards received them. |
| 2.53 | Unde autem exstiterit unusquisque deorum, an vero semper fuerint omnes, tum qua sint specie, ignorarunt Græci, usque ad nuperrimum diem, ut verbo dicam. (2) Hesiodum enim et Homerum quadringentis annis me antiquiores esse existimo, non amplius. Hi sunt autem qui deorum generationem Græcis condiderunt, et cognomina ac nomina diis imposuerunt, et honores artesque distribuerunt, et eorum formas delinearunt. (3) Qui vero dicuntur his antiquiores fuisse poetæ, hi post illos, ut equidem puto, exstiterunt. Jam quæ prius dixi, ea ex ore Dodonidarum sacerdotum rettuli : quæ vero deinde, ad Hesiodum et Homerum spectantia, ea meis verbis dico. | But whence the several gods had their birth, or whether they all were from the beginning, and of what form they are, they did not learn till yesterday, as it were, or the day before: for Hesiod and Homer I suppose were four hundred years before my time and not more, and these are they who made a theogony for the Hellenes and gave the titles to the gods and distributed to them honors and arts, and set forth their forms: but the poets who are said to have been before these men were really in my opinion after them. Of these things the first are said by the priestesses of Dodona, and the latter things, those namely which have regard to Hesiod and Homer, by myself. |
| 2.54 | De oraculis autem, quum de illo quod apud Græcos (Dodonæ) est, tum eo quod in Libya, hancce historiam narrant Ægyptii. Dixerunt mihi Jovis Thebani sacerdotes duas mulieres, templi ministras, Thebis olim abductas fuisse a Phœnicibus ; compertumque esse, alteram earum venditam fuisse in Libyam, alteram in Græciam : hasque esse mulieres, quæ oracula illa apud prædictos populos primum instituissent. (2) Quum vero ex illis quæsissem, unde hæc, quæ affirment, tam accurate nossent, responderunt ad hæc: magnam curam fuisse adhibitam ad investigandas mulieres, sed reperiri eas non potuisse : deinde vero compertum ipsis esse id quod dixissent. | As regards the Oracles both that among the Hellenes and that in Libya, the Egyptians tell the following tale. The priests of the Theban Zeus told me that two women in the service of the temple had been carried away from Thebes by Phenicians, and that they had heard that one of them had been sold to go into Libya and the other to the Hellenes; and these women, they said, were they who first founded the prophetic seats among the nations which have been named: and when I inquired whence they knew so perfectly of this tale which they told, they said in reply that a great search had been made by the priests after these women, and that they had not been able to find them, but they had heard afterwards this tale about them which they were telling. |
| 2.55 | Ista igitur e Thebanis audivi sacerdotibus ; Dodonæorum vero prophetissæ hæc narrant : duas nigras columbas Thebis Ægyptiis avolasse, earum alteram in Libyam, alteram ad se venisse. Et hanc quidem in fago residentem, humana lingua locutam dixisse, instituendum ibi esse Jovis oraculum. Dodonæos igitur existimasse, divinitus id sibi præcipi, et continuo mandata fecisse. (2) Illam autem columbam quæ in Libyam abierat, dicunt, jussisse Libyas, ut Ammonis instituerent oraculum. Est autem et hoc, Jovis oraculum. (3) Hæc mihi dixerunt mulieres quæ apud Dodonæos sacerdotio funguntur ; quarum natu maximæ nomen est Promeneæ; alteri, Timaretæ; natu minimæ, Nicandræ. Atque his constentiebant ceteri Dodonæi, qui circa id templum ministrant. | This I heard from the priests at Thebes, and what follows is said by the prophetesses of Dodona. They say that two black doves flew from Thebes to Egypt, and came one of them to Libya and the other to their land. And this latter settled upon an oak-tree and spoke with human voice, saying that it was necessary that a prophetic seat of Zeus should be established in that place; and they supposed that that was of the gods which was announced to them, and made one accordingly: and the dove which went away to the Libyans, they say, bade the Libyans to make an Oracle of Ammon; and this also is of Zeus. The priestesses of Dodona told me these things, of whom the eldest was named Promeneia, the next after her Timarete, and the youngest Nicandra; and the other people of Dodona who were engaged about the temple gave accounts agreeing with theirs. |
| 2.56 | Quibus de rebus hæc est mea sententia. Quodsi revera Phœnices sacras mulieres abduxerunt, earumque alteram in Libyam vendiderunt, alteram in Græciam ; videtur mihi hæc altera in hujus terræ, quæ nunc Græcia, olim vero Pelasgia vocabatur, eam regionem vendita fuisse, quam Thesproti incolunt ; deinde vero, quum ibi serviret, sub fago arbore ædem Jovi statuisse : quemadmodum consentaneum est, eam quæ Thebis in Jovis templo famulata esset, eo in loco, quo nunc delata esset, memoriam illius servasse. (2) Deinde, postquam Græcum addidicit sermonem, oraculum ibidem instituit. Probabile est etiam, dixisse eam, sororem suam in Libyam esse venditam ab eisdem Phœnicibus, a quibus et ipsa vendita fuisset. | I however have an opinion about the matter as follows — If the Phenicians did in truth carry away the consecrated women and sold one of them into Libya and the other into Hellas, I suppose that in the country now called Hellas, which was formerly called Pelasgia, this woman was sold into the land of the Thesprotians; and then being a slave there she set up a sanctuary of Zeus under a real oak-tree; as indeed it was natural that being an attendant of the sanctuary of Zeus at Thebes, she should there, in the place to which she had come, have a memory of him; and after this, when she got understanding of the Hellenic tongue, she established an Oracle, and she reported, I suppose, that her sister had been sold in Libya by the same Phenicians by whom she herself had been sold. |
| 2.57 | Quod autem columbæ nominatæ sint a Dodonæis istæ mulieres, id ea re factum mihi videtur, quod barbaræ fuissent : eo enim visæ illis erant vocem edere similem avibus. (2) Post aliquod tempus autem humana voce ajunt locutam esse columbam ; scilicet postquam eo sermone, quem ipsi intelligebant, loqui cœpit : quoad vero barbare loquebatur, avium more sonum edere illis visa erat. Nam quo pacto columba humana lingua loqueretur ? Quod vero nigram fuisse dicunt columbam, significant Ægyptiam fuisse mulierem. | Moreover, I think that the women were called doves by the people of Dodona for the reason that they were Barbarians and because it seemed to them that they uttered voice like birds; but after a time (they say) the dove spoke with human voice, that is when the woman began to speak so that they could understand; but so long as she spoke a Barbarian tongue she seemed to them to be uttering voice like a bird: for had it been really a dove, how could it speak with human voice? And in saying that the dove was black, they indicate that the woman was Egyptian. |
| 2.58 | Est autem modus quo oracula redduntur similis Thebis Ægyptiacis atque Dodonæ. Est vero etiam divinatio in templis ab Ægyptiis profecta. (2) Jam panegyres (sacros conventus) et pompas et adductiones victimarum ad aras primi utique Ægyptii instituerunt ; et ab his Græci acceperunt. Cujus rei documentum mihi hoc est, quod apud illos ab longo inde tempore instituti sunt hi ritus ; apud Græcos autem nuper introducti. | The ways of delivering oracles too at Thebes in Egypt and at Dodona closely resemble one another, as it happens, and also the method of divination by victims has come from Egypt. Moreover, it is true also that the Egyptians were the first of men who made solemn assemblies and processions and approaches to the temples, and from them the Hellenes have learnt them, and my evidence for this is that the Egyptian celebrations of these have been held from a very ancient time, whereas the Hellenic were introduced but lately. |
| 2.59 | Celebrant autem panegyres Ægyptii non semel quotannis, sed frequentius. Maxime quidem et præcipuo cum studio panegyrin agunt Bubastin oppidum, in Dianæ honorem : deinde Busirin, Isidi ; est enim in hoc oppido maximum Isidis templum. Situm est autem id oppidum in medio Delta Ægyptiaco ; Isis vero Græco sermone Demeter (Ceres) est. Tertiam panegyrin in Sain oppidum agunt Minervæ: quartam, Heliopolin, Soli : quintam, in oppidum cui Buto nomen, Latonæ: sextam, Papremin oppidum, Marti. | The Egyptians hold their solemn assemblies not once in the year but often, especially and with the greatest zeal and devotion at the city of Bubastis for Artemis, and next at Busiris for Isis; for in this last-named city there is a very great temple of Isis, and this city stands in the middle of the Delta of Egypt; now Isis is in the tongue of the Hellenes Demeter: thirdly, they have a solemn assembly at the city of Saïs for Athene, fourthly at Heliopolis for the Sun (Helios), fifthly at the city of Buto in honor of Leto, and sixthly at the city of Papremis for Ares. |
| 2.60 | Quæ Bubastin agitur panegyris, tali modo instituitur. Navigant una viri et mulieres, et equidem magna utrorumque multitudo in quaque navi. Per totum navigationis cursum, mulierum aliæ crotala pulsant, viri vero tibiis canunt : reliquæ mulieres virique canunt et manibus plaudunt. (2) Quoties inter navigandum prope aliud oppidum accedunt, navi ad terram appulsa, talia agunt : e muleribus aliquæ pergunt ea facere quæ dixi ; aliæ clamantes dicteriis incessunt oppidi illius mulieres ; aliæ tripudiant ; aliæ stantes attracta veste corpora nudant. (3) Hæc ad quodlibet oppidum juxta fluvium situm faciunt. Ubi vero Bubastin venerunt, festum celebrant, magna sacrificia offerentes : et vini vitei in festo illo plus absumitur, quam reliquo toto anno. (4) Conveniunt autem, viri et mulieres, non comprehensis in eo numero pueris puellisque, ad septingenta utique milia, ut ajunt indigenæ. Hæc igitur ita peragunt. | Now, when they are coming to the city of Bubastis they do as follows — they sail men and women together, and a great multitude of each sex in every boat; and some of the women have rattles and rattle with them, while some of the men play the flute during the whole time of the voyage, and the rest, both women and men, sing and clap their hands; and when as they sail they come opposite to any city on the way they bring the boat to land, and some of the women continue to do as I have said, others cry aloud and jeer at the women in that city, some dance, and some stand up and pull up their garments. This they do by every city along the river-bank; and when they come to Bubastis they hold festival celebrating great sacrifices, and more wine of grapes is consumed upon that festival than during the whole of the rest of the year. To this place (so say the natives) they come together year by year even to the number of seventy myriads of men and women, besides children. |
| 2.61 | In Busiride vero oppido qua ratione Isidi festum agant, supra dixi. Plangunt ibi, post peractum sacrificium, viri omnes mulieresque, multæ admodum myriades hominum : quis sit vero quem plangunt, nefas mihi est declarare. (2) Qui vero Cares natione in Ægypto habitant, hi tanto etiam amplius faciunt quam ceteri, ut frontes quoque cultris concidant ; et ea re produnt se peregrinos esse, non Ægyptios. | Thus it is done here; and how they celebrate the festival in honor of Isis at the city of Busiris has been told by me before: for, as I said, they beat themselves in mourning after the sacrifice, all of them both men and women, very many myriads of people; but for whom they beat themselves it is not permitted to me by religion to say: and so many as there are of the Carians dwelling in Egypt do this even more than the Egyptians themselves, inasmuch as they cut their foreheads also with knives; and by this it is manifested that they are strangers and not Egyptians. |
| 2.62 | Quum in Sain oppidum solennis sacrificii causa conveniunt, certa quadam nocte lucernas accendunt omnes sub dio circum domos suas. Sunt autem hæ lucernæ vascula sale repleta et oleo ; superne est ellychnium, quod per totam noctem ardet ; appellantque festum illud, Accensionem lucernarum. (2) Alii autem Ægyptii, qui conventui non intersunt, observantes noctem sacrificii, lucernas et ipsi accendunt omnes : ita fit ut non solum in Sai oppido, sed per totam Ægyptum lucernæ ardeant. Qua vero de causa nox hæc lumine ita honoretur, ea de re sacra quædam ratio affertur. | At the times when they gather together at the city of Saïs for their sacrifices, on a certain night they all kindle lamps many in number in the open air round about the houses; now the lamps are saucers full of salt and oil mixed, and the wick floats by itself on the surface, and this burns during the whole night; and to the festival is given the name Lychnocaia (the lighting of the lamps). Moreover those of the Egyptians who have not come to this solemn assembly observe the night of the festival and themselves also light lamps all of them, and thus not in Saïs alone are they lighted, but over all Egypt: and as to the reason why light and honor are allotted to this night, about this there is a sacred story told. |
| 2.63 | Heliopolin et in Buto oppidum quum conveniunt, nonnisi sacrificia peragunt : Papremi vero et sacrificia et alios sacros ritus celebrant, sicut ceteris in locis. Ibi vero, quando sol occasui vicinus est, pauci nonnulli e sacerdotibus circa dei simulacrum occupantur ; plerique vero eorum, ligneis clavis instructi, stant in templi introitu ; alii vero, susceptum votum exsequentes, plures quam mille homines, ex adverso stant, fuste quisque instructus. (2) Simulacrum autem dei, quod in parva ædicula inest lignea deaurata, pridie ejus diei in aliam sacram ædem transportant. Jam pauci illi, qui apud simulacrum relicti sunt, trahunt plaustrum quattuor rotarum, cui imposita est ædicula et quod ei inest simulacrum : isti vero, qui in propylæo stant, hos non sinunt intrare. Atque hi, qui vota susceperunt, deo opem ferentes, pugnam ineunt, illosque fustibus cædunt : (3) fitque ibi acre prœlium, multisque contunduntur capita ; nec pauci, ut equidem arbitror, moriuntur etiam e vulneribus ; quamquam affirmant Ægyptii neminem interire. | To Heliopolis and Buto they go year by year and do sacrifice only: but at Papremis they do sacrifice and worship as elsewhere, and besides that, when the sun begins to go down, while some few of the priests are occupied with the image of the god, the greater number of them stand in the entrance of the temple with wooden clubs, and other persons to the number of more than a thousand men with purpose to perform a vow, these also having all of them staves of wood, stand in a body opposite to those: and the image, which is in a small shrine of wood covered over with gold, they take out on the day before to another sacred building. The few then who have been left about the image, draw a wain with four wheels, which bears the shrine and the image that is within the shrine, and the other priests standing in the gateway try to prevent it from entering, and the men who are under a vow come to the assistance of the god and strike them, while the others defend themselves. Then there comes to be a hard fight with staves, and they break one another’s heads, and I am of opinion that many even die of the wounds they receive; the Egyptians however told me that no one died. |
| 2.64 | Hanc autem panegyrin hac causa institutam esse ajunt indigenæ: habitasse in illo templo matrem Martis : Martem autem, alibi educatum, postquam ad virilem pervenit ætatem, voluisse matri in commercium venire : ministros autem matris, ut qui illum nunquam ante vidissent, non sivisse eum accedere, sed prohibuisse : tum illum, adductis secum ex alio oppido hominibus, male mulcasse ministros et ad matrem introivisse. In ejus rei memoriam verberationem hanc in festo Marti sacro a se ajunt esse institutam. (2) Etiam hanc religionem primi coluerunt Ægyptii, ut nefas ducant in templo coire cum mulieribus, aut a concubitu intrare in templa illotum. Ceteri enim fere omnes homines, exceptis Ægyptiis et Græcis, coeunt in locis sacris, et ab uxoribus surgentes, templum intrant illoti : existimantes nihil inter homines et alias pecudes differre. Videre se enim alias pecudes et avium varia genera coire in ipsis deorum ædibus et in locis deo alicui consecratis : id si ingratum esset deo, pecudes non esse facturas. Talia illi prætexentes faciunt ista, mihi quidem minime probata. | This solemn assembly the people of the place say that they established for the following reason — the mother of Ares, they say, used to dwell in this temple, and Ares, having been brought up away from her, when he grew up came thither desiring to visit his mother, and the attendants of his mother’s temple, not having seen him before, did not permit him to pass in, but kept him away; and he brought men to help him from another city and handled roughly the attendants of the temple, and entered to visit his mother. Hence, they say, this exchange of blows has become the custom in honor of Ares upon his festival. The Egyptians were the first who made it a point of religion not to lie with women in temples, nor to enter into temples after going away from women without first bathing: for almost all other men except the Egyptians and the Hellenes lie with women in temples and enter into a temple after going away from women without bathing, since they hold that there is no difference in this respect between men and beasts: for they say that they see beasts and the various kinds of birds coupling together both in the temples and in the sacred enclosures of the gods; if then this were not pleasing to the god, the beasts would not do so. |
| 2.65 | Sed Ægyptii, quum aliis in rebus, tum nimirum et hac in parte, curiose colunt templorum religionem. Ægyptus, quamvis sit Libyæ confinis, non est tamen bestiis frequens. Quæ vero in ea reperiuntur, sacræ habentur omnes : et illarum quidem aliæ cum ipsis hominibus aluntur ; aliæ non item. (2) Quodsi vero declarare vellem, cur deorum cuique consecratæ sint hæ quæ sacræ habentur, descenderem ad sermonem faciendum de divinis rebus, quas exponere equidem imprimis devito : quarum si quas ego in narratione mea tetigi, necessitate adductus de eis sum locutus. (3) Obtinet autem, quod ad hasce bestias spectat, institutum hujusmodi. Constituti sunt, quibus earum alendarum, et quidem cujusque generis sigillatim, cura commissa est, viri Ægyptii mulieresque ; quo in munere patri filius succedit. (4) Præterea singuli oppidorum incolæ vota illis exsolvunt hæc, quæ deo ei fecerunt cui sacrata est bestia : scilicet liberorum suorum sive totum caput, sive dimidium, aut tertiam radunt partem ; deinde capillos in trutina argentum contra pendunt, et, quantum fuerit capillorum pondus, tantum argenti solvunt curatrici bestiarum : illaque, pro hoc, escam bestiis concisos pisces præbet ; (5) hoc enim eis alimenti genus assignatum est. Si quis vero harum bestiarum quampiam occiderit, si sponte id fecerit, capite delictum luit ; sin invitus, mulctam pendit, quantum irrogaverint sacerdotes. Qui vero ibin aut accipitrem necavit, sive volens, sive invitus, eum mori necesse est. | Thus do these defend that which they do, which by me is disallowed: but the Egyptians are excessively careful in their observances, both in other matters which concern the sacred rites and also in those which follow — Egypt, though it borders upon Libya, does not very much abound in wild animals, but such as they have are one and all accounted by them sacred, some of them living with men and others not. But if I should say for what reasons the sacred animals have been thus dedicated, I should fall into discourse of matters pertaining to the gods, of which I most desire not to speak; and what I have actually said touching slightly upon them, I said because I was constrained by necessity. About these animals there is a custom of this kind — persons have been appointed of the Egyptians, both men and women, to provide the food for each kind of beast separately, and their office goes down from father to son; and those who dwell in the various cities perform vows to them thus, that is, when they make a vow to the god to whom the animal belongs, they shave the head of their children either the whole or the half or the third part of it, and then set the hair in the balance against silver, and whatever it weighs, this the man gives to the person who provides for the animals, and she cuts up fish of equal value and gives it for food to the animals. Thus food for their support has been appointed: and if any one kill any of these animals, the penalty, if he do it with his own will, is death, and if against his will, such penalty as the priests may appoint: but whosoever shall kill an ibis or a hawk, whether it be with his will or against his will, must die. |
| 2.66 | Quamvis autem multæ sint bestiæ quæ cum hominibus aluntur vitamque agunt, multo etiam plures forent, nisi felibus accideret hocce. Postquam pepererunt feminæ, non amplius accedunt ad mares : at hi, coire cum illis concupiscentes, quum non possint, tali utuntur invento : rapiunt illarum fœtus, raptosque interficiunt ; nec tamen comedunt occisos. Tum illæ, fœtu privatæ, et alium desiderantes, sic demum iterum ad mares accedunt : est enim amans prolis bestia. (2) Quodsi vero incidit incendium, divinitus quasi furore quodam corripiuntur feles. Nam Ægyptii quidem, per intervalla dispositi, custodiam felium agunt, incendium interim nihil curantes ; at feles, aut sese insinuantes per hominum intervalla, aut superne transilientes, in ignem insiliunt : (3) quod ubi fit, ingens luctus capit Ægyptios. Quodsi ultro in domo quadam moritur felis, omnes ædium illarum incolæ supercilia sola radunt ; apud quos vero canis mortuus fuerit, hi totum radunt corpus et caput. | Of the animals that live with men there are great numbers, and would be many more but for the accidents which befall the cats. For when the females have produced young they are no longer in the habit of going to the males, and these seeking to be united with them are not able. To this end then they contrive as follows — they either take away by force or remove secretly the young from the females and kill them (but after killing they do not eat them), and the females being deprived of their young and desiring more, therefore come to the males, for it is a creature that is fond of its young. Moreover when a fire occurs, the cats seem to be divinely possessed; for while the Egyptians stand at intervals and look after the cats, not taking any care to extinguish the fire, the cats slipping through or leaping over the men, jump into the fire; and when this happens, great mourning comes upon the Egyptians. And in whatever houses a cat has died by a natural death, all those who dwell in this house shave their eyebrows only, but those in whose houses a dog has died shave their whole body and also their head. |
| 2.67 | Abducuntur autem mortuæ feles in sacra sepulcra, quæ in Bubasti sunt oppido, ubi conditæ sepeliuntur. Canes autem mortuos in suo quisque oppido sacris in conditoriis sepeliunt : (2) et similiter, atque canes, sepeliuntur ichneumones. Mures autem araneos et accipitres in Buto oppidum deducunt : ibes vero, Mercurio sacras, Hermopolin. (3) Ursos autem, raros illos quidem in Ægypto, et lupos, qui vulpibus haud multo sunt majores, ibi sepeliunt, ubi mortui reperiuntur. | The cats when they are dead are carried away to sacred buildings in the city of Bubastis, where after being embalmed they are buried; but the dogs they bury each people in their own city in sacred tombs; and the Egyptian rats are buried just in the same way as the dogs. The shrew-mice however and the hawks they carry away to the city of Buto, and the ibises to Hermopolis; the bears (which are not commonly seen) and the wolves, not much larger in size than foxes, they bury on the spot where they are found lying. |
| 2.68 | Crocodilorum autem hæc natura est. Per quattuor menses maxime hibernos nullum cibum capiunt. Quadrupes est, terram pariter et aquam habitans : ova enim parit excluditque in terra, et majorem diei partem in sicco versatur, noctem vero totam in fluvio agit : est enim aqua tum magis calida quam āër et ros. (2) Omnium vero, quæ novimus, animalium hoc e minimo fit maximum. Nam ova parit haud multo majora anserinis, et exclusus fœtus pro ovi portione est : at, ubi incrementum cepit, pervenit ad septemdecim cubitorum longitudinem, et ultra. (3) Habet autem oculos porci, dentes vero magnos et exsertos, pro ratione magnitudinis corporis. Linguam natura non habet, unum ex omnibus animantibus : neque inferiorem movet, maxillam, sed ex omnibus item animantibus unum est quod superiorem maxillam admoveat inferiori. (4) Habet autem ungues robustos, et cutem squamatam, quæ in tergo perrumpi non potest. In aqua quidem cæcus est, in āëre vero perspicacissimus. Quum igitur in aqua degat, os intus oppletum habet hirudinibus. (5) Jam aliæ quidem aves et bestiæ illum fugiunt : eum trochilo autem pacem colit, quippe qui utilem ei operam præstat : nam postquam ex aqua in terram exiit crocodilus, ibique ore hiante recubat (quod facere ille plerumque contra zephyrum consuevit), tum trochilus in os ejus sese insinuans, hirudines devorat ; atque ille hac opera sibi præstita gaudens, neutiquam lædit trochilum. | Of the crocodile the nature is as follows — during the four most wintry months this creature eats nothing: she has four feet and is an animal belonging to the land and the water both; for she produces and hatches eggs on the land, and the most part of the day she remains upon dry land, but the whole of the night in the river, for the water in truth is warmer than the unclouded open air and the dew. Of all the mortal creatures of which we have knowledge this grows to the greatest bulk from the smallest beginning; for the eggs which she produces are not much larger than those of geese and the newly-hatched young one is in proportion to the egg, but as he grows he becomes as much as seventeen cubits long and sometimes yet larger. He has eyes like those of a pig and teeth large and tusky, in proportion to the size of his body; but unlike all other beasts he grows no tongue, neither does he move his lower jaw, but brings the upper jaw towards the lower, being in this too unlike all other beasts. He has moreover strong claws and a scaly hide upon his back which cannot be pierced; and he is blind in the water, but in the air he is of very keen sight. Since he has his living in the water he keeps his mouth all full within of leeches; and whereas all other birds and beasts fly from him, the trochilus is a creature which is at peace with him, seeing that from her he receives benefit; for the crocodile having come out of the water to the land and then having opened his mouth (this he is wont to do generally towards the West Wind), the trochilus upon that enters into his mouth and swallows down the leeches, and he being benefited is pleased and does no harm to the trochilus. |
| 2.69 | Sunt autem crocodili aliis Ægyptiis sacri ; aliis non item, sed hi illos ut hostes persequuntur. Qui circa Thebas et Mœridis lacum habitant, hi vel maxime sacros illos ducunt : (2) et horum utrique unum crocodilum eximium alunt, manu tractari edoctum ; cujus auribus inaures e fusis lapidibus et auro inserunt, et anteriores pedes ornant armillis ; demensoque cibo, quum farinaceo, tum e victimis, eundem pascunt, curantes ut quam lautissime vivat ; denique mortuum condiunt, et sacro in sepulcro sepeliunt. (3) Qui vero circa Elephantinen habitant, hi non modo non sacros habent crocodilos, sed et carne eorum vescuntur. Vocantur autem ab Ægyptiis, non crocodili, sed champsæ. Crocodilos enim Iones illos nominarunt, formam illorum conferentes cum crocodilis (id est lacertis) qui apud illos in maceriis versantur. | Now for some of the Egyptians the crocodiles are sacred animals, and for others not so, but they treat them on the contrary as enemies: those however who dwell about Thebes and about the lake of Moiris hold them to be most sacred, and each of these two peoples keeps one crocodile selected from the whole number, which has been trained to tameness, and they put hanging ornaments of molten stone and of gold into the ears of these and anklets round the front feet, and they give them food appointed and victims of sacrifices and treat them as well as possible while they live, and after they are dead they bury them in sacred tombs, embalming them: but those who dwell about the city of Elephantine even eat them, not holding them to be sacred. They are called not crocodiles but champsai, and the Ionians gave them the name of crocodile, comparing their form to that of the crocodiles (lizards) which appear in their country in the stone walls. |
| 2.70 | Venatio crocodilorum multis atque variis modis instituitur : quorum ego illum, qui maxime mihi memoratu dignus videtur, exponam. Suis tergus, pro esca hamo insertum, in medium flumen demittit venator : ipse in ripa fluminis vivum habet porcellum, quem ferit. (2) Crocodilus, audita voce, ad ejus onum accurrit ; in tergus vero suis incidens, illud deglutit ; deinde eum in terram attrahunt. Postquam in terram extractus est, primum omnium oculos ejus luto oblinit venator : eo facto, facile admodum reliqua administrat ; si facere non potuit, difficulter. | There are many ways in use of catching them and of various kinds: I shall describe that which to me seems the most worthy of being told. A man puts the back of a pig upon a hook as bait, and lets it go into the middle of the river, while he himself upon the bank of the river has a young live pig, which he beats; and the crocodile hearing its cries makes for the direction of the sound, and when he finds the pig’s back he swallows it down: then they pull, and when he is drawn out to land, first of all the hunter forthwith plasters up his eyes with mud, and having so done he very easily gets the mastery of him, but if he does not do so he has much trouble. |
| 2.71 | Hippopotami in Papremite præfectura sacri habentur ; reliquis vero Ægyptiis non sunt sacri. Horum natura atque species talis est : quadrupes animal, bisulcum, ungulis bovinis, simo naso, juba equina, dentibus prominentibus in conspicuo, cauda et voce equina ; magnitudine maximi tauri ; corio eum in modum crasso, ut ex arefacto conficiantur hastæ. | The river-horse is sacred in the district of Papremis, but for the other Egyptians he is not sacred; and this is the appearance which he presents: he is four-footed, cloven-hoofed like an ox, flat-nosed, with a mane like a horse and showing teeth like tusks, with a tail and voice like a horse, and in size as large as the largest ox; and his hide is so exceedingly thick that when it has been dried shafts of javelins are made of it. |
| 2.72 | Gignuntur in fluvio etiam lutræ, quas sacras ducunt Ægyptii. E piscium autem genere sacrum reputant esse eum qui vocatur lepidotus (quasi squamatum dicas), et anguillam : quos pisces Nilo sacros esse ajunt ; itemque ex avium genere vulpanseres. | There are moreover otters in the river, which they consider to be sacred; and of fish also they esteem that which is called the lepidotos to be sacred, and also the eel; and these they say are sacred to the Nile: and of birds the fox-goose. |
| 2.73 | Est autem etiam alia avis sacra, cui nomen phœnix : quem ego quidem non vidi, nisi pictum ; perraro quippe Ægyptum visitat, nonnisi e quingentorum, ut Helipolitæ ajunt, annorum intervallo : advenire autem dicunt tunc, quum pater ejus obiit. (2) Est autem, si modo pictura recte ejus formam referet, tantus atque talis : pennarum color, aliarum aureus, aliarum ruber ; ceterum tota avis, habitu et magnitudine, aquilæ maxime simillima. (3) Phœnicem hunc ajunt, mihi quidem parum credibilia narrantes, hæcce machinari : ex Arabia proficiscentem, in Solis templum portare patrem suum, myrrha circumlitum, et in templo Solis sepelire. (4) Portare autem eum hoc modo : primum myrrham in ovi formam fingere tanti ponderis, quantum ferre ipse possit ; dein ferendo illud experiri ; factoque experimento, excavare ovum, et patrem intus ponere, et qua parte ovi excavati patrem inseruerit, eam alia myrrha oblinere : ita pondus impositi patris idem esse atque fuerat ovi pondus : hoc denique modo circumlitum patrem gestare eum in Solis templum. Hæc facere avem illam narrant. | There is also another sacred bird called the phoenix which I did not myself see except in painting, for in truth he comes to them very rarely, at intervals, as the people of Heliopolis say, of five hundred years; and these say that he comes regularly when his father dies; and if he be like the painting, he is of this size and nature, that is to say, some of his feathers are of gold color and others red, and in outline and size he is as nearly as possible like an eagle. This bird they say (but I cannot believe the story) contrives as follows — setting forth from Arabia he conveys his father, they say, to the temple of the Sun (Helios) plastered up in myrrh, and buries him in the temple of the Sun; and he conveys him thus — he forms first an egg of myrrh as large as he is able to carry, and then he makes trial of carrying it, and when he has made trial sufficiently, then he hollows out the egg and places his father within it and plasters over with other myrrh that part of the egg where he hollowed it out to put his father in, and when his father is laid in it, it proves (they say) to be of the same weight as it was; and after he has plastered it up, he conveys the whole to Egypt to the temple of the Sun. Thus they say that this bird does. |
| 2.74 | Sunt autem circa Thebas sacri serpentes, nihil hominibus noxii, haud sane magni, duobus cornibus instructi e summo capite enatis. Hos, postquam mortui sunt, in Jovis templo sepeliunt : huic enim deo sacros esse eos dicunt. | There are also about Thebes sacred serpents, not at all harmful to men, which are small in size and have two horns growing from the top of the head: these they bury when they die in the temple of Zeus, for to this god they say that they are sacred. |
| 2.75 | Est vero in Arabia locus, ex adverso oppido Buto maxime situs ; quem locum ipse adii, quum audirem quæ de serpentibus volucribus narrantur. Eo ut perveni, vidi ossa et spinas serpentum, ineffabili multitudine : erant enim spinarum acervi, majores alii, alii minores, atque rursus minores, ingenti numero. (2) Est autem locus, ubi effusæ hæ spinæ jacent, hujusmodi : ex angustis montibus introitus est in magnam planitiem ; ea planities contigua est planitie Ægypti. Narrant igitur, ineunte vere ex Arabia Ægyptum versus advolare volucres serpentes ; ibes autem aves, occurrentes illis in faucibus hujus regionis, aditu prohibere serpentes, illosque necare. (3) Et hoc quia facere solita sit, magno in honore ab Ægyptiis haberi ibin, ajunt Arabes ; et profitentur etiam Ægyptii, ea causa se hasce aves in honore habere. | There is a region moreover in Arabia, situated nearly over against the city of Buto, to which place I came to inquire about the winged serpents: and when I came thither I saw bones of serpents and spines in quantity so great that it is impossible to make report of the number, and there were heaps of spines, some heaps large and others less large and others smaller still than these, and these heaps were many in number. This region in which the spines are scattered upon the ground is of the nature of an entrance from a narrow mountain pass to a great plain, which plain adjoins the plain of Egypt; and the story goes that at the beginning of spring winged serpents from Arabia fly towards Egypt, and the birds called ibises meet them at the entrance to this country and do not suffer the serpents to go by but kill them. On account of this deed it is (say the Arabians) that the ibis has come to be greatly honored by the Egyptians, and the Egyptians also agree that it is for this reason that they honor these birds. |
| 2.76 | Species autem ibidis talis est : colore admodum nigro avis est per totum corpus, pedibus gruis, rostro quam maxime adunco, magnitudine quanta crex. (2) Nigrarum scilicet, quæ cum serpentibus pugnant, hæc species est : sed, quæ ante pedes hominum magis versantur (duo enim sunt ibium genera), hæ capite et gula tota glabræ sunt ; pennæ quidem corporis albæ, sed caput et cervix et extremæ alæ extremaque cauda, omnia hæc, quæ dixi, nigra admodum : crura et rostrum simile alteri generi. (3) Porro serpentum illorum forma similis est hydrorum : alas autem habent non pennatas, sed vespertilionis alis admodum similes. Et hæc quidem hactenus de sacris bestiis dicta sunto. | The outward form of the ibis is this — it is a deep black all over, and has legs like those of a crane and a very curved beak, and in size it is about equal to a rail: this is the appearance of the black kind which fight with the serpents, but of those which most crowd round men’s feet (for there are two several kinds of ibises) the head is bare and also the whole of the throat, and it is white in feathering except the head and neck and the extremities of the wings and the rump (in all these parts of which I have spoken it is a deep black), while in legs and in the form of the head it resembles the other. As for the serpent its form is like that of the watersnake; and it has wings not feathered but most nearly resembling the wings of the bat. Let so much suffice as has been said now concerning sacred animals. |
| 2.77 | Ad Ægyptios ipsos quod attinet, hi qui eam Ægypti partem incolunt, quæ seminari solet, omnium hominum maxime memoriæ rerum gestarum dant operam ; suntque longe omnium, cum quibus aliquam notitiam contraxerim, eruditissimi. (2) Vitæ autem ratione utuntur tali. Singulis mensibus per tres continuos dies purgant corpus, vomitibus et clysteribus sanitatem sectantes, rati a cibis, quos sumunt homines, oriri morborum omne genus. (3) Sunt enim ceteroquin Ægyptii, post Libyas, præ ceteris omnibus populis robustissima valetudine, ob cœli puto temperiem, tempestatemque nullis mutationibus obnoxiam. E mutationibus enim, quum aliarum rerum, tum præsertim e tempestatum vicissitudinibus, maxime oriuntur morbi hominibus. (4) Vescuntur autem panibus e zea coctis, quos cyllestes nominant. Vino vulgo utuntur ex hordeo confecto, quum vites non ferat regio. Pisces alios comedunt crudos, ad solem siccatos ; alios sale conditos. (5) Ex avibus coturnices et anates et minores aviculas crudas edunt, sale quidem ante conditas ; reliqua autem apud ipsos vel avium genera vel piscium, exceptis his quæ sacra habentur, ea partim assata comedunt, partim elixa. | Of the Egyptians themselves, those who dwell in the part of Egypt which is sown for crops practise memory more than any other men and are the most learned in history by far of all those of whom I have had experience: and their manner of life is as follows — For three successive days in each month they purge, hunting after health with emetics and clysters, and they think that all the diseases which exist are produced in men by the food on which they live; for the Egyptians are from other causes also the most healthy of all men next after the Libyans (in my opinion on account of the seasons, because the seasons do not change, for by the changes of things generally, and especially of the seasons, diseases are most apt to be produced in men), and as to their diet, it is as follows — they eat bread, making loaves of maize, which they call kyllestis, and they use habitually a wine made out of barley, for vines they have not in their land. Of their fish some they dry in the sun and then eat them without cooking, others they eat cured in brine. Of birds they eat quails and ducks and small birds without cooking, after first curing them; and everything else which they have belonging to the class of birds or fishes, except such as have been set apart by them as sacred, they eat roasted or boiled. |
| 2.78 | In conviviis opulentiorum, postquam cœnare desierunt, circumfert aliquis in loculo mortui hominis simulacrum e ligno factum, pictura et opere maxime ad naturam expressum, longitudine cubitali omnino, aut duorum cubitorum. Hoc simulacrum ostendens ille unicuique convivarum ait : « In hunc intuens bibe et delectare ; post mortem enim talis eris. » Hoc in conviviis faciunt. | In the entertainments of the rich among them, when they have finished eating, a man bears round a wooden figure of a dead body in a coffin, made as like the reality as may be both by painting and carving, and measuring about a cubit or two cubits each way; and this he shows to each of those who are drinking together, saying: “When thou lookest upon this, drink and be merry, for thou shalt be such as this when thou art dead.” Thus they do at their carousals. |
| 2.79 | Patriis institutis ita sunt dediti, ut alienum nullum asciscant. Habent autem quum alia instituta memorabilia, tum est apud illos in usu cantilena quædam, Linus, qui et in Phœnice et in Cypro cantatur et alibi ; pro diversis autem populis nomen habet diversum, congruit vero atque adeo idem est quem Græci cantant, Linum nominantes. Quare, ut multa alia eorum quæ in Ægypto sunt, sic et hoc mirabar, Linum unde acceperint satis vero compertum est, ab antiquissimis temporibus hunc ab illis cani solitum. (2) Nominatur autem Linus Ægyptiorum lingua Maneros. Dicunt vero Ægyptii, fuisse illum primi regis, qui in Ægypto regnarit, filium unicum : hunc, ante pubertatem mortuum, lamentis his prosequi Ægyptios : et esse hanc apud se primam et unicam cantilenam. | The customs which they practise are derived from their fathers and they do not acquire others in addition; but besides other customary things among them which are worthy of mention, they have one song, that of Linos, the same who is sung of both in Phenicia and in Cyprus and elsewhere, having however a name different according to the various nations. This song agrees exactly with that which the Hellenes sing calling on the name of Linos, so that besides many other things about which I wonder among those matters which concern Egypt, I wonder especially about this, namely whence they got the song of Linos. It is evident however that they have sung this song from immemorial time, and in the Egyptian tongue Linos is called Maneros. The Egyptians told me that he was the only son of him who first became king of Egypt, and that he died before his time and was honored with these lamentations by the Egyptians, and that this was their first and only song. |
| 2.80 | Etiam alterum hoc commune habent Ægyptii cum solis quidem Græcorum Lacedæmoniis : juniores apud illos ubi obviam veniunt senioribus, cedunt his via, ac deflectunt ; et advenientibus e sedili assurgunt. Sed est aliud apud eos quod a Græcorum omnium moribus abhorret : in via publica, loco salutationis, adorant alter alterum, manum usque ad genua demittentes. | In another respect the Egyptians are in agreement with some of the Hellenes, namely with the Lacedemonians, but not with the rest, that is to say, the younger of them when they meet the elder give way and move out of the path, and when their elders approach they rise out of their seat. In this which follows however they are not in agreement with any of the Hellenes — instead of addressing one another in the roads they do reverence, lowering their hand down to their knee. |
| 2.81 | Vestes induuntur lineas, circa crura fimbriatas, quas calasires vocant : super his candida gestant amicula lanea superinjecta. Nec vero templa ingrediuntur cum laneis amiculis, nec his induti sepeliuntur : nefas est enim. (2) Qui mos congruit cum Orphicis quæ vocantur et Bacchicis institutis, quæ sunt eadem Ægyptiaca et Pythagorica. Nam, qui horum sacrorum est particeps, eum nefas est in laneis vestimentis sepeliri : cujus rei sacra quædam redditur ratio. | They wear tunics of linen about their legs with fringes, which they call calasiris; above these they have garments of white wool thrown over: woollen garments however are not taken into the temples, nor are they buried with them, for this is not permitted by religion. In these points they are in agreement with the observances called Orphic and Bacchic (which are really Egyptian), and also with those of the Pythagoreans, for one who takes part in these mysteries is also forbidden by religious rule to be buried in woollen garments; and about this there is a sacred story told. |
| 2.82 | Sunt porro alia ab Ægyptiis inventa, hæcce : mensium et dierum unusquisque cuinam e diis sit consecratus ; et, quo quisque die natus est, quænam sint hujus hominis fata futura, quo mortis genere periturus, quodnam ejus futurum sit ingenium et natura : quibus rebus etiam Græcorum nonnulli, qui poesin tractarunt, usi sunt. (2) Prodigia etiam plura ab his inventa sunt, quam ab aliis omnibus hominibus. Incidente enim prodigio, observant scriptoque consignant ea quæ deinde eveniunt : et, si quando postea aliud simile huic incidit, similia existimant eventura. | Besides these things the Egyptians have found out also to what god each month and each day belongs, and what fortunes a man will meet with who is born on any particular day, and how he will die, and what kind of a man he will be: and these inventions were taken up by those of the Hellenes who occupied themselves about poesy. Portents too have been found out by them more than by all other men besides; for when a portent has happened, they observe and write down the event which comes of it, and if ever afterwards anything resembling this happens, they believe that the event which comes of it will be similar. |
| 2.83 | Quod ad divinationem spectat, ejus apud illos hæc ratio est. Hominum nulli ars divinandi inesse putatur, sed deorum quibusdam. Nam et Herculis in Ægypto oraculum est, et Apollinis, et Minervæ, et Dianæ, et Martis, et Jovis ; denique id, quod maxime omnium in honore habent, Latonæ oraculum in Buto oppido. Modus vero quo eduntur oracula, non idem illis constitutus ubique est, sed diversus. | Their divination is ordered thus — the art is assigned not to any man, but to certain of the gods, for there are in their land Oracles of Heracles, of Apollo, of Athene, of Artemis, of Ares, and of Zeus, and moreover that which they hold most in honor of all, namely the Oracle of Leto which is in the city of Buto. The manner of divination however is not yet established among them according to the same fashion everywhere, but is different in different places. |
| 2.84 | Ars medica apud eos in hunc modum distributa est, ut singulorum morborum singuli sint medici, nec plura morborum genera unus idemque curet. Suntque apud illos medicorum plena omnia : nam alii oculorum sunt medici, capitis alii, alii dentium, alii alvi, alii occultorum morborum. | The art of medicine among them is distributed thus — each physician is a physician of one disease and of no more; and the whole country is full of physicians, for some profess themselves to be physicians of the eyes, others of the head, others of the teeth, others of the affections of the stomach, and others of the more obscure ailments. |
| 2.85 | Lamenta et sepulturæ in hunc modum apud eos instituuntur. Quando e domo quadam decessit homo, cujus aliqua ratio habetur, feminæ ex ea domo omnes luto oblinunt caput aut ipsam etiam faciem, ac dein, relicto domi cadavere, ipsæ per urbem discurrentes plangunt, succinctæ, mammasque exserentes, et cum his propinquæ omnes. e parte viri plangunt, et ipsi succincti. Hæc postquam fecerunt, ita demum corpus ad condiendum efferunt. | Their fashions of mourning and of burial are these — Whenever any household has lost a man who is of any regard amongst them, the whole number of women of that house forthwith plaster over their heads or even their faces with mud. Then leaving the corpse within the house they go themselves to and fro about the city and beat themselves, with their garments bound up by a girdle and their breasts exposed, and with them go all the women who are related to the dead man, and on the other side the men beat themselves, they too having their garments bound up by a girdle; and when they have done this, they then convey the body to the embalming. |
| 2.86 | Sunt autem qui hoc ipso occupantur et artem hanc condiendi mortuos exercent. Hi, ubi illis allatum est cadaver, ostendunt his qui illud afferunt exemplaria lignea cadaverum, pictura verum imitantia. Et præstantissimam quidem condiendi rationem dicunt ejus esse, cujus nomen in tali re effari nefas duco. Monstrant vero et exemplar alterius, quæ huic inferior est et minus pretiosa ; denique tertiam, vilissimam. Quibus expositis, quærunt ex illis, quonam genere parari velint cadaver. (2) Tum hi, postquam de mercede convenit, abeunt : et illi, suis in ædibus manentes, si præstantissima ratione condiendum cadaver fuerit, rem ita peragunt. (3) Primum incurvo ferro per nares extrahunt cerebrum ; et partem quidem cerebri ita extrahunt, partim vero infusis medicamentis. Deinde acuto lapide Æthiopico circa ilia incidunt cadaver, et totam alvum exenterant, et purgatam eluunt vino palmeo, iterumque tritis aromatibus extergunt : tum trita purissima myrrha et casia aliisque odoribus, thure excepto, alvum complent, atque completam rursus consuunt. (4) His ita factis, nitro condiunt, conduntque cadaver per dies septuaginta ; nec enim licet plures condiendo insumere. Elapsis septuaginta diebus, lavant cadaver, et totum corpus sectis e sindone byssina fasciis involvunt, gummi illo sublitis, quo pro glutine maxime utuntur Ægyptii. (5) Inde ubi cadaver receperunt propinqui, capsam conficiendam curant hominis figura, cui includunt cadaver, atque inclusum reponunt in conditorio sepulcrali, rectum statuentes ad parietem. Hæc est ratio apparandi ea cadavera, quæ pretiosissime condita volunt. | In this occupation certain persons employ themselves regularly and inherit this as a craft. These, whenever a corpse is conveyed to them, show to those who brought it wooden models of corpses made like reality by painting, and the best of the ways of embalming they say is that of him whose name I think it impiety to mention when speaking of a matter of such a kind; the second which they show is less good than this and also less expensive; and the third is the least expensive of all. Having told them about this, they inquire of them in which way they desire the corpse of their friend to be prepared. Then they after they have agreed for a certain price depart out of the way, and the others being left behind in the buildings embalm according to the best of these ways thus — First with a crooked iron tool they draw out the brain through the nostrils, extracting it partly thus and partly by pouring in drugs; and after this with a sharp stone of Ethiopia they make a cut along the side and take out the whole contents of the belly, and when they have cleared out the cavity and cleansed it with palm-wine they cleanse it again with spices pounded up: then they fill the belly with pure myrrh pounded up and with cassia and other spices except frankincense, and sew it together again. Having so done they keep it for embalming covered up in natron for seventy days, but for a longer time than this it is not permitted to embalm it; and when the seventy days are past, they wash the corpse and roll its whole body up in fine linen cut into bands, smearing these beneath with gum, which the Egyptians use generally instead of glue. Then the kinsfolk receive it from them and have a wooden figure made in the shape of a man, and when they have had this made they enclose the corpse, and having shut it up within, they store it then in a sepulchral chamber, setting it to stand upright against the wall. Thus they deal with the corpses which are prepared in the most costly way. |
| 2.87 | Qui vero mediam rationem cupiunt, nimium sumptum fugientes, eorum cadavera ita instruunt. Clysteribus adhibitis implent cadaveris ventrem oleo cedrino, non incidentes cadaver, nec alvum exenterantes, sed per anum ingerentes : tum cohibentes illud lavacrum ne eadem via retro exeat, nitro condiunt cadaver, per statutum dierum numerum. Horum dierum postremo cedriam, prius ingestam, e ventre emittunt : (2) cujus tanta vis est, ut secum et intestina et viscera prorsus commacerata educat : carnes autem consumit nitrum ; atque ita relinquitur cadaveris cutis tantum et ossa. His ita peractis, reddunt cadaver propinquis, nihil amplius negotii suscipientes. | But for those who desire the middle way and wish to avoid great cost they prepare the corpse as follows — having filled their syringes with the oil which is got from cedar-wood, with this they forthwith fill the belly of the corpse, and this they do without having either cut it open or taken out the bowels, but they inject the oil by the breech, and having stopped the drench from returning back they keep it then the appointed number of days for embalming, and on the last of the days they let the cedar oil come out from the belly, which they before put in; and it has such power that it brings out with it the bowels and interior organs of the body dissolved; and the natron dissolves the flesh, so that there is left of the corpse only the skin and the bones. When they have done this they give back the corpse at once in that condition without working upon it any more. |
| 2.88 | Tertia condiendi ratio hæc est, qua apparantur eorum cadavera, quibus tenuis admodum res familiaris est. Vulgari liquore purgatorio eluunt ventrem, tum per septuaginta dies nitro condiunt cadaver, atque ita dein propinquis reddunt auferendum. | The third kind of embalming, by which are prepared the bodies of those who have less means, is as follows — they cleanse out the belly with a purge and then keep the body for embalming during the seventy days, and at once after that they give it back to the bringers to carry away. |
| 2.89 | Uxores vero illustrium virorum, postquam decesserunt, non statim condiendas tradunt ; nec si quæ formosæ admodum et in æstimatione fuerunt : sed post tres demum aut quattuor dies unctoribus hæ traduntur. (2) Id faciunt ea causa, ne cum his mulieribus coeant unctores. Deprehensum enim esse ajunt eorum aliquem cum cadavere recens defunctæ mulieris coeuntem, delatumque esse ab artificii socio. | The wives of men of rank when they die are not given at once to be embalmed, nor such women as are very beautiful or of greater regard than others, but on the third or fourth day after their death (and not before) they are delivered to the embalmers. They do so about this matter in order that the embalmers may not abuse their women, for they say that one of them was taken once copulating with the corpse of a woman lately dead, and his fellow-craftsman gave information. |
| 2.90 | Quodsi quis vero reperitur, sive Ægyptius, sive perinde peregrinus homo, qui a crocodilo raptus, aut ab ipso flumine haustus periit ; apud quodcunque oppidum cadaver ejus in terram fuerit ejectum, ejus oppidi incolæ necessario tenentur condiendum illud curare, et quam maximo honore affectum in sacris conditoriis sepelire : (2) Neque alii cuiquam, nec cognato, nec amico, licitum est tangere tale cadaver ; sed soli sacerdotes Nili, tanquam aliquid amplius quam hominis cadaver, tractant illud atque sepeliunt. | Whenever any one, either of the Egyptians themselves or of strangers, is found to have been carried off by a crocodile or brought to his death by the river itself, the people of any city by which he may have been cast up on land must embalm him and lay him out in the fairest way they can and bury him in a sacred burial-place, nor may any of his relations or friends besides touch him, but the priests of the Nile themselves handle the corpse and bury it as that of one who was something more than man. |
| 2.91 | Græcorum institutis recusant uti, et, verbo ut dicam, populorum quorumcumque. Et hoc quidem reliqui Ægyptii ita observant. Est autem Chemmis, oppidum magnum Thebaidis præfecturæ, prope Neapolin ; in quo templum inest Persei, Danaæ filii, quadratum, palmeto circumdatum : (2) propylæa templi lapidea, ingentia admodum ; super quibus duæ collocatæ sunt statuæ lapideæ ingenti mole. Intra hoc septum ædes est, in qua est Persei simulacrum : (3) narrantque hi Chemmitæ, sæpius in ea regione apparere ipsis Perseum, frequenter vero intra ædem, reperirique subinde sandalium quod ille gestaverit, magnitudine bicubitali ; quod quoties appareat, tunc florenti rerum statu universam uti Ægyptum. (4) Hoc illi narrant : sacra autem faciunt Perseo, Græcanicis similia, hujusmodi : ludos gymnicos celebrant, omnia certaminum genera continentes ; præmiaque proponunt pecudes, et lænas, et pelles. (5) Interroganti vero mihi, cur ipsis solis apparere Perseus consuesset, et cur singulare hoc præ aliis omnibus Ægyptiis ipsi haberent, ut gymnicos ludos ei instituant, dixerunt, suo ex oppido oriundum esse Perseum : Danaum enim et Lynceum, qui in Græciam navigassent, Chemmitas fuisse : et horum deinde genus recensentes, descenderunt usque ad Perseum. (6) Hunc autem, ajebant, quum ob eam causam, quam eandem Græci memorant, Ægyptum adiisset, ut Gorgonis caput e Libya afferret, etiam ad se venisse, et cognatos omnes agnovisse ; adiisse autem Ægyptum cognito Chemmios nomine, quod ei mater indicasset. Huic igitur se ludos gymnicos celebrare, ipsius jussu. | Hellenic usages they will by no means follow, and to speak generally they follow those of no other men whatever. This rule is observed by most of the Egyptians; but there is a large city named Chemmis in the Theban district near Neapolis, and in this city there is a temple of Perseus the son of Danae which is of a square shape, and round it grow date-palms: the gateway of the temple is built of stone and of very great size, and at the entrance of it stand two great statues of stone. Within this enclosure is a temple-house and in it stands an image of Perseus. These people of Chemmis say that Perseus is wont often to appear in their land and often within the temple, and that a sandal which has been worn by him is found sometimes, being in length two cubits, and whenever this appears all Egypt prospers. This they say, and they do in honor of Perseus after Hellenic fashion thus — they hold an athletic contest, which includes the whole list of games, and they offer in prizes cattle and cloaks and skins: and when I inquired why to them alone Perseus was wont to appear, and wherefore they were separated from all the other Egyptians in that they held an athletic contest, they said that Perseus had been born of their city, for Danaos and Lynkeus were men of Chemmis and had sailed to Hellas, and from them they traced a descent and came down to Perseus: and they told me that he had come to Egypt for the reason which the Hellenes also say, namely to bring from Libya the Gorgon’s head, and had then visited them also and recognised all his kinsfolk, and they said that he had well learnt the name of Chemmis before he came to Egypt, since he had heard it from his mother, and that they celebrated an athletic contest for him by his own command. |
| 2.92 | Istis quæ exposui institutis utuntur ii Ægyptii, qui supra paludes habitant. Qui vero paludes incolunt, eisdem quidem utuntur quibus reliqui quoque Ægyptii, quum aliis in rebus, tum quod non nisi unam quisque uxorem in matrimonio habet, quemadmodum Græci. (2) Ceterum ad victus facilitatem alia hæc ab iis inventa sunt. Postquam auctus est fluvius, camposque inundavit, nascuntur in aqua lilia multa, quæ ab Ægyptiis lotus vocantur. (3) Hæc ubi demessuerunt, siccant ad solem : deinde quod in loto intus est, papaveri simile, id pinsunt, panesque ex eo coquunt. Est vero etiam radix hujus loti esculenta, sapore satis dulci, rotunda, magnitudine mali. (4) Sunt et alia lilia, rosis similia, quæ et ipsa in flumine nascuntur : quorum fructus in alio calice inest, e radice annato, speci favo vesparum simillima ; in quo insunt (baccæ sive grana) esculenta permulta, magnitudine nuclei olivæ, quæ vel tenera comeduntur, vel siccata. (5) Porro byblum (sive papyrum), quæ quotannis in paludibus nascitur, postquam extraxerunt, superiora abscindunt in aliosque usus convertunt ; quod vero inferius relinquitur ad cubiti longitudinem, id partim manducant, partim vendunt. (6) Qui vero delicata admodum byblo volunt uti, hi eam in ardente furno torrefactam manducant. Nonnulli vero nonnisi piscibus vitam sustentant : hi postquam captos exenterarunt, ad solem eos siccant, et ita siccatos comedunt. | All these are customs practised by the Egyptians who dwell above the fens: and those who are settled in the fen-land have the same customs for the most part as the other Egyptians, both in other matters and also in that they live each with one wife only, as do the Hellenes; but for economy in respect of food they have invented these things besides — when the river has become full and the plains have been flooded, there grow in the water great numbers of lilies, which the Egyptians call lotos; these they cut with a sickle and dry in the sun, and then they pound that which grows in the middle of the lotos and which is like the head of a poppy, and they make of it loaves baked with fire. The root also of this lotos is edible and has a rather sweet taste: it is round in shape and about the size of an apple. There are other lilies too, in flower resembling roses, which also grow in the river, and from them the fruit is produced in a separate vessel springing from the root by the side of the plant itself, and very nearly resembles a wasp’s comb: in this there grow edible seeds in great numbers of the size of an olive-stone, and they are eaten either fresh or dried. Besides this they pull up from the fens the papyrus which grows every year, and the upper parts of it they cut off and turn to other uses, but that which is left below for about a cubit in length they eat or sell: and those who desire to have the papyrus at its very best bake it in an oven heated red-hot, and then eat it. Some too of these people live on fish alone, which they dry in the sun after having caught them and taken out the entrails, and then when they are dry, they use them for food. |
| 2.93 | Gregales pisces in fluminibus non fere gignuntur, sed, postquam in stagnis enutriti sunt, faciunt hæc quæ dicam. Ubi incessit eos gignendi libido, gregatim enatant in mare. Gregem ducunt mares, genituram spargentes : sequuntur feminæ, quæ illam deglutunt, atque inde concipiunt. Postquam gravidæ factæ sunt in mari, retro natant in suos quodque genus sedes. (2) Tum vero non jam mares præeunt, sed feminæ ducunt gregem : quæ dum præeunt, similiter faciunt atque antea mares fecerant ; spargunt paulatim ovorum grana, sequunturque mares illa deglutientes. (3) Sunt autem grana ista, pisces : et e reliquis granis, quæ non sunt deglutita, existunt pisces qui deinde enutriuntur. Qui e gregibus illis, quum in mare enatant, capiuntur pisces, horum capita a lævo latere atrita reperiuntur ; qui in renatando capiuntur, dextrum latus attritum habent. (4) Accidit hoc autem illis hac de causa. Quum in mare enatant, presse legunt terram a parte sinistra : ubi retro natant, rursus ad eandem sese applicant, illamque attingunt quam proxim apossunt, ne a via abberent propter fluminis cursum. (5) Quando vero augeri incipit Nilus, tum cava terræ loca et lacunæ fluvio vicinæ primum incipiunt repleri, percolante aqua e flumine : et prout illa loca implentur, continuo minutis pisciculis plena sunt omnia. (6) Hi pisciculi si unde oriantur quæris, videor mihi equidem verisimillimam hanc causam intellexisse. Superiore anno, postquam deficere cœpit Nilus, pisces ova in limum deposuerunt, et simul cum postrema aqua abierunt : nunc, quando tempore circumacto redit aqua, ex ovis istis protinus hi pisciculi nascuntur. Et circa pisces quidem ita se res habet. | Fish which swim in shoals are not much produced in the rivers, but are bred in the lakes, and they do as follows — When there comes upon them the desire to breed, they swim out in shoals towards the sea; and the males lead the way shedding forth their milt as they go, while the females, coming after and swallowing it up, from it become impregnated: and when they have become full of young in the sea they swim up back again, each shoal to its own haunts. The same however no longer lead the way as before, but the lead comes now to the females, and they leading the way in shoals do just as the males did, that is to say they shed forth their eggs by a few grains at a time, and the males coming after swallow them up. Now these grains are fish, and from the grains which survive and are not swallowed, the fish grow which afterwards are bred up. Now those of the fish which are caught as they swim out to sea are found to be rubbed on the left side of the head, but those which are caught as they swim up again are rubbed on the right side. This happens to them because as they swim down to the sea they keep close to the land on the left side of the river, and again as they swim up they keep to the same side, approaching and touching the bank as much as they can, for fear doubtless of straying from their course by reason of the stream. When the Nile begins to swell, the hollow places of the land and the depressions by the side of the river first begin to fill, as the water soaks through from the river, and so soon as they become full of water, at once they are all filled with little fishes; and whence these are in all likelihood produced, I think that I perceive. In the preceding year, when the Nile goes down, the fish first lay eggs in the mud and then retire with the last of the retreating waters; and when the time comes round again, and the water once more comes over the land, from these eggs forthwith are produced the fishes of which I speak. Thus it is as regards the fish. |
| 2.94 | Oleo utuntur hi ex Ægyptiis qui circa paludes habitant, e fructu sillicypriorum, quod kiki vocant Ægyptii, parantque in hunc modum. (2) Ad fluminum et stagnorum ripas serunt hæc sillicypria, quæ apud Græcos sponte nascuntur. Hæc in Ægypto sata, fructum ferunt magna copia, sed graveolentem. Hunc illi quum collegerunt, alii contusum exprimunt ; alii etiam tostum excoquunt, et quod ex eo defluit, in usum suum reponunt. (3) Est autem pingue, et lucernæ non minus commodum quam nostrum oleum ; sed gravem spargit odorem. | And for anointing those of the Egyptians who dwell in the fens use oil from the castor-berry, which oil the Egyptians call kiki, and thus they do — they sow along the banks of the rivers and pools these plants, which in a wild form grow of themselves in the land of the Hellenes; these are sown in Egypt and produce berries in great quantity but of an evil smell; and when they have gathered these, some cut them up and press the oil from them, others again roast them first and then boil them down and collect that which runs away from them. The oil is fat and not less suitable for burning than olive-oil, but it gives forth a disagreeable smell. |
| 2.95 | Adversus culices, quorum magna vis est, hoc utuntur invento. Qui regiones paludibus superiores incolunt, hos juvant turres, in quas dormituri ascendunt ; nam a ventis prohibentur culices altius volare. (2) Qui vero circa paludes habitant, hi turrium loco hac ratione sese muniunt : quilibet vir rete possidet, quo per diem pisces venatur, noctu autem ad hunc illud usum convertit : in quo quiescit cubili, ei circumponit rete ; deinde subrepens, sub illo dormit. (3) Culices enim, si quis pallio aut sindone involutus cubitum ivit, per hæc vestimenta eum mordent ; per rete vero ne conantur quidem omnino. | Against the gnats, which are very abundant, they have contrived as follows — those who dwell above the fen-land are helped by the towers, to which they ascend when they go to rest; for the gnats by reason of the winds are not able to fly up high: but those who dwell in the fen-land have contrived another way instead of the towers, and this is it — every man of them has got a casting net, with which by day he catches fish, but in the night he uses it for this purpose, that is to say he puts the casting-net round about the bed in which he sleeps, and then creeps in under it and goes to sleep: and the gnats, if he sleeps rolled up in a garment or a linen sheet, bite through these, but through the net they do not even attempt to bite. |
| 2.96 | Naves illorum onerariæ e spina arbore confectæ sunt, cujus species simillima loto Cyrenaico, lacrima autem gummi est. Ex hac igitur spina cædunt ligna fere bicubitalia, quæ laterum in morem componunt, ex eisque naves fabricantur tali modo : (2) bicubitalia illa ligna circum frequentes prœlongosque clavos ligneos inserunt et innectunt, illisque ita in ratis formam compactis transtra superne intendunt. Costis vero non utuntur, commissuras autem intus byblo obturant. Gubernaculum unum faciunt, et hoc per carinam trajiciunt. Malo utuntur e spina arbore, velis e papyro. (3) Hæc navigia adverso flumine, nisi secundus ventus, isque satis validus, obtineat, navigare non possunt, sed e terra juxta ripam trahuntur. (4) Secundo vero flumine deferuntur hoc modo : tabula sive crates oblonga est januæ forma, e myrica frutice (sive tamarice) confecta, et vimine ex arundinibus consuta ; tum lapis perforatus, duorum fere talentorum pondere. Januam illam, fune religatam, in fluvium demittit nauta, ut ante navem secundo flumine deferatur ; lapidem vero ex alio fune a postica parte demittit. (5) Itaque janua, incidente aquæ impetu, celeriter progreditur, et trahit barin ; hoc enim his navigiis nomen est ; lapis vero, dum a tergo trahitur, et in fundo est, dirigt cursum. Habent Ægyptii navigiorum horum ingentem multitudinem, vehuntque illarum nonnulla multa milia talentorum. | Their boats with which they carry cargoes are made of the thorny acacia, of which the form is very like that of the Kyrenian lotos, and that which exudes from it is gum. From this tree they cut pieces of wood about two cubits in length and arrange them like bricks, fastening the boat together by running a great number of long bolts through the two-cubit pieces; and when they have thus fastened the boat together, they lay cross-pieces over the top, using no ribs for the sides; and within they caulk the seams with papyrus. They make one steering-oar for it, which is passed through the bottom of the boat; and they have a mast of acacia and sails of papyrus. These boats cannot sail up the river unless there be a very fresh wind blowing, but are towed from the shore: down-stream however they travel as follows — they have a door-shaped crate made of tamarisk wood and reed mats sewn together, and also a stone of about two talents weight bored with a hole; and of these the boatman lets the crate float on in front of the boat, fastened with a rope, and the stone drag behind by another rope. The crate then, as the force of the stream presses upon it, goes on swiftly and draws on the baris (for so these boats are called), while the stone dragging after it behind and sunk deep in the water keeps its course straight. These boats they have in great numbers and some of them carry many thousands of talents’ burden. |
| 2.97 | Postquam vero terram Nilus inundavit, sola oppida conspiciuntur ex aquis eminentia, insulis Ægæi maris admodum similia : reliqua enim omnis Ægyptus tunc pelagus est, solaque oppida eminent. (2) Hoc ubi fit, non jam per fluvii alveos navigant, sed medios per campos. Nam, qui Naucrati Memphin proficiscitur, is præter ipsas pyramides navigat ; quum alioquin non hac sit iter, sed præter apicem regionis Delta et juxta Cercasorum oppidum : et Canobo e mari Naucratin tendens, per campos navigas, juxtaque Anthyllam et Archandropolin præterveheris. | When the Nile comes over the land, the cities alone are seen rising above the water, resembling more nearly than anything else the islands in the Egean sea; for the rest of Egypt becomes a sea and the cities alone rise above water. Accordingly, whenever this happens, they pass by water not now by the channels of the river but over the midst of the plain: for example, as one sails up from Naucratis to Memphis the passage is then close by the pyramids, whereas the usual passage is not the same even here, but goes by the point of the Delta and the city of Kercasoros; while if you sail over the plain to Naucratis from the sea and from Canobos, you will go by Anthylla and the city called after Archander. |
| 2.98 | Anthylla, quam modo nominavi, nobile oppidum, singulariter attributa semper est uxori satrapæ qui in Ægypto regnat, e cujus reditibus illa sibi comparet calceamenta : idque ita obtinet e quo sub Persarum imperio Ægyptus est. Alterum, quod dixi, oppidum videtur ab Archandro Phthio (vel Phthii filio) nomen accepisse, Achæi filio (vel nepote), Danai genero ; quare etiam Archandri oppidum nominatur. Fuerit quidem fortasse etiam alius Archander : et Ægyptium certe nomen non est. | Of these Anthylla is a city of note and is especially assigned to the wife of him who reigns over Egypt, to supply her with sandals, (this is the case since the time when Egypt came to be under the Persians): the other city seems to me to have its name from Archander the son-in-law of Danaos, who was the son of Phthios, the son of Achaios; for it is called the City of Archander. There might indeed be another Archander, but in any case the name is not Egyptian. |
| 2.99 | Hacentus ea dixi, quæ partim ipse vidi, partim quæ equidem sentio, partim quæ sciscitando cognovi. Accedo nunc ad exponendas Ægyptiorum historias, resque gestas, quemadmodum narratas audivi ; quibus tamen nonnulla etiam, quæ ipsis meis oculis vidi, adjiciam. (2) Menem illum, qui primus in Ægypto regnavit, quum alia fecisse ajebant sacerdotes, tum hoc primum, quod Memphin jactis aggeribus a Nili inundatione secluserit. Olim enim fluvium universum juxta ipsum montem arena obsitum Libyam versus fluxisse ; Menem vero superne, centum fere stadiis a Memphi, Nili brachium illud, quod meridiem versus tendebat, humo aggesta complesse ; atque ita, exsiccato prisco alveo, fluvium duxisse, ut inter montes medius interflueret. (3) Atque etiam nunc Persæ brachium illud, quod nunc fluit ab altero seclusum, magna cura observant, et quotannis eum eo loco, ubi a vetere alveo deflexit, aggesta humo muniunt ; quoniam, si eo loci perrumpens fluvius exundare pararet, timendum foret ne universa Memphis fluctibus operiretur. (4) Deinde vero eundem Menem, primum Ægypti regem, ajunt, postquam regionem circa Memphin obstructo fluvio in sicco posuisset, in eadem regione urbem hanc, quæ nunc Memphis vocatur, condidisse : (est enim Memphis etiam in angusta Ægypti parte:) extra illam vero circumfodisse lacum e fluvio versus septentrionem et versus occidentem, nam versus orientem ipse Nilus eam terminat. Porro eundem in ipsa urbe Vulcani templum, quod magnum ibi et eximie memorabile est, statuisse. | Hitherto my own observation and judgment and inquiry are the vouchers for that which I have said; but from this point onwards I am about to tell the history of Egypt according to that which I heard, to which will be added also something of that which I have myself seen. Of Min, who first became king of Egypt, the priests said that on the one hand he banked off the site of Memphis from the river: for the whole stream of the river used to flow along by the sandy mountain-range on the side of Libya, but Min formed by embankments that bend of the river which lies to the South about a hundred furlongs above Memphis, and thus he dried up the old stream and conducted the river so that it flowed in the middle between the mountains: and even now this bend of the Nile is by the Persians kept under very careful watch, that it may flow in the channel to which it is confined, and the bank is repaired every year; for if the river should break through and overflow in this direction, Memphis would be in danger of being overwhelmed by flood. When this Min, who first became king, had made into dry land the part which was dammed off, on the one hand, I say, he founded in it that city which is now called Memphis; for Memphis too is in the narrow part of Egypt; and outside the city he dug round it on the North and West a lake communicating with the river, for the side towards the East is barred by the Nile itself. Then secondly he established in the city the temple of Hephaistos a great work and most worthy of mention. |
| 2.100 | Post hunc e libro recensuerunt mihi sacerdotes regum trecentorum et triginta nomina. In tot generationibus hominum octodecim Æthiopes erant, et una mulier indigena, ceteri vero viri Ægyptii. (2) Mulieri huic, quæ in Ægypto regnavit, idem nomen fuit atque Babyloniæ, Nitocris. Eam memorant ultam esse fratrem, quem Ægyptii, quum apud eos regnasset, occiderant, post ejusque cædem regnum ipsi tradiderant : hujus ulciscendi causa multos Ægyptios dolo interfecisse. (3) Postquam enim conclave prœlongum subterraneum, curaverit faciendum, verbo quidem ut inauguraret, revera autem alia meditatam, Ægyptiorum magnum numerum, quos cædis maxime auctores fuisse noverat, ad cœnam vocatos, epulo ibidem excepisse ; inter cœnandum vero fluvium in conclave immisisse per occultum ingentem canalem. (4) De hac igitur hæc memorarunt, istud adjicientes, post id factum reginam se ipsam in conclave cineribus repletum conjecisse, quo vindictam effugeret. | After this man the priests enumerated to me from a papyrus roll the names of other kings, three hundred and thirty in number; and in all these generations of men eighteen were Ethiopians, one was a woman, a native Egyptian, and the rest were men and of Egyptian race: and the name of the woman who reigned was the same as that of the Babylonian queen, namely Nitocris. Of her they said that desiring to take vengeance for her brother, whom the Egyptians had slain when he was their king and then, after having slain him, had given his kingdom to her — desiring, I say, to take vengeance for him, she destroyed by craft many of the Egyptians. For she caused to be constructed a very large chamber under ground, and making as though she would handsel it but in her mind devising other things, she invited those of the Egyptians whom she knew to have had most part in the murder, and gave a great banquet. Then while they were feasting, she let in the river upon them by a secret conduit of large size. Of her they told no more than this, except that, when this had been accomplished, she threw herself into a room full of embers, in order that she might escape vengeance. |
| 2.101 | Reliquorum regum nullum vel opus memorabile reliquisse dixerunt, vel re ulla insignem fuisse, præter postremum eorum, Mœrin. (2) Hunc memorabilia edidisse opera, propylæa ad Vulcani templum, septentrionem spectantia ; lacunque effodisse, cujus quantus sit circuitus, posterius exponam ; pyramidesque in eo exstruxisse, quarum de magnitudine simul cum ipso lacu faciam mentionem. Hunc igitur ista edidisse opera ; reliquorum autem nullum quidquam. | As for the other kings, they could tell me of no great works which had been produced by them, and they said that they had no renown except only the last of them, Moris: he (they said) produced as a memorial of himself the gateway of the temple of Hephaistos which is turned towards the North Wind, and dug a lake, about which I shall set forth afterwards how many furlongs of circuit it has, and in it built pyramids of the size which I shall mention at the same time when I speak of the lake itself. He, they said, produced these works, but of the rest none produced any. |
| 2.102 | Igitur hos omittens, eum memorabo, qui post illos regnavit, cui nomen Sesostris fuit. Hunc dixere sacerdotes primum navibus longis ex Arabico sinu profectum, accolas Erythræi maris subegisse ; donec, quum ulterius navigaret, in mare pervenisset quod propter brevia non amplius potuerit navigari. (2) Inde in Ægyptum reversus, ut narrant sacerdotes, ingentem contractum exercitum per continentem duxit, omnesque quos adiit populos armis subegit. (3) Ibi tum quos offendisset fortes populos et libertatis vehementer studiosos, in horum terris columnas erigebat, quarum inscriptio declarabat quum suum nomen atque patriam, tum hos vi ab ipso esse subactos. Quorum vero oppida citra pugnam et facile cepisset, in horum columnis eadem quidem, quæ in fortium populorum columnis, inscribebat ; insuper vero pudenda insculpi jussit muliebria, molles eos esse atque ignavos significans. | Therefore passing these by I shall make mention of the king who came after these, whose name was Sesostris. He (the priests said) first of all set out with ships of war from the Arabian gulf and subdued those who dwelt by the shores of the Erythraian Sea, until as he sailed he came to a sea which could no further be navigated by reason of shoals: then secondly, after he had returned to Egypt, according to the report of the priests he took a great army and marched over the continent, subduing every nation which stood in his way: and those of them whom he found valiant and fighting desperately for their freedom, in their lands he set up pillars which told by inscriptions his own name and the name of his country, and how he had subdued them by his power; but as to those of whose cities he obtained possession without fighting or with ease, on their pillars he inscribed words after the same tenor as he did for the nations which had shown themselves courageous, and in addition he drew upon them the hidden parts of a woman, desiring to signify by this that the people were cowards and effeminate. |
| 2.103 | Hæc igitur faciens continentem obiit, donec ex Asia in Europam transgressus, Scythas subegit et Thraces. (2) Hi, ut mihi videtur, extremi fuerant, ad quos pervenerit Ægyptius exercitus : nam in horum terra conspiciuntur columnæ ab illo erectæ, non vero ulterius. (3) Inde converso itinere domum repetiit : sed ubi ad Phasin fluvium fuit, haud satis certo affirmare possum, ipsene rex Sesostris segregatam aliquam quantamcunque partem sui exercitus ibi reliquerit, an milites nonnulli, itinerum errores pertæsi, circa Phasin flumen remanserint. | Thus doing he traversed the continent, until at last he passed over to Europe from Asia and subdued the Scythians and also the Thracians. These, I am of opinion, were the furthest people to which the Egyptian army came, for in their country the pillars are found to have been set up, but in the land beyond this they are no longer found. From this point he turned and began to go back; and when he came to the river Phasis, what happened then I cannot say for certain, whether the king Sesostris himself divided off a certain portion of his army and left the men there as settlers in the land, or whether some of his soldiers were wearied by his distant marches and remained by the river Phasis. |
| 2.104 | Manifestum est enim Colchos esse Ægyptios : idque dico, ut qui prius hoc ipsum mecum cogitaverim, quam ex aliis audivi. Quum vero curæ mihi hæc res esset, quæsivi ex utrisque : et magis Colchi recordabantur Ægyptiorum, quam Ægyptii Colchorum. Ægyptii autem existimare se dixerunt Colchos esse e Sesostris exercitu. (2) Ego vero conjectaveram partim ex hoc, quod nigro (fusco) colore et crispis capillis sint Colchi : quamquam hoc solo nihil efficitur, quum et alii sint populi tales : hoc igitur potius argumento id collegeram, quod soli omnium hominum Colchi, præter Ægyptios et Æthiopes, ab antiquissimis temporibus circumcidant pudenda. (3) Nam Phœnices, et Syri Palæstinam incolentes (Judæi), profitentur ipsi, ab Ægyptiis se hoc accepisse. Syri vero qui circa Thermodontem et Parthenium fluvium habitant (Cappadoces), et Macrones, horum finitimi, a Colchis nuper se accepisse fatentur. (4) Hi enim soli ex omnibus hominibus circumciduntur ; et hi manifeste Ægyptios in hac re imitantur. (5) Ægyptii vero utrum ab Æthiopibus, an hi ab illis acceperint, affirmare non possum ; perantiquum enim ritum esse apparet. Istos autem ex Ægyptiorum commercio hunc ritum adoptasse, magnum mihi etiam documentum videtur hoc esse : Phœnices, qui inter Græcos vivunt, in hoc ritu ad pudenda pertinente non amplius imitantur Ægyptios, et eorum qui post nascuntur non circumcidunt virilia. | For the people of Colchis are evidently Egyptian, and this I perceived for myself before I heard it from others. So when I had come to consider the matter I asked them both; and the Colchians had remembrance of the Egyptians more than the Egyptians of the Colchians; but the Egyptians said they believed that the Colchians were a portion of the army of Sesostris. That this was so I conjectured myself not only because they are dark-skinned and have curly hair (this of itself amounts to nothing, for there are other races which are so), but also still more because the Colchians, Egyptians, and Ethiopians alone of all the races of men have practised circumcision from the first. The Phenicians and the Syrians who dwell in Palestine confess themselves that they have learnt it from the Egyptians, and the Syrians about the river Thermodon and the river Parthenios, and the Macronians, who are their neighbors, say that they have learnt it lately from the Colchians. These are the only races of men who practise circumcision, and these evidently practise it in the same manner as the Egyptians. Of the Egyptians themselves however and the Ethiopians, I am not able to say which learnt from the other, for undoubtedly it is a most ancient custom; but that the other nations learnt it by intercourse with the Egyptians, this among others is to me a strong proof, namely that those of the Phenicians who have intercourse with Hellas cease to follow the example of the Egyptians in this matter, and do not circumcise their children. |
| 2.105 | Age vero, etiam aliud de Colchis commemorabo, in quo Ægyptiis similes sunt. Linum soli hi et Ægyptii fabricantur eodem modo : atque etiam tota vitæ ratio et sermo utrorumque similis est. Linum quidem Colchicum a Græcis Sardicum vocatur ; illud vero quod ex Ægypto affertur Ægyptium nominatur. | Now let me tell another thing about the Colchians to show how they resemble the Egyptians — they alone work flax in the same fashion as the Egyptians, and the two nations are like one another in their whole manner of living and also in their language: now the linen of Colchis is called by the Hellenes Sardonic, whereas that from Egypt is called Egyptian. |
| 2.106 | Columnarum quas variis in regionibus posuit Ægyptius rex Sesostris, pleræque non amplius supersunt : in Syria vero Palæstina ipse superstites vidi, in quibus erat prædicta inscriptio, et pudenda muliebria. (2) Sunt etiam in Ionia duæ imagines hujus viri saxis insculptæ, altera in via qua Epheso Phocæam itur, altera qua Sardibus Smyrnam. Utrobique vir exsculptus est, magnitudine quattuor cubitorum cum una spithama, dextra manu hastam tenens, sinistra sagittas, et reliquo cultu simili ; habet enim partim Ægyptiacum cultum, partim Æthiopicum : ab altero vero humero ad alterum per pectus pertinet insculpta inscriptio sacris literis Ægyptiorum exarata, in hanc sententiam : « Ego hanc regionem meis humeris (lacertis) mihi acquisivi. » (3) Quis vero, aut unde sit, ibi non declarat ; alibi vero declaravit. Itaque istas nonnulli, qui viderunt, Memnonis conjiciunt imagines esse, longe a vero aberrantes. | The pillars which Sesostris of Egypt set up in the various countries are for the most part no longer to be seen extant; but in Syria Palestine I myself saw them existing with the inscription upon them which I have mentioned and the emblem. Moreover in Ionia there are two figures of this man carved upon rocks, one on the road by which one goes from the land of Ephesos to Phocaia, and the other on the road from Sardis to Smyrna. In each place there is a figure of a man cut in the rock, of four cubits and a span in height, holding in his right hand a spear and in his left a bow and arrows, and the other equipment which he has is similar to this, for it is both Egyptian and Ethiopian: and from the one shoulder to the other across the breast runs an inscription carved in sacred Egyptian characters, saying thus, “This land with my shoulders I won for myself.” But who he is and from whence, he does not declare in these places, though in other places he has declared this. Some of those who have seen these carvings conjecture that the figure is that of Memnon, but herein they are very far from the truth. |
| 2.107 | Hunc Ægyptium Sesostrin, dicebant sacerdotes, redeuntem, multosque homines e gentibus subactis secum ducentem, eundem, postquam in reditu ad Daphnas Pelusiacas pervenisset, a fratre, cujus fidei Ægyptum commiserat, una cum filiis hospitio esse exceptum : at illum circa domum, in qua rex et filii erant, materiam congeri, congestamque jussisse incendi. (2) Qua re animadversa, statim deliberasse regem cum uxore, quippe illam quoque comitem secum habuisse. Hanc ei suasisse, quum sex essent filii, duobus ex his super pyram extensis pontem sic in ardente materia faceret, quem ipsi superantes effugerent. (3) Id fecisse Sesostrin, et duos filios ita igne fuisse absumptos, reliquos vero una cum patre fuga servatos. | As this Egyptian Sesostris was returning and bringing back many men of the nations whose lands he had subdued, when he came (said the priests) to Daphnai in the district of Pelusion on his journey home, his brother to whom Sesostris had entrusted the charge of Egypt invited him and with him his sons to a feast; and then he piled the house round with brushwood and set it on fire: and Sesostris when he discovered this forthwith took counsel with his wife, for he was bringing with him (they said) his wife also; and she counselled him to lay out upon the pyre two of his sons, which were six in number, and so to make a bridge over the burning mass, and that they passing over their bodies should thus escape. This, they said, Sesostris did, and two of his sons were burnt to death in this manner, but the rest got away safe with their father. |
| 2.108 | Postquam in Ægyptum advenit, pœnasque de fratre sumpsit, tum vero multitudine hominum, quos e terris subactis adduxerat,ea in hunc modum usus est : (2) lapides eos, qui hoc regnante ad Vulcani templum congesti sunt, immani magnitudine, hi sunt qui traxerunt : iidemque canales cunctos, qui nunc in Ægypto sunt, coacti foderunt ; atque ita inviti quidem fecerunt, ut Ægyptus, quæ ante id tempus tota equis et plaustris opportuna fuerat, hoc commodo careret. (3) Nam ab illo tempore Ægyptus, tota licet plana et campestris, equis et plaustris inhabilis facta est : cujus rei causa est multitudo fossarum, variis modis omnes in partes ductarum. (4) Regionem autem ita fossis discidit rex ille hac causa : quicunque ex Ægyptiis oppida habitant quæ non sunt ad fluvium sita, sed in media regione, hi, postquam recessit Nilus, aquæ inopia laborantes, salsiore potu usi erant, e puteis hausto. Hujus rei causa discissa est Ægyptus. | Then Sesostris, having returned to Egypt and having taken vengeance on his brother, employed the multitude which he had brought in of those whose lands he had subdued, as follows — these were they who drew the stones which in the reign of this king were brought to the temple of Hephaistos, being of very great size; and also these were compelled to dig all the channels which now are in Egypt; and thus (having no such purpose) they caused Egypt, which before was all fit for riding and driving, to be no longer fit for this from thenceforth: for from that time forward Egypt, though it is plain land, has become all unfit for riding and driving, and the cause has been these channels, which are many and run in all directions. But the reason why the king cut up the land was this, namely because those of the Egyptians who had their cities not on the river but in the middle of the country, being in want of water when the river went down from them, found their drink brackish because they had it from wells. For this reason Egypt was cut up. |
| 2.109 | Porro hunc regem, ajebant, distribuisse regionem inter omnes Ægyptios, singulisque sortem æqualem dedisse quadratam ; et ab hac sorte reditus sibi constituisse, imperato tributo quotannis pendendo. (2) Quod si de cujuspiam sorte fluvius aliquid abstraxisset, is regem adiens indicabat factum ; et rex, missis qui rem præsentem inspicerent, dimetirenturque quanto minor factus fuerit ager, in posterum tributi partem pro portione remittebat. (3) Videturque mihi ex hoc negotio inventa esse geometria apud Ægyptios, indeque ad Græcos transiisse. Nam polum quidem (instrumentum horologicum) et gnomonem et duodecim diei partes a Babyloniis Græci acceperunt. | They also said that this king distributed the land to all the Egyptians, giving an equal square portion to each man, and from this he made his revenue, having appointed them to pay a certain rent every year: and if the river should take away anything from any man’s portion, he would come to the king and declare that which had happened, and the king used to send men to examine and to find out by measurement how much less the piece of land had become, in order that for the future the man might pay less, in proportion to the rent appointed: and I think that thus the art of geometry was found out and afterwards came into Hellas also. For as touching the sun-dial and the gnomon and the twelve divisions of the day, they were learnt by the Hellenes from the Babylonians. |
| 2.110 | Idem rex Sesostris unus ex Ægypti regibus Æthiopiæ etiam regnum obtinuit. Monumenta autem sui reliquit statuas lapideas ante Vulcani templum positas : quarum duæ, triginta cubitorum quæque, ipsius et uxoris referebant imagines ; tum quattuor, viginti cubitorum quæque, totidem numero filiorum. (2) Ante has statuas quum multo post tempore Darius Persa sibi vellet statuam ponere, vetuit Vulcani sacerdos, dicens non edita ab illo esse facta qualia a Sesostri Ægyptio : Sesostrin enim quum alias gentes nihilo vel pauciores vel inferiores, quam ipse, tum vero et Scythas, subegisse, quos Darius subigere non potuisset. Quare non esse æquum, ut ante illius monumenta statuam ponat is qui illius facta non superarit. Aiuntque Darium sacerdoti hæc dicenti ignovisse. | He moreover alone of all the Egyptian kings had rule over Ethiopia; and he left as memorials of himself in front of the temple of Hephaistos two stone statues of thirty cubits each, representing himself and his wife, and others of twenty cubits each representing his four sons: and long afterwards the priest of Hephaistos refused to permit Dareios the Persian to set up a statue of himself in front of them, saying that deeds had not been done by him equal to those which were done by Sesostris the Egyptian; for Sesostris had subdued other nations besides, not fewer than he, and also the Scythians; but Dareios had not been able to conquer the Scythians: wherefore it was not just that he should set up a statue in front of those which Sesostris had dedicated, if he did not surpass him in his deeds. Which speech, they say, Dareios took in good part. |
| 2.111 | Sesostri vita functo, ajebant, regnum suscepisse filium ejus Pheron : eumque nullum militare facinus præclarum edidisse ; accidisse autem ei ut cæcus fieret, et quidem ob factum hujusmodi. (2) Quum flumen eo tempore copiosissimum descendisset ad octodecim pedum altitudinem, camposque inundasset, ingruente vento ingentes fluctus ciere flumen cœpit. Ibi tunc regem hunc, improba vesania correptum, sumpsisse spiculum et in medios fluminis gurgites conjecisse : dein protinus oculis cœpisse laborare, prorsusque usum oculorum amisisse. (3) Postquam decem annis cæcus fuisset, advenisse ei, undecimo anno, e Buto oppido oraculi responsum, exactum esse pœnæ tempus ; oculorum usum recepturum eum esse, si oculos eluisset lotio mulieris, quæ non nisi cum suo marito coiisset et cum nullo alio viro habuisset consuetudinem. (4) Illum igitur ante omnia uxoris suæ urinam esse expertum ; deinde vero, quum visum non recepisset, aliarum omnium atque aliarum experimentum fecisse. Ad extremum, postquam visum recepisset, mulieres cunctas, quarum experimentum fecerat, excepta una illa cujus urina lotus visum recepit, in unum oppidum congregasse, cui nomen nunc est Erythrobolus (quasi Rubrum solum diceres) atque ita congregatas, subjecto igne, simul cum oppido concremasse : illam vero, cujus urina lotus visum receperat, in matrimonium duxisse. (5) Donaria autem, postquam oculorum calamitate est liberatus, quum alia in notabilioribus quibusque templis consecravit, tum, quod maxime memorari præ ceteris meretur, in Solis templo opera posuit spectatu digna, duo saxeos obeliscos, utrumque ex uno saxo, longitudine utrumque centum cubitorum, latitudine octo cubitorum. | Now after Sesostris had brought his life to an end, his son Pheros, they told me, received in succession the kingdom, and he made no warlike expedition, and moreover it chanced to him to become blind by reason of the following accident — when the river had come down in flood rising to a height of eighteen cubits, higher than ever before that time, and had gone over the fields, a wind fell upon it and the river became agitated by waves: and this king (they say) moved by presumptuous folly took a spear and cast it into the midst of the eddies of the stream; and immediately upon this he had a disease of the eyes and was by it made blind. For ten years then he was blind, and in the eleventh year there came to him an oracle from the city of Buto saying that the time of his punishment had expired, and that he should see again if he washed his eyes with the water of a woman who had accompanied with her own husband only and had not knowledge of other men: and first he made trial of his own wife, and then, as he continued blind, he went on to try all the women in turn; and when he had at last regained his sight he gathered together all the women of whom he had made trial, excepting her by whose means he had regained his sight, to one city which now is named Erythrabolos, and having gathered them to this he consumed them all by fire, as well as the city itself; but as for her by whose means he had regained his sight, he had her himself to wife. Then after he had escaped the malady of his eyes he dedicated offerings at each one of the temples which were of renown, and especially (to mention only that which is most worthy of mention) he dedicated at the temple of the Sun works which are worth seeing, namely two obelisks of stone, each of a single block, measuring in length a hundred cubits each one and in breadth eight cubits. |
| 2.112 | Huic in regnum successisse ajebant virum Memphiten, eum qui Græcorum sermone Proteus nominetur : cujus nunc delubrum est Memphi pulcrum admodum et eximie instructum, a Vulcani templo austrum versus situm. Circa delubrum illud Phœnices Tyrii habitant ; vocaturque totus ille locus, Tyriorum astra. (2) Intra Protei delubrum ædes est, quæ vocatur Veneris Hospitæ: quam ego ædem Helenæ Tyndari filiæ sacratam fuisse conjicio, tum quod memoratum audivi vixisse Helenam apud Proteum, tum vero etiam ob hoc ipsum cognomen Hospitæ Veneris : quotquot enim alia sunt Veneris templa, eorum nullum est quod tale cognomen habeat. | After him, they said, there succeeded to the throne a man of Memphis, whose name in the tongue of the Hellenes was Proteus; for whom there is now a sacred enclosure at Memphis, very fair and well ordered, lying on that side of the temple of Hephaistos which faces the North Wind. Round about this enclosure dwell Phenicians of Tyre, and this whole region is called the Camp of the Tyrians. Within the enclosure of Proteus there is a temple called the temple of the “foreign Aphrodite,” which temple I conjecture to be one of Helen the daughter of Tyndareus, not only because I have heard the tale how Helen dwelt with Proteus, but also especially because it is called by the name of the “foreign Aphrodite,” for the other temples of Aphrodite which there are have none of them the addition of the word “foreign” to the name. |
| 2.113 | Dixerunt autem mihi sacerdotes, sciscitanti quæ ad Helenam spectant, gestam rem esse hunc in modum : Alexandrum, postquam Helenam e Sparta rapuisset, domum navigasse. Sed ubi in Ægæum pervenit, violenti ex adverso venti in Ægyptium mare eum compulerunt : inde, quum non remitteret vis ventorum, in Ægyptum pervenit, in illud quidem Nili ostium, quod Canobicum nunc vocatur, et ad Taricheas. (2) Erat autem in litore Herculis templum, quod etiam nunc est : in quod si quis cujuscunque hominis servus profugerit, et deo se tradens, sacras sibi imponi notas curaverit, hunc nemini fas est tangere. Lex ista eadem, quæ olim fuit, ad meam usque ætatem manet. (3) Ab Alexandro igitur famuli nonnulli, cognita lege quæ in hoc templo obtinet, desciscunt : sedentesque deo supplices, nocituri Alexandro, accusarunt eum ; omnemque iniquitatem, qua adversus Helenam et Menelaum usus ille erat, aperuerunt : renuntiarunt hæc autem quum sacerdotibus templi, tum præfecto hujus ostii, cui Thonis nomen erat. | And the priests told me, when I inquired, that the things concerning Helen happened thus — Alexander having carried off Helen was sailing away from Sparta to his own land, and when he had come to the Egean Sea contrary winds drove him from his course to the Sea of Egypt; and after that, since the blasts did not cease to blow, he came to Egypt itself, and in Egypt to that which is now named the Canobic mouth of the Nile and to Taricheiai. Now there was upon the shore, as still there is now, a temple of Heracles, in which if any man’s slave take refuge and have the sacred marks set upon him, giving himself over to the god, it is not lawful to lay hands upon him; and this custom has continued still unchanged from the beginning down to my own time. Accordingly the attendants of Alexander, having heard of the custom which existed about the temple, ran away from him, and sitting down as suppliants of the god, accused Alexander, because they desired to do him hurt, telling the whole tale how things were about Helen and about the wrong done to Menelaos; and this accusation they made not only to the priests but also to the warden of this river-mouth, whose name was Thonis. |
| 2.114 | Quibus cognitis Thonis celeriter Memphin ad Proteum nuntios misit, qui hæc ei dicerent : « Advenit huc peregrinus homo, natione Trojanus, qui in Græcia improbum facinus commisit : quippe hospitis sui uxorem decepit, eamque et ipsam et magnam simul rerum pretiosarum copiam secum vehens huc appulit, ventorum vi hanc in terram compulsus. Hunccine ergo sinemus illæsum abire, an, quæ secum advexit, ei eripiemus ? » (2) Ad hæc Proteus remittit nuntium, qui diceret : « Hunc hominem, quisquis est, qui hospitem suum tam nefaria injuria affecit, prehendite, et ad me adducite, ut sciam quid tandem dicat. » | Thonis then having heard their tale sent forthwith a message to Proteus at Memphis, which said as follows: “There hath come a stranger, a Teucrian by race, who hath done in Hellas an unholy deed; for he hath deceived the wife of his own host, and is come hither bringing with him this woman herself and very much wealth, having been carried out of his way by winds to thy land. Shall we then allow him to sail out unharmed, or shall we first take away from him that which he brought with him?” In reply to this Proteus sent back a messenger who said thus: “Seize this man, whosoever he may be, who has done impiety to his own host, and bring him away into my presence, that I may know what he will find to say.” |
| 2.115 | His auditis Thonis prehendit Alexandrum, navesque ejus retinet : dein et ipsum et Helenam et res pretiosas Memphin duxit, atque etiam fugitivos supplices. (2) Cuncti ubi advenerunt, quæsivit ex Alexandro Proteus, quis esset, et unde cum navibus suis advenisset. Et ille suum genus commemoravit, patriæ dixit nomen ; atque navigationis cursum, et unde advenerit, exposuit. (3) Deinde vero interrogante Proteo, Helenam unde accepisset, titubantem in oratione nec vera loquentem Alexandrum coarguebant fugitivi supplices, et totam sceleris rationem aperuerunt. (4) Ad extremum Proteus hanc sententiam pronuntiavit : « Nisi ego, inquit, maximi ducerem, nullum hominem peregrinum occidere, qui ventorum vi ablatus meam terram accessisset, a te pro Græco illo pœnas sumpturus eram, qui, o hominum scelestissime, hospitio benigne exceptus, facinus improbissimum admisisti. Ad tui hospitis uxorem intrasti ; et hoc flagitio non contentus, tuis fraudibus excitatam raptamque abduxisti. Nec hoc tibi satis fuit, sed etiam domum tui hospitis exspoliasti, hisque cum spoliis huc venisti. (5) Nunc, quoniam semper maximi duxi hospitem nullum occidere, mulierem quidem hanc atque opes non te sinam hinc abducere, sed hæc ego Græco illi servabo, donec ipse veniens recipere voluerit : tibi vero et navigationis sociis edico, ut intra triduum mea e terra in aliam navigetis : sin minus, pro hostibus vos habebo. » | Hearing this, Thonis seized Alexander and detained his ships, and after that he brought the man himself up to Memphis and with him Helen and the wealth he had, and also in addition to them the suppliants. So when all had been conveyed up thither, Proteus began to ask Alexander who he was and from whence he was voyaging; and he both recounted to him his descent and told him the name of his native land, and moreover related of his voyage, from whence he was sailing. After this Proteus asked him whence he had taken Helen; and when Alexander went astray in his account and did not speak the truth, those who had become suppliants convicted him of falsehood, relating in full the whole tale of the wrong done. At length Proteus declared to them this sentence, saying, “Were it not that I count it a matter of great moment not to slay any of those strangers who being driven from their course by winds have come to my land hitherto, I should have taken vengeance on thee on behalf of the man of Hellas, seeing that thou, most base of men, having received from him hospitality, didst work against him a most impious deed. For thou didst go in to the wife of thine own host; and even this was not enough for thee, but thou didst stir her up with desire and hast gone away with her like a thief. Moreover not even this by itself was enough for thee, but thou art come hither with plunder taken from the house of thy host. Now therefore depart, seeing that I have counted it of great moment not to be a slayer of strangers. This woman indeed and the wealth which thou hast I will not allow thee to carry away, but I shall keep them safe for the Hellene who was thy host, until he come himself and desire to carry them off to his home; to thyself however and thy fellow-voyagers I proclaim that ye depart from your anchoring within three days and go from my land to some other; and if not, that ye will be dealt with as enemies.” |
| 2.116 | Hunc fuisse Helenæ apud Proteum adventum dixere sacerdotes. Videtur autem mihi Homerus eandem audivisse narrationem ; sed, quoniam non similiter, atque altera narratio, qua est usus, accommodata esset epico carmini, idcirco eam omisisse, ita tamen ut significaret notam sibi eam fuisse. (2) Adparet hoc enim ex itinerum ratione Alexandri, quam in Iliade ut episodium posuit, (nec vero usquam alibi rectractavit), ubi ait, quum per alia loca eum abreptum errasse, Helenam secum ducentem, tum Sidonem in Phœnice appulisse. (3) Meminit autem hujus rei in Diomedis fortibus factis, ubi hos posuit versus:
Sidoniis, quas ipse Paris formosus ab urbe Sidonia duxit, sulcans freta lata carinis, quum rettulit magnis Helenam natalibus ortam. » fortia, quæ Polydamna sibi donaverat uxor Thonis in Ægypto, cujus fert plurima mixtim multa solum proba, multa etiam damnosa venena. » conantem, quibus haud tuleram solennia sacra. » |
This the priests said was the manner of Helen’s coming to Proteus; and I suppose that Homer also had heard this story, but since it was not so suitable to the composition of his poem as the other which he followed, he dismissed it finally, making it clear at the same time that he was acquainted with that story also: and according to the manner in which he described the wanderings of Alexander in the Iliad (nor did he elsewhere retract that which he had said) it is clear that when he brought Helen he was carried out of his course, wandering to various lands, and that he came among other places to Sidon in Phenicia. Of this the poet has made mention in the “prowess of Diomede,” and the verses run this:
Those whom her son himself the god-like of form Alexander Carried from Sidon, what time the broad sea-path he sailed over Bringing back Helene home, of a noble father begotten.” Good, which to her the wife of Thon, Polydamna, had given, Dwelling in Egypt, the land where the bountiful meadow produces Drugs more than all lands else, many good being mixed, many evil.” |
| 2.117 | Ex hisce autem versibus, et ex isto maxime loco, ex Iliade apposito, clarum est, non esse Homerum Cypriorum carminum auctorem, sed alium quempiam. Nam in Cypriis Alexander memoratur tertio die Sparta Ilium cum Helena pervenisse secundo vento usus, et mari tranquillo : in Iliade vero ait poeta, errasse illum quum Helenam domum duceret. Sed valeat Homerus, valeantque Cypria carmina. | By these lines and by this passage it is also most clearly shown that the “Cyprian Epic” was not written by Homer but by some other man: for in this it is said that on the third day after leaving Sparta Alexander came to Ilion bringing with him Helen, having had a “gently-blowing wind and a smooth sea,” whereas in the Iliad it says that he wandered from his course when he brought her. Let us now leave Homer and the “Cyprian” Epic. |
| 2.118 | Interroganti vero mihi, utrum vanum fictumque sit, an non, quod Græci de bello ad Ilium gesto narrant, responderunt mihi hæcce, quæ ex ipsius Menelai narratione sibi cognita esse affirmarunt. Scilicet, venisse post Helenæ raptum exercitum ingentem Græcorum in terram Trojanam, Menelao opem laturum. Ab exercitu isto, escensione facta, positisque castris, missos esse Ilium legatos, et in his ipsum Menelaum : (2) qui postquam muros ingressi, repetiissent Helenam et opes ab Alexandro subreptas, et satisfactionem injuriarum postulassent ; respondisse tunc Teucros id quod et deinde constanter affirmaverint jurati et non jurati, non habere se Helenam nec opes quæ repeterentur, sed esse ista omnia in Ægpyto ; neque æquum esse, se earum rerum causa satisfactionem dare, quæ essent in Protei manibus, regis Ægyptii. (3) At Græci, ab his se rideri existimantes, ea causa obsedisse urbem, donec cepissent. Capta urbe, quum nusquam Helena reperiretur, et eandem rem, quam antea, audiverant, experirentur Græci ; sic deinde fidem priori sermoni adhibentes, Menelaum ipsum ad Proteum miserunt. | But this I will say, namely that I asked the priests whether it is but an idle tale which the Hellenes tell of that which they say happened about Ilion; and they answered me thus, saying that they had their knowledge by inquiries from Menelaos himself. After the rape of Helen there came indeed, they said, to the Teucrian land a large army of Hellenes to help Menelaos; and when the army had come out of the ships to land and had pitched its camp there, they sent messengers to Ilion, with whom went also Menelaos himself; and when these entered within the wall they demanded back Helen and the wealth which Alexander had stolen from Menelaos and had taken away; and moreover they demanded satisfaction for the wrongs done: and the Teucrians told the same tale then and afterwards, both with oath and without oath, namely that in deed and in truth they had not Helen nor the wealth for which demand was made, but that both were in Egypt; and that they could not justly be compelled to give satisfaction for that which Proteus the king of Egypt had. The Hellenes however thought that they were being mocked by them and besieged the city, until at last they took it; and when they had taken the wall and did not find Helen, but heard the same tale as before, then they believed the former tale and sent Menelaos himself to Proteus. |
| 2.119 | Menelaus ubi in Ægyptum pervenit, adverso fluvio Memphin navigavit, ibique exposita rei veritate, insignibus donis hospitalibus exceptus est, et Helenam illæsam recepit, insuperque opes suas omnes. (2) Verumtamen Menelaus, quamquam hæc omnia consecutus, inique eum Ægyptiis egit. Nam quum proficisci vellet, nec per ventos posset, longiore interposita mora, extremum rem aggressus est impiam et nefariam : duos puerulos sumpsit hominum indigenarum, eosque placandis ventis immolavit. (3) Deinde postquam evulgatum est facinus, invisus Ægyptiis, et ab his exagitatus, profugit cum suis navibus, Libyam versus iter intendens. Inde vero quonam pervenerit, non amplius dicere potuerunt Ægyptii : ista vero, quæ dixi, partim sciscitando se cognovisse ajebant, partim apud se gesta accurate cognita habere. | And Menelaos having come to Egypt and having sailed up to Memphis, told the truth of these matters, and not only found great entertainment, but also received Helen unhurt, and all his own wealth besides. Then however, after he had been thus dealt with, Menelaos showed himself ungrateful to the Egyptians; for when he set forth to sail away, contrary winds detained him, and as this condition of things lasted long, he devised an impious deed; for he took two children of natives and made sacrifice of them. After this, when it was known that he had done so, he became abhorred, and being pursued he escaped and got away in his ships to Libya; but whither he went besides after this, the Egyptians were not able to tell. Of these things they said that they found out part by inquiries, and the rest, namely that which happened in their own land, they related from sure and certain knowledge. |
| 2.120 | Hæc mihi Ægyptiorum dixerunt sacerdotes : narrationi autem, quam de Helena fecerunt, ego etiam ipse assentior, hæcce mecum reputans : si in Ilio fuisset Helena, reddituros eam Græcis fuisse Trojanos, sive volente Alexandro, sive nolente. Nam profecto non ita mente captus erat Priamus, neque ceteri illius propinqui, ut suis ipsorum capitibus et liberis et universa urbe voluissent periclitari, quo Alexander Helenam haberet uxorem. (2) Quod si etiam initio ita secum statuissent, tamen deinde, postquam et aliorum Trojanorum complures, quoties cum Græcis congressi sunt, perierunt, et ex ipsius Priami filiis quolibet in prœlio (si quidem epicorum poetarum narrationi fides habenda) duo aut tres aut etiam plures occubuerunt, his ita comparatis, puto equidem, si vel ipse Priamus Helenam duxisset uxorem, redditurum eam fuisse Græcis hac conditione, ut præsentibus malis liberaretur. (3) Porro ne regnum quidem ad Alexandrum erat rediturum, ut quum senex esset Priamus, rerum summa penes illum fuerit : sed Hector, et ætate major et longe illo vir fortior, in regnum mortuo Priamo erat successurus ; quem non est consentaneum indulgere voluisse fratri injuste agenti, quum præsertim illius causa gravissima mala et privatim ipsum, et publice Trojanos omnes premerent. (4) Sed enim non potuerant illi Helenam reddere, et vera dicentibus fidem non adhibuerant Græci : idque (ut dicam quod sentio) factum est divino numine ita moderante, ut illi, internecione pereuntes, testatum facerent hominibus, graves injurias gravibus etiam pœnis vindicari a diis. Sed hæc quidem pro mea dixi opinione. | Thus the priests of the Egyptians told me; and I myself also agree with the story which was told of Helen, adding this consideration, namely that if Helen had been in Ilion she would have been given up to the Hellenes, whether Alexander consented or no; for Priam assuredly was not so mad, nor yet the others of his house, that they were desirous to run risk of ruin for themselves and their children and their city, in order that Alexander might have Helen as his wife: and even supposing that during the first part of the time they had been so inclined, yet when many others of the Trojans besides were losing their lives as often as they fought with the Hellenes, and of the sons of Priam himself always two or three or even more were slain when a battle took place (if one may trust at all to the Epic poets) — when, I say, things were coming thus to pass, I consider that even if Priam himself had had Helen as his wife, he would have given her back to the Achaians, if at least by so doing he might be freed from the evils which oppressed him. Nor even was the kingdom coming to Alexander next, so that when Priam was old the government was in his hands; but Hector, who was both older and more of a man than he, would have received it after the death of Priam; and him it behoved not to allow his brother to go on with his wrong-doing, considering that great evils were coming to pass on his account both to himself privately and in general to the other Trojans. In truth however they lacked the power to give Helen back; and the Hellenes did not believe them, though they spoke the truth; because, as I declare my opinion, the divine power was purposing to cause them utterly to perish, and so make it evident to men that for great wrongs great also are the chastisements which come from the gods. And thus have I delivered my opinion concerning these matters. |
| 2.121 | Proteo in regno successisse memorarunt Rhampsinitum : qui monumenta sui reliquit propylæa templi Vulcani, occidentem spectantia. Ex adverso vero proylæorum duas posuit statuas, viginti quinque cubitorum magnitudine : quarum illam, quæ stat a septentrione, Æstatem appellant Ægyptii ; alteram, quæ ad meridiem conversa, Hiemem (2) et illam quidem, quam Æstatem vocant, adorant et donis placant ; adversus illam, quæ Hiems nominatur, contrarium faciunt. (I.) Hunc regem, dixerunt, tantas opes possedisse tantamque vim argenti, ut posteriorum regum nullus, non dico superare eum opibus potuerit, sed ne prope quidem accedere. (3) Igitur in tuto reponere suas pecunias cupientem, conclave ædificandum curasse lapideum. Cujus ædificii quum unus paries extrorsum spectaret, eum cui mandatum opus erat, pecuniæ insidiantem, hocce esse machinatum : e lapidibus unum ita parasse, ut e muro facile eximi posset a duobus aut etiam ab uno homine. (4) Absoluto ædificio, regem in illo divitias suas deposuisse. Interjecto autem tempore, quum is, qui conclave illud ædificaverat, prope vitæ finem esset, hunc advocatis ad se duobus, qui ei erant, filiis exposuisse, in ædificando regis thesauro usum se esse artificio, quo prospexisset ut opulentam haberent rem familiarem. (5) Perspicue igitur illos docuisse quo pacto eximi lapis posset, et mensuras illis tradidisse, quas si observassent, futuros eos aiebat esse regiarum opum dispensatores. (6) Hoc igitur vita functo, filios haud multo post operi admovisse manus : noctu ad regiam accedentes, lapidem in ædifico a se inventum facili opera tractasse, multumque pecuniæ extulisse : (II.) Quum forte dein conclave rex aperuisset, videretque diminutas in vasis pecunias, miratum esse ; nec vero quem culparet habuisse, quum sigilla januæ salva fuissent, et ædificium clausum. (7) Ubi autem iterum et tertio aperiens, constanter minui vidit pecunias (nec enim spoliare desiisse fures), hocce eum fecisse : laqueos confici jussisse, eosque circa vasa, in quibus inerant pecuniæ, collocari. (8) Ventitasse dein, ut antea, fures : quorum quum irrepsisset alter, et ad vas accessisset, continuo hunc laqueo esse captum. (9) Eumdem vero, videntem quo in malo esset, protinus vocato fratri significasse quid accidisset, jussisseque eum ut continuo ipse irreperet, sibique caput abscinderet ; ne, sese conspecto, agnitoque quis esset, ille simul male esset periturus. (10) Et illum, probato hujus consilio, fecisse ut jusserat frater, adaptatoque iterum lapide domum abiisse, caput fratris asportantem. (III.) Ut illuxit, ingressum regem in conclave obstupuisse, conspecto corpore furis laqueo constricti et capite carentis, quum præsertim illæsum ædificium, nullumque vel introitum vel exitum videret. (11) Itaque hærentem animo, hocce fecisse : cadaver furis e muro suspendisse, appositisque custodibus imperasse, ut, si quem vidissent deplorantem aut lamentantem, hunc prehensum ad se adducerent. (12) Interim suspenso furis cadavere vehementer dolentem matrem, collatis cum superstite filio sermonibus imperasse huic, ut, quoquo modo quibusve artibus posset, solvere cadaver fratris et sibi afferre conaretur ; adjecisseque minas, eam rem si ille neglexisset, regem se adituram, ipsumque, ut qui illius pecunias habeat, delaturam. (IV.) Ita aspere a matre acceptum filium superstitem, postquam nullo pacto illam potuisset commovere, dolum excogitasse hujusmodi : instructis asinis utres imposuisse vino plenos, eosque per viam publicam agitasse ; (13) quumque prope locum fuisset ubi erant cadaveris suspensi custodes, attractos duos aut tres utrium pendulos petiolos solvisse ; tum, effluente vino, caput sibi pulsasse ingenti edito clamore, quasi incertum, ad quemnam ex asinis primum se converteret. (14) Custodes, multum fluere vini videntes, in viam concurrisse, vasa tenentes, effluensque vinum, ut suum in lucrum cedens, colligentes ; illum autem, vehementer se iratum simulantem, maledictis eos lacerasse. Custodibus vero eum consolantibus, paulatim mitigari simulantem, ab ira remisisse, denique a media via exegisse asinos, eosque rursus instruxisse. (15) Ibi multis incidentibus sermonibus, quum unus e custodibus facete cavillans etiam risum ei elicuisset, dono eum illis dedisse unum ex utribus : et illos e vestigio discumbentes compotationi animum applicuisse, ipsumque assumpsisse et hortatos esse, ut secum maneret compotaretque : et illum, ut erat consentaneum, morem gessisse, apudque illos mansisse. (16) Qui quum inter potandum comiter amplecterentur hominem, hunc etiam alio ex utribus illos donasse : et copioso potu utentes custodes ita fuisse inebriatos, ut somno oppressi, eodem loco ubi potaverant, obdormierint. (17) Tum vero, nocte jam multum progressa, hunc fratris corpus solvisse, et custodum dextras genas contumeliæ causa rasisse, denique cadavere asinis imposito, mandata matris exsecutum, domum cum asinis rediisse. (V.) Regem, postquam ei renuntiatum esset furto ablatum esse cadaver, ægerrime tulisse ; (18) cupientemque quoquo modo reperire quis esset qui ista fuisset machinatus, hocce fecisse ajunt, mihi non credibile : filiam suam jussisse in lupanari sedere, cunctosque homines pariter admittere, sed, priusquam coirent, cogere ut dicat quisque quid sit quod et callidissimum et improbissimum in vita patraverit : quodsi quis narrasset ea quæ circa furem accidissent, hunc prehenderet, neque egredi pateretur. (19) Jussis patris quum morem gereret puella, furem hunc, postquam cognosset cujus rei causa hæc fierent, cuperetque regem superare versutia, hæcce fecisse : recens mortui hominis amputasse in humero manum, eaque sub pallio abscondita ad regis filiam intrasse ; tum ab ea interrogatum sicuti alii quoque, respondisse, improbissimum se facinus patrasse, quum fratris caput abscidisset, laqueo capti in regis thesauro ; callidissimum vero, quod inebriatis custodibus cadaver suspensum fratris solvisset. (2) Tum illam, his auditis, prehendisse hominem : at furem illi in tenebris manum mortui porrexisse ; quam dum puella prehenderet, manum illius ipsius se tenere existimans, furem missam illi eam fecisse, et per januam egressum profugisse. (VI.) Postquam igitur et hæc regi essent renuntiata, attonitum fuisse illum et versutia et audacia hominis. Ad extremum, circummissis per oppida præconibus, edixisse et impunitatem se concessurum, et magna etiam dona adjecturum homini, si in conspectum suum venisset. (21) Et edicto fidem adhibentem furem, ad regem accessisse : Rhampsinitumque, magna hominis admiratione ductum, filiam ei hanc in matrimonium dedisse, ut hominum omnium scientissimo : Ægyptios enim omnibus aliis antecellere, ipsum vero Ægyptiis. | After Proteus, they told me, Rhampsinitos received in succession the kingdom, who left as a memorial of himself that gateway to the temple of Hephaistos which is turned towards the West, and in front of the gateway he set up two statues, in height five-and-twenty cubits, of which the one which stands on the North side is called by the Egyptians Summer and the one on the South side Winter; and to that one which they call Summer they do reverence and make offerings, while to the other which is called Winter they do the opposite of these things. (a) This king, they said, got great wealth of silver, which none of the kings born after him could surpass or even come near to; and wishing to store his wealth in safety he caused to be built a chamber of stone, one of the walls whereof was towards the outside of his palace: and the builder of this, having a design against it, contrived as follows, that is, he disposed one of the stones in such a manner that it could be taken out easily from the wall either by two men or even by one. So when the chamber was finished, the king stored his money in it, and after some time the builder, being near the end of his life, called to him his sons (for he had two) and to them he related how he had contrived in building the treasury of the king, and all in forethought for them, that they might have ample means of living. And when he had clearly set forth to them everything concerning the taking out of the stone, he gave them the measurements, saying that if they paid heed to this matter they would be stewards of the king’s treasury. So he ended his life, and his sons made no long delay in setting to work, but went to the palace by night, and having found the stone in the wall of the chamber they dealt with it easily and carried forth for themselves great quantity of the wealth within. (b) And the king happening to open the chamber, he marvelled when he saw the vessels falling short of the full amount, and he did not know on whom he should lay the blame, since the seals were unbroken and the chamber had been close shut; but when upon his opening the chamber a second and a third time the money was each time seen to be diminished, for the thieves did not slacken in their assaults upon it, he did as follows — having ordered traps to be made he set these round about the vessels in which the money was; and when the thieves had come as at former times and one of them had entered, then so soon as he came near to one of the vessels he was straightway caught in the trap: and when he perceived in what evil case he was, straightway calling his brother he showed him what the matter was, and bade him enter as quickly as possible and cut off his head, for fear lest being seen and known he might bring about the destruction of his brother also. And to the other it seemed that he spoke well, and he was persuaded and did so; and fitting the stone into its place he departed home bearing with him the head of his brother. (c) Now when it became day, the king entered into the chamber and was very greatly amazed, seeing the body of the thief held in the trap without his head, and the chamber unbroken, with no way to come in or go out: and being at a loss he hung up the dead body of the thief upon the wall and set guards there, with charge if they saw any one weeping or bewailing himself to seize him and bring him before the king. And when the dead body had been hung up, the mother was greatly grieved, and speaking with the son who survived she enjoined him, in whatever way he could, to contrive means by which he might take down and bring home the body of his dead brother; and if he should neglect to do this, she earnestly threatened that she would go and give information to the king that he had the money. (d) So as the mother dealt hardly with the surviving son, and he though saying many things to her did not persuade her, he contrived for his purpose a device as follows — Providing himself with asses he filled some skins with wine and laid them upon the asses, and after that he drove them along: and when he came opposite to those who were guarding the corpse hung up, he drew towards him two or three of the necks of the skins and loosened the cords with which they were tied. Then when the wine was running out, he began to beat his head and cry out loudly, as if he did not know to which of the asses he should first turn; and when the guards saw the wine flowing out in streams, they ran together to the road with drinking vessels in their hands and collected the wine that was poured out, counting it so much gain; and he abused them all violently, making as if he were angry, but when the guards tried to appease him, after a time he feigned to be pacified and to abate his anger, and at length he drove his asses out of the road and began to set their loads right. Then more talk arose among them, and one or two of them made jests at him and brought him to laugh with them; and in the end he made them a present of one of the skins in addition to what they had. Upon that they lay down there without more ado, being minded to drink, and they took him into their company and invited him to remain with them and join them in their drinking: so he (as may be supposed) was persuaded and stayed. Then as they in their drinking bade him welcome in a friendly manner, he made a present to them also of another of the skins; and so at length having drunk liberally the guards became completely intoxicated; and being overcome by sleep they went to bed on the spot where they had been drinking. He then, as it was now far on in the night, first took down the body of his brother, and then in mockery shaved the right cheeks of all the guards; and after that he put the dead body upon the asses and drove them away home, having accomplished that which was enjoined him by his mother. (e) Upon this the king, when it was reported to him that the dead body of the thief had been stolen away, displayed great anger; and desiring by all means that it should be found out who it might be who devised these things, did this (so at least they said, but I do not believe the account) — he caused his own daughter to sit in the stews, and enjoined her to receive all equally, and before having commerce with any one to compel him to tell her what was the most cunning and what the most unholy deed which had been done by him in all his life-time; and whosoever should relate that which had happened about the thief, him she must seize and not let him go out. Then as she was doing that which was enjoined by her father, the thief, hearing for what purpose this was done and having a desire to get the better of the king in resource, did thus — from the body of one lately dead he cut off the arm at the shoulder and went with it under his mantle: and having gone in to the daughter of the king, and being asked that which the others also were asked, he related that he had done the most unholy deed when he cut off the head of his brother, who had been caught in a trap in the king’s treasure-chamber, and the most cunning deed in that he made drunk the guards and took down the dead body of his brother hanging up; and she when she heard it tried to take hold of him, but the thief held out to her in the darkness the arm of the corpse, which she grasped and held, thinking that she was holding the arm of the man himself; but the thief left it in her hands and departed, escaping through the door. (f) Now when this also was reported to the king, he was at first amazed at the ready invention and daring of the fellow, and then afterwards he sent round to all the cities and made proclamation granting a free pardon to the thief, and also promising a great reward if he would come into his presence. The thief accordingly trusting to the proclamation came to the king, and Rhampsinitos greatly marvelled at him, and gave him this daughter of his to wife, counting him to be the most knowing of all men; for as the Egyptians were distinguished from all other men, so was he from the other Egyptians. |
| 2.122 | Post hæc eundem regem dixerunt vivum sub terram, quo loco Græci inferos putant esse, descendisse, ibique cum Cerere alea lusisse, et partim victorem, partim etiam ab illa victum fuisse ; denique rursus inde reversum, munus ab eadem rettulisse mantile aureum. (2) Ab hoc Rhampsiniti descensu ad inferos, postquam reversus esset, festum ajebant agi ab Ægyptiis : quod festum ego quidem novi mea etiam nunc ætate ab illis agi ; utrum vero hac de causa celebretur, an alia, affirmare non possum. (3) Unus e sacerdotibus pallium induit, eodem die ab illis contextum : huic reliqui mitra obligant oculos, eumque in viam deducunt qua ad Cereris templum itur, tum ipsi retro discedunt. (4) Hunc sacerdotem, cui obstricti oculi sunt, ajunt a duobus lupis ad templum Cereris duci, quod abest ab urbe viginti stadia ; rursusque eosdem lupos eum in eundem locum reducere. | After these things they said this king went down alive to that place which by the Hellenes is called Hades, and there played at dice with Demeter, and in some throws he overcame her and in others he was overcome by her; and he came back again having as a gift from her a handkerchief of gold: and they told me that because of the going down of Rhampsinitos the Egyptians after he came back celebrated a feast, which I know of my own knowledge also that they still observe even to my time; but whether it is for this cause that they keep the feast or for some other, I am not able to say. However, the priests weave a robe completely on the very day of the feast, and forthwith they bind up the eyes of one of them with a fillet, and having led him with the robe to the way by which one goes to the temple of Demeter, they depart back again themselves. This priest, they say, with his eyes bound up is led by two wolves to the temple of Demeter, which is distant from the city twenty furlongs, and then afterwards the wolves lead him back again from the temple to the same spot. |
| 2.123 | Jam utatur his, quæ Ægyptii narrant, si cui probabilia fuerint visa : mihi per totam hanc historiam propositum est, ut ea scribam quæ a quibusque memorata audivi. Memorant autem Ægyptii, principatum apud inferos tenere Cererem et Bacchum. (2) Primi etiam fuerunt Ægyptii, qui hanc doctrinam traderet : esse animam hominis immortalem ; intereunte vero corpore in aliud animal, quod eo ipso tempore nascatur, intrare : quando vero circuitum absolvisset per omnia terrestria animalia et marina et volucria, tum rursus in hominis corpus, quod tunc nascatur, intrare : circuitum autem illum absolvi tribus annorum milibus. (3) Hoc placito usi sunt deinde nonnulli e Græcorum philosophis, alii prius, alii posterius, tanquam suum esset inventum : quorum ego nomina, mihi quidem cognita, literis non mando. | Now as to the tales told by the Egyptians, any man may accept them to whom such things appear credible; as for me, it is to be understood throughout the whole of the history that I write by hearsay that which is reported by the people in each place. The Egyptians say that Demeter and Dionysos are rulers of the world below; and the Egyptians are also the first who reported the doctrine that the soul of man is immortal, and that when the body dies, the soul enters into another creature which chances then to be coming to the birth, and when it has gone the round of all the creatures of land and sea and of the air, it enters again into a human body as it comes to the birth; and that it makes this round in a period of three thousand years. This doctrine certain Hellenes adopted, some earlier and some later, as if it were of their own invention, and of these men I know the names but I abstain from recording them. |
| 2.124 | Usque ad Rhampsinitum igitur valuisse, dixerunt, in Ægypto leges, et rebus omnibus egregie floruisse Ægyptum. Post hunc vero, regnum apud eos tenentem Cheopem omnia nequitia esse grassatum. Clausis enim templis omnibus, primum sacrificiis prohibuisse Ægyptios ; tum cunctos jussisse sibi opus facere : (2) aliis assignatum fuisse, ut e lapicidinis quæ sunt in Arabio monte, ex his lapides traherent usque ad Nilum ; aliis imperatum, ut navigiis cis flumen transvectos lapides illos exciperent, et ad Libycum quem vocant traherent montem. Opus autem faciebant pervices, quolibet trimestri, centena hominum milia. (3) Tempus autem, quo ita vexatus fuerit populus, primum decem fuisse annos, per quos munierint viam qua traxerunt lapides ; opus, ut mihi videtur, haud multo inferius ipsa pyramide : (est enim longitudo viæ quinque stadiorum ; latitudo cubitorum quadraginta ; altitudo, qua est maxima, duorum et triginta cubitorum : estque e politis lapidibus confecta, et insculptis ornata figuris:) huic igitur muniendæ viæ insumptos decem annos fuisse, simulque conficiendis in eo colle, in quo stant pyramides, cameris subterraneis, quas ille sibi pro sepulcro destinavit in insula, fossa e Nilo introacta. (4) In ipsius autem pyramidis constructionem viginti annos esse insumptos. Quadrata illius forma est ; latusque quodque octingentos metitur pedes : altitudo ejusdem est mensuræ: lapid politus et quam accuratissime coagmentatus ; nullus e lapidibus minor triginta pedibus. | Down to the time when Rhampsinitos was king, they told me there was in Egypt nothing but orderly rule, and Egypt prospered greatly; but after him Cheops became king over them and brought them to every kind of evil: for he shut up all the temples, and having first kept them from sacrificing there, he then bade all the Egyptians work for him. So some were appointed to draw stones from the stone-quarries in the Arabian mountains to the Nile, and others he ordered to receive the stones after they had been carried over the river in boats, and to draw them to those which are called the Libyan mountains; and they worked by a hundred thousand men at a time, for each three months continually. Of this oppression there passed ten years while the causeway was made by which they drew the stones, which causeway they built, and it is a work not much less, as it appears to me, than the pyramid; for the length of it is five furlongs and the breadth ten fathoms and the height, where it is highest, eight fathoms, and it is made of stone smoothed and with figures carved upon it. For this, they said, the ten years were spent, and for the underground chambers on the hill upon which the pyramids stand, which he caused to be made as sepulchral chambers for himself in an island, having conducted thither a channel from the Nile. For the making of the pyramid itself there passed a period of twenty years; and the pyramid is square, each side measuring eight hundred feet, and the height of it is the same. It is built of stone smoothed and fitted together in the most perfect manner, not one of the stones being less than thirty feet in length. |
| 2.125 | Est autem sic constructa hæc pyramis : statim in modum graduum quibus scalæ ascenduntur, quos gradus alii pinnas, alii arulas vocant. (2) Talem postquam primum eam fecerunt, in altum tollebant reliquos lapides machinis e brevibus lignis confectis, ab humo statim in primum graduum ordinem eos tollentes : quo ubi pervenit lapis, alii machinæ imponebatur, quæ in primo graduum ordine stabat, et ab hoc ordine in secundum attrahebatur ordinem super alia machina ; (3) nam quot erant graduum ordines, tot quoque machinæ erant : sive etiam una eademque machina fuit portatu facilis, quam ex uno ordine in alterum promovebant, quoties lapidem in altum tollere vellent : nam in utramque partem, quemadmodum traditur, dictum a nobis esto. (4) Perfici autem cœptum est opus a summo ; dein inferiora paulatim absolverunt ; et ad extremum imam partem et terræ proximam perfecerunt. (5) Scripto autem in pyramide consignatum est literis Ægyptiis, quantum in raphanos, in cepas et in allia fuerit impensum, quibus usi sunt hi qui opus fecerunt : et recte memini quæ mihi dixit interpres, quum scriptum legeret, summam fuisse mille et sexcentorum talentorum argenti. (6) Quodsi ita est, quanta putabimus impensa fuisse alia, in ferrum, quo usi sint ad opus faciendum, tum in cibaria, et in vestimenta operariorum ? quandoquidem tantum temporis, quantum dixi, faciendo operi insumserunt, nec minus multum temporis, ut ego arbitror, cædendis lapidibus, eisdemque promovendis, et fossæ subterraneæ conficiendæ. | This pyramid was made after the manner of steps, which some call “rows” and others “bases”: and when they had first made it thus, they raised the remaining stones with machines made of short pieces of timber, raising them first from the ground to the first stage of the steps, and when the stone got up to this it was placed upon another machine standing on the first stage, and so from this it was drawn to the second upon another machine; for as many as were the courses of the steps, so many machines there were also, or perhaps they transferred one and the same machine, made so as easily to be carried, to each stage successively, in order that they might take up the stones; for let it be told in both ways, according as it is reported. However that may be, the highest parts of it were finished first, and afterwards they proceeded to finish that which came next to them, and lastly they finished the parts of it near the ground and the lowest ranges. On the pyramid it is declared in Egyptian writing how much was spent on radishes and onions and leeks for the workmen, and if I rightly remember that which the interpreter said in reading to me this inscription, a sum of one thousand six hundred talents of silver was spent; and if this is so, how much besides is likely to have been expended upon the iron with which they worked, and upon bread and clothing for the workmen, seeing that they were building the works for the time which has been mentioned and were occupied for no small time besides, as I suppose, in the cutting and bringing of the stones and in working at the excavation under the ground? |
| 2.126 | Eo autem flagitii processisse Cheopem dixerunt, ut, quum pecuniis indigeret, filiam etiam suam in lupanari jusserit considere, et pecuniæ summam quantamcunque posset conficere. Quantum sit, quod illa hoc modo collegerit, non memoratur : sed hoc memorant, collegisse illam non modo pecuniam a patre imperatam ; verum etiam quum suo nomine privatim cuperet monumentum relinquere, ab unoquoque qui ad eam intrasset postulasse, ut unum lapidem, ad opus faciendum idoneum, sibi conferret : (2) ex illisque lapidibus, dixerunt, exstructam esse pyramidem quæ in medio stat trium, ante magnam pyramidem ; cujus quodque latus est longitudine pedum centum et quinquaginta. | Cheops moreover came, they said, to such a pitch of wickedness, that being in want of money he caused his own daughter to sit in the stews, and ordered her to obtain from those who came a certain amount of money (how much it was they did not tell me); but she not only obtained the sum appointed by her father, but also she formed a design for herself privately to leave behind her a memorial, and she requested each man who came in to her to give her one stone upon her building: and of these stones, they told me, the pyramid was built which stands in front of the great pyramid in the middle of the three, each side being one hundred and fifty feet in length. |
| 2.127 | Cheopem hunc dixere Ægyptii regnasse annos quinquaginta ; eique defuncto successisse in regnum fratrem ejus Chephrenem. Hunc quum in aliis rebus eodem instituto usum esse atque fratrem, tum etiam pyramidem exstruxisse. Et hæc quidem pyramis mensuram prioris illius non exæquat ; (nam mensuras etiam nos exegimus:) (2) neque enim cameras habet subterraneas, nec fossa e Nilo derivata in hanc inferne influit, sicut in illam, in qua Nilus per canalem murario opere constructum insulam circumluit, in qua sepultum Cheopem ajunt. (3) Exstruxit autem hanc, magnæ pyramidi proximam, quadraginta pedibus illa minorem : primus lapidum ordo Æthiopico lapide variegato substructus. Ambæ super eodem stant clivo, centum fere pedes in altitudinem eminente. Regnasse autem Chephrenem ajunt annos sex et quinquaginta. | This Cheops, the Egyptians said, reigned fifty years; and after he was dead his brother Chephren succeeded to the kingdom. This king followed the same manner as the other, both in all the rest and also in that he made a pyramid, not indeed attaining to the measurements of that which was built by the former (this I know, having myself also measured it), and moreover there are no underground chambers beneath nor does a channel come from the Nile flowing to this one as to the other, in which the water coming through a conduit built for it flows round an island within, where they say that Cheops himself is laid: but for a basement he built the first course of Ethiopian stone of divers colors; and this pyramid he made forty feet lower than the other as regards size, building it close to the great pyramid. These stand both upon the same hill, which is about a hundred feet high. And Chephren they said reigned fifty and six years. |
| 2.128 | Hos centum et sex annos numerant Ægyptii, quibus per Ægyptum omne genus malorum invaluerit, clausaque templa per tantum temporis spatium non fuerint aperta. Istorumque regum odio nomen etiam eorum nolunt fere memorare ; sed pyramides etiam illas vocant pastoris Philitios, qui per id tempus in illis locis pecora sua pavit. | Here then they reckon one hundred and six years, during which they say that there was nothing but evil for the Egyptians, and the temples were kept closed and not opened during all that time. These kings the Egyptians by reason of their hatred of them are not very willing to name; nay, they even call the pyramids after the name of Philitis the shepherd, who at that time pastured flocks in those regions. |
| 2.129 | Post hunc regnasse in Ægypto dicebant Mycerinum Cheopis filium. Huic patris displicuisse facta : itaque et templa eum aperuisse, et populo, extremis malis vexato, indulsisse, ut suis quisque negotiis et sacris operam daret : jusque etiam illis æquissime regum omnium dixisse. (2) Hac quidem e parte summis eum laudibus supra omnes, quotquot Ægypti reges unquam fuere, extollunt : nam et alioquin ex æquo judicasse causas, et si quis de sententia ab illo lata esset conquestus, ei de suo oltro donare solitum, quo iram illius mitigaret. (3) Ita quum mitis adversus cives esset Mycerinus, talibusque uteretur institutis ; primam ei calamitatem accidisse mortem filiæ, quam unicam domi sobolem habebat. (4) Ea calamitate in quam inciderat vehementer afflictum, quum vellet excellentiori quadam ratione sepelire filiam, conficiendam curasse bovem ligneam, intus cavam, extrinsecus inauratam, in eaque defunctam hanc filiam sepelivisse. | After him, they said, Mykerinos became king over Egypt, who was the son of Cheops; and to him his father’s deeds were displeasing, and he both opened the temples and gave liberty to the people, who were ground down to the last extremity of evil, to return to their own business and to their sacrifices;: also he gave decisions of their causes juster than those of all the other kings besides. In regard to this then they commend this king more than all the other kings who had arisen in Egypt before him; for he not only gave good decisions, but also when a man complained of the decision, he gave him recompense from his own goods and thus satisfied his desire. But while Mykerinos was acting mercifully to his subjects and practising this conduct which has been said, calamities befell him, of which the first was this, namely that his daughter died, the only child whom he had in his house: and being above measure grieved by that which had befallen him, and desiring to bury his daughter in a manner more remarkable than others, he made a cow of wood, which he covered over with gold, and then within it he buried this daughter who, as I said, had died. |
| 2.130 | Bos ista non sub terra est condita, sed mea adhuc ætate in propatulo erat, in Sai oppido in regia posita, eleganti in conclavi : et quotidie apud illam suffimenta cujusque generis adolentur, et singulis noctibus pernox ardet lucerna. (2) Prope bovem illam, in alio conclavi, stant imagines pellicum Mycerini, ut dicebant qui in Sai oppido sunt sacerdotes : stant certe ibi lignei colossi, forma muliebri, numero fere viginti, nudis corporibus : quænam autem illæ sint, dicere non possum, nisi quæ narrantur. | This cow was not covered up in the ground, but it might be seen even down to my own time in the city of Saïs, placed within the royal palace in a chamber which was greatly adorned; and they offer incense of all kinds before it every day, and each night a lamp burns beside it all through the night. Near this cow in another chamber stand images of the concubines of Mykerinos, as the priests at Saïs told me; for there are in fact colossal wooden statues, in number about twenty, made with naked bodies; but who they are I am not able to say, except only that which is reported. |
| 2.131 | Sunt autem qui de bove illa et de colossis istis hæc narrant : Mycerinum amore filiæ suæ captum, vim ei intulisse ; eoque facto puellam præ dolore vitam finiisse suspendio, patrem vero in illa bove eam sepelisse ; matrem autem famulis, quæ patri filiam prodidissent, manus præcidisse, et nunc imaginibus illarum idem accidisse quod ipsæ vivæ passæ essent. (2) Hæc vero, ut mihi videtur, dicunt nugantes, quum cetera, tum hoc de manibus colossorum : hoc enim nos etiam vidimus, vetustate temporis decidisse illis manus, quæ etiam nunc ad pedes imaginum jacentes conspiciuntur. | Some however tell about this cow and the colossal statues the following tale, namely that Mykerinos was enamored of his own daughter and afterwards raped her; and upon this they say that the girl strangled herself for grief, and he buried her in this cow; and her mother cut off the hands of the maids who had betrayed the daughter to her father; wherefore now the images of them have suffered that which the maids suffered in their life. In thus saying they speak idly, as it seems to me, especially in what they say about the hands of the statues; for as to this, even we ourselves saw that their hands had dropped off from lapse of time, and they were to be seen still lying at their feet even down to my time. |
| 2.132 | Bos autem quum reliquum corpus tectum habeat purpureo pallio, collum et caput ostendit denso admodum auro inauratum : inter cornua eminet circulus solis aurea imagine figuratus. Non stat recta bos, sed genubus incumbens : magnitudo quanta magnæ bovis vivæ. (2) Quotannis semel extra conclave effertur : quando plangunt Ægyptii deum illum, cujus nomen in tali re edere mihi nefas est, tum bovem hanc in lucem proferunt : dicunt enim, morientem filiam orasse patrem Mycerinum, ut semel in anno solem aspicere sibi liceat. | The cow is covered up with a crimson robe, except only the head and the neck, which are seen, overlaid with gold very thickly; and between the horns there is the disc of the sun figured in gold. The cow is not standing up but kneeling, and in size it is equal to a large living cow. Every year it is carried forth from the chamber, at those times, I say, the Egyptians beat themselves for that god whom I will not name upon occasion of such a matter; at these times, I say, they also carry forth the cow to the light of day, for they say that she asked of her father Mykerinos, when she was dying, that she might look upon the sun once in the year. |
| 2.133 | Post filiæ mortem accidisse, narrarunt, eidem regi alteram calamitatem hanc : oraculi effatum ex oppido Buto ei esse allatum, nonnisi sex adhuc annos victurum illum, septimo vitam finiturum. Tum illum, ægerrime hoc ferentem, misisse ad oraculum qui contumeliosis verbis deo exprobrarent, quod apter ipsius et patruus, qui templa clausissent, deosque non curassent, atque etiam homines perdidissent, tamen longum in tempus produxissent vitam ; ipse autem, qui deos colat, tam cito vitam esset finiturus. (2) Super hæc alterum ei responsum ab oraculo esse editum : hac ipsa causa propere finiturum vitam, quod ea, quæ in fatis fuissent, non fecisset ; debuisse enim Ægyptum malis vexari per annos centum et quinquaginta : et duos reges, qui ipsum antecesserint, hoc intellexisse, ipsum vero non intellexisse. (3) His auditis Mycerinum, quum sententiam contra se jam pronuntiatam cognovisset, multas parari jussisse lucernas, eisque quotidie ingruente nocte accensis potasse, voluptatibusque, nec die nec nocte ulla intermissa, indulsisse, per amœna inferioris Ægypti loca atque nemora vagantem, ubicunque cognosset voluptaria esse diverticula aptissima. (4) Id eo consilio esse molitum, quo mendacii argueret oraculum, quum, loco sex annorum, duodecim sibi reliqui essent, noctibus in dies conversis. | After the misfortune of his daughter it happened, they said, secondly to this king as follows — An oracle came to him from the city of Buto, saying that he was destined to live but six years more, in the seventh year to end his life: and he being indignant at it sent to the Oracle a reproach against the god, making complaint in reply that whereas his father and uncle, who had shut up the temples and had not only not remembered the gods, but also had been destroyers of men, had lived for a long time, he himself, who practised piety, was destined to end his life so soon: and from the Oracle there came a second message, which said that it was for this very cause that he was bringing his life to a swift close; for he had not done that which it was appointed for him to do, since it was destined that Egypt should suffer evils for a hundred and fifty years, and the two kings who had risen before him had perceived this, but he had not. Mykerinos having heard this, and considering that this sentence had been passed upon him beyond recall, procured many lamps, and whenever night came on he lighted these and began to drink and take his pleasure, ceasing neither by day nor by night; and he went about to the fen-country and to the woods and wherever he heard there were the most suitable places for enjoyment. This he devised (having a mind to prove that the Oracle spoke falsely) in order that he might have twelve years of life instead of six, the nights being turned into days. |
| 2.134 | Idem Mycerinus pyramidem etiam reliquit, multo quidem minorem ea quam pater exstruxerat, unoquoque quattuor laterum ducentos octoginta pedes metiente : usque ad dimidiam altitudinem Æthiopicus lapis est. Hanc pyramidem Græcorum nonnulli dicunt esse Rhodopidis meretricis ; non recte memorantes. (2) Satis enim apparet, ne novisse quidem hos quænam mulier fuerit Rhodopis : alioqui ad illam non rettulissent constructionem pyramidis, quæ innumeris (ut verbo dicam) talentorum milibus constiterat : ignorareque eosdem apparet, regnante Amasi floruisse Rhodopin, non hujus regis ætate. (3) Permultis enim annis post reges hos, qui istas pyramides monumenta sui reliquerunt, vixit Rhodopis ; genere Thressa, ancilla Iadmonis Samii, Hephæstopolios filii, conserva Æsopi ejus qui fabulas fecit. (4) Nam et Æsopum Iadmoni serviisse, quum aliunde constat, tum hoc maxime, quod, postquam Delphenses ex oraculi effato sæpius proclamassent, si quis vellet pœnam repetere cædis Æsopi, nemo alius, qui illam repeteret, inventus sit, nisi Iadmonis e filio nepos, cui et ipsi Iadmon nomen erat. Itaque Iadmonis servus Æsopus fuerat. | This king also left behind him a pyramid, much smaller than that of his father, of a square shape and measuring on each side three hundred feet lacking twenty, built moreover of Ethiopian stone up to half the height. This pyramid some of the Hellenes say was built by the courtesan Rhodopis, not therein speaking rightly: and besides this it is evident to me that they who speak thus do not even know who Rhodopis was, for otherwise they would not have attributed to her the building of a pyramid like this, on which have been spent (so to speak) innumerable thousands of talents: moreover they do not know that Rhodopis flourished in the reign of Amasis, and not in this king’s reign; for Rhodopis lived very many years later than the kings who left behind the pyramids. By descent she was of Thrace, and she was a slave of Iadmon the son of Hephaistopolis a Samian, and a fellow-slave of Esop the maker of fables; for he too was once the slave of Iadmon, as was proved especially in this fact, namely that when the people of Delphi repeatedly made proclamation in accordance with an oracle, to find some one who would take up the blood-money for the death of Esop, no one else appeared, but at length the grandson of Iadmon, called Iadmon also, took it up; and thus it is shown that Esop too was the slave of Iadmon. |
| 2.135 | Rhodopis vero in Ægyptum venit, adducta a Xantho Samio : adducta vero ut quæstum corpore faceret, magno pretio redemta est a cive Mytilenæo Charaxo, Scamandronymi filio, fratre Sapphus poetriæ. (2) Ita igitur servitute liberata Rhodopis, mansit in Ægypto : quumque venusta admodum esset, opes sibi comparavit magnas, ut quæ Rhodopidis essent, nec vero ut quæ ad pyramidem exstruendam talem sufficerent. (3) Nam, cujus opum decimam partem ad hunc usque diem conspicere licet cuicunque volenti, ei non adeo ingentes opes oportet tribuere. Cupiens enim Rhodopis monumentum sui in Græcia relinquere, tale opus faciendum curavit, quale a nemine alio vel excogitatum vel in templo aliquo esset dedicatum, illudque Delphis in sui memoriam dedicavit. (4) E decima opum igitur suarum parte conficienda curavit complura, quot per decimam ei licuerat, ferrea verua assandis bobus idonea, eaque Delphos misit : quæ etiam nunc in unum coacervata conspiciuntur post aram quam Chii dedicarunt, ex adveso ipsius ædis sacræ. (5) Solent autem Naucrati versari venustæ meretrices : nam et hæc, de qua hic sermo habetur, ita celebrata est, ut Græcis omnibus innotuerit Rhodopidis nomen : et post hanc alia, cui nomen Archidica, per Græciam est nobilitata ; minus tamen, quam ista, sermonibus hominum celebrata. Charaxum autem illum, qui Rhodopin servitute liberavit, Mytilenen reversum, multis conviciis Sappho in carminibus insectata est. Sed hæc de Rhodopide hactenus. | As for Rhodopis, she came to Egypt brought by Xanthes the Samian, and having come thither to exercise her calling she was redeemed from slavery for a great sum by a man of Mytilene, Charaxos son of Scamandronymos and brother of Sappho the lyric poet. Thus was Rhodopis set free, and she remained in Egypt and by her beauty won so much liking that she made great gain of money for one like Rhodopis, though not enough to suffice for the cost of such a pyramid as this. In truth there is no need to ascribe to her very great riches, considering that the tithe of her wealth may still be seen even to this time by any one who desires it: for Rhodopis wished to leave behind her a memorial of herself in Hellas, namely to cause a thing to be made such as happens not to have been thought of or dedicated in a temple by any besides, and to dedicate this at Delphi as a memorial of herself. Accordingly with the tithe of her wealth she caused to be made spits of iron of size large enough to pierce a whole ox, and many in number, going as far therein as her tithe allowed her, and she sent them to Delphi: these are even at the present time lying there, heaped all together behind the altar which the Chians dedicated, and just opposite to the cell of the temple. Now at Naucratis, as it happens, the courtesans are rather apt to win credit; for this woman first, about whom the story to which I refer is told, became so famous that all the Hellenes without exception come to know the name of Rhodopis, and then after her one whose name was Archidiche became a subject of song over all Hellas, though she was less talked of than the other. As for Charaxos, when after redeeming Rhodopis he returned back to Mytilene, Sappho in an ode violently abused him. Of Rhodopis then I shall say no more. |
| 2.136 | Post Mycerinum, dixerunt sacerdotes, Ægypti regem fuisse Asychin, a quo constructa ad Vulcani templum propylæa orientem solem spectantia ; longe ea pulcherrima et longe maxima. Habent enim omnia quidem propylæa et figuras insculptas, et infinitam ædificiorum varietatem ; hæc autem, omnium maxime. (2) Hoc, ajebant, regnante, quum magna in commerciis esset inopia pecuniæ, legem latam esse Ægyptiis, uti, qui patris cadaver pignori daret, ei æs alienum crederetur : (3) adjectamque ei legem esse hanc, ut, qui dedisset æs alienum, is totius etiam conditorii sepulcralis dominus esset illius qui accepisset : si quis vero, qui illud pignus dedisset, debitum solvere nollet, ei hanc irrogatam esse pœnam, ut nec ipse, quum vita functus esset, in paterno sepulcro aut in alio ullo sepeliatur, nec ei licitum quemquam suorum, qui defunctus esset, sepelire. (4) Superare autem cupientem hunc regem eos qui ante ipsum in Ægypto regnassent, monumentum sui reliquisse pyramidem e lateribus confectam, in qua est inscriptio lapidi insculpta, in hanc sententiam : « Ne me conferens cum lapideis pyramidibus contemnas : tanto enim illas antecello, quanto reliquos deos Juppiter. Nam conto in paludis fundum subacto, quidquid luti conto adhæsit colligentes, inde lateres duxerunt : atque hoc modo me perfecerunt. » Hæc ab illo gesta. | After Mykerinos the priests said Asychis became king of Egypt, and he made for Hephaistos the temple gateway which is towards the sunrising, by far the most beautiful and the largest of the gateways; for while they all have figures carved upon them and innumerable ornaments of building besides, this has them very much more than the rest. In this king’s reign they told me that, as the circulation of money was very slow, a law was made for the Egyptians that a man might have that money lent to him which he needed, by offering as security the dead body of his father; and there was added moreover to this law another, namely that he who lent the money should have a claim also to the whole sepulchral chamber belonging to him who received it, and that the man who offered that security should be subject to this penalty, if he refused to pay back the debt, namely that neither the man himself should be allowed to have burial when he died, either in that family burial-place or in any other, nor should he be allowed to bury any one of his kinsmen whom he lost by death. This king desiring to surpass the kings of Egypt who had arisen before him left as a memorial of himself a pyramid which he made of bricks, and on it there is an inscription carved in stone and saying thus: “Despise not me in comparison with the pyramids of stone, seeing that I excel them as much as Zeus excels the other gods; for with a pole they struck into the lake, and whatever of the mud attached itself to the pole, this they gathered up and made bricks, and in such manner they finished me.” Such were the deeds which this king performed. |
| 2.137 | Post hunc vero regnasse virum cæcum ex Anysi oppido, cui nomen Anysis. Hoc regnante, ingenti hominum manu Ægyptum invasisse Æthiopes et Sabacon, regem Æthiopum. (2) Cæcum igitur hunc fuga se in paludes recepisse, Æthiopemque in Ægypto regnasse annos quinquaginta ; intra quos annos gesta ab eo esse hæcce : quoties aliquis Ægyptiorum quidpiam deliquisset, nullum eorum voluisse capite plectere ; sed pro ratione delicti sententiam pronuntiasse, imperantem ut quisque delinquentium aggerem aggereret ad oppidum unde esset. (3) Atque ita sublimiora etiam facta sunta oppida : etenim primo aggesta fuerat terra ab his, qui regnante Sesostri fossas effoderant ; dein iterum sub Æthiope admodum quidem sunt exaltata. (4) Præ ceteris autem oppidis Ægypti, quorum omnium exaltatum est solum, maxime, ut mihi videtur, aggesta terra est ad Bubastin urbem ; in qua est etiam templum Bubastidis, memoratu dignissimum. Sunt enim et alia quidem templa ampliora et sumptuosiora ; sed aspectu nullum hoc jucundius. Est autem Bubastis, Græcorum sermone, Diana. | And after him reigned a blind man of the city of Anysis, whose name was Anysis. In his reign the Ethiopians and Sabacos the king of the Ethiopians marched upon Egypt with a great host of men; so this blind man departed, flying to the fen-country, and the Ethiopian was king over Egypt for fifty years, during which he performed deeds as follows — whenever any man of the Egyptians committed any transgression, he would never put him to death, but he gave sentence upon each man according to the greatness of the wrong-doing, appointing them work at throwing up an embankment before that city from whence each man came of those who committed wrong. Thus the cities were made higher still than before; for they were embanked first by those who dug the channels in the reign of Sesostris, and then secondly in the reign of the Ethiopian, and thus they were made very high: and while other cities in Egypt also stood high, I think in the town at Bubastis especially the earth was piled up. In this city there is a temple very well worthy of mention, for though there are other temples which are larger and built with more cost, none more than this is a pleasure to the eyes. Now Bubastis in the Hellenic tongue is Artemis. |
| 2.138 | Cujus templum ita comparatum est. Præter introitum, reliquum totum insula est : fossæ enim e Nilo adductæ non miscentur altera alteri, sed utraque usque ad introitum pertinet templi ; altera ab uno latere, altera ab altero circumfluens ; utraque centum pedes patens in latitudinem, arboribus inumbrata. (2) Propylæa ad quadraginta cubitorum altitudinem surgunt, figuris sexcubitalibus memoratu dignis ornata. Quum sit templum in media urbe, undique conspicitur e toto circuitu : nam quum oppidi solum aggere aggesto sit exaltatum, templum autem, e quo primum exstructum, non mutatum fuerit, undique conspectui patet. (3) Circumductus est templo murus, figuris insculptis : est autem intus altissimarum arborum lucus, circa ædem magnam plantatus, in quo inest deæ simulacrum. Latitudo et longitudo templi omni e parte stadium metitur. (4) Ad introitum strata lapide via est trium fere stadiorum longitudine, per forum ferens orientem versus : ferme quadringentos pedes patens in latitudinem, utrimque arboribus consita ad cœlum porrectis ; fert autem ad Mercurii templum. Hæc est templi hujus ratio. | And her temple is ordered thus: Excepting the entrance, it is completely surrounded by water; for channels come in from the Nile, not joining one another, but each extending as far as the entrance of the temple, one flowing round on the one side and the other on the other side, each a hundred feet broad and shaded over with trees; and the gateway has a height of ten fathoms, and it is adorned with figures six cubits high, very noteworthy. This temple is in the middle of the city and is looked down upon from all sides as one goes round, for since the city has been banked up to a height, while the temple has not been moved from the place where it was at the first built, it is possible to look down into it: and round it runs a stone wall with figures carved upon it, while within it there is a grove of very large trees planted round a large temple-house, within which is the image of the goddess: and the breadth and length of the temple is a furlong every way. Opposite the entrance there is a road paved with stone for about three furlongs, which leads through the market-place towards the East, with a breadth of about four hundred feet; and on this side and on that grow trees of height reaching to heaven: and the road leads to the temple of Hermes. This temple then is thus ordered. |
| 2.139 | Ad extremum vero Ægypto excessisse ajebant Æthiopem hoc evento : viso eum nocturno territum, fuga se recepisse : visus quippe sibi erat astantem videre hominem, qui ei suaderet, ut sacerdotes omnes, qui in Ægypto essent, congregaret, et medios discinderet. (2) Hac conspecta visione dixisse eum, videri sibi deos hanc ostendere voluisse occasionem, qua, piaculo in sacra admisso, aut a diis ipsis aut ab hominibus magno malo mulctaretur ; se vero hoc facinus non admissurum : sed exiisse tempus, quo exacto, postquam interim in Ægypto regnasset, discedendum sibi esset. (3) Etenim, quum in Æthiopia etiam tum fuisset, oracula, quibus utuntur Æthiopes, edixerant, regnare eum in Ægypto debere quinquaginta annos. Itaque finito hoc tempore, territus etiam nocturno viso, sponte ex Ægypto discessit Sabacos. | The final deliverance from the Ethiopian came about (they said) as follows — he fled away because he had seen in his sleep a vision, in which it seemed to him that a man came and stood by him and counselled him to gather together all the priests of Egypt and cut them asunder in the midst. Having seen this dream, he said that it seemed to him that the gods were foreshowing him this to furnish an occasion against him, in order that he might do an impious deed with respect to religion, and so receive some evil either from the gods or from men: he would not however do so, but in truth (he said) the time had expired, during which it had been prophesied to him that he should rule Egypt before he departed thence. For when he was in Ethiopia the Oracles which the Ethiopians consult had told him that it was fated for him to rule Egypt fifty years: since then this time was now expiring, and the vision of the dream also disturbed him, Sabacos departed out of Egypt of his own free will. |
| 2.140 | Post cujus discessum regnasse iterum dixerunt cæcum illum, redeuntem e paludibus, ubi quinquaginta annos insulam habitaverat, quam aggere e cinere et terra aggesto circumderat. Quoties enim advenissent Ægyptii, prout quibusque imperatum fuisset, inscio Æthiope frumentum ei afferentes, jussisse eum hos ut cum reliquo dono etiam cinerem sibi afferrent. (2) Hanc insulam nemo ante Amyrtæum potuit invenire : sed per septingentos annos et amplius anquisiverant eam superiores Amyrtæo reges, nec reperire potuerant. Est autem nomen insulæ Elbo : magnitudo decem stadiorum quaquaversum. | Then when the Ethiopian had gone away out of Egypt, the blind man came back from the fen-country and began to rule again, having lived there during fifty years upon an island which he had made by heaping up ashes and earth: for whenever any of the Egyptians visited him bringing food, according as it had been appointed to them severally to do without the knowledge of the Ethiopian, he bade them bring also some ashes for their gift. This island none was able to find before Amyrtaios; that is, for more than seven hundred years the kings who arose before Amyrtaios were not able to find it. Now the name of this island is Elbo, and its size is ten furlongs each way. |
| 2.141 | Post itum regnasse sacerdotem Vulcani, cui nomen Sethon. Hunc neglexisse nec ullo loco habuisse bellatorum ordinem, quasi nihil his indigeret : et quum aliis rebus ignominiose eos tractasse, tum ademisse eis jugera, quæ sub prioribus regibus eximia cuique duodecim fuerant attributa. (2) Deinde vero, quum adversus Ægyptum ingentem exercitum duceret Sanacharibus, Arabum et Assyriorum rex, noluisse pugnatum exire bellatores Ægyptiorum. (3) Et sacerdotem, ad consilii inopiam redactum, ædem dei ingressum, apud simulacrum esse lamentatum, quantæ calamitatis periculum adiret. Lamentanti obrepsisse somnum, et per quietem visum ei esse, astantem deum jussisse eum confidere, quippe nihil incommodi passurum, si Arabico exercitui obviam isset : ipsum enim deum auxiliares ei copias missurum. (4) Hoc insomnio fretum, assumptis quicunque ex Ægyptiis sequi eum voluisset, castra Pelusii posuisse, ubi est in Ægyptum introitus : e bellatorum vero ordine neminem signa ejus esse secutum ; nonnisi institores et operarios et e foro homines secum habuisse. (5) Eo postquam venisset, noctu sola hostium castra invasisse effusam murium agrestium multitudinem, qui illorum pharetras et arcus et scutorum ansas corrosissent ; unde factum, ut postridie, quum armis nudati profugerent hostes, magna eorum multitudo concideretur. (6) Atque etiam nunc Vulcani in templo stat regis hujus statua lapidea, murem manu tenentis, cum inscriptione in hanc sententiam : « Me intuens, deos colere disce ! » | After him there came to the throne the priest of Hephaistos, whose name was Sethos. This man, they said, neglected and held in no regard the warrior class of the Egyptians, considering that he would have no need of them; and besides other slights which he put upon them, he also took from them the yokes of corn-land which had been given to them as a special gift in the reigns of the former kings, twelve yokes to each man. After this, Sanacharib king of the Arabians and of the Assyrians marched a great host against Egypt. Then the warriors of the Egyptians refused to come to the rescue, and the priest, being driven into a strait, entered into the sanctuary of the temple and bewailed to the image of the god the danger which was impending over him; and as he was thus lamenting, sleep came upon him, and it seemed to him in his vision that the god came and stood by him and encouraged him, saying that he should suffer no evil if he went forth to meet the army of the Arabians; for he himself would send him helpers. Trusting in these things seen in sleep, he took with him, they said, those of the Egyptians who were willing to follow him, and encamped in Pelusion, for by this way the invasion came: and not one of the warrior class followed him, but shop-keepers and artisans and men of the market. Then after they came, there swarmed by night upon their enemies mice of the fields, and ate up their quivers and their bows, and moreover the handles of their shields, so that on the next day they fled, and being without defence of arms great numbers fell. And at the present time this king stands in the temple of Hephaistos in stone, holding upon his hand a mouse, and by letters inscribed he says these words: “Let him who looks upon me learn to fear the gods.” |
| 2.142 | Adhuc ea exposui, quæ ab Ægyptiis et præsertim a sacerdotibus eorum narrantur ; qui a primo rege usque ad hunc postremo regnantem Vulcani sacerdotem affirmant generationes hominum fuisse trecentas quadraginta et unam, intraque eas totidem sacerdotes totidemque reges fuisse. (2) Atqui trecentæ hominum generationes efficiunt decem annorum milia, quandoquidem tres hominum ætates centum annos conficiunt. Una autem et quadraginta reliquæ ætates, quæ supra trecentas erunt, colligunt annos mille trecentos et quadraginta. (3) Itaque intra undecies mille trecentos et quadraginta annos dixerunt deum nullum sub hominis forma exstitisse : atque etiam nec antea, nec postea, in reliquis Ægypti regibus, tale quidquam fuisse. (4) Intra vero illud temporis spatium, dixerunt, solem quater extra suam sedem ortum esse ; et, ubi nunc occidit, inde bis esse ortum ; unde nunc oritur, ibi bis occidisse : et inter hæc tamen nihil eorum, quæ in Ægypto esse consuerunt, fuisse mutatum, neque quod ad terræ proventus attinet, nec quod ad ea quæ fluvius ipsis largitur, nec quod ad morbos, nec quod ad mortalitatem. | So far in the story the Egyptians and the priests were they who made the report, declaring that from the first king down to this priest of Hephaistos who reigned last, there had been three hundred and forty-one generations of men, and that in them there had been the same number of chief-priests and of kings: but three hundred generations of men are equal to ten thousand years, for a hundred years is three generations of men; and in the one-and-forty generations which remain, those I mean which were added to the three hundred, there are one thousand three hundred and forty years. Thus in the period of eleven thousand three hundred and forty years they said that there had arisen no god in human form; nor even before that time or afterwards among the remaining kings who arose in Egypt, did they report that anything of that kind had come to pass. In this time they said that the sun had moved four times from his accustomed place of rising, and where he now sets he had thence twice had his rising, and in the place from whence he now rises he had twice had his setting; and in the meantime nothing in Egypt had been changed from its usual state, neither that which comes from the earth nor that which comes to them from the river nor that which concerns diseases or deaths. |
| 2.143 | Atque ante me Hecatæo, historiarum scriptori, Thebis originem generis sui recensenti, illamque ad deum tanquam decimum sextum progenitorem referenti, idem fecerunt sacerdotes Jovis, quod mihi, genus meum non recensenti. In ædem amplam me introducentes, monstrabant numerabantque colossos ligneos tot quot dixerant illi : namque quisque summus sacerdos, dum vivit, imaginem suam ibi ponit. (2) Numerantes igitur monstrantesque mihi hasce imagines, incipiendo ab eo qui proxime mortuus erat, sacerdotes confirmarunt mihi, unumquemque esse filium alterius, patrique successisse ; atque ita omnes recensuere imagines, donec mihi cunctas demonstrassent. (3) Hecatæo vero genus suum recensenti, originemque suam a sexto decimo deo progenitore repetenti, horum genealogiam, postquam omnes enumeraverant, opposuere ; non admittentes quod ille affirmabat, e deo generari hominem : (4) opposuerunt autem ita, ut dicerent, unumquemque horum esse piromin, e piromi natum, neque a deo aliquo, aut a semideo, genus illorum repetentes. Piromis autem Græco sermone significat virum honestum et generosum. | And formerly when Hecataios the historian was in Thebes, and had traced his descent and connected his family with a god in the sixteenth generation before, the priests of Zeus did for him much the same as they did for me (though I had not traced my descent). They led me into the sanctuary of the temple, which is of great size, and they counted up the number, showing colossal wooden statues in number the same as they said; for each chief-priest there sets up in his lifetime an image of himself: accordingly the priests, counting and showing me these, declared to me that each one of them was a son succeeding his own father, and they went up through the series of images from the image of the one who had died last, until they had declared this of the whole number. And when Hecataios had traced his descent and connected his family with a god in the sixteenth generation, they traced a descent in opposition to this, besides their numbering, not accepting it from him that a man had been born from a god; and they traced their counter-descent thus, saying that each one of the statues had been piromis son of piromis, until they had declared this of the whole three hundred and forty-five statues, each one being surnamed piromis; and neither with a god nor a hero did they connect their descent. Now piromis means in the tongue of Hellas “honorable and good man.” |
| 2.144 | Igitur hos, quorum illæ sunt imagines, omnes fuisse tales asseverarunt, multum vero a diis diversos. Ante homines autem istos, dixere, deos fuisse qui in Ægypto regnassent, simulque cum hominibus illam habitassent ; et ex his semper unum fuisse, qui summum imperium teneret. Postremum horum in Ægypto regnasse Orum, Osiridis filium, quem Apollinem Græci nominant : hunc finem fecisse Typhonis potentiæ, postremumque e deorum numero regem fuisse Ægypti. Osiris autem, Græcorum sermone, Dionysos (sive Bacchus) est. | From their declaration then it followed, that they of whom the images were had been of form like this, and far removed from being gods: but in the time before these men they said that gods were the rulers in Egypt, not mingling with men, and that of these always one had power at a time; and the last of them who was king over Egypt was Oros the son of Osiris, whom the Hellenes call Apollo: he was king over Egypt last, having deposed Typhon. Now Osiris in the tongue of Hellas is Dionysos. |
| 2.145 | Jam apud Græcos quidem novissimi deorum censentur esse Hercules et Bacchus et Pan : apud Ægyptios vero Pan antiquissimus, et ex octo primorum, qui dicuntur, deorum numero ; Hercules vero e numero duodecim illorum, qui secundi nominantur ; Bacchus denique e tertiorum numero, qui a duodecim diis generati sunt. (2) Quot annos effluxisse dicant Ægyptii ab Hercule usque ad Amasin regem, supra memoravi : a Pane vero ad Amasin plures etiam numerantur anni ; a Baccho autem minimus annorum numerus : atqui ab hoc, usque ad Amasin regem, numerantur quindecim annorum milia. (3) Et hæc se accurate nosse contendunt Ægyptii, quippe constanter numerum iniisse, et scripto consignasse annos. (4) Atqui a Baccho, qui Semele natus perhibetur, Cadmi filia, ad meam ætatem, circiter mille admodum anni sunt ; ab Hercule vero, Alcmenæ filio, nongenti plus minus ; a Pane vero, Penelopæ filio (ex hac enim et Mercurio prognatus Pan perhibetur a Græcis), minor etiam annorum numerus quam a bello Trojano, anni circiter octingenti admodum, ad meam usque ætatem. | Among the Hellenes Heracles and Dionysos and Pan are accounted the latest-born of the gods; but with the Egyptians Pan is a very ancient god, and he is one of those which are called the eight gods, while Heracles is of the second rank, who are called the twelve gods, and Dionysos is of the third rank, namely of those who were born of the twelve gods. Now as to Heracles I have shown already how many years old he is according to the Egyptians themselves, reckoning down to the reign of Amasis, and Pan is said to have existed for yet more years than these, and Dionysos for the smallest number of years as compared with the others; and even for this last they reckon down to the reign of Amasis fifteen thousand years. This the Egyptians say that they know for a certainty, since they always kept a reckoning and wrote down the years as they came. Now the Dionysos who is said to have been born of Semele the daughter of Cadmos, was born about a thousand years before my time, and Heracles who was the son of Alcmene, about nine hundred years, and that Pan who was born of Penelope, for of her and of Hermes Pan is said by the Hellenes to have been born, came into being later than the wars of Troy, about eight hundred years before my time. |
| 2.146 | E duabus igitur, quas dixi, rationibus utatur quisque ea, quæ probabilior quam altera ipsi visa fuerit : equidem, quæ mea de his sententia sit, declaravi. (2) Quod si enim et isti olim in Græcia conspicui fuissent, ibique consenuissent, quemadmodum Hercules Amphitryone genitus, et Bacchus Semeles filius, et Pan e Penelope natus ; dicere quispiam etiam posset, hosce alios posteriores et illorum cognomines, quum homines fuissent, nomina gessisse priscorum istorum deorum. (3) Nunc vero, quod ad Bacchum attinet, dicunt Græci, simulatque natus fuisset, ab Jove insutum esse femori, et Nysam deportatum, quæ supra Ægyptum est in Æthiopia ; de Pane vero, quonam delatus sit a partu, ne habent quidem quod dicant. (4) E quo mihi manifestum factum est, Græcos deorum horum nomina posterius, quam reliquorum deorum, cognovisse ; ab illo autem tempore, quo eos primum cognoverunt, genus eorum et nativitatem repetiisse. | Of these two accounts every man may adopt that one which he shall find the more credible when he hears it. I however, for my part, have already declared my opinion about them. For if these also, like Heracles the son of Amphitryon, had appeared before all men’s eyes and had lived their lives to old age in Hellas, I mean Dionysos the son of Semele and Pan the son of Penelope, then one would have said that these also had been born mere men, having the names of those gods who had come into being long before: but as it is, with regard to Dionysos the Hellenes say that as soon as he was born Zeus sewed him up in his thigh and carried him to Nysa, which is above Egypt in the land of Ethiopia; and as to Pan, they cannot say whither he went after he was born. Hence it has become clear to me that the Hellenes learnt the names of these gods later than those of the other gods, and trace their descent as if their birth occurred at the time when they first learnt their names. |
| 2.147 | Atque ista quidem dicunt soli Ægyptii. Nunc vero, quæ et alii homines, et Ægyptii ipsi, illis consentientes, memorant gesta in hac regione esse, ea exponere jam aggredior : inerunt autem his etiam nonnulla quæ ego ipse vidi. (2) Post sacerdotis Vulcani regnum libertatem adepti Ægyptii, quum nullo tempore sine regibus vivere possent, duodecim reges constituerunt, universa Ægypto in duodecim partes distributa. (3) Hi, contractis inter se affinitatibus, hisque constitutis legibus regnabant, ut nullus alterum opprimeret, nec plus alter altero cuperet habere, essentque arctissima amicitia inter se juncti. (4) Leges autem istas et initio constituerant et magno studio tuebantur hac causa, quod in ipso statim initio, quum regna aggrederentur, edixerat illis oraculum : qui ex illorum numero ænea phiala libaverit in Vulcani templo, eum totius Ægypti regno potiturum. Namque in omnibus templis conveniebant. | Thus far then the history is told by the Egyptians themselves; but I will now recount that which other nations also tell, and the Egyptians in agreement with the others, of that which happened in this land: and there will be added to this also something of that which I have myself seen. Being set free after the reign of the priest of Hephaistos, the Egyptians, since they could not live any time without a king, set up over them twelve kings, having divided all Egypt into twelve parts. These made intermarriages with one another and reigned, making agreement that they would not put down one another by force, nor seek to get an advantage over one another, but would live in perfect friendship: and the reason why they made these agreements, guarding them very strongly from violation, was this, namely that an oracle had been given to them at first when they began to exercise their rule, that he of them who should pour a libation with a bronze cup in the temple of Hephaistos, should be king of all Egypt (for they used to assemble together in all the temples). |
| 2.148 | Monumentum etiam commune relinquere decreverunt ; ex eorumque decreto ædificatus est Labyrinthus, paulo supra Mœridis lacum, ex adverso oppidi quod a Crocodilis nomen habet : quem ego vidi fama etiam majorem. (2) Si quis enim ædificia omnia atque opera a Græcis perfecta animo comprehenderit, reperientur illa et labore et sumptu inferiora hoc labyrintho ; quamvis memorabile utique sit Ephesi templum, itemque illud quod Sami est. (3) Et erant quidem etiam pyramides opera famam superantia, et earum quælibet multis eisque magnis Græcorum operibus simul sumptis æquiparanda : sed labyrinthus nimirum pyramides etiam superat. (4) Habet enim duodecim aulas tectis instructas, portis sibi mutuo obversis, sex ad septentrionem, sex ad meridiem spectantes, omnes inter se contiguas : unus autem murus cunctas extrinsecus includit. (5) Conclavia sunt duplicia, alia subterranea, alia super his in sublimi, numero ter mille ; cujusque generis mille et quingenta. (6) Quæ supra terram sunt conclavia, ipsi vidimus et transiimus, et oculis contemplati de his loquimur : quæ vero sub terra sunt, auditu cognovimus : nam Ægyptii his præpositi nullo pacto monstrare ea nobis voluerunt, dicentes esse ibi sepulcra regum, qui labyrinthum ædificarunt, et sacrorum crocodilorum. (7) Igitur de his subterraneis conclavibus non nisi audita referimus : superiora vero ipsi vidimus, humanis operibus majora. Nam transitus per ædificia, et anfractus per aulas, incredibili varietate infinitam nobis admirationem exprimebant, ex una aula in conclavia transeuntibus, et e conclavibus in atria, rursusque in alia ædificia ex atriis, et in alias aulas e conclavibus. (8) Lacunar conclavium omnium lapideum, perinde ac parietes : parietes vero insculptis figuris pleni. Aula quælibet peristylio circumdata, lapide albo arctissime juncto. Proxime angulum, in quo desinit labyrinthus, stat pyramis ducentorum quadraginta pedum, cui grandes insculptæ sunt figuræ: introitus in illam sub terra constructus est. | Moreover they resolved to join all together and leave a memorial of themselves; and having so resolved they caused to be made a labyrinth, situated a little above the lake of Moiris and nearly opposite to that which is called the City of Crocodiles. This I saw myself, and I found it greater than words can say. For if one should put together and reckon up all the buildings and all the great works produced by the Hellenes, they would prove to be inferior in labor and expense to this labyrinth, though it is true that both the temple at Ephesos and that at Samos are works worthy of note. The pyramids also were greater than words can say, and each one of them is equal to many works of the Hellenes, great as they may be; but the labyrinth surpasses even the pyramids. It has twelve courts covered in, with gates facing one another, six upon the North side and six upon the South, joining on one to another, and the same wall surrounds them all outside; and there are in it two kinds of chambers, the one kind below the ground and the other above upon these, three thousand in number, of each kind fifteen hundred. The upper set of chambers we ourselves saw, going through them, and we tell of them having looked upon them with our own eyes; but the chambers under ground we heard about only; for the Egyptians who had charge of them were not willing on any account to show them, saying that here were the sepulchres of the kings who had first built this labyrinth and of the sacred crocodiles. Accordingly we speak of the chambers below by what we received from hearsay, while those above we saw ourselves and found them to be works of more than human greatness. For the passages through the chambers, and the goings this way and that way through the courts, which were admirably adorned, afforded endless matter for marvel, as we went through from a court to the chambers beyond it, and from the chambers to colonnades, and from the colonnades to other rooms, and then from the chambers again to other courts. Over the whole of these is a roof made of stone like the walls; and the walls are covered with figures carved upon them, each court being surrounded with pillars of white stone fitted together most perfectly; and at the end of the labyrinth, by the corner of it, there is a pyramid of forty fathoms, upon which large figures are carved, and to this there is a way made under ground. |
| 2.149 | Talis quum sit hic labyrinthus, majore etiam in admiratione esse debet Mœridis lacus qui vocatur, juxta quem constructus est hic labyrinthus. Circuitus hujus lacus ter mille sexcenta stadia metitur ; sunt enim sexaginta schœni : mensura æqualis ei quam colligit universa Ægypti ora secundum mare porrecta. (2) Lacus a parte boreali et australi oblongo situ est : altitudo, ubi maxime, quinquaginta ulnarum, quas orgyias Græci vocant. Esse autem manu factum effossumque, ipse ostendit. Stant enim in medio fere lacu duæ pyramides, quinquaginta orgyias utraque eminens ex aqua, et tantumdem sub aqua constructum est : super utraque collocatus est colossus lapideus, in sella residens. (3) Ita sunt pyramides hæ orgyiarum centum : centum autem orgyiæ accurate efficiunt stadium, sex plethris (sive jugeris) constans ; quum orgyia metiatur sex pedes, sive quattuor cubitos ; pes autem quattuor constet palmis, cubitus sex palmis. (4) Aqua autem hujus lacus nativa non est : est enim prorsus arida illa regio : sed e Nilo per canalem eo derivata est aqua ; et per sex quidem menses influit in lacum, tum sex mensibus rursus effluit in Nilum. Quo tempore effluit, per illos sex menses quotidie talentum argenti e piscibus redit in regis ærarium ; quum vero influit aqua in lacunam, viginti minæ. | Such is this labyrinth; but a cause for marvel even greater than this is afforded by the lake, which is called the lake of Moiris, along the side of which this labyrinth is built. The measure of its circuit is three thousand six hundred furlongs (being sixty schoines), and this is the same number of furlongs as the extent of Egypt itself along the sea. The lake lies extended lengthwise from North to South, and in depth where it is deepest it is fifty fathoms. That this lake is artificial and formed by digging is self-evident, for about in the middle of the lake stand two pyramids, each rising above the water to a height of fifty fathoms, the part which is built below the water being of just the same height; and upon each is placed a colossal statue of stone sitting upon a chair. Thus the pyramids are a hundred fathoms high; and these hundred fathoms are equal to a furlong of six hundred feet, the fathom being measured as six feet or four cubits, the feet being four palms each, and the cubits six. The water in the lake does not come from the place where it is, for the country there is very deficient in water, but it has been brought thither from the Nile by a canal: and for six months the water flows into the lake, and for six months out into the Nile again; and whenever it flows out, then for the six months it brings into the royal treasury a talent of silver a day from the fish which are caught, and twenty pounds when the water comes in. |
| 2.150 | Dicunt horum locorum incolæ, exitum sub terra in Syrtin, quæ in Libya est, habere hunc lacum, qua parte versus occidentem in mediterranea Libyæ spectat juxta montem qui supra Memphin est. (2) Quum vero terram ab ampla hac effossione egestam, curiose quidem circumspiciens, nusquam viderim ; quæsivi ex his qui proxime lacum accolunt, ubi esset humus effossa. (3) Et illi mihi dixerunt quo delata fuerit, facileque persuaserunt ; quum auditu cognitum haberem simile quiddam Nini, Assyriæ urbe, factum. Nam Sardanapalli, Assyriæ regis, opes ingentes, thesauris subterraneis conditas, quum furto auferre constituissent nonnulli ; (4) e suis ædibus fodiendi initio facto, sub terra progressi sunt, fossam versus regiam dirigentes : humum vero effossam quotidie sub noctem in Tigrin amnem, qui Ninum præterfluit, egesserunt, donec perfecissent quod instituerant. (5) Idem prorsus in fodienda hoc in Ægypto lacu factum esse audivi ; nisi quod non noctu, sed interdiu sit factum : terram enim effossam in Nilum egessisse Ægyptios ; quam fluvius, exceptam, diffusurus erat. Hac igitur ratione effossum hunc lacum narrant. | The natives of the place moreover said that this lake had an outlet under ground to the Syrtis which is in Libya, turning towards the interior of the continent upon the Western side and running along by the mountain which is above Memphis. Now since I did not see anywhere existing the earth dug out of this excavation (for that was a matter which drew my attention), I asked those who dwelt nearest to the lake where the earth was which had been dug out. These told me to what place it had been carried away; and I readily believed them, for I knew by report that a similar thing had been done at Nineveh, the city of the Assyrians. There certain thieves formed a design once to carry away the wealth of Sardanapallos son of Ninos, the king, which wealth was very great and was kept in treasure-houses under the earth. Accordingly they began from their own dwelling, and making estimate of their direction they dug under ground towards the king’s palace; and the earth which was brought out of the excavation they used to carry away, when night came on, to the river Tigris which flows by the city of Nineveh, until at last they accomplished that which they desired. Similarly, as I heard, the digging of the lake in Egypt was effected, except that it was done not by night but during the day; for as they dug the Egyptians carried to the Nile the earth which was dug out; and the river, when it received it, would naturally bear it away and disperse it. Thus is this lake said to have been dug out. |
| 2.151 | Duodecim quos dixi reges dum regnant justitiam colentes, accidit temporis decursu, ut, quum sacrificium solenne in Vulcani templo peregissent, festorum dierum postremo libaturis phialas aureas exhibens summus sacerdos, e quibus libarent, aberrans numero, undecim exhiberet phialas, quum essent ipsi duodecim. (2) Ibi tum Psammitichus, stans postremus omnium, quum phialam non haberet, galeam de capite detractam (ea autem erat ænea) porrexit, ex eaque libavit. Galeas vero etiam reliqui reges omnes, quum alioqui, tum eo ipso tempore, gestabant. (3) Psammitichus igitur nullo quidem dolo malo usus, galeam porrexerat : sed reliqui undecim animum ad hoc Psammitichi factum advertentes, cogitantesque oraculum, quod ipsis editum fuisset, qui ex ænea phiala libasset, eum solum regem futurum totius Ægypti ; hujus oraculi memores, quum instituta perquisitione reperissent non deliberato id a Psammiticho esse factum, æquum quidem non censebant ut morte plecteretur ; sed placuit eum in paludes relegari, majori potestatis parte exutum, neque ei licere paludibus excedere et reliquis Ægypti rebus sese immiscere. | Now the twelve kings continued to rule justly, but in course of time it happened thus — After sacrifice in the temple of Hephaistos they were about to make libation on the last day of the feast, and the chief-priest, in bringing out for them the golden cups with which they had been wont to pour libations, missed his reckoning and brought eleven only for the twelve kings. Then that one of them who was standing last in order, namely Psammetichos, since he had no cup took off from his head his helmet, which was of bronze, and having held it out to receive the wine he proceeded to make libation: likewise all the other kings were wont to wear helmets and they happened to have them then. Now Psammetichos held out his helmet with no treacherous meaning; but they taking note of that which had been done by Psammetichos and of the oracle, namely how it had been declared to them that whosoever of them should make libation with a bronze cup should be sole king of Egypt, recollecting, I say, the saying of the Oracle, they did not indeed deem it right to slay Psammetichos, since they found by examination that he had not done it with any forethought, but they determined to strip him of almost all his power and to drive him away into the fen-country, and that from the fen-country he should not hold any dealings with the rest of Egypt. |
| 2.152 | Idem Psammitichus ante id tempus, Sabacon Æthiopem metuens, qui patrem ipsius Necon occiderat, in Syriam profugerat : sed, postquam Æthiops nocturno viso territus Ægypto excesserat, ab Ægyptiis Saiten præfecturam incolentibus in patriam erat reductus. (2) Nunc igitur iterum, postquam regnavit, ab undecim regibus in exilium missus est in paludes propter galeam. Ratus autem injuste secum esse ab illis actum, vindictam capere de persecutoribus cogitavit : quumque ea causa in Buto oppidum ad Latonæ oraculum misisset, quod veracissimum Ægyptii habent, allatum est ei responsum, venturam vindictam a mari, quando ænei viri sint apparituri. (3) Cui responso quum ille fidem vix ullam adhiberet, venturos æneos viros opem sibi laturos ; accidit haud multo interjecto tempore, ut Iones Caresque homines, prædatum navibus profecti, ad Ægyptum deferrentur, tempestatibus compulsi : qui quum ære armati in terram escendissent, Ægyptiorum aliquis, ut qui nunquam antea viros ære armatos vidisset, nuntiatum ivit Psammiticho, æneos viros advenisse e mari, qui prædam e terra agerent. (4) Tum ille, impletum esse intelligens oraculum, benigne Ionas Caresque excepit, magnisque promissis persuadere illis, ut secum manerent, conatus est. Quibus ut id persuasit, simul cum Ægyptiis, qui cum ipso sentiebant, et cum his auxiliaribus, reliquos reges oppressit. | This Psammetichos had formerly been a fugitive from the Ethiopian Sabacos who had killed his father Necos, from him, I say, he had then been a fugitive in Syria; and when the Ethiopian had departed in consequence of the vision of the dream, the Egyptians who were of the district of Saïs brought him back to his own country. Then afterwards, when he was king, it was his fate to be a fugitive a second time on account of the helmet, being driven by the eleven kings into the fen-country. So then holding that he had been grievously wronged by them, he thought how he might take vengeance on those who had driven him out: and when he had sent to the Oracle of Leto in the city of Buto, where the Egyptians have their most truthful Oracle, there was given to him the reply that vengeance would come when men of bronze appeared from the sea. And he was strongly disposed not to believe that bronze men would come to help him; but after no long time had passed, certain Ionians and Carians who had sailed forth for plunder were compelled to come to shore in Egypt, and they having landed and being clad in bronze armor, one of the Egyptians, not having before seen men clad in bronze armor, came to the fen-land and brought a report to Psammetichos that bronze men had come from the sea and were plundering the plain. So he, perceiving that the saying of the Oracle was coming to pass, dealt in a friendly manner with the Ionians and Carians, and with large promises he persuaded them to take his part. Then when he had persuaded them, with the help of those Egyptians who favored his cause and of these foreign mercenaries he overthrew the kings. |
| 2.153 | Ita totius Ægypti regno potitus Psammitichus, construxit Memphi propylæa Vulcani ad meridiem spectantia : et aulam ædificavit Apidi, in qua aleretur Apis sicubi apparuisset. Ea aula ex adverso propylæorum est, tota peristylio circumdata, et figuris omni e parte exornata : pro columnis suppositi sunt colossi duodenûm cubitorum. Apis autem, Græcorum sermone, Epaphus est. | Having thus got power over all Egypt, Psammetichos made for Hephaistos that gateway of the temple at Memphis which is turned towards the South Wind; and he built a court for Apis, in which Apis is kept when he appears, opposite to the gateway of the temple, surrounded all with pillars and covered with figures; and instead of columns there stand to support the roof of the court colossal statues twelve cubits high. Now Apis is in the tongue of the Hellenes Epaphos. |
| 2.154 | Ionibus vero et Caribus, quorum opera usus erat, agros habitandos Psammitichus concessit, sibi mutuo obversos, interfluente Nilo : qui agri Castra (Ionum Carumque,) nominabantur. (2) Postquam has sedes eis concessit, reliquaque promissa exsolvit ; pueros eisdem Ægyptios tradidit, qui ab illis Græcum ediscerent sermonem : et ex his pueris, sermonem edoctis, nati sunt qui nunc interpretes sunt in Ægypto. (3) Agros istos longo tempore Iones Caresque habitarunt, sitos versus mare paulo infra Bubastin oppidum, ad Pelusium quod vocatur Nili ostium. (4) Sed insequente tempore Amasis rex, sedibus illis excitos, Memphin habitatum concedere jussit, ut essent sibi custodes corporis adversus Ægyptios. Jam e quo hi Ægyptum habitare cœperunt, nos Græci, cum his commercia habentes, res in Ægypto gestas, inde a Psammiticho rege, et quæ deinde gestæ sunt, accurate cunctas novimus. Hi enim primi alia lingua loquentes Ægyptum incoluerunt. (5) In eis autem locis, e quibus ab Amasi exciti sunt, vestigia navalium, quibus usi erant, et ædificiorum rudera ad meam adhuc ætatem superfuerunt. Isto igitur modo Psammitichus Ægypto potitus est. | To the Ionians and to the Carians who had helped him Psammetichos granted portions of land to dwell in, opposite to one another with the river Nile between, and these were called “Encampments”: these portions of land he gave them, and he paid them besides all that he had promised: moreover he placed with them Egyptian boys to have them taught the Hellenic tongue; and from these, who learnt the language thoroughly, are descended the present class of interpreters in Egypt. Now the Ionians and Carians occupied these portions of land for a long time, and they are towards the sea a little below the city of Bubastis, on that which is called the Pelusian mouth of the Nile. These men king Amasis afterwards removed from thence and established them at Memphis, making them into a guard for himself against the Egyptians: and they being settled in Egypt, we who are Hellenes know by intercourse with them the certainty of all that which happened in Egypt beginning from king Psammetichos and afterwards; for these were the first men of foreign tongue who settled in Egypt: and in the land from which they were removed there still remained down to my time the sheds where their ships were drawn up and the ruins of their houses. Thus then Psammetichos obtained Egypt. |
| 2.155 | Oraculi, quod in Ægypto est, jam sæpius feci mentionem ; et de eodem, quippe memoratu digno, copiosius etiam exponam. Est autem hoc oraculum Ægyptiacum Latonæ templum, in magno oppido situm, ad Sebenniticum quod vocatur Nili ostium, adverso flumine e mari navigantibus. (2) Nomen oppidi hujus, ubi oraculum, est Buto, quod nomen jam ante posui. Est autem in eadem urbe etiam Apollinis templum, et templum Dianæ. Latonæ vero templum, in quo est oraculum, quum ipsum magnum est, tum propylæa habet quadraginta cubitorum altitudine. (3) Quod vero ex his, quæ ibi conspiciuntur, maxima me admiratione affecit, hoc dicam. Est in eodem loco sacro ædes Latonæ ex uno lapide confecta, quum in altitudinem, tum in longitudinem ; quilibet paries æquali est longitudine et altitudine, et quidem quadragenorum cubitorum : pro tecto alius impositus est lapis, coronam quæ dicitur habens in altitudinem quattuor cubitorum. | And of the Oracle which is in Egypt I have made mention often before this, and now I will give an account of it, seeing that it is worthy to be described. This Oracle which is in Egypt is sacred to Leto, and it is established in a great city near that mouth of the Nile which is called Sebennytic, as one sails up the river from the sea; and the name of this city where the Oracle is found is Buto, as I have said before in mentioning it. In this Buto there is a temple of Apollo and Artemis; and the temple-house of Leto, in which the Oracle is, is both great in itself and has a gateway of the height of ten fathoms: but that which caused me most to marvel of the things to be seen there, I will now tell. There is in this sacred enclosure a house of Leto made of one single stone as regards both height and length, and of which all the walls are in these two directions equal, each being forty cubits; and for the covering in of the roof there lies another stone upon the top, the cornice measuring four cubits. |
| 2.156 | Eorum igitur qui circa hoc templum conspiciuntur, maximæ mihi admirationi fuit ædes illa : secundo autem loco, insula quæ Chemmis nominatur. Sita hæc est in lacu alto amploque juxta templum quod in Buto est : dicuntque Ægyptii, esse eam natantem. (2) Et ego quidem eam nec nantem vidi, nec motam : sed istud audiens obstupui, insulam ullam vere esse nantem. In hac vero insula est Apollinis templum amplum, in quo tres aræ erectæ: nascuntur in eadem palmæ magno numero, aliæque arbores multæ, tam frugiferæ, quam steriles. (3) Ægyptii autem, nantem esse hanc insulam dicentes, narrationem hanc adjiciunt : Latonam, unam ex octo diis qui ante reliquos exstitissent, quum urbem Buto habitaret, in qua nunc oraculum illud habet, Apollinem, ab Iside sibi creditum, in hac insula, quæ olim non fuisset natans, nunc autem natare dicitur, abscondisse et salvum conservasse, tum quum omnia perquirens Typhon venisset, invenire cupiens Osiridis filium. (4) Apollinem enim et Dianam dicunt Dionyso et Iside natos : Latonam vero fuisse nutricem horum et servatricem. Ægyptiaco autem sermone Apollo, Orus vocatur ; Ceres, Isis ; Diana, Bubastis. (5) (Et ex hac Ægyptiorum traditione, nec aliunde, unus ex omnibus superioribus poetis Æschylus, Euphorionis filius, subripuit id quod ego dicam ; nempe quod Dianam dixerit Cereris filiam.) Ea igitur causa insulam illam, ajunt, nantem factam esse. | This house then of all the things that were to be seen by me in that temple is the most marvellous, and among those which come next is the island called Chemmis. This is situated in a deep and broad lake by the side of the temple at Buto, and it is said by the Egyptians that this island is a floating island. I myself did not see it either floating about or moved from its place, and I feel surprise at hearing of it, wondering if it be indeed a floating island. In this island of which I speak there is a great temple-house of Apollo, and three several altars are set up within, and there are planted in the island many palm-trees and other trees, both bearing fruit and not bearing fruit. And the Egyptians, when they say that it is floating, add this story, namely that in this island, which formerly was not floating, Leto, being one of the eight gods who came into existence first, and dwelling in the city of Buto where she has this Oracle, received Apollo from Isis as a charge and preserved him, concealing him in the island which is said now to be a floating island, at that time when Typhon came after him seeking everywhere and desiring to find the son of Osiris. Now they say that Apollo and Artemis are children of Dionysos and of Isis, and that Leto became their nurse and preserver; and in the Egyptian tongue Apollo is Oros, Demeter is Isis, and Artemis is Bubastis. From this story and from no other Ęschylus the son of Euphorion took this which I shall say, wherein he differs from all the preceding poets; he represented namely that Artemis was the daughter of Demeter. For this reason then, they say, it became a floating island. Such is the story which they tell. |
| 2.157 | Psammitichus in Ægypto regnavit annos quattuor et quinquaginta : quorum per undetriginta Azotum circumsidens oppugnavit, magnum Syriæ oppidum, donec tandem vi cepit. Atque hæc Azotus omnium, quæ novimus, oppidorum longissime restitit obsidentibus hostibus. | But as for Psammetichos, he was king over Egypt for four-and-fifty years, of which for thirty years save one he was sitting before Azotos, a great city of Syria, besieging it, until at last he took it: and this Azotos of all cities about which we have knowledge held out for the longest time under a siege. |
| 2.158 | Psammiticho vero in Ægypti regnum successit filius Necos. Hic primus fossam aggressus est ducere in Erythræum mare ferentem, quam deinde Darius Persa iterum effodit : cujus longitudo est quattuor dierum navigatio ; latitudo autem tanta, ut duæ naves remis agitatæ simul navigare possint. (2) Aqua e Nilo in eam derivata ; derivata autem paullo supra Bubastin urbem, juxta Patumon oppidum Arabiæ. Influit autem fossa in Erythræum mare. Fodiendi initium factum est ab ea parte planitiei Ægyptiacæ, quæ ad Arabam pertinet, ubi planitiei superne contiguus est mons qui ex adverso Memphidis protenditur, in quo lapicidinæ insunt. (3) Ad pedem igitur hujus montis acta est fossa in longum ab occidente versus orientem ; deinde per fauces montis progreditur, pergitque a monte versus meridiem et austrum in sinum Arabicum. (4) Qua est autem brevissimus et compendiarius maxime a boreali mari in australe et Rubrum (nam utroque nomine idem hoc vocatur) transitus, a Casio monte, qui Ægyptum a Syria disterminat, ab hoc igitur ad Arabicum sinum, sunt exacte mille stadia. (5) Hæc est brevissima via : sed fossa multo est longior, quanto majores habet anfractus : in qua sub Neco fodienda perierunt Ægyptiorum centum et viginti milia. (6) In medio vero labore substitit Necos, pergere prohibitus oraculi effato tali, illud opus eum pro barbaro facere. Vocant autem Ægyptii barbaros, omnes qui non ipsorum lingua utuntur. | The son of Psammetichos was Necos, and he became king of Egypt. This man was the first who attempted the channel leading to the Erythraian Sea, which Dareios the Persian afterwards completed: the length of this is a voyage of four days, and in breadth it was so dug that two triremes could go side by side driven by oars; and the water is brought into it from the Nile. The channel is conducted a little above the city of Bubastis by Patumos the Arabian city, and runs into the Erythraian Sea: and it is dug first along those parts of the plain of Egypt which lie towards Arabia, just above which run the mountains which extend opposite Memphis, where are the stone-quarries — along the base of these mountains the channel is conducted from West to East for a great way; and after that it is directed towards a break in the hills and tends from these mountains towards the noon-day and the South Wind to the Arabian gulf. Now in the place where the journey is least and shortest from the Northern to the Southern Sea (which is also called Erythraian), that is from Mount Casion, which is the boundary between Egypt and Syria, the distance is exactly a thousand furlongs to the Arabian gulf; but the channel is much longer, since it is more winding; and in the reign of Necos there perished while digging it twelve myriads of the Egyptians. Now Necos ceased in the midst of his digging, because the utterance of an Oracle impeded him, which was to the effect that he was working for the Barbarian: and the Egyptians call all men Barbarians who do not agree with them in speech. |
| 2.159 | A fodienda fossa postquam destitit Necos, ad militares expeditiones suscipiendas se convertit : triremesque ædificari jussit, alias in boreali mari, alias in Arabico sinu ad Rubrum mare ; ubi vestigia adhuc navalium conspiciuntur. (2) Ac his quidem navibus usus est ubi opus erat : Syros vero pedestri exercitu aggressus, collata acie vicit ad Magdolum ; post illamque pugnam Cadytin cepit, magnam Syriæ urbem. Qua veste indutus has res gessit, eam deinde Apollini dedicavit, missam ad Branchidas Milesiorum. His rebus gestis Necos, postquam sedecim omnino annos regnavit, vita functus est, et filio Psammi regnum reliquit. | Thus having ceased from the work of the channel, Necos betook himself to waging wars, and triremes were built by him, some for the Northern Sea and others in the Arabian gulf for the Erythraian Sea; and of these the sheds are still to be seen. These ships he used when he needed them; and also on land Necos engaged battle at Magdolos with the Syrians, and conquered them; and after this he took Cadytis, which is a great city of Syria: and the dress which he wore when he made these conquests he dedicated to Apollo, sending it to Branchidai of the Milesians. After this, having reigned in all sixteen years, he brought his life to an end, and handed on the kingdom to Psammis his son. |
| 2.160 | Hoc regnante Psammi, venerunt in Ægyptum legati Eleorum, jactantes æquissime et præclarissime omnium hominum a se Olympiæ publica certamina administrari ; existimantesque ne Ægyptios quidem, hominum sapientissimos, aliquid quod supra illam rationem esset, præterea posse reperire. Postquam igitur significarunt Elei, quo consilio in Ægyptum venissent ; convocavit rex hic eos ex Ægyptiis, qui dicebantur esse sapientissimi. (2) Qui ubi convenere, audivere Eleos omnia exponentes quæ ipsorum officii essent in administrando certamine ; quibus expositis, dicebant se venisse sciscitaturos, an Ægyptii aliquid, quod his æquius esset, possent præterea reperire. Tum illi, collato inter se consilio, quæsiverunt ex Eleis, an cives ipsorum ad certamen admittantur. (3) Et Elei, tam suorum, ajebant, quam aliorum Græcorum quicunque vellet, ei licitum esse in certamen prodire. Responderunt Ægyptii, si ita rem administrarent, multum eos ab æquitate aberrare : fieri enim nullo modo posse, quin certanti civi faveant, injuriamque faciant peregrino. (4) Quodsi ergo cum æquitate vellent certamina administrare, et hujus rei causa in Ægyptum venissent ; peregrinis tantum certatoribus ponerent certamen, Eleorum autem neminem admitterent. Hæc Ægyptii Eleos monuerunt. | While this Psammis was king of Egypt, there came to him men sent by the Eleians, who boasted that they ordered the contest at Olympia in the most just and honorable manner possible and thought that not even the Egyptians, the wisest of men, could find out anything besides, to be added to their rules. Now when the Eleians came to Egypt and said that for which they had come, then this king called together those of the Egyptians who were reputed the wisest, and when the Egyptians had come together they heard the Eleians tell of all that which it was their part to do in regard to the contest; and when they had related everything, they said that they had come to learn in addition anything which the Egyptians might be able to find out besides, which was juster than this. They then having consulted together asked the Eleians whether their own citizens took part in the contest; and they said that it was permitted to any one who desired it, both of their own people and of the other Hellenes equally, to take part in the contest: upon which the Egyptians said that in so ordering the games they had wholly missed the mark of justice; for it could not be but that they would take part with the man of their own State, if he was contending, and so act unfairly to the stranger: but if they really desired, as they said, to order the games justly, and if this was the cause for which they had come to Egypt, they advised them to order the contest so as to be for strangers alone to contend in, and that no Eleian should be permitted to contend. Such was the suggestion made by the Egyptians to the Eleians. |
| 2.161 | Psammis postquam sex tantum annos regnarat, expeditionemque susceperat in Æthiopiam, continuo deinde vitam finivit ; cui in regnum filius successit Apries. Hic post Psammitichum, proavum suum, felicissimus superiorum omnium regum fuit per quinque et viginti quos regnavit annos ; quibus et adversus Sidonem duxit exercitum, et navali pugna cum Tyri rege conflixit. (2) Ubi vero affuit tempus, quo in fatis erat ut malis premeretur, accidit calamitas ex occasione quam ego quidem fusius in Libycarum rerum historia exponam, paucis in præsenti contentus. Scilicet, exercitu adversus Cyrenaicam misso, ingentem cladem Apries acceperat. Quam calamitatem ipsi imputantes Ægyptii, ab eo defecerunt ; quum existimarent, deliberato consilio Aprien hos in manifestum misisse exitium, ut, postquam illi periissent, ipse reliquis Ægyptiis tutius imperaret. Eo vehementer indignati, tum hi qui e clade redierunt, tum eorum qui perierant amici, e vestigio desciverunt. | When Psammis had been king of Egypt for only six years and had made an expedition to Ethiopia and immediately afterwards had ended his life, Apries the son of Psammis received the kingdom in succession. This man came to be the most prosperous of all the kings up to that time except only his forefather Psammetichos; and he reigned five-and-twenty years, during which he led an army against Sidon and fought a sea-fight with the king of Tyre. Since however it was fated that evil should come upon him, it came by occasion of a matter which I shall relate at greater length in the Libyan history, and at present but shortly. Apries having sent a great expedition against the Kyrenians, met with correspondingly great disaster; and the Egyptians considering him to blame for this revolted from him, supposing that Apries had with forethought sent them out to evident calamity, in order (as they said) that there might be a slaughter of them, and he might the more securely rule over the other Egyptians. Being indignant at this, both these men who had returned from the expedition and also the friends of those who had perished made revolt openly. |
| 2.162 | Qua re cognita, Apries ad eos verbis coercendos Amasin misit. Et hic, ubi ad Ægyptios pervenit, inhibere illos conatus est, hortarique ut cœpto desisterent : sed, dum loquitur, Ægyptiorum aliquis, pone stans, galeam capiti ejus imponit, simul dicens, regni causa se ei illam imponere. (2) Nec vero id illi invito admodum accidit, ut quidem mox ostendit. Nam postquam Ægyptii hi, qui defecerant regem illum sibi posuerant, ducere eos adversus Aprien paravit. (3) Quo cognito Apries spectatum inter Ægyptios qui circa ipsum erant virum, cui nomen Patarbemis, ad Amasin misit cum mandato, ut vivum illum ad se adduceret. (4) Patarbemis ut advenit, Amasinque vocavit ; equo tunc forte insidens Amasis, sublato crure, flatum ventris emisit, atque hoc eum jussit Apriæ reportare. Nihilo minus ab eo postulasse, ajunt, Patarbemin, ut ad regem, qui eum arcesseret, abiret. Cui respondisse Amasin, jam pridem hoc ipsum se parare, nec de se ea causa conquesturum esse Aprien : affuturum enim et ipsum, et alios secum ducturum. (5) Quorum verborum sententiam non ignorantem Patarbemin, quum paratum illum videret, maturasse reditum, ut quam primum regi, quid ageretur, renuntiaret. Ubi autem advenerit, Aprien, quum Amasin ille non adduxisset, ira ascensum, nulla secum ratione inita, aures naresque præcidi ei jussisse. (6) Quod ubi viderunt reliqui Ægyptii, qui adhuc cum rege fecerant, virum e suis spectatissimum ita contumeliose mutilari, nullam moram facientes, desciverunt et ipsi ad reliquos, et Amasi se tradiderunt. | Hearing this Apries sent to them Amasis, to cause them to cease by persuasion; and when he had come and was seeking to restrain the Egyptians, as he was speaking and telling them not to do so, one of the Egyptians stood up behind him and put a helmet upon his head, saying as he did so that he put it on to crown him king. And to him this that was done was in some degree not unwelcome, as he proved by his behavior; for as soon as the revolted Egyptians had set him up as king, he prepared to march against Apries: and Apries hearing this sent to Amasis one of the Egyptians who were about his own person, a man of reputation, whose name was Patarbemis, enjoining him to bring Amasis alive into his presence. When this Patarbemis came and summoned Amasis, the latter, who happened to be sitting on horseback, lifted up his leg and behaved in an unseemly manner, bidding him take that back to Apries. Nevertheless, they say, Patarbemis made demand of him that he should go to the king, seeing that the king had sent to summon him; and he answered him that he had for some time past been preparing to do so, and that Apries would have no occasion to find fault with him. Then Patarbemis both perceiving his intention from that which he said, and also seeing his preparations, departed in haste, desiring to make known as quickly as possible to the king the things which were being done: and when he came back to Apries not bringing Amasis, the king paying no regard to that which he said, but being moved by violent anger, ordered his ears and his nose to be cut off. And the rest of the Egyptians who still remained on his side, when they saw the man of most repute among them thus suffering shameful outrage, waited no longer but joined the others in revolt, and delivered themselves over to Amasis. |
| 2.163 | Quo cognito Apries armavit auxiliares, et adversus Ægyptios duxit : habuit autem secum Carum et Ionum auxiliarium triginta milia : regia autem ipsius erat in urbe Sai, amplum et spectatu dignum ædificium. Apries igitur cum suis profectus est adversus Ægyptios ; et Amasis cum Ægyptiis adversus peregrinos regis milites : quumque ambo circa Momemphin oppidum essent, in eo erant ut pugnæ discrimen experirentur. | Then Apries having heard this also, armed his foreign mercenaries and marched against the Egyptians: now he had about him Carian and Ionian mercenaries to the number of thirty thousand; and his royal palace was in the city of Saïs, of great size and worthy to be seen. So Apries and his army were going against the Egyptians, and Amasis and those with him were going against the mercenaries; and both sides came to the city of Momemphis and were about to make trial of one another in fight. |
| 2.164 | Sunt in Ægypto septem hominum genera. Horum alii sacerdotes, alii bellatores nominantur, alii bubulci, alii subulci, institores alii, alii interpretes, alii navium gubernatores. Tot sunt Ægyptiorum genera, sive classes : quibus nomina imposita sunt ab artibus quas exercent. (2) Bellatorum rursus alii Calasiries nominantur, alii Hermotybies. Qui ex hisce sunt præfecturis (nam in præfecturas [nomos Græcis] tota distributa Ægyptus est: | Now of the Egyptians there are seven classes, and of these one class is called that of the priests, and another that of the warriors, while the others are the cowherds, swineherds, shopkeepers, interpreters, and boatmen. This is the number of the classes of the Egyptians, and their names are given them from the occupations which they follow. Of them the warriors are called Calasirians and Hermotybians, and they are of the following districts — for all Egypt is divided into districts. |
| 2.165 | Hermotybium nomi hi sunt, Busirites, Saites, Chemmites, Papremites, insula cui nomen Prospitis, Natho e dimidia parte. Hisce e præfecturis sunt Hermotybies ; numero, quando maximus eorum numerus, centum et sexaginta milia. Et horum nullus artem ullam sellulariam aut opificium didicit : rei militari unice vacant. | The districts of the Hermotybians are those of Busiris, Saïs, Chemmis, Papremis, the island called Prosopitis, and the half of Natho — of these districts are the Hermotybians, who reached when most numerous the number of sixteen myriads. Of these not one has learnt anything of handicraft, but they are given up to war entirely. |
| 2.166 | Calasirium alii nomi sunt, hi : Thebanus, Bubastites, Aphthites, Tanites, Mendesius, Sebennytes, Athribites, Pharbæthites, Thmuites, Onuphites, Anysius, Myecphorites, qui nomus in insula est, ex adverso Bubastis oppidi. Hi sunt nomi Calasirium ; quorum numerus, quando maximus est, ducentorum quinquaginta milium est virorum. Neque hisce licet opificium ullum artemve exercere, solam rem militarem exercent, puer a patre institutus. | Again the districts of the Calasirians are those of Thebes, Bubastis, Aphthis, Tanis, Mendes, Sebennytos, Athribis, Pharbaithos, Thmuïs Onuphis, Anytis, Myecphoris — this last is on an island opposite to the city of Bubastis. These are the districts of the Calasirians; and they reached, when most numerous, to the number of five-and-twenty myriads of men; nor is it lawful for these, any more than for the others, to practise any craft; but they practise that which has to do with war only, handing down the tradition from father to son. |
| 2.167 | An igitur etiam hoc ab Ægyptiis Græci acceperint, non possum liquido judicare ; quum et Thracas et Scythas et Persas et Lydos et omnes fere barbaros populos videam minore in honore, quam alios cives, habere hos qui artes et opificia discunt, horumque posteros ; eos vero, qui opificium nullum exercent, generosos et nobiles existimare, ac præsertim hos qui rei militari unice vacant. Receptum quidem hoc est apud Græcos etiam omnes, sed maxime apud Lacedæmonios. Minime vero Corinthii eos contemnunt qui manibus artes exercent. | Now whether the Hellenes have learnt this also from the Egyptians, I am not able to say for certain, since I see that the Thracians also and Scythians and Persians and Lydians and almost all the Barbarians esteem those of their citizens who learn the arts, and the descendants of them, as less honorable than the rest; while those who have got free from all practice of manual arts are accounted noble, and especially those who are devoted to war: however that may be, the Hellenes have all learnt this, and especially the Lacedemonians; but the Corinthians least of all cast slight upon those who practise handicrafts. |
| 2.168 | Præmium autem bellatoribus hoc eximium tribuitur, juxta cum sacerdotibus, præ ceteris omnibus Ægyptiis : duodecim cuique arva præcipua, vectigalis immunia. Habet autem arvum centum cubitos Ægyptios quaquaversum : estque Ægyptius cubitus Samio æqualis. (2) Ista igitur omnes atque singuli præcipua habebant : præterea vero per vices,neque utique cuncti simul, hisce fruebantur commodis : milleni Calasirii, totidemque Hermotybies, quotannis corporis custodes erant regis ; his igitur, præter arva illa, in singulos dies hæcce tribuebantur : cocti cibi farinacei definitum pondus, quinque libræ cuique ; carnis bubulæ libræ duæ, vini cyathi quattuor. Hæc tribuebantur corporis custodibus qui quoque tempore in hoc munere erant. | The following privilege was specially granted to this class and to none others of the Egyptians except the priests, that is to say, each man had twelve yokes of land specially granted to him free from imposts: now the yoke of land measures a hundred Egyptian cubits every way, and the Egyptian cubit is, as it happens, equal to that of Samos. This, I say, was a special privilege granted to all, and they also had certain advantages in turn and not the same men twice; that is to say, a thousand of the Calasirians and a thousand of the Hermotybians acted as body-guard to the king during each year; and these had besides their yokes of land an allowance given them for each day of five pounds weight of bread to each man, and two pounds of beef, and four half-pints of wine. This was the allowance given to those who were serving as the king’s bodyguard for the time being. |
| 2.169 | Postquam igitur obviam sibi mutuo profecti, Apries auxiliares copias ducens, Amasis vero Ægyptios omnes, ad Momemphin oppidum pervenere, armis congressi sutn. Et fortiter quidem pugnabant peregrini ; sed, quum numero longe essent inferiores, eo victi profligati sunt. (2) Dicunt autem, Apriæ hanc stetisse sententiam, ne deum quidem ullum regno exuere se posse ; ita firmiter illud sibi stabilitum putabat. At tunc, quod dixi, collata acie devictus est : et, quum vivus in hostium venisset potestatem, Sain abductus est in pristinam suam domum, quæ nunc Amasidis regia erat. (3) Ibi aliquamdiu in regia nutritus est ; et bene eum habuit Amasis : ad extremum vero, quum exprobrarent Ægyptii non recte eum facere quod alat virum et ipsis et sibi inimicissimum, tradidit Aprien Ægyptiis ; (4) qui eum strangularunt, ac deinde in patrio sepulcro sepeliverunt. Sepulcrum illud in Minervæ templo est, proxime ædem sacram, intrantibus a læva manu. Saitæ enim cunctos ex hoc nomo oriundos reges intra templum hoc sepeliunt. (5) Nam Amasidis etiam monumentum aliquanto quidem longius ab æde sacra abest quam Apriæ et ejus progenitorum ; at est tamen etiam hoc in aula templi, thalamus lapideus ingens, columnis ornatus palmas arbores imitantibus alioque sumptu. In thalamo, repositorium est binis foribus clausum, atque intra has fores est regis sepulcrum. | So when Apries leading his foreign mercenaries, and Amasis at the head of the whole body of the Egyptians, in their approach to one another had come to the city of Momemphis, they engaged battle: and although the foreign troops fought well, yet being much inferior in number they were worsted by reason of this. But Apries is said to have supposed that not even a god would be able to cause him to cease from his rule, so firmly did he think that it was established. In that battle then, I say, he was worsted, and being taken alive was brought away to the city of Saïs, to that which had formerly been his own dwelling but from thenceforth was the palace of Amasis. There for some time he was kept in the palace, and Amasis dealt well with him; but at last, since the Egyptians blamed him, saying that he acted not rightly in keeping alive him who was the greatest foe both to themselves and to him, therefore he delivered Apries over to the Egyptians; and they strangled him, and after that buried him in the burial-place of his fathers: this is in the temple of Athene, close to the sanctuary, on the left hand as you enter. Now the men of Saïs buried all those of this district who had been kings, within the temple; for the tomb of Amasis also, though it is further from the sanctuary than that of Apries and his forefathers, yet this too is within the court of the temple, and it consists of a colonnade of stone of great size, with pillars carved to imitate date-palms, and otherwise sumptuously adorned; and within the colonnade are double-doors, and inside the doors a sepulchral chamber. |
| 2.170 | Sunt vero etiam sepulcra ejus, cujus nomen tali occasione edere mihi nefas, in eodem Minervæ templo Saitano, post ædem sacram, toti postico parieti ædis Minervæ contigua. Et in area templi stant obelisci ingentes, lapidei : juxtaque eos lacus est, lapidea crepidine ornatus et circumcirca pulcre elaboratus, eadem, ut mihi videbatur, magnitudine qua est lacus Deli, qui orbiculatus nominatur. | Also at Saïs there is the burial-place of him whom I account it not pious to name in connexion with such a matter, which is in the temple of Athene behind the house of the goddess, stretching along the whole wall of it; and in the sacred enclosure stand great obelisks of stone, and near them is a lake adorned with an edging of stone and fairly made in a circle, being in size, as it seemed to me, equal to that which is called the “Round Pool” in Delos. |
| 2.171 | In hoc lacu exhibent noctu speciem imaginemque casuum, qui illi acciderunt, quæ mysteria vocant Ægyptii : de quibus mihi quidem, quamquam satis singula quo pacto se habeant norim, silentium agitor. Etiam de Cereris sacris, quæ Thesmophoria Græci vocant, silentium mihi agendum ; nisi quatenus de his verba facere fas est. (2) Danai filiæ sacra hæc ex Ægypto attulerant, et Pelasgiscas mulieres ea docuerant. Deinde, postquam tota Peloponnesus a Doribus eversa est et sedibus suis excita, perierunt hæ sacra ; solique Arcades, qui in Peloponneso manserunt, neque inde migrare coacti sunt, illa conservarunt. | On this lake they perform by night the show of his sufferings, and this the Egyptians call Mysteries. Of these things I know more fully in detail how they take place, but I shall leave this unspoken; and of the mystic rites of Demeter, which the Hellenes call thesmophoria, of these also, although I know, I shall leave unspoken all except so much as piety permits me to tell. The daughters of Danaos were they who brought this rite out of Egypt and taught it to the women of the Pelasgians; then afterwards when all the inhabitants of Peloponnese were driven out by the Dorians, the rite was lost, and only those who were left behind of the Peloponnesians and not driven out, that is to say the Arcadians, preserved it. |
| 2.172 | Aprie ita sublato, Amasis in Ægypto regnavit, e Saitana præfectura oriundus, et quidem ex oppido cui nomen Siuph. Et primo quidem spreverunt Ægyptii Amasin, nec ullo magnopere loco habuere, ut qui de plebe olim fuisset, et e domo minime illustri. Deinde vero callido quodam invento, non asperitate, ad officium eos redegit. (2) Erant ei quum aliæ res pretiosæ permultæ tum pelluvium aureum, in quo et Amasis ipse et conviva omnes lavare pedes consueverant : hoc pelluvium confringi, ex eoque confici dei simulacrum jussit, quod in loco urbis opportunissimo erexit. Et Ægyptii frequentes ad simulacrum convienbant, illudque magna religione colebant. (3) Id ubi a civibus fieri intellexit Amasis, convocatis Ægyptiis, quod res erat, declaravit ; dicens, fatum esse simulacrum illud e pelluvio, in quod paullo ante et evomuissent Ægyptii et imminxissent, et pedes in eo abluissent, qui nunc illud magna religione colant. (4) Jam igitur (sic loqui pergebat) suam sortem simillimam huic pelluvio esse : etsi enim prius fuisset plebeius, at in præsentia esse illorum regem, itaque illorum esse officum, sese honorare suique respectum habere. Tali modo Ægyptios eo adduxit, ut illi serviri æquum censerent. | Apries having thus been overthrown, Amasis became king, being of the district of Saïs, and the name of the city whence he was is Siuph. Now at the first the Egyptians despised Amasis and held him in no great regard, because he had been a man of the people and was of no distinguished family; but afterwards Amasis won them over to himself by wisdom and not wilfulness. Among innumerable other things of price which he had, there was a foot-basin of gold in which both Amasis himself and all his guests were wont always to wash their feet. This he broke up, and of it he caused to be made the image of a god, and set it up in the city, where it was most convenient; and the Egyptians went continually to visit the image and did great reverence to it. Then Amasis, having learnt that which was done by the men of the city, called together the Egyptians and made known to them the matter, saying that the image had been produced from the foot-basin, into which formerly the Egyptians used to vomit and make water, and in which they washed their feet, whereas now they did to it great reverence; and just so, he continued, had he himself now fared, as the foot-basin; for though formerly he was a man of the people, yet now he was their king, and he bade them accordingly honor him and have regard for him. |
| 2.173 | Idem in rebus agendis hoc usus est instituto : primo mane, usque ad id tempus quo celebrari forum hominibus solet, studiose peragebat negotia quæcunque obferebantur : ab illo vero tempore ad potandum et ad cavillandum cum compotoribus se dabat, jocisque petulantioribus et rebus ludicris indulgebat. Quibus rebus offensi amici, admonuerunt eum, dicentes : « Non e dignitate tua, rex, te ipse moderaris ; et nimis te humiliter demittis. Debebas tu, venerando in throno venerabilis sedens, per totum diem administrationi rerum vacare. Ita scituri erant Ægyptii, a magno viro se regi, tuque melius audires. Nunc quæ tu agis, minime decent regem: » (2) Quibus ille his verbis respondit : « Qui arcu utuntur, hi eum, quando fert usus, nervo intendunt : postquam usi sunt, remittunt. Si enim perpetuo intentus esset, rumperetur ; ut illo, ubi opus foret, non amplius possent uti. (3) Eadem nempe est hominis conditio. Quodsi quis semper vellet seriis rebus esse intentus, nec vicissim ad jocum se remittere ; imprudenti huic accideret, ut vel furiosus fieret vel stupidus. Hoc ego intelligens, utrique eri suam partem tribuo. » Hoc ille amicis responsum dedit. | In such manner he won the Egyptians to himself, so that they consented to be his subjects; and his ordering of affairs was thus — In the early morning, and until the time of the filling of the market he did with a good will the business which was brought before him; but after this he passed the time in drinking and in jesting at his boon-companions, and was frivolous and playful. And his friends being troubled at it admonished him in some such words as these: “O king, thou dost not rightly govern thyself in thus letting thyself descend to behavior so trifling; for thou oughtest rather to have been sitting throughout the day stately upon a stately throne and administering thy business; and so the Egyptians would have been assured that they were ruled by a great man, and thou wouldest have had a better report: but as it is, thou art acting by no means in a kingly fashion.” And he answered them thus: “They who have bows stretch them at such time as they wish to use them, and when they have finished using them they loose them again; for if they were stretched tight always they would break, so that the men would not be able to use them when they needed them. So also is the state of man: if he should always be in earnest and not relax himself for sport at the due time, he would either go mad or be struck with stupor before he was aware; and knowing this well, I distribute a portion of the time to each of the two ways of living.” Thus he replied to his friends. |
| 2.174 | Ajunt autem eundem Amasin, quum privatus fuisset, etiam tunc compotationes cavillationesque amasse, nec ullo modo seriis rebus fuisse intentum ; et, quando potantem voluptatibusque indulgentem defecissent necessaria, circumivisse nonnunquam et furto abstulisse aliena. (2) Jam qui affirmabant habere eum suam pecuniam, hi eum, quum negaret, ad oraculum ducebant quo quique utebantur : et a multis passim oraculis furti convincebatur, ab aliis absolvebatur. (3) Postquam autem regno potitus est, hoc fecit : quicunque dii eum furti crimine absolverant, horum templa et negligebat, neque ad reficienda illa quidquam dabat, neque sacra illis diis faciebat, ut qui nullius essent momenti, nec veracia haberent oracula ; qui vero furti eum arguerant, horum præcipuam curam agebat, ut qui vere dii essent, et oracula non mendacia exhiberent. | It is said however that Amasis, even when he was in a private station, was a lover of drinking and of jesting, and not at all seriously disposed; and whenever his means of livelihood failed him through his drinking and luxurious living, he would go about and steal; and they from whom he stole would charge him with having their property, and when he denied it would bring him before the judgment of an Oracle, whenever there was one in their place; and many times he was convicted by the Oracles and many times he was absolved: and then when finally he became king he did as follows — as many of the gods as had absolved him and pronounced him not to be a thief, to their temples he paid no regard, nor gave anything for the further adornment of them, nor even visited them to offer sacrifice, considering them to be worth nothing and to possess lying Oracles; but as many as had convicted him of being a thief, to these he paid very great regard, considering them to be truly gods, and to present Oracles which did not lie. |
| 2.175 | Et primo quidem in Sai urbe ad Minervæ templum propylæa deæ exstruxit mirabilia, superiores omnes, qui talia exstruxerant, altitudine superans, et amplitudine, et ipsorum lapidum tum magnitudine tum qualitate. Statuas item magnas et ingenti mole androsphinges dedicavit, lapidesque alios immanis magnitudinis ad reficienda ædificia aggerendos curavit. (2) Horum alii e lapicidina, quæ adversus Memphin est, aggerebantur : ii vero qui immani erant magnitudine, ex Elephantine urbe, quæ dierum non minus viginti navigatione abest a Sai. Quod vero ex his non minime miror sed maxime omnium, ædes est ex uno lapide, quam ex Elephantine urbe transportandam curavit : qua in transportanda per tres annos occupati erant duo milia hominum, cui ea cura commissa erat, hique omnes erant navium gubernatores. (3) Hujus ædis longitudo extrinsecus est unius et viginti cubitorum ; latitudo vero, quattuordecim ; altitudo, octo cubitorum. Hæ sunt mensuræ ædis hujus monolithæ extrinsecus. Intrinsecus longitudo est octodecim cubitorum et viginti digitorum ; latitudo, duodecim, altitudo, quinque cubitorum. (4) Posita hæc est ad introitum templi. Nam intra templum ajunt hac causa non fuisse pertractam : architectum, quum ægre promoveretur ædes, multumque temporis esset insumptum, vehementer dolentem operis molestiam, ingemuisse ; idque animadvertentem et religioni habentem Amasin non permisisse ut ulterius promoveretur ædes. (5) Præterea nonnulli narrant, quemdam ex his qui vectibus promovere ædem conabantur, esse ab illa oppressum, et ea causa non intus esse promotam. | First in Saïs he built and completed for Athene a temple-gateway which is a great marvel, and he far surpassed herein all who had done the like before, both in regard to height and greatness, so large are the stones and of such quality. Then secondly he dedicated great colossal statues and man-headed sphinxes very large, and for restoration he brought other stones of monstrous size. Some of these he caused to be brought from the stone-quarries which are opposite Memphis, others of very great size from the city of Elephantine, distant a voyage of not less than twenty days from Saïs: and of them all I marvel most at this, namely a monolith chamber which he brought from the city of Elephantine; and they were three years engaged in bringing this, and two thousand men were appointed to convey it, who all were of the class of boatmen. Of this house the length outside is one-and-twenty cubits, the breadth is fourteen cubits, and the height eight. These are the measures of the monolith house outside; but the length inside is eighteen cubits and five-sixths of a cubit, the breadth twelve cubits, and the height five cubits. This lies by the side of the entrance to the temple; for within the temple they did not draw it, because, as it said, while the house was being drawn along, the chief artificer of it groaned aloud, seeing that much time had been spent and he was wearied by the work; and Amasis took it to heart as a warning and did not allow them to draw it further onwards. Some say on the other hand that a man was killed by it, of those who were heaving it with levers, and that it was not drawn in for that reason. |
| 2.176 | Sed et in aliis omnibus nobilioribus templis dedicavit Amasis opera ob magnitudinem spectatu digna : in his Memphi colossum illum resupinum ante Vulcani templum, cujus longitudo septuaginta quinque pedum est : et super eadem basi duo alii stant colossi, uterque vicenûm pedum magnitudine, alter ab una ædis sacræ [nisi potius, magni colossi] parte, alter ab altera : uterque ex Æthiopico lapide est perfectus. (2) Est autem etiam in Sai urbe similis colossus lapideus, eodem habitu positus quo ille Memphi. Etiam Isidi templum illud, quod Memphis est, Amasi exstruxit, magnum et spectatu dignissimum. | Amasis also dedicated in all the other temples which were of repute, works which are worth seeing for their size, and among them also at Memphis the colossal statue which lies on its back in front of the temple of Hephaistos, whose length is five-and-seventy feet; and on the same base made of the same stone are set two colossal statues, each of twenty feet in length, one on this side and the other on that side of the large statue. There is also another of stone of the same size in Saïs, lying in the same manner as that at Memphis. Moreover Amasis was he who built and finished for Isis her temple at Memphis, which is of great size and very worthy to be seen. |
| 2.177 | Regnante Amasi dicunt Ægyptum prosperitate maxime floruisse, tum quod ad commoda spectat quæ fluvius regioni largitur, tum ad ea quæ e terra homines percipiunt : et oppida habitata in ea tunc fuisse, si cuncta numeres ; vicies mille. (2) Amasis etiam hic est qui legem illam Ægyptiis constituit, ut Ægyptiorum quisque quotannis apud nomi sui præfectum profiteretur, unde vitam sustentet : qui hoc non faceret et legitimum victum non declararet, is morte plecteretur. Quam legem Atheniensis Solon, ab Ægyptiis acceptam, Atheniensibus tulit, qui perpetuo ea utuntur, ut pote laudabili lege. | In the reign of Amasis it is said that Egypt became more prosperous than at any other time before, both in regard to that which comes to the land from the river and in regard to that which comes from the land to its inhabitants, and that at this time the inhabited towns in it numbered in all twenty thousand. It was Amasis too who established the law that every year each one of the Egyptians should declare to the ruler of his district, from what source he got his livelihood, and if any man did not do this or did not make declaration of an honest way of living, he should be punished with death. Now Solon the Athenian received from Egypt this law and had it enacted for the Athenians, and they have continued to observe it, since it is a law with which none can find fault. |
| 2.178 | Græcorum amicus quum esset Amasis, et alia in Græcorum nonnullos beneficia contulit, et eis, qui in Ægyptum venirent, Naucratin urbem habitandam concessit : qui vero sedes in Ægypto figere nollent, et mercandi tantum causa in eam navigarent, his areas assignavit ubi aras et templa diis erigerent. (2) Maximum igitur illorum templum et celeberrimum, maximeque frequentatum, quod Hellenium nominatur, communi consilio sumptuque statuerunt hæ civitates : ex Ionibus, Chius, Teos Phocæa, et Clazomenæ; e Doribus, Rhodus, Cnidus, Halicarnassus et Phaselis, ex Æolensibus, sola Mytilenæorum civitas. (3) Horum est igitur hoc templum, hæque civitates constituunt præsides emporii. Quodsi quæ aliæ partem illius sibi vindicant, rem sibi vindicant nihil ad se pertinentem. Præter istud vero templum, seorsum Æginetæ statuerunt Jovis fanum ; et Samii aliud Junonis, tum Milesii, Apollinis. | Moreover Amasis became a lover of the Hellenes; and besides other proofs of friendship which he gave to several among them, he also granted the city of Naucratis for those of them who came to Egypt to dwell in; and to those who did not desire to stay, but who made voyages thither, he granted portions of land to set up altars and make sacred enclosures for their gods. Their greatest enclosure and that one which has most name and is most frequented is called the Hellenion, and this was established by the following cities in common — of the Ionians Chios, Teos, Phocaia, Clazomenai, of the Dorians Rhodes, Cnidos, Halicarnassos, Phaselis, and of the Aiolians Mytilene alone. To these belongs this enclosure and these are the cities which appoint superintendents of the port; and all other cities which claim a share in it, are making a claim without any right. Besides this the Eginetans established on their own account a sacred enclosure dedicated to Zeus, the Samians one to Hera, and the Milesians one to Apollo. |
| 2.179 | Fuitque olim solum in Ægypto emporium Naucratis, nec aliud ullum. Quodsi quis in aliorum Nili ostiorum aliquod intrasset, jurare eum oportebat, invitum eo se venisse ; tum, hoc præstito jurejurando, cum navi sua in Canobicum ostium tenebatur navigare, aut, si per contrarios ventos hoc ei non licuisset, oportebat merces navigiis Ægyptiis circum Delta circumvehere, donec Naucratin pervenisset. Ita Naucratis in honore erat. | Now in old times Naucratis alone was an open trading-place, and no other place in Egypt: and if any one came to any other of the Nile mouths, he was compelled to swear that he came not thither of his own will, and when he had thus sworn his innocence he had to sail with his ship to the Canobic mouth, or if it were not possible to sail by reason of contrary winds, then he had to carry his cargo round the head of the Delta in boats to Naucratis: thus highly was Naucratis privileged. |
| 2.180 | Quum Amphictyones, postquam superius templum Delphicum fortuito casu conflagraverat, illud quod nunc e trecentis talentis elocassent ædificandum, cujus summæ quartam partem Delphi pro sua portione tenebantur conferre ; circumeuntes hi per civitates, dona corrogabant : quod dum faciebant haud parum ex Ægypto retulerunt. Amasis enim mille eis dedit talenta aluminis ; Græci vero in Ægypto habitantes, viginti libras. | Moreover when the Amphictyons had let out the contract for building the temple which now exists at Delphi, agreeing to pay a sum of three hundred talents, (for the temple which formerly stood there had been burnt down of itself), it fell to the share of the people of Delphi to provide the fourth part of the payment; and accordingly the Delphians went about to various cities and collected contributions. And when they did this they got from Egypt as much as from any place, for Amasis gave them a thousand talents’ weight of alum, while the Hellenes who dwelt in Egypt gave them twenty pounds of silver. |
| 2.181 | Idem Amasis cum Cyrenæis mutuam amicitiam societatemque contraxit. Constituitque etiam uxorem ex eorum regione ducere, sive quod Græcam habere uxorem desideraret, sive omnino amicitiæ causa, quam cum Cyrenæis colebat. Duxit igitur spectati inter populares suos viri, quem Battum alii, alii Arcesilam, rursusque alii Critobulum dicunt, filiam, nomine Ladicen. (2) Cum qua quoties concumberet Amasis, coire non poterat, quum tamen aliis mulieribus uteretur. Id ubi sæpius ei accidit, dixit ad hanc Ladicem Amasis : « Veneficiis, o mulier, adversus me usa es : quare effugere nullo pacto potes, quominus pessime pereas mulierum omnium. » (3) Tum Ladice, postquam negando nihilo placatiorem reddere illum potuit, intra animum suum Veneri votum fecit, si ea nocte coisset cum ipsa Amasis (id enim unum esse calamitatis effugium), statuam se ei Cyrenen missuram. (4) Et post hoc conceptum votum continuo cum ea coiit Amasis ; et, quoties deinde cupido eum incessit, coibat ; vehementerque eam ab illo tempore diligebat. Et illa votum solvit deæ: faciendam curavit imaginem, Cyrenenque misit ; quæ adhuc mea ætate superfuit, extra Cyrenæorum urbem constituta. (5) Eandem Ladicen Cambyses, Ægypto potitus, postquam ex ea, quænam esset, cognosset, illæsam Cyrenen remisit. | Also with the people of Kyrene Amasis made an agreement for friendship and alliance; and he resolved too to marry a wife from thence, whether because he desired to have a wife of Hellenic race, or apart from that, on account of friendship for the people of Kyrene: however that may be, he married, some say the daughter of Battos, others of Arkesilaos, and others of Critobulos, a man of repute among the citizens; and her name was Ladike. Now whenever Amasis lay with her he found himself unable to have intercourse, but with his other wives he associated as he was wont; and as this happened repeatedly, Amasis said to his wife, whose name was Ladike: “Woman, thou hast given me drugs, and thou shalt surely perish more miserably than any other woman.” Then Ladike, when by her denials Amasis was not at all appeased in his anger against her, made a vow in her soul to Aphrodite, that if Amasis on that night had intercourse with her (seeing that this was the remedy for her danger), she would send an image to be dedicated to her at Kyrene; and after the vow immediately Amasis had intercourse, and from thenceforth whenever Amasis came in to her he had intercourse with her; and after this he became very greatly attached to her. And Ladike paid the vow that she had made to the goddess; for she had an image made and sent it to Kyrene, and it was still preserved even to my own time, standing with its face turned away from the city of the Kyrenians. This Ladike Cambyses, having conquered Egypt and heard from her who she was, sent back unharmed to Kyrene. |
| 2.182 | Dedicavit Amasis donaria etiam in Græciam : et primum quidem Cyrenen Minervæ statuam misit inauratam, et sui imaginem pictura assimulatam : tum Minervæ quæ Lindi colitur, duas statuas lapideas, et thoracem lineum spectatu dignum ; denique Junoni Samiæ duas sui imagines e ligno sculptas, quæ in magno templo ad meam usque ætatem steterunt post fores. (2) Et Samum quidem dona hæc miserat hospitii causa, quod ei cum Polycrate Æacis filio intercesserat : Lindum vero, nullius quidem hospitii causa, sed quoniam Minervæ templum Lindi exstructum esse perhibetur a Danai filiabus, quæ ad illam oram appulissent, quum fugerent Ægypti filios. Hæc sunt donaria quæ Amasis dedicavit. Idem vero etiam Cyprum, a nemine ante illum subactam, cepit, tributariamque sibi fecit. | Amasis also dedicated offerings in Hellas, first at Kyrene an image of Athene covered over with gold and a figure of himself made like by painting; then in the temple of Athene at Lindson two images of stone and a corslet of linen worthy to be seen; and also at Samos two wooden figures of himself dedicated to Hera, which were standing even to my own time in the great temple, behind the doors. Now at Samos he dedicated offerings because of the guest-friendship between himself and Polycrates the son of Aiakes; at Lindos for no guest-friendship but because the temple of Athene at Lindos is said to have been founded by the daughters of Danaos, who had touched land there at the time when they were fleeing from the sons of Aigyptos. These offerings were dedicated by Amasis; and he was the first of men who conquered Cyprus and subdued it so that it paid him tribute. |
Book III
Thalia
| 3.1 | Adversus hunc igitur Amasin Cambyses, Cyri filius, quum alios quibus imperavit, tum e Græcis Ionas et Æolenses ducens, bellum movit hac de causa. (2) Misso in Ægyptum legato Cambyses filiam Amasidis petierat uxorem : petierat autem ex Ægyptii cujusdam consilio, qui id ei suaserat infensus Amasidi, quod se e cunctis, qui in Ægypto erant, medicis selegisset quem ab uxore et liberis abstractum amandaret in Persas, quum Cyrus ab Amasi oculorum medicum petiisset qui esset in Ægypto optimus. Eo igitur infensus Ægyptius consilio suo instigaverat Cambysen ut filiam Amasidis peteret ; quo ille aut mœrore afficeretur data filia, aut non data odium incurreret Cambysis. (3) Amasis, Persarum potentiam graviter ferens timensque, et dare illam et negare perinde dubitaverat ; quippe bene gnarus, non legitimæ uxoris, sed pellicis loco, habiturum eam Cambysen. Hæc secum reputans, hancce inierat rationem. (4) Erat Apriæ filia, superioris regis, admodum et grandis et formosa, sola e regia domo superstes ; cui erat nomen Nitetis. Hanc igitur puellam Amasis, veste et auro exornatam, in Persas miserat tanquam suam filiam. (5) Interjecto tempore quum eam complectens Cambyses filiam Amasidis salutasset, dixerat ei puella : « Nescis, rex, deceptum te esse ab Amasi, qui me idoneo cultu ornatam ad te misit, tibique tanquam filiam dedit suam ; quum revera sim Apriæ gnata, quem ille, dominum suum, inita cum Ægyptiis societate, interfecit. » Hoc verbum et hæc incidens causa Cambysen, Cyri filium, impulit ut vehementi ira incensus adversus Ægyptum duceret. Ita quidem Persæ rem narrant. | Against this Amasis then Cambyses the son of Cyrus was making his march, taking with him not only other nations of which he was ruler, but also Hellenes, both Ionians and Aiolians: and the cause of the expedition was as follows — Cambyses sent an envoy to Egypt and asked Amasis to give him his daughter; and he made the request by counsel of an Egyptian, who brought this upon Amasis having a quarrel with him for the following reason — at the time when Cyrus sent to Amasis and asked him for a physician of the eyes, whosoever was the best of those in Egypt, Amasis had selected him from all the physicians in Egypt and had torn him away from his wife and children and delivered him up to Persia. Having, I say, this cause of quarrel, the Egyptian urged Cambyses on by his counsel bidding him ask Amasis for his daughter, in order that he might either be grieved if he gave her, or if he refused to give her, might offend Cambyses. So Amasis, who was vexed by the power of the Persians and afraid of it, knew neither how to give nor how to refuse: for he was well assured that Cambyses did not intend to have her as his wife but as a concubine. So making account of the matter thus, he did as follows — there was a daughter of Apries the former king, very tall and comely of form and the only person left of his house, and her name was Nitetis. This girl Amasis adorned with raiment and with gold, and sent her away to Persia as his own daughter: but after a time, when Cambyses saluted her calling her by the name of her father, the girl said to him: “O king, thou dost not perceive how thou hast been deceived by Amasis; for he adorned me with ornaments and sent me away giving me to thee as his own daughter, whereas in truth I am the daughter of Apries against whom Amasis rose up with the Egyptians and murdered him, who was his lord and master.” These words uttered and this occasion having arisen, led Cambyses the son of Cyrus against Egypt, moved to very great anger. |
| 3.2 | Ægyptii vero sibi vindicant Cambysen, dicentes esse eum ex hac Apriæ filia natum : Cyrum enim fuisse, non Cambysen, qui ad Amasin misisset ejusque filiam petiisset. (2) At hoc quidem non e rei veritate dicunt. Immo vero ne ipsos quidem latet (nam Persarum instituta, si qui alii, bene norunt Ægyptii), primum, ex illorum legibus filium e pellice natum non succedere in regnum, si affuerit legitimus ; deinde, e Cassandana, Pharnaspis filia, de Achæmenidum stirpe, natum esse Cambysen, non ex illa Ægyptia. Sed invertunt historiam, intercedere sibi affectantes cum Cyri familia cognationem. Et hæc quidem ita se habent. | Such is the report made by the Persians; but as for the Egyptians they claim Cambyses as one of themselves, saying that he was born of this very daughter of Apries; for they say that Cyrus was he who sent to Amasis for his daughter, and not Cambyses. In saying this however they say not rightly; nor can they have failed to observe (for the Egyptians fully as well as any other people are acquainted with the laws and customs of the Persians), first that it is not customary among them for a bastard to become king, when there is a son born of a true marriage, and secondly that Cambyses was the son of Cassandane the daughter of Pharnaspes, a man of the Achaimenid family, and not the son of the Egyptian woman: but they pervert the truth of history, claiming to be kindred with the house of Cyrus. Thus it is with these matters; |
| 3.3 | Narratur etiam alia fabula, mihi non credibilis, hujusmodi. Persicarum mulierum quampiam, ad Cyri mulieres ingressam, quum Cassandanæ astantes vidisset liberos forma et statura præstantes, admiratam illos multis laudibus extulisse. Tum ei Cassandanam, Cyri uxorem, hæc dixisse : « Atqui me, quum talium mater sim puerorum, Cyrus tamen aspernatur ; illam vero ex Ægypto comparatam in honore habet. » (2) Hæc postquam ingemiscens ob Nitetin esset locuta, filiorum natu maximum Cambysen dixisse : « Itaque, mater, quum ego vir evasero, Ægypti summa ima ponam, et ima summa. » (3) Hoc Cambysen dixisse decem circiter annos natum, mulieresque admiratione fuisse perculsas : et illum, postquam ad virilem pervenisset ætatem regnumque esset adeptus, dicti memorem, suscepisse in Ægyptum expeditionem. | and the following story is also told, which for my part I do not believe, namely that one of the Persian women came in to the wives of Cyrus, and when she saw standing by the side of Cassandane children comely of form and tall, she was loud in her praises of them, expressing great admiration; and Cassandane, who was the wife of Cyrus, spoke as follows: “Nevertheless, though I am the mother of such children of these, Cyrus treats me with dishonor and holds in honor her whom he has brought in from Egypt.” Thus she spoke, they say, being vexed by Nitetis, and upon that Cambyses the elder of her sons said: “For this cause, mother, when I am grown to be a man, I will make that which is above in Egypt to be below, and that which is below above.” This he is reported to have said when he was perhaps about ten years old, and the women were astonished by it: and he, they say, kept it ever in mind, and so at last when he had become a man and had obtained the royal power, he made the expedition against Egypt. |
| 3.4 | Acciderat vero etiam aliud quidpiam hujusmodi, quod ad expeditionem illam momentum contulit. Erat in numero auxiliarum Amasidis vir genere Halicarnassensis, cui Phanes nomen, homo et consilio præstans et bellica virtute. Phanes hic, nescio qua re infensus Amasidi, navi ex Ægypto profugit, cupiens in colloquium venire Cambysis. (2) At illum, ut qui inter auxiliares haud exiguo loco fuisset, et quæ ad Ægyptum spectabant accuratissime cognita habuisset, persecutus est Amasis, studiose dans operam ut eum caperet. Persecutus est autem misso, qua iter illi direxerat, eunuchorum fidelissimo cum triremi. Et cepit quidem hominem eunuchus in Lycia, sed captum non reduxit in Ægyptum : nam astutia eum Phanes circumvenit ; inebriatis enim custodibus ad Persas evasit. (3) Ibi tunc Cambysen adiit, exercitum adversus Ægyptum ducere parantem, sed de itinere dubitantem quo pacto regionem aqua carentem transmitteret ; eique quum alia ad res Amasidis spectantia, tum itineris faciendi rationem exposuit, sic monens, missis legatis rogaret Arabum regem, ut tutum ille transitum sibi præstaret. | Another thing also contributed to this expedition, which was as follows — There was among the foreign mercenaries of Amasis a man who was by race of Halicarnassos, and his name was Phanes, one who was both capable in judgment and valiant in that which pertained to war. This Phanes, having (as we may suppose) some quarrel with Amasis, fled away from Egypt in a ship, desiring to come to speech with Cambyses: and as he was of no small repute among the mercenaries and was very closely acquainted with all the affairs of Egypt, Amasis pursued him and considered it a matter of some moment to capture him: and he pursued by sending after him the most trusted of his eunuchs with a trireme, who captured him in Lykia; but having captured him he did not bring him back to Egypt, since Phanes got the better of him by cunning; for he made his guards drunk and escaped to Persia. So when Cambyses had made his resolve to march upon Egypt, and was in difficulty about the march, as to how he should get safely through the waterless region, this man came to him and besides informing of the other matters of Amasis, he instructed him also as to the march, advising him to send to the king of the Arabians and ask that he would give him safety of passage through this region. |
| 3.5 | Patet autem hac una via ingressus in Ægyptum. Nam a Phœnice usque ad fines Cadytis urbis, Syrorum terra est, qui Palæstini vocantur : a Cadyti (quæ est urbs haud multo minor, ut mihi videtur, Sardibus) emporia ad mare sita, usque ad Ienysum oppidum, sunt ditionis Arabici regis : ab Ienyso rursus Syrorum ditio pertinet ad Serbonidem usque lacum, juxta quem Casius mons ad mare porrigitur : a Serbonide lacu, in quo occultatum Typhonem ajunt, ab illo jam Ægyptus est. (2) Jam, qui inter Ienysum oppidum et Casium montem Serbonidemque lacum interjectus tractus est, haud ille exiguus, sed tridui fere itinere in longitudinem patens, is prorsus aquarum est inops. | Now by this way only is there a known entrance to Egypt: for from Phenicia to the borders of the city of Cadytis belongs to the Syrians who are called of Palestine, and from Cadytis, which is a city I suppose not much less than Sardis, from this city the trading stations on the sea-coast as far as the city of Ienysos belong to the king of Arabia, and then from Ienysos again the country belongs to the Syrians as far as the Serbonian lake, along the side of which Mount Casion extends towards the Sea. After that, from the Serbonian lake, in which the story goes that Typhon is concealed, from this point onwards the land is Egypt. Now the region which lies between the city of Ienysos on the one hand and Mount Casion and the Serbonian lake on the other, which is of no small extent but as much as a three days’ journey, is grievously destitute of water. |
| 3.6 | Quod vero a paucis eorum, qui in Ægyptum navigare consuerunt, animadversum est, id ego sum expositurus. In Ægyptum ex universa Græcia, et præterea e Phœnice, bis quotannis invehuntur figlina dolia vino repleta : verumtamen ne unum quidem, ut sic dicam, vinarium dolium inane ibi possis videre. Ubinam ergo, quærat quispiam, hæc consumuntur ? Hoc quoque equidem dicam. (2) Quilibet præfectus populi tenetur sua ex urbe dolia omnia colligere, Memphinque mittere : porro Memphitæ, ea aqua repleta in aridum illum Syriæ tractum deportare. Ita dolia quotannis in Ægyptum invecta, ibique venum exposita, deinde ad priora in (?) Syriam transportantur. | And one thing I shall tell of, which few of those who go in ships to Egypt have observed, and it is this — into Egypt from all parts of Hellas and also from Phenicia are brought twice every year earthenware jars full of wine, and yet it may almost be said that you cannot see there one single empty wine-jar. In what manner, then, it will be asked, are they used up? This also I will tell. The head-man of each place must collect all the earthenware jars from his own town and convey them to Memphis, and those at Memphis must fill them with water and convey them to these same waterless regions of Syria: this the jars which come regularly to Egypt and are emptied there, are carried to Syria to be added to that which has come before. |
| 3.7 | Ita scilicet Persæ, simulatque Ægypto potiti sunt, introitum illum in hanc regionem appararunt, et ea qua dixi ratione aquis instruxerunt. At tunc temporis, quum nondum parata esset aqua, Cambyses ab Halicarnassensi hospite edoctus, missis ad Arabem nuntiis, tutum transitum ab illo postulavit, et obtinuit fide data et ab illo accepta. | It was the Persians who thus prepared this approach to Egypt, furnishing it with water in the manner which has been said, from the time when they first took possession of Egypt: but at the time of which I speak, seeing that water was not yet provided, Cambyses, in accordance with what he was told by his Halicarnassian guest, sent envoys to the Arabian king and from him asked and obtained the safe passage, having given him pledges of friendship and received them from him in return. |
| 3.8 | Colunt autem fidem Arabes, ut qui hominum maxime : dantque eam et accipiunt tali modo. Si qui volunt inter se fœdus pactumve inire, vir alius, in medio stans paciscentium, acuto lapide interiorem manum utriusque illorum pope pollicem incidit : tunc sumpto ex utriusque veste flocco, inungit sanguine septem lapides in medio positos ; dumque id facit, Bacchum invocat et Uraniam. (2) Hoc facto, is qui fœdus pepigit, commendat suis amicis hospitem illum, sive civem, si cum cive pepigit : et amici etiam ipsi æquum censent colere fidem. (3) Bacchum autem solum, et Uraniam, deos habent ; aiuntque se crines suos eodem modo tondere, quo Bacchus ipse fuerit tonsus : tondentur autem in orbem, circum tempora capillos radentes. Bacchum vero, Orotal nominant ; Uraniam, Alilat. | Now the Arabians have respect for pledges of friendship as much as those men in all the world who regard them most; and they give them in the following manner — A man different from those who desire to give the pledges to one another, standing in the midst between the two, cuts with a sharp stone the inner parts of the hands, along by the thumbs, of those who are giving the pledges to one another, and then he takes a thread from the cloak of each one and smears with the blood seven stones laid in the midst between them; and as he does this he calls upon Dionysos and Urania. When the man has completed these ceremonies, he who has given the pledges commends to the care of his friends the stranger (or the fellow-tribesman, if he is giving the pledges to one who is a member of his tribe), and the friends think it right that they also should have regard for the pledges given. Of gods they believe in Dionysos and Urania alone: moreover they say that the cutting of their hair is done after the same fashion as that of Dionysos himself; and they cut their hair in a circle round, shaving away the hair of the temples. Now they call Dionysos Orotalt and Urania they call Alilat. |
| 3.9 | Postquam igitur nuntiis, qui a Cambyse venerant, fidem dederat Arabs, hæc est machinatus. Utres e camelorum pellibus, aqua repletos, vivis omnibus camelis imposuit ; eisque in tractum aqua carentem actis, exspectavit ibi Cambysen. (2) Hæc quidem maxime probabilis fama est : oportet vero etiam minus credibilem, quia et ipsa fertur, memorare. Fluvius est in Arabia magnus, cui Corys nomen, in Rubrum quod vocatur mare se exonerans. (3) Ab hoc igitur fluvio Arabum regem, consutis bubulis aliisque coriis, canalem duxisse ajunt ea longitudine, ut ad aridum illum tractum pertineret, et per hunc canalem derivasse aquam ; in eodem autem illo tractu ingentes fodisse cisternas, quæ reciperent aquam servarentque. Est autem via ab illo fluvio in hunc aridum tractum duodecim dierum : derivasseque illum, ajunt, aquam per tres canales tria diversa in loca. | So then when the Arabian king had given the pledge of friendship to the men who had come to him from Cambyses, he contrived as follows — he took skins of camels and filled them with water and loaded them upon the backs of all the living camels that he had; and having so done he drove them to the waterless region and there awaited the army of Cambyses. This which has been related is the more credible of the accounts given, but the less credible must also be related, since it is a current account. There is a great river in Arabia called Corys, and this runs out into the Sea which is called Erythraian. From this river then it is said that the king of the Arabians, having got a conduit pipe made by sewing together raw ox-hides and other skins, of such a length as to reach to the waterless region, conducted the water through these forsooth, and had great cisterns dug in the waterless region, that they might receive the water and preserve it. Now it is a journey of twelve days from the river to this waterless region; and moreover the story says that he conducted the water by three conduit-pipes to three different parts of it. |
| 3.10 | Sed ad Pelusium quod vocatur ostium Nili castra habebat Psammenitus, Amasidis filius, Cambysen exspectans. Nec enim in vivis amplius fuit Amasis quo tempore Ægyptum cum exercitu Cambyses invasit : sed vita functus erat, postquam quattuor et quadraginta annos regnarat, intra quos nullum ei magnum aut grave incommodum acciderat. Mortuus conditusque, sepultus erat in sepulcris quæ in templo ipse construenda curaverat. (2) Regnante vero in Ægypto Psammenito, maximum sane prodigium accidit Ægyptiis : pluerat Thebis Ægyptiis, quod nunquam nec ante nec post id tempus ad meam usque ætatem accidit, ut ipsi dicunt Thebani. Nam in superioribus Ægypti omnino non cadit pluvia : at tunc ipsis Thebis pluit stillatim. | Meanwhile Psammenitos the son of Amasis was encamped at the Pelusian mouth of the Nile waiting for the coming of Cambyses: for Cambyses did not find Amasis yet living when he marched upon Egypt, but Amasis had died after having reigned forty and four years during which no great misfortune had befallen him: and when he had died and had been embalmed he was buried in the burial-place in the temple, which he had built for himself. Now when Psammenitos son of Amasis was reigning as king, there happened to the Egyptians a prodigy, the greatest that had ever happened: for rain fell at Thebes in Egypt, where never before had rain fallen nor afterwards down to my time, as the Thebans themselves say; for in the upper parts of Egypt no rain falls at all: but at the time of which I speak rain fell at Thebes in a drizzling shower. |
| 3.11 | Persæ, transmissa regione aquis carente, quum castra castris Ægyptiorum opposuissent, ad congrediendum parati ; ibi tunc auxiliares regis Ægypti, Græci homines et Cares, indignati quod Phanes externum exercitum in Ægyptum duxisset, tale adversus eum facinus machinantur. (2) Filios habebat Phanes in Ægypto relictos : his in castra et in conspectum patris perductis, craterem in medio posuere utrorumque castrorum, et productos singulos deinceps pueros super cratere mactarunt : (3) tunc, jugulatis cunctis, vinum et aquam in craterem ingessere, sanguinemque illorum potarunt auxiliares omnes, atque ita ad pugnandum progressi sunt. Acri deinde commisso prœlio, postquam de utroque exercitu magna ceciderat multitudo, ad extremum in fugam vertuntur Ægyptii. | Now when the Persians had marched quite through the waterless region and were encamped near the Egyptians with design to engage battle, then the foreign mercenaries of the Egyptian king, who were Hellenes and Carians, having a quarrel with Phanes because he had brought against Egypt an army of foreign speech, contrived against him as follows — Phanes had children whom he had left behind in Egypt: these they brought to their camp and into the sight of their father, and they set up a mixing-bowl between the two camps, and after that they brought up the children one by one and cut their throats so that the blood ran into the bowl. Then when they had gone through the whole number of the children, they brought and poured into the bowl both wine and water, and not until the mercenaries had all drunk of the blood, did they engage battle. Then after a battle had been fought with great stubbornness, and very many had fallen of both the armies, the Egyptians at length turned to flight. |
| 3.12 | Miram vero admodum rem equidem hic vidi, monitus ab indigenis. Quum ossa utrorumque, qui in eo prœlio ceciderunt, separatim congesta sint (seorsum enim jacebant Persarum ossa, sicuti initio distincta erant ; et alibi, ossa Ægyptiorum), Persarum crania ita sunt debilia, ut, si unum minutum calculum in ea volueris conjicere, perfores ; Ægyptiorum vero ita sunt valida, ut lapide percutiens ægre diffringas. (2) Cujus rei causam dixerunt esse, mihique facile persuaserunt, quod Ægyptii a pueris statim capita radunt, unde ossa in sole fiunt compacta : qua de eadem causa fit etiam ut non calvescant ; nullus enim est populus, apud quem tam raro caput videas calvum, quam apud Ægyptios. (3) His igitur hæc causa est, cur valida sint eorum crania : Persis autem cur sint debilia, causa hæc est, quod pueros in umbra educant, et pileos gestant, quos tiaras vocant. (4) Hæc igitur talia, qualia dixi, equidem vidi : vidi vero etiam his similia Papremi, in illis qui cum Achæmene, Darii filio, ab Inaro Afro occisi sunt. | I was witness moreover of a great marvel, being informed of it by the natives of the place; for of the bones scattered about of those who fell in this fight, each side separately, since the bones of the Persians were lying apart on one side according as they were divided at first, and those of the Egyptians on the other, the skulls of the Persians are so weak that if you shall hit them only with a pebble you will make a hole in them, while those of the Egyptians are so exceedingly strong that you would hardly break them if you struck them with a large stone. The cause of it, they say, was this, and I for my part readily believe them, namely that the Egyptians beginning from their early childhood shave their heads, and the bone is thickened by exposure to the sun: and this is also the cause of their not becoming bald-headed; for among the Egyptians you see fewer bald-headed men than among any other race. This then is the reason why these have their skulls strong; and the reason why the Persians have theirs weak is that they keep them delicately in the shade from the first by wearing tiaras, that is felt caps. So far of this: and I saw also a similar thing to this at Papremis, in the case of those who were slain together with Achaimenes the son of Dareios, by Inaros the Libyan. |
| 3.13 | Ægyptii e prœlio, ut terga vertere coacti sunt, effusa fuga se proripuere. Qui quum Memphin essent compulsi, ibique conclusi, misit ad eos per adversum flumen Cambysesnavem Mytilenæam, in qua erat caduceator genere Persa, qui ad deditionem faciendam hortaretur Ægyptios. At illi, ubi navem vident Memphin intrantem, de castelli muro universi effusi decurrunt, navem perdunt, hominesque in frusta discerptos in castellum deportant. (2) Et Ægyptii quidem, posthac obsessi oppugnatique, ad extremum in deditionem venerunt ; finitimi autem Libyes, Ægypti sortem veriti, non temptato armorum periculo sese tradiderunt, tributum solvere spondentes, et dona mittentes. (3) Similiter etiam Cyrenæi et Barcæi fecerunt, eadem timentes atque Libyes. Sed Cambyses Libyum quidem dona benigne accepit : at quæ a Cyrenæis erant missa aspernatus, puto, quod exigua essent (nam quingentas argenti libras miserant Cyrenæi); has igitur, sua manu prehensas, militibus distribuendas projecit. | The Egyptians when they turned to flight from the battle fled in disorder: and they being shut up in Memphis, Cambyses sent a ship of Mytilene up the river bearing a Persian herald, to summon the Egyptians to make terms of surrender; but they, when they saw the ship had entered into Memphis, pouring forth in a body from the fortress both destroyed the ship and also tore the men in it limb from limb, and so bore them into the fortress. After this the Egyptians being besieged, in course of time surrendered themselves; and the Libyans who dwell on the borders of Egypt, being struck with terror by that which had happened to Egypt, delivered themselves up without resistance, and they both laid on themselves a tribute and sent presents: likewise also those of Kyrene and Barca, being struck with terror equally with the Libyans, acted in a similar manner: and Cambyses accepted graciously the gifts which came from the Libyans, but as for those which came from the men of Kyrene, finding fault with them, as I suppose, because they were too small in amount (for the Kyrenians sent in fact five hundred pounds’ weight of silver), he took the silver by handfuls and scattered it with his own hand among his soldiers. |
| 3.14 | Decimo die, e quo in deditionem venerat castellum quod Memphi est, regem Ægyptiorum Psammenitum, qui sex menses regnaverat, Cambyses contumeliæ causa cum aliis Ægyptiis residere jussit in suburbio ; et animum illius temptaturus, hocce facere instituit. (2) Filiam illius, servili vestitu indutam, hydriamque gestantem, aquatum emisit, simulque cum ea alias virgines, e principum virorum filiabus delectas, eodem cultu vestitas quo regis filia. (3) Quæ ubi ingenti cum clamore et ejulatu præteribant locum ubi considebant patres, reliqui patres, conspectis filiabus ita misere affectis, invicem clamorem ejulatumque sustulere ; Psammenitus vero, ubi respiciens cognovit, in terram defixit oculos. (4) Postquam præterierant puellæ aquatum missæ, secundo loco filium regis cum aliis bis mille ejusdem ætatis Ægyptiis præter regis oculos duci jussit, fune circum cervicem vinctos et ora frenis coercitos. Ducebantur autem hi ita, pœnas luituri Mytilenæis illis, qui Memphi cum navi perierant : hanc enim sententiam pronuntiaverant regii judices, ut pro unoquoque viro decem Ægyptii e principum numero invicem perirent. (5) Et ille, etiam hos prætereuntes videns, quum ad mortem duci filium suum intelligeret, reliquis Ægyptiis, qui circum illum sedebant, flentibus et lamentantibus, idem fecit quod in filia fecerat. Denique quum et hi præteriissent, accidit ut homo natu grandior, qui compotor regis olim fuerat, nunc vero bonis omnibus exciderat, nec aliud quidquam, nisi quantum mendicus, habebat, atque adeo stipem a militibus rogabat, præteriret præter Psammenitum, Amasidis filium, Ægyptiosque qui in suburbio sedebant. (6) Hunc ubi Psammenitus conspexit, ingentem in fletum erupit, et nomine compellans sodalem, caput sibi planxit. Erant autem illi custodes appositi, qui, quidquid quaque prætereunte pompa faceret, observarent, et renuntiarent Cambysi. (7) Miratus igitur Cambyses quæ ille fecerat, misso nuntio, interrogavit eum his verbis : « Dominus Cambyses e te quærit, Psammenite, quid sit quod conspecta filia tua male affecta, itemque conspecto filio ad supplicium prodeunte, nec clamorem nec fletum edidisti ; medicum vero illum, nihil ad te pertinentem, ut quidem ex aliis cognovit, honore hoc es prosecutus. » (8) Cui ita interroganti hæc ille respondit : « O fili Cyri, domestica mala majora erant quam quæ fletum exprimerent : at sodalis hujus calamitas lacrimas meretur, qui ingentibus opibus excidit, et in senectutis limine ad mendicitatem est redactus. » Hæc quum ab eodem nuntio ad Cambysen essent relata, commode dicta ei visa esse. (9) Narrant autem Ægyptii, etiam Crœsum (nam hunc quoque secum in Ægyptum Cambyses adduxerat) et Persas, qui aderant, lacrimasse ; ipsumque Cambysen misericordia quadam fuisse tactum, protinusque jussisse, ut filius ejus ex horum numero qui perire deberent eximeretur, et ipse e suburbio excitus ad se duceretur. | On the tenth day after that on which he received the surrender of the fortress of Memphis, Cambyses set the king of the Egyptians Psammenitos, who had been king for six months, to sit in the suburb of the city, to do him dishonor — him I say with other Egyptians he set there, and he proceeded to make trial of his spirit as follows — having arrayed his daughter in the clothing of a slave, he sent her forth with a pitcher to fetch water, and with her he sent also other maidens chosen from the daughters of the chief men, arrayed as was the daughter of the king: and as the maidens were passing by their fathers with cries and lamentation, the other men all began to cry out and lament aloud, seeing that their children had been evilly entreated, but Psammenitos when he saw it before his eyes and perceived it bent himself down to the earth. Then when the water-bearers had passed by, next Cambyses sent his son with two thousand Egyptians besides who were of the same age, with ropes bound round their necks and bits placed in their mouths; and these were being led away to execution to avenge the death of the Mytilenians who had been destroyed at Memphis with their ship: for the Royal Judges had decided that for each man ten of the noblest Egyptians should lose their lives in retaliation. He then, when he saw them passing out by him and perceived that his son was leading the way to die, did the same as he had done with respect to his daughter, while the other Egyptians who sat round him were lamenting and showing signs of grief. When these also had passed by, it chanced that a man of his table companions, advanced in years, who had been deprived of all his possessions and had nothing except such things as a beggar possesses, and was asking alms from the soldiers, passed by Psammenitos the son of Amasis and the Egyptians who were sitting in the suburb of the city: and when Psammenitos saw him he uttered a great cry of lamentation, and he called his companion by name and beat himself upon the head. Now there was, it seems, men set to watch him, who made known to Cambyses all that he did on the occasion of each going forth: and Cambyses marvelled at that which he did, and he sent a messenger and asked him thus: “Psammenitos, thy master Cambyses asks thee for what reason, when thou sawest thy daughter evilly entreated and thy son going to death, thou didst not cry aloud nor lament for them, whereas thou didst honor with these signs of grief the beggar who, as he hears from others, is not in any way related to thee?” Thus he asked, and the other answered as follows: “O son of Cyrus, my own troubles were too great for me to lament them aloud, but the trouble of my companion was such as called for tears, seeing that he has been deprived of great wealth, and has come to beggary upon the threshold of old age.” When this saying was reported by the messenger, it seemed to them that it was well spoken; and, as is reported by the Egyptians, Croesus shed tears (for he also, as fortune would have it, had accompanied Cambyses to Egypt) and the Persians who were present shed tears also; and there entered some pity into Cambyses himself, and forthwith he bade them save the life of the son of Psammenitos from among those who were being put to death, and also he bade them raise Psammenitos himself from his place in the suburb of the city and bring him into his own presence. |
| 3.15 | Jam filium quidem, qui ad eum servandum missi sunt, non amplius superstitem invenerunt, ut qui primo loco fuerat cæsus : sed Psammenitum ipsum, e suburbio excitum, ad Cambysen duxerunt ; apud quem ille deinde vitam egit, nullam vim passus. (2) Qui si non creditus fuisset res novas moliri, recepturus erat Ægyptum, ita ut tanquam præfectus eam esset administraturus. Nam honorare consueverunt Persæ regum filios ; quibus, licet patres ab illis defecerint, reddunt regnum. (3) Id enim ita institutum eos habere, quum ex aliis multis colligi potest, tum hoc, quod Thannyræ, Inari Afri filio, paternum regnum restitutum est, pariterque Pausiridi, Amyrtæi filio, qui et ipse paternum recepit imperium ; quamvis nemo plus mali Persis fecerit, quam Inarus et Amyrtæus. (4) Nunc Psammenitus, prava molitus, mercedem accepit : nam ad defectionem sollicitasse Ægyptius deprehensus est ; quod quum esset compertum Cambysi, tauri sanguinem bibere coactus e vestigio mortuus est. Talem igitur ille vitæ exitum habuit. | As for the son, those who went for him found that he was no longer alive, but had been cut down first of all, but Psammenitos himself they raised from his place and brought him into the presence of Cambyses, with whom he continued to live for the rest of his time without suffering any violence; and if he had known how to keep himself from meddling with mischief, he would have received Egypt so as to be ruler of it, since the Persians are wont to honor the sons of kings, and even if the kings have revolted from them, they give back the power into the hands of their sons. Of this, namely that it is their established rule to act so, one may judge by many instances besides and especially by the case of Thannyras the son of Inaros, who received back the power which his father had, and by that of Pausiris the son of Amyrtaios, for he too received back the power of his father: yet it is certain that no men ever up to this time did more evil to the Persians than Inaros and Amyrtaios. As it was, however, Psammenitos devised evil and received the due reward: for he was found to be inciting the Egyptians to revolt; and when this became known to Cambyses, Psammenitos drank bull’s blood and died forthwith. Thus he came to his end. |
| 3.16 | Cambyses vero Memphi Sain urbem profectus est, ea facturus quæ etiam peregit. Nam Amasidis ædes ingressus, protinus e sepulcro proferri cadaver Amasidis jussit : eoque facto, flagellis illud cædi jussit, et capillos evelli, et stimulis pungi, et aliis modis ei insultari. Quæ quum multo cum labore fecissent ministri (nam resistebat cadaver, quippe conditum, ac nullo modo diffluebat), comburi illud Cambyses jussit, nefarium jubens facinus. (5) Etenim Persæ deum habent ignem : itaque igne comburere mortuos, utrisque nefas est : Persis quidem, eam ipsam ob causam quam memoravit, dicunt enim nefas esse, cadaver hominis offerre deo. Ægyptii vero censent vivam belluam esse ignem, quæ devoret quidquid nacta sit, tum pabulo satiata simul cum eo quod devoravit moriatur. (3) Atqui nefas illis est, bestiis tradere cadaver ; ob eamque causam illud condiunt, ne in terra jacens consumatur a vermibus. Itaque, quod utrisque nefas erat, id faciendum præcepit Cambyses. (4) Quamquam, ut quidem Ægyptii ajunt, non Amasis fuit cui hoc accidit, sed alius quidam Ægyptius, ejusdem cum Amasi staturæ, quem ea contumelia afficientes Persæ, Amasidi insultare putarunt. (5) Amasin enim ajunt, quum ex oraculo cognosset quid sibi post mortem esset patiendum, quo evaderet imminentem sortem, hominem hunc, qui nunc flagellis cæsus est, tunc temporis mortuum, suo in sepulcro prope januam sepelisse, mandasse autem filio, ut ipsum in imo sepulcri recessu deponeret. (6) At mihi quidem videtur, mandatum tale, ad suam sepulturam et ad hominem istum pertinens, nullum omnino dedisse Amasin, sed falso hæc jactari ab Ægyptiis. | From Memphis Cambyses came to the city of Saïs with the purpose of doing that which in fact he did: for when he had entered into the palace of Amasis, he forthwith gave command to bring the corpse of Amasis forth out of his burial-place; and when this had been accomplished, he gave command to scourge it and pluck out the hair and stab it, and to do to it dishonor in every possible way besides: and when they had done this too until they were wearied out, for the corpse being embalmed held out against the violence and did not fall to pieces in any part, Cambyses gave command to consume it with fire, enjoining thereby a thing which was not permitted by religion: for the Persians hold fire to be a god. To consume corpses with fire then is by no means according to the custom of either people, of the Persians for the reason which has been mentioned, since they say that it is not right to give the dead body of a man to a god; while the Egyptians have the belief established that fire is a living wild beast, and that it devours everything which it catches, and when it is satiated with the food it dies itself together with that which it devours: but it is by no means their custom to give the corpse of a man to wild beasts, for which reason they embalm it, that it may not be eaten by worms as it lies in the tomb. Thus then Cambyses was enjoining them to do that which is not permitted by the customs of either people. However, the Egyptians say that it was not Amasis who suffered this outrage, but another of the Egyptians who was of the same stature of body as Amasis; and that to him the Persians did outrage, thinking that they were doing it to Amasis: for they say that Amasis learnt from an Oracle that which was about to happen with regard to himself after his death; and accordingly, to avert the evil which threatened to come upon him, he buried the dead body of this man who was scourged within his own sepulchral chamber near the doors, and enjoined his son to lay his own body as much as possible in the inner recess of the chamber. These injunctions, said to have been given by Amasis with regard to his burial and with regard to the man mentioned, were not in my opinion really given at all, but I think that the Egyptians make pretence of it from pride and with no good ground. |
| 3.17 | Post hæc Cambyses triplicem meditatus est expeditionem ; unam adversus Carthaginienses, alteram adversus Ammonios, tertiam adversus Macrobios (id est, Longævos) Æthiopes, ad australe Libyæ mare habitantes. (2) Instituta deliberatione placuit ei, adversus Carthaginienses navalem exercitum mittere ; adversus Ammonios terrestrium copiarum partem ; ad Æthiopas vero primum speculatores, qui et Solis mensam, quæ in horum Æthiopum terra esse dicebatur, viderent an revera esset, et reliqua quoque præter hanc explorarent ; in speciem autem dona ferrent regi eorum. | After this Cambyses planned three several expeditions, one against the Carthaginians, another against the Ammonians, and a third against the “Long-lived” Ethiopians, who dwell in that part of Libya which is by the Southern Sea: and in forming these designs he resolved to send his naval force against the Carthaginians, and a body chosen from his land-army against the Ammonians; and to the Ethiopians to send spies first, both to see whether the table of the Sun existed really, which is said to exist among these Ethiopians, and in addition to this to spy out all else, but pretending to be bearers of gifts for their king. |
| 3.18 | Illa Solis mensa fertur esse hujusmodi. Pratum est in suburbio, coctis carnibus quadrupedum omnis generis repletum : eas carnes, ajunt, noctu ex instituto ibi deponi ab omnibus qui in dignitate essent civibus, interdiu autem accedere quemque qui vellet, eisque vesci ; dicere autem indigenas, ipsam terram illas quaque nocte progignere. Talis igitur esse fertur illa Solis quæ vocatur mensa. | Now the table of the Sun is said to be as follows — there is a meadow in the suburb of their city full of flesh-meat boiled of all four-footed creatures; and in this, it is said, those of the citizens who are in authority at the time place the flesh by night, managing the matter carefully, and by day any man who wishes comes there and feasts himself; and the natives (it is reported) say that the earth of herself produces these things continually. |
| 3.19 | Ut vero speculatores mittere Cambyses constituit, statim ex Elephantine urbe homines arcessivit de Ichthyophagorum genere, qui Æthiopiam linguam callerent. (2) Interim vero, dum hi arcesserentur, navalem exercitum adversus Carthaginem jussit navigare. At Phœnices id se facturos negarunt : magnis quippe juramentis sese teneri, et nefas esse facturos, si contra suam sobolem militarent. (3) Nolentibus autem Phœnicibus, reliqui pares non erant viribus : atque ita Carthaginienses servitutem, quæ illis a Persis imminebat, effugerunt. Etenim vim afferre Phœnicibus æquum non censuit Cambyses, ut qui se ultro Persis tradidissent, et e quibus penderent universæ ipsius copiæ navales. Præter Phœnices, Cyprii quoque Persis sese tradiderant, et expeditionis in Ægyptum susceptæ erant socii. | Of such nature is the so-called table of the Sun said to be. So when Cambyses had resolved to send the spies, forthwith he sent for those men of the Ichthyophagoi who understood the Ethiopian tongue, to come from the city of Elephantine: and while they were going to fetch these men, he gave command to the fleet to sail against Carthage: but the Phenicians said that they would not do so, for they were bound not to do so by solemn vows, and they would not be acting piously if they made expedition against their own sons: and as the Phenicians were not willing, the rest were rendered unequal to the attempt. Thus then the Carthaginians escaped being enslaved by the Persians; for Cambyses did not think it right to apply force to compel the Phenicians, both because they had delivered themselves over to the Persians of their own accord and because the whole naval force was dependent upon the Phenicians. Now the men of Cyprus also had delivered themselves over to the Persians, and were joining in the expedition against Egypt. |
| 3.20 | Postquam ad Cambysen ex Elephantine advenerunt Ichthyophagi, misit eos ad Æthiopas, edoctos quid dicerent, et dona ferentes, purpureum amiculum, et aureum torquem armillasque, et unguenti alabastrum, et palmei vini cadum. (2) Dicuntur autem Æthiopes hi, ad quos misit Cambyses, et statura maximi et pulcherrimi esse hominum omnium ; et quum aliis institutis uti diversis ab ceterorum hominum institutis, tum hoc ad regiam dignitatem spectante : quemcunque civium statura maximum judicant et corporis viribus pro ratione præstantem, hunc regem esse æquum censent. | Then as soon as the Ichthyophagoi came to Cambyses from Elephantine, he sent them to the Ethiopians, enjoining them what they should say and giving them gifts to bear with them, that is to say a purple garment, and a collar of twisted gold with bracelets, and an alabaster box of perfumed ointment, and a jar of palm-wine. Now these Ethiopians to whom Cambyses was sending are said to be the tallest and the most beautiful of all men; and besides other customs which they are reported to have different from other men, there is especially this, it is said, with regard to their regal power — whomsoever of the men of their nation they judge to be the tallest and to have strength in proportion to his stature, this man they appoint to reign over them. |
| 3.21 | Ad hos igitur homines ubi advenerunt Ichthyophagi, dona porrigentes regi eorum, hæc verba fecerunt : « Rex Persarum Cambyses, cupiens amicitiam tecum hospitiumque jungere, misit nos, jubens ut in colloquium tuum veniremus ; et dona tibi dat hæc, quarum rerum usu et ipse maxime delectatur. » (2) Quibus Æthiops, intelligens venire eos ut speculatores, in hunc modum respondit : « Neque Persarum rex eo vos misit dona ferentes, quod multum ei intersit ut mecum hospitium jungat ; nec vos vera dicitis (venistis enim ut regni mei speculatores); nec ille vir justus est : nam si justus esset, non concupivisset aliam terram præter suam, nec in servitutem redegisset homines, qui nulla illum injuria affecerant. (3) Nunc illi arcum hunc tradite, hæc verba dicentes : Rex Æthiopum suadet regi Persarum, ut quando ita facile arcus tendere hujus molis Persæ potuerint, tunc adversus Macrobios Æthiopas copiis multitudine nos superantibus moveat bellum : usque eo autem diis habeat gratiam, quod Æthiopum filiis non induxerint in animum, ut præter suam terram acquirere cupiant aliam. » | So when the Ichthyophagoi had come to this people they presented their gifts to the king who ruled over them, and at the same time they said as follows: “The king of the Persians Cambyses, desiring to become a friend and guest to thee, sent us with command to come to speech with thee, and he gives thee for gifts these things which he himself most delights to use.” The Ethiopian however, perceiving that they had come as spies, spoke to them as follows: “Neither did the king of the Persians send you bearing gifts because he thought it a matter of great moment to become my guest-friend, nor do ye speak true things (for ye have come as spies of my kingdom), nor again is he a righteous man; for if he had been righteous he would not have coveted a land other than his own, nor would he be leading away into slavery men at whose hands he has received no wrong. Now however give him this bow and speak to him these words: The king of the Ethiopians gives this counsel to the king of the Persians, that when the Persians draw their bows (of equal size to mine) as easily as I do this, then he should march against the Long-lived Ethiopians, provided that he be superior in numbers; but until that time he should feel gratitude to the gods that they do not put it into the mind of the sons of the Ethiopians to acquire another land in addition to their own.” |
| 3.22 | His dictis laxavit arcum, et his qui venerant tradidit. Tunc sumpto purpureo amiculo quæsivit, quid esset, et quonam modo factum. Cui quum Ichthyophagi vera dixissent de purpura et de illius tinctura, dolosos esse hos homines, inquit, et dolosa illorum amicula. (2) Deinde de aureo torque collari et de armillis quæsivit ; quumque de hoc ornatu exposuissent Ichthyophagi, ridens rex, quum compedes esse putasset, ait, apud ipsos validiores hisce compedes esse. Tertio, de unguento interrogavit ; et, quum illi de confectione unguenti ac de ungendi ratione disseruissent, idem illis, quod de amiculo, respondit. (3) Ubi ad vinum venit, et de hujus confectione ex illis quæsivit, valde delectatus potu, deinde interrogavit, quonam cibo utatur rex, et quodnam sit homini Persæ longissimum vitæ spatium. (4) Et illi pane vesci ajebant, naturamque tritici exponebant : octoginta vero annos terminum dicebant esse longissimum vitæ hominis propositum. (5) Tum Æthiops respondit Ichthyophagis : nihil proinde mirum esse, quum stercus comedant, tam exiguum eos vivere annorum numerum ; qui ne tot quidem annos vivere possent, nisi hocce potu sese recrearent : nempe vinum dicens : hoc enim uno a Persis se superari. | Having thus said and having unbent the bow, he delivered it to those who had come. Then he took the garment of purple and asked what it was and how it had been made: and when the Ichthyophagoi had told him the truth about the purple-fish and the dyeing of the tissue, he said that the men were deceitful and deceitful also were their garments. Then secondly he asked concerning the twisted gold of the collar and the bracelets; and when the Ichthyophagoi were setting forth to him the manner in which it was fashioned, the king broke into a laugh and said, supposing them to be fetters, that they had stronger fetters than those in their country. Thirdly he asked about the perfumed ointment, and when they had told him of the manner of its making and of the anointing with it, he said the same as he had said before about the garment. Then when he came to the wine, and had learned about the manner of its making, being exceedingly delighted with the taste of the drink he asked besides what food the king ate, and what was the longest time that a Persian man lived. They told him that he ate bread, explaining to him first the manner of growing the wheat, and they said that eighty years was the longest term of life appointed for a Persian man. In answer to this the Ethiopian said that he did not wonder that they lived but a few years, when they fed upon dung; for indeed they would not be able to live even so many years as this, if they did not renew their vigor with the drink, indicating to the Ichthyophagoi the wine; for in regard to this, he said, his people were much behind the Persians. |
| 3.23 | Vicissim interrogantibus regem Ichthyophagis de vitæ spatio et de alimentorum genere ; ad centum et viginti annos, ait pervenire ipsorum plerosque, nonnullos vero etiam hunc terminum transcendere ; cibum vero esse carnes coctas ; potum, lac. Quumque mirarentur speculatores quod de annorum numero dixisset, ad fontem ab illo ductos se esse referebant, e quo loti nitidiores facti essent, quasi olei fons esset ; odorem autem tanquam violarum spirare illum fontem. (2) Ita levem autem, dicebant speculatores, esse fontis hujus aquam, ut nihil supernatare possit, neque lignum, neque quæcunque ligno sunt leviora ; sed in fundum abire omnia. (3) Cujus aquæ si revera ea natura est, quæ perhibetur, fuerint illi hanc ob causam longævi, quod plurimum hac aqua utuntur. A fonte discedentes, ductos se esse narrabant in locum quo vincti homines custodiebantur, ibique cunctos aureis vinctos compedibus vidisse. Est enim apud hos Æthiopes æs metallorum omnium rarissimum et pretiosissimum. Inspecto carcere, etiam Solis mensam, quæ vocatur, spectaverunt. | Then when the Ichthyophagoi asked the king in return about the length of days and the manner of life of his people, he answered that the greater number of them reached the age of a hundred and twenty years, and some surpassed even this; and their food was boiled flesh and their drink was milk. And when the spies marvelled at the number of years, he conducted them to a certain spring, in the water of which they washed and became more sleek of skin, as if it were a spring of oil; and from it there came a scent as it were of violets: and the water of this spring, said the spies, was so exceedingly weak that it was not possible for anything to float upon it, either wood or any of those things which are lighter than wood, but they all went to the bottom. If this water which they have be really such as it is said to be, it would doubtless be the cause why the people are long-lived, as making use of it for all the purposes of life. Then when they departed from this spring, he led them to a prison-house for men, and there all were bound in fetters of gold. Now among these Ethiopians bronze is the rarest and most precious of all things. Then when they had seen the prison-house they saw also the so-called table of the Sun. |
| 3.24 | Post hanc ad extremum spectarunt sepulcra eorum, quæ e vitro perhibentur esse parata, hoc modo. Postquam arefecerunt cadaver, sive eadem ratione atque Ægyptii, sive quo alio modo, totum gypso oblinunt, et pictura ita exornant, ut speciem quam maxime similem vivo referat ; deinde cavam columnam ei circumdant e vitro (alabastrite lapide ?) confectam, quod apud illos magna copia et manu tractabile effoditur. (2) Ita in media columna stans cadaver per eam conspicitur, nec odorem ullum spirans injucundum, nec aliud quidquam incommodi præbens : estque columna circumcirca conspicua, ut ipsum etiam cadaver omni e parte conspicuum est. (3) Hanc columnam per anni spatium suis in ædibus servant qui cognatione proximi sunt, rerum omnium primitias illi offerentes, aliaque sacra facientes : deinde ædibus elatas columnas circa urbem collocant. | And after this they saw last of all their receptacles of dead bodies, which are said to be made of crystal in the following manner — when they have dried the corpse, whether it be after the Egyptian fashion or in some other way, they cover it over completely with plaster and then adorn it with painting, making the figure as far as possible like the living man. After this they put about it a block of crystal hollowed out; for this they dig up in great quantity and it is very easy to work: and the dead body being in the middle of the block is visible through it, but produces no unpleasant smell nor any other effect which is unseemly, and it has all its parts visible like the dead body itself. For a year then they who are most nearly related to the man keep the block in their house, giving to the dead man the first share of everything and offering to him sacrifices: and after this period they carry it out and set it up round about the city. |
| 3.25 | Speculatores, postquam ista omnia spectarant, reversi sunt. Qui ubi hæc renuntiarunt, protinus Cambyses, ira incensus, bellum inferre Æthiopibus instituit, nullo de procuranda re frumentaria mandato dato, nec secum cogitans in ultima terrarum suscipi hanc expeditionem : (2) sed, ut furiosus, nec mentis compos, simulatque Ichthyophagos audierat, ad bellum faciendum profectus est ; Græcos, qui cum eo erant, in Ægypto manere jubens, peditatum vero universum secum ducens. Postquam agmine Thebas pervenit, ablegavit de exercitu circa quinquaginta hominum milia, quos jussit in servitutem redigere Ammonios, et oraculum Jovis incendere : ipse, reliquum ducens exercitum, adversus Æthiopas perrexit. (3) Sed, priusquam quintam confecisset itineris partem, primum, quicquid cibariorum de frumenti genere habuerant, eos defecerat ; deinde, post frumentum, etiam jumenta quæ comedi possent defecere. (4) Quæ si Cambyses intelligens mutasset sententiam, exercitumque reduxisset ; erat, vel post prius admissum peccatum, vir prudens futurus : nunc, nihil secum reputans, ulterius semper progressus est. (5) At milites quam diu e terræ solo nancisci aliquid poterant, herbas radicesque comedentes vitam sustentarunt : ubi vero in arenosa pervenere, dirum facinus nonnulli eorum instituerunt ; sortiti e se ipsis, decimum quemque comederunt. (6) Qua re cognita Cambyses, veritus mutuam militum comesturam, omissa adversus Æthiopas expeditione, retrogressus est ; multisque de exercitu amissis, Thebas iterum pervenit. Quumque Thebis Memphin descendisset, Græcos cum navibus domum dimisit. Talis igitur exitus fuit expeditionis adversus Æthiopas susceptæ. | After they had seen all, the spies departed to go back; and when they reported these things, forthwith Cambyses was enraged and proceeded to march his army against the Ethiopians, not having ordered any provision of food nor considered with himself that he was intending to march an army to the furthest extremities of the earth; but as one who is mad and not in his right senses, when he heard the report of the Ichthyophagoi he began the march, ordering those of the Hellenes who were present to remain behind in Egypt, and taking with him his whole land force: and when in the course of his march he had arrived at Thebes, he divided off about fifty thousand of his army, and these he enjoined to make slaves of the Ammonians and to set fire to the seat of the Oracle of Zeus, but he himself with the remainder of his army went on against the Ethiopians. But before the army had passed over the fifth part of the way, all that they had of provisions came to an end completely; and then after the provisions the beasts of burden also were eaten up and came to an end. Now if Cambyses when he perceived this had changed his plan and led his army back, he would have been a wise man in spite of his first mistake; as it was, however, he paid no regard, but went on forward without stopping. The soldiers accordingly, so long as they were able to get anything from the ground, prolonged their lives by eating grass; but when they came to the sand, some did a fearful deed, that is to say, out of each company of ten they selected by lot one of themselves and devoured him: and Cambyses, when he heard it, being alarmed by this eating of one another gave up the expedition against the Ethiopians and set forth to go back again; and he arrived at Thebes having suffered loss of a great number of his army. Then from Thebes he came down to Memphis and allowed the Hellenes to sail away home. Thus fared the expedition against the Ethiopians. |
| 3.26 | Qui vero ad bellum Ammoniis inferendum erant missi, hos profectos Thebis cum ducibus itineris, compertum est Oasin oppidum pervenisse, quod Samii incolunt, qui de Æschrionia tribu esse dicuntur, absuntque a Thebis septem dierum itinere per arenosa faciendo : nominatur autem ille locus Græco sermone Beatorum insula. (2) Hunc igitur in locum pervenisse dicitur ille exercitus : inde vero quid his acciderit, nisi quod Ammonii narrant et qui ex his audiverunt, nemo alius quidquam quod dicat habet ; neque enim ad Ammonios pervenerunt, neque domum reversi sunt. (3) Narrant autem soli Ammonii hæc: ab hac Oasi per arenosa adversus ipsos iter facientibus, quum jam fere in medio inter ipsos et Oasin essent, incidisse illis, dum prandium capiebant, vehementem et immanem ventum Notum, sabuli acervos secum rapientem ; quibus illi obruti, tali modo internecione periissent. Ammonii quidem hoc narrant exercitui illi accidisse. | And those of the Persians who had been sent to march against the Ammonians set forth from Thebes and went on their way with guides; and it is known that they arrived at the city of Oasis, which is inhabited by Samians said to be of the Aischrionian tribe, and is distant seven days’ journey from Thebes over sandy desert: now this place is called in the speech of the Hellenes the “Isle of the Blessed.” It is said that the army reached this place, but from that point onwards, except the Ammonians themselves and those who have heard the account from them, no man is able to say anything about them; for they neither reached the Ammonians nor returned back. This however is added to the story by the Ammonians themselves — they say that as the army was going from this Oasis through the sandy desert to attack them, and had got to a point about mid-way between them and the Oasis, while they were taking their morning meal a violent South Wind blew upon them, and bearing with it heaps of the desert sand it buried them under it, and so they disappeared and were seen no more. Thus the Ammonians say that it came to pass with regard to this army. |
| 3.27 | Quo tempore vero Memphin Cambyses pervenit, apparuerat Ægyptiis Apis, quem Epaphum Græci vocant. Qui ubi repertus est, continuo Ægyptii, vestimentis induti pulcherrimis in lautitiis erant. (2) Quos hæc agentes conspicatus Cambyses, prorsus existimans, quod ipse male rem gessisset, eo lætos illos festa hæc celebrare, præfectos ad se vocat urbis ; ex eisque, ubi in conspectum ipsius venere, quærit, cur, se prius Memphi versante, nihil tale fecissent Ægyptii ; at nunc, quum adisset magna exercitus parte amissa ? (3) Cui illi respondent, deum sibi apparuisse, qui e multo temporis intervallo apparere identidem consuesset ; et, quando appareat, tum universos Ægyptios læta festa celebrare. Hæc audiens Cambyses, mentiri eos, ait ; atque, ut mendaces, ultimo supplicio affecit. | When Cambyses arrived at Memphis, Apis appeared to the Egyptians, whom the Hellenes call Epaphos: and when he had appeared, forthwith the Egyptians began to wear their fairest garments and to have festivities. Cambyses accordingly seeing the Egyptians doing thus, and supposing that they were certainly acting so by way of rejoicing because he had fared ill, called for the officers who had charge of Memphis; and when they had come into his presence, he asked them why when he was at Memphis on the former occasion, the Egyptians were doing nothing of this kind, but only now, when he came there after losing a large part of his army. They said that a god had appeared to them, who was wont to appear at intervals of long time, and that whenever he appeared, then all the Egyptians rejoiced and kept festival. Hearing this Cambyses said that they were lying, and as liars he condemned them to death. |
| 3.28 | His occisis, dein sacerdotes in conspectum vocavit. Qui quum eadem dixissent ; intellecturum sese, ait, an deus aliquis manu tractabilis advenerit Ægyptiis. (2) Quæ ubi dixit, adducere ad se Apin jussit sacerdotes : et illi abierunt adducturi. Est vero Apis hic, sive Epaphus, juvencus e vacca natus quæ nullum alium dehinc concipere partum potest : dicuntque Ægyptii, fulgorem de cœlo in vaccam istam incumbere, e quo illa Apin conceptum pariat. (3) Habet autem hic juvencus, quem Apin vocant, notas hujusmodi : niger colore est ; sed in fronte habet quadratum album ; in tergo, figuram aquilæ; in cauda, pilos duplices ; in lingua, scarabæum. | Having put these to death, next he called the priests into his presence; and when the priests answered him after the same manner, he said that it should not be without his knowledge if a tame god had come to the Egyptians; and having so said he bade the priests bring Apis away into his presence: so they went to bring him. Now this Apis-Epaphos is a calf born of a cow who after this is not permitted to conceive any other offspring; and the Egyptians say that a flash of light comes down from heaven upon this cow, and of this she produces Apis. This calf which is called Apis is black and has the following signs, namely a white square upon the forehead, and on the back the likeness of an eagle, and in the tail the hairs are double, and on the tongue there is a mark like a beetle. |
| 3.29 | Apin ubi adduxerunt sacerdotes, Cambyses, haud satis mentis compos homo, stricto gladio, quum ventrem Apidis vellet ferire, femur feriit ; ridensque sacerdotes alloquens, « O prava capita ! » inquit : « tales ergo sunt dii, sanguine carneque instructi, et ferri ictum sentientes ! Dignus profecto Ægyptiis hicce Deus ! Ceterum vos non juvabit, ludibrio me habuisse. » His dictis, jussit hos quibus id negotii mandatum est, flagellis cædere sacerdotes ; reliquorum vero Ægyptiorum quemcunque nacti fuissent festum celebrantem, occidere. (3) Ita festi dies finem habuere apud Ægyptios, et sacerdotes multati sunt. Apis vero, percussus femur, contabuit in templo jacens : quem, mortuum e vulnere, sacerdotes clam rege sepeliverunt. | When the priests had brought Apis, Cambyses being somewhat affected with madness drew his dagger, and aiming at the belly of Apis, struck his thigh: then he laughed and said to the priests: “O ye wretched creatures, are gods born such as this, with blood and flesh, and sensible of the stroke of iron weapons? Worthy indeed of Egyptians is such a god as this. Ye however at least shall not escape without punishment for making a mock of me.” Having thus spoken he ordered those whose duty it was to do such things, to scourge the priests without mercy, and to put to death any one of the other Egyptians whom they should find keeping the festival. Thus the festival of the Egyptians had been brought to an end, and the priests were being chastised, and Apis wounded by the stroke in his thigh lay dying in the temple. |
| 3.30 | Cambyses vero, ut ajunt Ægyptii, e vestigio propter iniquum illud facinus furore est correptus, quum ne ante id tempus quidem satis compos fuisset mentis. Et primum quidem, post illud, flagitium in fratrem commisit Smerdin, qui eodem patre eademque matre erat natus. Hunc ex Ægypto in Persas dimisit per invidiam, quod arcum, quem ab Æthiope datum Ichthyophagi attulerant, ille unus e Persis ad duos saltem fere digitos attraxisset, quum reliquorum Persarum nullud id præstare potuisset. (2) Dein, quum in Persas reversus Smerdis esset, visum Cambyses per somnum vidit hujusmodi : visus illi est nuntius e Perside veniens nuntiare, Smerdin in sella regia sedentem capite cœlum tetigisse. (3) Quam ob causam sibi timens, ne se occiso regnum occupet frater, Prexaspen in Persas mittit, qui vir Persarum ei maxime fidus erat, dato mandato ut illum occidat. Et Prexaspes Susa profectus occidit Smerdin, sive venatum eductum, ut alii ajunt ; sive, ut alii, ad Rubrum deductum mare et in eo demersum. | Him, when he had brought his life to an end by reason of the wound, the priests buried without the knowledge of Cambyses: but Cambyses, as the Egyptians say, immediately after this evil deed became absolutely mad, not having been really in his right senses even before that time: and the first of his evil deeds was that he put to death his brother Smerdis, who was of the same father and the same mother as himself. This brother he had sent away from Egypt to Persia in envy, because alone of all the Persians he had been able to draw the bow which the Ichthyophagoi brought from the Ethiopian king, to an extent of about two finger-breadths; while of the other Persians not one had proved able to do this. Then when Smerdis had gone away to Persia, Cambyses saw a vision in his sleep of this kind — it seemed to him that a messenger came from Persia and reported that Smerdis sitting upon the royal throne had touched the heaven with his head. Fearing therefore with regard to this lest his brother might slay him and reign in his stead, he sent Prexaspes to Persia, the man whom of all the Persians he trusted most, with command to slay him. He accordingly went up to Susa and slew Smerdis; and some say that he took him out of the chase and so slew him, others that he brought him to the Erythraian Sea and drowned him. |
| 3.31 | Ab hoc facinore initium factum esse flagitiorum a Cambyse narrant. Alterum in sororem patravit, quæ illum in Ægyptum erat secuta, quamque habuit uxorem, quum tam a patre, quam a matre, soror ejus esset. (2) In matrimonium autem eam tali modo duxerat, quum antea neutiquam moris fuisset apud Persas, sorores in matrimonium ducere. Unius e sororibus suis captus erat amore : quam quum cuperet matrimonio sibi jungere, nossetque contra morem fore Persarum si id faceret, vocatos ad se regios judcies interrogavit, sitne lex aliqua, jubens ut, qui vellet, in matrimonium duceret suam sororem ? (3) Sunt autem regii judices probati inter Persas viri ; qui eo munere funguntur quoad vivunt, aut usque dum injusti quidpiam in illis reperiatur. Hi Persis jus dicunt, et interpretes sunt patriarum legum, et ad eos omnia referuntur. (4) Ad quæstionem igitur a Cambyse propositam responderunt hi ea quæ et vera et tuta essent ; dicentes, nullam se legem reperire, quæ jubeat ut frater in matrimonium ducat sororem ; aliam vero se reperisse legem, quæ statuat, licitum esse regi facere quidquid velit. (5) Itaque neque legem, metu Cambysis, abrogarunt ; et, ne ipsi, tuentes legem, perirent, aliam legem invenerunt, quæ illi, sorores in matrimonium ducere cupienti, patrocinabatur. Igitur tunc Cambyses, quam amabat, duxit uxorem : nec vero multo post, aliam etiam sororem sibi matrimonio junxit. Et hanc natu minorem, quæ eum in Ægyptum secuta erat, interfecit. | This they say was the first beginning of the evil deeds of Cambyses; and next after this he put to death his sister, who had accompanied him to Egypt, to whom also he was married, she being his sister by both parents. Now he took her to wife in the following manner (for before this the Persians had not been wont at all to marry their sisters) — Cambyses fell in love with one of his sisters, and desired to take her to wife; so since he had it in mind to do that which was not customary, he called the Royal Judges and asked them whether there existed any law which permitted him who desired it to marry his sister. Now the Royal Judges are men chosen out from among the Persians, and hold their office until they die or until some injustice is found in them, so long and no longer. These pronounce decisions for the Persians and are the expounders of the ordinances of their fathers, and all matters are referred to them. So when Cambyses asked them, they gave him an answer which was both upright and safe, saying that they found no law which permitted a brother to marry his sister, but apart from that they had found a law to the effect that the king of the Persians might do whatsoever he desired. Thus on the one hand they did not tamper with the law for fear of Cambyses, and at the same time, that they might not perish themselves in maintaining the law, they found another law beside that which was asked for, which was in favor of him who wished to marry his sisters. So Cambyses at that time took to wife her with whom he was in love, but after no long time he took another sister. Of these it was the younger whom he put to death, she having accompanied him to Egypt. |
| 3.32 | De cujus morte duplex, perinde atque de Smerdi, fama fertur. Græci quippe narrant, commisisse Cambysen, spectante uxore illa, catulum leonis cum canis catulo ; qui quum a leonis catulo vinceretur, alium catulum caninum, qui fuisset hujus frater, rupta catena, illi opem tulisse ; atque ita canes, quum duo essent, leonem superasse. Hæc spectantem Cambysen delectatum esse ; illam vero, assidentem, fudisse lacrimas. (2) Id animadvertentem Cambysen quæsisse ex ea, cur fleret ; et illam respondisse, flere se, quod catulum videns opem ferentem fratri, meminisset Smerdis, cogitassetque neminem esse qui illi esset opem laturus. (3) Hoc igitur ob dictum interfectam illam a Cambyse esse ajunt Græci. Ægyptii vero narrant, quum mensæ ambo assiderent, mulierem sumpta lactuca folia circumcira decerpsisse, tum e marito quæsisse, sitne integra lactuca ; an cui folia decerpta sint, pulcrior ? Quumque is, integram, dixisset ; reposuisse illam, « Atqui tu hanc imitatus es lactucam, Cyri domum circumcidens. » Et illum, ira incensum, calce pedis ei, prægnans quum esset, insultasse ; et illam abortu facto mortuam esse. | About her death, as about the death of Smerdis, two different stories are told. The Hellenes say that Cambyses had matched a lion’s cub in fight with a dog’s whelp, and this wife of his was also a spectator of it; and when the whelp was being overcome, another whelp, its brother, broke its chain and came to help it; and having become two instead of one, the whelps then got the better of the cub: and Cambyses was pleased at the sight, but she sitting by him began to weep; and Cambyses perceived it and asked wherefore she wept; and she said that she had wept when she saw that the whelp had come to the assistance of its brother, because she remembered Smerdis and perceived that there was no one who would come to his assistance. The Hellenes say that it was for this saying that she was killed by Cambyses: but the Egyptians say that as they were sitting round at table, the wife took a lettuce and pulled off the leaves all round, and then asked her husband whether the lettuce was fairer when thus plucked round or when covered with leaves, and he said “when covered with leaves”: she then spoke thus: “Nevertheless thou didst once produce the likeness of this lettuce, when thou didst strip bare the house of Cyrus.” And he moved to anger leapt upon her, being with child, and she miscarried and died. |
| 3.33 | Ita in quos sæviit Cambyses, in furorem actus sive propter Apin nimirum, sive alio casu, quales multæ calamitates accidere hominibus solent : nam etiam a pueris gravi morbo dicitur Cambyses affectus fuisse, quem sacrum morbum nonnulli vocant. Itaque non erat dissentaneum, ut, corpus quum gravi morbo laboraret, ne mens quidem sana esset. | These were the acts of madness done by Cambyses towards those of his own family, whether the madness was produced really on account of Apis or from some other cause, as many ills are wont to seize upon men; for it is said moreover that Cambyses had from his birth a certain grievous malady, that which is called by some the “sacred” disease: and it was certainly nothing strange that when the body was suffering from a grievous malady, the mind should not be sound either. |
| 3.34 | In reliquos vero Persas hæc alia furoris edidit exempla. Prexaspen, quem maximo in honore habebat, qui nuntiorum ad regem perferendorum munere fungebatur, cujus etiam filius pincerna regis erat, qui et ipse haud exiguus honor est ; illum igitur sic allocutus fertur : « Dic mihi, Prexaspes ; qualem me virum esse existimant Persæ? et quos de me habent sermones ? » (2) Tum illum respondisse : « Domine, cetera omnia, magnifice laudaris : sed vino ajunt te nimium indulgere. » Quæ quum ille de Persis dixisset, ira incensum regem hæc reposuisse : « Ergo nunc me Persæ dicunt vino deditum desipere, nec mentis esse compotem ! igitur priores illorum sermones mendaces fuerunt. » (3) Superiore quippe tempore, quum assiderent ei Persæ atque etiam Crœsus, quæsierat ex his Cambyses, qualis vir ipse videretur esse, cum patre Cyro collatus ! et illi responderant, esse patre superiorem : quippe non modo possidere quæcunque Cyrus obtinuisset, sed et insuper Ægyptum et mare tenere. (4) Hæc Persæ dixerant ; Crœsus vero quum adesset, nec ei placeret ista comparatio, his verbis Cambysen erat allocutus : « Mihi quidem, o Cyro nate, non videris similis esse patri, quum filium nondum habeas qualem te ille reliquit. » Quibus auditis delectatus Cambyses erat, Crœsique laudaverat judicium. | The following also are acts of madness which he did to the other Persians — To Prexaspes, the man whom he honored most and who used to bear his messages (his son also was cup-bearer to Cambyses, and this too was no small honor) — to him it is said that he spoke as follows: “Prexaspes, what kind of a man do the Persians esteem me to be, and what speech do they hold concerning me?” and he said: “Master, in all other respects thou art greatly commended, but they say that thou art overmuch given to love of wine.” Thus he spoke concerning the Persians; and upon that Cambyses was roused to anger, and answered thus: “It appears then that the Persians say I am given to wine, and that therefore I am beside myself and not in my right mind; and their former speech then was not sincere.” For before this time, it seems, when the Persians and Croesus were sitting with him in council, Cambyses asked what kind of a man they thought he was as compared with his father Cyrus; and they answered that he was better than his father, for he not only possessed all that his father had possessed, but also in addition to this had acquired Egypt and the Sea. Thus the Persians spoke; but Croesus, who was present and was not satisfied with their judgment, spoke thus to Cambyses: “To me, O son of Cyrus, thou dost not appear to be equal to thy father, for not yet hast thou a son such as he left behind him in you.” Hearing this Cambyses was pleased, and commended the judgment of Croesus. |
| 3.35 | Horum igitur tunc recordatum illum, iratum dixisse Prexaspi : « Tu nunc cognosce ipse, verumne dicant Persæ, an istud dicentes desipiant ipsi : quodsi enim filii tui in atrio stantis, conjecta sagitta, medium feriero cor, constabit nugas dicere Persas ; sin aberravero, dic vera loqui Persas, meque haud sana esse mente. » (2) His dictis, tetendisse arcum ; sagittaque feriisse puerum : qui ut cecidit, secari corpus jussit, inspicique vulnus ; et quum in cor intrasse sagittam esset repertum, ridens et supra modum gavisus, patri pueri hoc dixit : « Manifestum jam cognovisti, Prexaspes, non me insanire, sed desipere Persas. Nunc vero dic mihi, quemnam tu nosti hominum omnium, qui ita ad destinatum adigat sagittam ? » (3) Prexaspes, furere hominem videns, sibique timens ipsi, respondit : « Domine, equidem ne deum quidem ipsum ita dextre ferire existimo. » Tum igitur hoc fecit Cambyses : alibi vero deinde, Persarum primoribus pares duodecim, nulla idonea causa damnatos, vivos inverso capite terra jussit defodi. | So calling to mind this, he said in anger to Prexaspes: “Learn then now for thyself whether the Persians speak truly, or whether when they say this they are themselves out of their senses: for if I, shooting at thy son there standing before the entrance of the chamber, hit him in the very middle of the heart, the Persians will be proved to be speaking falsely, but if I miss, then thou mayest say that the Persians are speaking the truth and that I am not in my right mind.” Having thus said he drew his bow and hit the boy; and when the boy had fallen down, it is said that he ordered them to cut open his body and examine the place where he was hit; and as the arrow was found to be sticking in the heart, he laughed and was delighted, and said to the father of the boy: “Prexaspes, it has now been made evident, as thou seest, that I am not mad, but that it is the Persians who are out of their senses; and now tell me, whom of all men didst thou ever see before this time hit the mark so well in shooting?" Then Prexaspes, seeing that the man was not in his right senses and fearing for himself, said: “Master, I think that not even God himself could have hit the mark so fairly.” Thus he did at that time: and at another time he condemned twelve of the Persians, men equal to the best, on a charge of no moment, and buried them alive with the head downwards. |
| 3.36 | Quæ quum ille patraret, æquum censuit Crœsus Lydus hisce illum verbis monere : « O rex, ne omnia juventuti iræque indulgeas ! sed contine atque cohibe te ipse. Bona res est providentia : et sapientis est, rectum consilium in tempore capere. (2) At tu viros occidis, cives tuos, nulla idonea causa damnatos ; idemque pueros occidis. Quodsi plura talia admiseris, vide ne a te deficiant Persæ. Mihi vero pater tuus Cyrus injunxit, sæpe multumque hortatus, ut te monerem, tibique consilium darem, quodcunque e tuo commodo esse reperissem. » (3) Hoc ille, benevolentiam significans, consilium Cambysi dedit ; cui his verbis rex respondit : « tu etiam mihi consilia dare audes ! qui tam præclare tuam administrasti patriam, præclareque patri meo consuluisti, suadens illi, ut trajecto Araxe adversus Massagetas duceret, quum illi in nostram terram vellent trajicere. Igitur et te ipsum perdidisti, patriæ rebus male administratis ; et Cyrum perdidisti, qui tuum secutus est consilium. Sed male tibi hoc cesserit ; jam pridem enim occasionem aliquam adversus te nancisci cupiebam. » (4) His dictis, arcum prehendit, sagittam in illum emissurus. At Crœsus conversus foras se proripuit et Cambyses, quum ferire illum non potuisset, famulis imperavit ut prehensum occiderent. (5) At famuli, qui ingenium illius nossent, occultant Crœsum, hæc secum reputantes, si dati mandati pæniteret Cambysen, et desiderium Crœsi eum caperet, se producto illo præmia servati illius accepturos ; sin in sententia rex persisteret, neque illum desideraret, tunc illum esse interfecturos. (6) Neque multo post (sicut illi fere existimaverant) desideravit Cambyses Crœsum ; quo cognito famuli, superesse illum, regi nuntiarunt. (7) Tum vero, gaudere se quidem, ait Cambyses, quod Crœsus supersit ; at illos, qui eum servassent, non impune laturos, sed capite luituros. Quod et faciendum mandavit. | When he was doing these things, Croesus the Lydian judged it right to admonish him in the following words: “O king, do not thou indulge the heat of thy youth and passion in all things, but retain and hold thyself back: it is a good thing to be prudent, and forethought is wise. Thou however are putting to death men who are of thine own people, condemning them on charges of no moment, and thou art putting to death men’s sons also. If thou do many such things, beware lest the Persians make revolt from thee. As for me, thy father Cyrus gave me charge, earnestly bidding me to admonish thee, and suggest to thee that which I should find to be good.” Thus he counselled him, manifesting goodwill towards him; but Cambyses answered: “Dost thou venture to counsel me, who excellently well didst rule thine own country, and well didst counsel my father, bidding him pass over the river Araxes and go against the Massagetai, when they were willing to pass over into our land, and so didst utterly ruin thyself by ill government of thine own land, and didst utterly ruin Cyrus, who followed thy counsel. However thou shalt not escape punishment now, for know that before this I had very long been desiring to find some occasion against thee.” Thus having said he took his bow meaning to shoot him, but Croesus started up and ran out: and so since he could not shoot him, he gave orders to his attendants to take and slay him. The attendants however, knowing his moods, concealed Croesus, with the intention that if Cambyses should change his mind and seek to have Croesus again, they might produce him and receive gifts as the price of saving his life; but if he did not change his mind nor feel desire to have him back, then they might kill him. Not long afterwards Cambyses did in fact desire to have Croesus again, and the attendants perceiving this reported to him that he was still alive: and Cambyses said that he rejoiced with Croesus that he was still alive, but that they who had preserved him should not get off free, but he would put them to death: and thus he did. |
| 3.37 | Talia igitur Cambyses multa, dum Memphi morabatur, et adversus Persas et adversus socios, furiosa patravit ; præterea vetusta sepulcra aperuit, et cadavera inspexit ; atque etiam templum Vulcani ingressus, simulacrum dei multis modis ludibrio habuit. Vulcani illud simulacrum simillimum est Phœniciis Patæcis, quos Phœnices in proris triremium circumferunt. Quos qui non vidit, ei ego significabo : est imitatio viri pygmæi. (2) Ingressus vero etiam est Cabirorum templum, quod neminem fas est ingredi, nisi sacerdotem : atque horum simulacra igne etiam cremavit, multis ludificatus. Sunt autem hæc quoque similia Vulcani, cujus filios ajunt esse Cabiros. | Many such acts of madness did he both to Persians and allies, remaining at Memphis and opening ancient tombs and examining the dead bodies. Likewise also he entered into the temple of Hephaistos and very much derided the image of the god: for the image of Hephaistos very nearly resembles the Phenician Pataicoi, which the Phenicians carry about on the prows of their triremes; and for him who has not seen these, I will indicate its nature — it is the likeness of a dwarfish man. He entered also into the temple of the Cabeiroi, into which it is not lawful for any one to enter except the priest only, and the images there he even set on fire, after much mockery of them. Now these also are like the images of Hephaistos, and it is said that they are the children of that god. |
| 3.38 | Quibus ex omnibus fit mihi manifestum, furore magnopere actum fuisse Cambysen : alioqui templis sacrisque populi ritibus non erat illusurus. Nam si quis hominibus omnibus optionem proponeret sibi eligendi ex omnibus institutis ea quæ optima viderentur, quilibet eorum, re deliberata, domestica esset prœlaturus : adeo quisque populus suas leges longe esse optimas judicat. (2) Itaque verisimile non est, alium hominem, nisi furiosum, talia ludibrio habere. Statuere autem ita de suis legibus et institutis homines omnes, quum aliis multis intelligi documentis potest, tum hocce. (3) Darius, postquam imperior est potitus, convocatus Græcos qui ei aderant, interrogavit, quanam pecuniæ proposita summa vellent mortuos parentes comedere. Et illi, nulla conditione se id facturos, responderunt. (4) Idem deinde ex Indis hos qui Calatiæ nominantur, qui parentes comedunt, ad se vocatos, præsentibus Græcis, et per interpretes quid ageretur intelligentibus, interrogavit, qua mercede in se reciperent, igne cremare mortuos parentes. Et illi, alta voce exclamantes, meliora eum ominari jusserunt. (5) Ita igitur hæc constituta sunt ; recteque mihi Pindarus videtur cecinisse, Morem majorum dicens regem esse omnium. | It is clear to me therefore by every kind of proof that Cambyses was mad exceedingly; for otherwise he would not have attempted to deride religious rites and customary observances. For if one should propose to all men a choice, bidding them select the best customs from all the customs that there are, each race of men, after examining them all, would select those of his own people; thus all think that their own customs are by far the best: and so it is not likely that any but a madman would make a jest of such things. Now of the fact that all men are thus wont to think about their customs, we may judge by many other proofs and more specially by this which follows — Dareios in the course of his reign summoned those of the Hellenes who were present in his land, and asked them for what price they would consent to eat up their fathers when they died; and they answered that for no price would they do so. After this Dareios summoned those Indians who are called Callatians, who eat their parents, and asked them in presence of the Hellenes, who understood what they said by help of an interpreter, for what payment they would consent to consume with fire the bodies of their fathers when they died; and they cried out aloud and bade him keep silence from such words. Thus then these things are established by usage, and I think that Pindar spoke rightly in his verse, when he said that “of all things law is king. |
| 3.39 | Quo tempore Cambyses Ægyptum bello aggressus est, per idem tempus Lacedæmonii adversus Samum, et Polycratem, Æacis filium, expeditionem susceperunt. Is quum insurrectione facta Samum occupasset, primum trifariam distributam civitatem simul cum fratribus, Pantagnoto et Sylosonte, administraverat : dein, altero occiso, et natu minore Sylosonte insula ejecto, universam Samum imperio tenebat. Quo in imperio cum Amasi, Ægypti rege, hospitium contraxit, dona ei mittens, et vicissim ab illo accipiens. (2) Brevique tempore ita auctæ res erant Polycratis, ut per universam Ioniam reliquamque Græciam celebrarentur. Etenim quocunque cum exercitu proficisceretur, omnia ei feliciter cedebant. Habebat autem centum actuarias naves quinquaginta remorum, et mille sagittarios (satellites). (3) Cunctos circumcirca, nullo discrimine facto, invadens, agebat ferebatque omnia. Nam amico, aiebat, magis se gratificaturum, si ea, quæ eripuisset, eidem restitueret, quam si initio nihil eripuisset. Multas igitur insulas ceperat, multa item continentis oppida : in his Lesbios, quum omnibus viribus Milesiis auxilio essent profecti, navali pugna superatos cepit ; qui deinde universam fossam, murum Sami ambientem, vincti foderunt. | Now while Cambyses was marching upon Egypt, the Lacedemonians also had made an expedition against Samos and against Polycrates the son of Aiakes, who had risen against the government and obtained rule over Samos. At first he had divided the State into three parts and had given a share to his brothers Pantagnotos and Syloson; but afterwards he put to death one of these, and the younger, namely Syloson, he drove out, and so obtained possession of the whole of Samos. Then, being in possession, he made a guest-friendship with Amasis the king of Egypt, sending him gifts and receiving gifts in return from him. After this straightway within a short period of time the power of Polycrates increased rapidly, and there was much fame of it not only in Ionia, but also over the rest of Hellas: for to whatever part he directed his forces, everything went fortunately for him: and he had got for himself a hundred fifty-oared galleys and a thousand archers, and he plundered from all, making no distinction of any; for it was his wont to say that he would win more gratitude from his friend by giving back to him that which he had taken, than by not taking at all. So he had conquered many of the islands and also many cities of the continent, and besides other things he gained the victory in a sea-fight over the Lesbians, as they were coming to help the Milesians with their forces, and conquered them: these men dug the whole trench round the wall of the city of Samos working in chains. |
| 3.40 | Amasin non latebat, ingenti felicitate uti Polycratem ; sed ea res illi curæ erat. Quum vero etiam multo magis augeretur prospera illius fortuna, misso libello hæc ad eum perscripsit : (2) « Amasis Polycrati hæc dicit. Jucundum utique est intelligere, virum amicum et hospitem bene agere. At mihi non placent tuæ res nimium secundæ, ut qui norim, invidum esse numen : ac fere cupio, ut et ego et hi qui mihi curæ sunt, partim quidem prospero utamur rerum successu, partim vero etiam nonnihil offendamus ; atque ita potius vitam transigamus, variante fortuna, quam usquequaque simus felices. (3) Neminem enim novi aut fando audivi, quin, postquam usquequaque prospera usus est fortuna, postremo pessimum funditus finem habuerit. Tu ergo, meum secutus consilium, adversus illam tuam nimiam felicitatem fac hocce : cogita quid sit quod habeas quod maximi tibi sit pretii, et quo amisso summa animi ægritudine affectum te iri existimes ; atque ita illud abjice, ut inter homines non amplius compareat. (4) Quodsi posthac tibi res secundæ jam non per vices, cum ipsis infortuniis eventuræ sunt, fac ut rebus tuis hac ratione, quam tibi proposui , medearis. » | Now Amasis, as may be supposed, did not fail to perceive that Polycrates was very greatly fortunate, and it was to him an object of concern; and as much more good fortune yet continued to come to Polycrates, he wrote upon a paper these words and sent them to Samos: “Amasis to Polycrates thus saith — It is a pleasant thing indeed to hear that one who is a friend and guest is faring well; yet to me thy great good fortune is not pleasing, since I know that the Divinity is jealous; and I think that I desire, both for myself and for those about whom I have care, that in some of our affairs we should be prosperous and in others should fail, and thus go through life alternately faring well and ill, rather than that we should be prosperous in all things: for never yet did I hear tell of any one who was prosperous in all things and did not come to an utterly evil end at the last. Now therefore do thou follow my counsel and act as I shall say with respect to thy prosperous fortunes. Take thought and consider, and that which thou findest to be the most valued by thee, and for the loss of which thou wilt most be vexed in thy soul, that take and cast away in such a manner that it shall never again come to the sight of men; and if in future from that time forward good fortune does not befall thee in alternation with calamities, apply remedies in the manner by me suggested.” |
| 3.41 | His perlectis Polycrates, intelligens bene se monere Amasin, quæsivit quidnam esset e suis cimeliis, cujus jactura maximam animo suo ægritudinem, esset allatura ; et, rerum suarum inita ratione, hoc reperit : erat ei annulus signatorius, quem gestabat, auro vinctus, e smaragdo lapide, Theodori opus Samii, Teleclis filii. (2) Hunc annulum abjicere secum constituens, fecit hæcce : actuariam navem quinquaginta remorum hominibus complevit ; quam postquam et ipse conscendit, jussit illos in altum enavigare : quumque procul ab insula abessent, detractum de manu annulum, conspicientibus cunctis qui in navi erant, in mare projecit. Hoc facto, retro navigavit : et postquam domum rediit, in mœrore versatus est. | Polycrates, having read this and having perceived by reflection that Amasis suggested to him good counsel, sought to find which one of his treasures he would be most afflicted in his soul to lose; and seeking he found this which I shall say — he had a signet which he used to wear, enchased in gold and made of an emerald stone; and it was the work of Theodoros the son of Telecles of Samos. Seeing then that he thought it good to cast this away, he did thus — he manned a fifty-oared galley with sailors and went on board of it himself; and then he bade them put out into the deep sea. And when he had got to a distance from the island, he took off the signet-ring, and in the sight of all who were with him in the ship he threw it into the sea. Thus having done he sailed home; and when he came to his house he mourned for his loss. |
| 3.42 | At quinto aut sexto exinde die res ei accidit hujusmodi. Homo piscatoriam exercens, quum ingentem pulcrumque cepisset piscem, Polycrati eum voluit dono dare : itaque ad fores regis illum ferens, ait velle se Polycrati in conspectum venire. Quod ubi illi contigit, offerens piscem dixit : « Hunc, rex, postquam ego cepi, non judicavi in forum rerum venalium esse ferendum, quamvis simo homo manu mea victum quærens ; sed visus est mihi te tuoque imperio dignus : tibi igitur illum affero donoque. » (2) His verbis delectatus Polycrates, in hunc modum homini respondit : « Recte utique fecisti, ac duplicem tibi habeo gratiam, et orationis tuæ, et doni causa : teque ad cœnam vocamus. » Piscator, magni hæc faciens, domum abiit : famuli vero, dum piscem dissecant, reperiunt in ejus ventre annulum Polycratis. (3) Quem ut viderunt, protinus correptum, gaudio perfusi, ad Polycratem deferunt, dant nuntiantque quo pacto repertus sit annulus. Tum Polycrates, quum subiret mentem ejus cogitatio rem esse divinam, conscripsit in libello omnia, quæ et ipse fecisset, et quæ sibi inde accidissent : libellumque illum in Ægyptum dedit perferendum. | But on the fifth or sixth day after these things it happened to him as follows — a fisherman having caught a large and beautiful fish, thought it right that this should be given as a gift to Polycrates. He bore it therefore to the door of the palace and said that he desired to come into the presence of Polycrates, and when he had obtained this he gave him the fish, saying: “O king, having taken this fish I did not think fit to bear it to the market, although I am one who lives by the labor of his hands; but it seemed to me that it was worthy of thee and of thy monarchy: therefore I bring it and present it to thee.” He then, being pleased at the words spoken, answered thus: “Thou didst exceedingly well, and double thanks are due to thee, for thy words and also for thy gift; and we invite thee to come to dinner.” The fisherman then, thinking this a great thing, went away to this house; and the servants as they were cutting up the fish found in its belly the signet-ring of Polycrates. Then as soon as they had seen it and taken it up, they bore it rejoicing to Polycrates, and giving him the signet-ring they told him in what manner it had been found: and he perceiving that the matter was of God, wrote upon paper all that he had done and all that had happened to him, and having written he despatched it to Egypt. |
| 3.43 | Amasis, lecto libello quem ad illum Polycrates miserat, intellexit, fieri non posse ut homo hominem e casu futuro eripiat, et male vitam finiturum esse Polycratem, cui feliciter omnia cedant, quique etiam, quæ abjecit, rursus inveniat. (2) Itaque misso Samum præcone, dissolvere se dixit hospitium. Id autem ea causa fecit, ne, si ingens et gravis calamitas Polycrati accidisset, ipse mœrore afficeretur hospitis causa. | Then Amasis, when he had read the paper which had come from Polycrates, perceived that it was impossible for man to rescue man from the event which was to come to pass, and that Polycrates was destined not to have a good end, being prosperous in all things, seeing that he found again even that which he cast away. Therefore he sent an envoy to him in Samos and said that he broke off the guest-friendship; and this he did lest when a fearful and great mishap befell Polycrates, he might himself be grieved in his soul as for a man who was his guest. |
| 3.44 | Adversus hunc igitur Polycratem, rebus omnibus felicem, bellum moverunt Lacedæmonii, auxilio vocati a Samiis illis, qui deinde Cydoniam in Creta insula coloniam condiderunt. (2) Scilicet, quo tempore Cambyses, Cyri filius, copias adversus Ægyptum comparavit, miserat Polycrates ad Cambysen, rogans ut etiam ad se Samum mitteret, a seque copias peteret. (3) Quo audito, libenter Cambyses Samum miserat, petens a Polycrate ut navales copias secum mitteret adversus Ægyptum. Et ille e civibus selectos hos, qos novandarum domi rerum maxime suspectos habebat, miserat cum quadraginta triremibus ; mandans Cambysi, ne hos remitteret. | It was this Polycrates then, prosperous in all things, against whom the Lacedemonians were making an expedition, being invited by those Samians who afterwards settled at Kydonia in Crete, to come to their assistance. Now Polycrates had sent an envoy to Cambyses the son of Cyrus without the knowledge of the Samians, as he was gathering an army to go against Egypt, and had asked him to send to him in Samos and to ask for an armed force. So Cambyses hearing this very readily sent to Samos to ask Polycrates to send a naval force with him against Egypt: and Polycrates selected of the citizens those whom he most suspected of desiring to rise against him and sent them away in forty triremes, charging Cambyses not to send them back. |
| 3.45 | Jam dicunt alii, Samios hos a Polycrate missos, in Ægyptum non pervenisse ; sed quum ad Carpathum navibus venissent, re deliberata statuisse non ulterius navigare : alii ajunt, venisse eos in Ægyptum, ibique fuisse observatos, sed fuga inde evasisse. (2) Qui ubi Samum renavigarunt, Polycrates cum navibus obviam profectus, prœlium cum eis commisit : qua e pugna quum superiores discessissent hi reduces, in insulam escenderunt ; at tunc, pedestri commisso prœlio, victi fugatique sunt, atque ita Lacedæmonem navigarunt. (3) Ac sunt quidem qui dicant, hos ex Ægypto redeuntes devicisse Polycratem : quod, mea quidem sententia, falsum est. Nihil enim opus fuisset Lacedæmonios auxilio vocare, si satis virium ipsi habuissent, quibus Polycratem ad deditionem compellerent. (4) Ad hæc minime est consentaneum rationi, ut, cui et auxiliarium mercenariorum et propriorum satellitum magna multitudo præsto erat, hic a redeuntibus Samiis, paucis numero, esset devictus. (5) Præterea civium sibi subjectorum uxores et liberos, navalibus inclusos, in promptu habuerat Polycrates, si illi cum redeuntibus de proditione egissent, simul cum navalibus igne crematurus. | Now some say that those of the Samians who were sent away by Polycrates never reached Egypt, but when they arrived on their voyage at Carpathos, they considered with themselves, and resolved not to sail on any further: others say that they reached Egypt and being kept under guard there, they made their escape from thence. Then, as they were sailing in to Samos, Polycrates encountered them with ships and engaged battle with them; and those who were returning home had the better and landed in the island; but having fought a land-battle in the island, they were worsted, and so sailed to Lacedemon. Some however say that those from Egypt defeated Polycrates in the battle; but this in my opinion is not correct, for there would have been no need for them to invite the assistance of the Lacedemonians if they had been able by themselves to bring Polycrates to terms. Moreover, it is not reasonable either, seeing that he had foreign mercenaries and native archers very many in number, to suppose that he was worsted by the returning Samians, who were but few. Then Polycrates gathered together the children and wives of his subjects and confined them in the ship-sheds, keeping them ready so that, if it should prove that his subjects deserted to the side of the returning exiles, he might burn them with the sheds. |
| 3.46 | Samii, a Polycrate ejecti, ut Spartam venerunt, deducti ad magistratus, multa fecerunt verba, ut qui sollicite admodum orarent. At illi, primo hoc eis dato concilio, responderunt : quæ prima dixissent, ea se esse oblitos ; quæ deinde, ea non intelligere. (2) Post hæc, iterum admissi, saccum ferentes, nihil aliud dixerunt, nisi hæc verba, Saccus farina indiget. Quibus Spartani responderunt, vocabulo Saccus supersedere eos potuisse : opem vero ferre decreverunt. | When those of the Samians who had been driven out by Polycrates reached Sparta, they were introduced before the magistrates and spoke at length, being urgent in their request. The magistrates however at the first introduction replied that they had forgotten the things which had been spoken at the beginning, and did not understand those which were spoken at the end. After this they were introduced a second time, and bringing with them a bag they said nothing else but this, namely that the bag was in want of meal; to which the others replied that they had overdone it with the bag. However, they resolved to help them. |
| 3.47 | Deinde Lacedæmonii, rebus omnibus paratis, exercitum Samum miserunt : idque, ut quidem Samii dicunt, fecerunt remuneraturi beneficium, quandoquidem ipsis superiore tempore Samii navibus opem tulissent adversus Messenios : ut vero Lacedæmonii ajunt, non tam Samiis precantibus opem laturi expeditionem hanc susceperunt, quam punire illos cupientes, quod craterem rapuissent, ad Crœsum a se missum, itemque thoracem, quem Lacedæmoniis dono miserat Amasis, rex Ægypti. (2) Nam et thoracem illum, superiore anno quam craterem, Samii rapuerant. Lineus is thorax erat, multis intextis figuris ornatus ex auro et lana xylina (sive gossypio): quod vero miratu dignum est, filum thoracis quodlibet, quum tenue ipsum sit, in se continet fila trecenta et sexaginta, conspicua cuncta. Alius huic simillimus est, quem Lindi idem Amasis Minervæ dedicavit. | Then the Lacedemonians prepared a force and made expedition to Samos, in repayment of former services, as the Samians say, because the Samians had first helped them with ships against the Messenians; but the Lacedemonians say that they made the expedition not so much from desire to help the Samians at their request, as to take vengeance on their own behalf for the robbery of the mixing-bowl which they had been bearing as a gift to Croesus, and of the corslet which Amasis the king of Egypt had sent as a gift to them; for the Samians had carried off the corslet also in the year before they took the bowl; and it was of linen with many figures woven into it and embroidered with gold and with cotton; and each thread of this corslet is worthy of admiration, for that being itself fine it has in it three hundred and sixty fibres, all plain to view. Such another as this moreover is that which Amasis dedicated as an offering to Athene at Lindos. |
| 3.48 | Operam autem suam ad hanc contra Samum expeditionem, ut susciperetur, studiose etiam contulerunt Corinthii. Etenim adversus hos quoque contumeliam admiserant Samii proxima ante hanc expeditionem ætate, per idem tempus quo crater raptus est. (2) Periander, Cypseli filius, trecentos pueros principum e Corcyræis virorum Sardes at Alyatten miserat castrandos. Quos pueros qui ducebant Corinthii quum ad Samum appulissent, cognita causa Samii cur Sardes illi ducerentur, primum monuerunt pueros, ut templum tangerent Dianæ: deinde, quum a templo abstrahi supplices hos non paterentur, Corinthii autem eisdem alimenta negarent, festos dies instituerunt Samii, quos etiam nunc eodem modo celebrant : (3) ingruente nocte, quam diu aderant supplices pueri, choros agebant virginum juvenumque, constituta lege, ut, illis qui choris interessent, bellaria secum ferrent e sesamo et melle confecta, ut ea pueri Corcyræis rapta comederent. (4) Idque tam diu ita fecerunt, donec custodes puerorum Corinthii, illis relictis, abierunt : tunc vero pueros Corcyram Samii reduxerunt. | The Corinthians also took part with zeal in this expedition against Samos, that it might be carried out; for there had been an offence perpetrated against them also by the Samians a generation before the time of this expedition and about the same time as the robbery of the bowl. Periander the son of Kypselos had despatched three hundred sons of the chief men of Corcyra to Alyattes at Sardis to be made eunuchs; and when the Corinthians who were conducting the boys had put in to Samos, the Samians, being informed of the story and for what purpose they were being conducted to Sardis, first instructed the boys to lay hold of the temple of Artemis, and then they refused to permit the Corinthians to drag the suppliants away from the temple: and as the Corinthians cut the boys off from supplies of food, the Samians made a festival, which they celebrate even to the present time in the same manner: for when night came on, as long as the boys were suppliants they arranged dances of maidens and youths, and in arranging the dances they made it a rule of the festival that sweet cakes of sesame and honey should be carried, in order that the Corcyrean boys might snatch them and so have support; and this went on so long that at last the Corinthians who had charge of the boys departed and went away; and as for the boys, the Samians carried them back to Corcyra. |
| 3.49 | Jam, si mortuo Periandro amicitiam Corinthii cum Corcyræis coluissent, non illi hanc ob causam socii erant futuri expeditionis contra Samum susceptæ. Nunc, e quo coloniam in insulam illam deduxerant, perpetuo mutuæ inter utrosque durant dissensiones. (2) Itaque illam ob causam Samiis Corinthii succensebant. Miserat autem Sardes Periander castrandos pueros e principum Corcyræorum familiis lectos, pœnam ab illis sumpturus : nam priores Corcyræi nefarium facinus in ipsum admiserant. | Now, if after the death of Periander the Corinthians had been on friendly terms with the Corcyreans, they would not have joined in the expedition against Samos for the cause which has been mentioned; but as it is, they have been ever at variance with one another since they first colonised the island. This then was the cause why the Corinthians had a grudge against the Samians. |
| 3.50 | Scilicet postquam uxorem suam Melissam Periander occidit, ad priorem hanc calamitatem alia ei supervenit hujusmodi. Erant ei e Melissa duo filii, alter septemdecim annos natus, alter octodecim. (2) Hos avus maternus Procles, Epidauri tyrannus, ad se vocatus, benigne excepit, uti par erat ex ipsius filia natos. Quos ubi a se dimisit ; dum illos deducit, ait : « Nostis ne, filii, quis matrem vestram occiderit ? » (3) Hujus verbi frater natur major nullam habuit rationem : minor vero, cuinomen erat Lycophron, hoc audito, tanto est mœrore affectus, ut, quum Corinthum rediisset, patrem, ut qui matrem suam occidisset, nec salutaret, nec compellantem vicissim alloqueretur, nec interroganti responderet quidquam. Ad extremum, ira incensus Periander domo eum ejecit. | Now Periander had chosen out the sons of the chief men of Corcyra and was sending them to Sardis to be made eunuchs, in order that he might have revenge; since the Corcyreans had first begun the offence and had done to him a deed of reckless wrong. For after Periander had killed his wife Melissa, it chanced to him to experience another misfortune in addition to that which had happened to him already, and this was as follows — He had by Melissa two sons, the one of seventeen and the other of eighteen years. These sons their mother’s father Procles, who was despot of Epidauros, sent for to himself and kindly entertained, as was to be expected seeing that they were the sons of his own daughter; and when he was sending them back, he said in taking leave of them: “Do ye know, boys, who it was that killed your mother?” Of this saying the elder of them took no account, but the younger, whose name was Lycophron, was grieved so greatly at hearing it, that when he reached Corinth again he would neither address his father, nor speak to him when his father would have conversed with him, nor give any reply when he asked questions, regarding him as the murderer of his mother. At length Periander being enraged with his son drove him forth out of his house. |
| 3.51 | Hoc ejecto, quæsivit e majore natu, quid cum ipsis avus disseruisset. Et ille exposuit, quam benigne ipsos excepisset ; verbi autem illius, quod Procles eis, quum dimitteret, dixerat, nullam fecit mentionem, ut qui illud in animum non admodum admisisset. (2) At pater, fieri prorsus non posse, ait, quin aliquid ipsis avus suggesserit ; et percontari institit. Tum recordatus juvenis, id quoque dixit. (3) Quod quum advertisset Periandri animum, nulla porro indulgentia uti decrevit ; et ubicunque vitam agebat puer a se ejectus, ad eos misit nuntium, qui ipsius verbis illis diceret, ne ædibus puerum reciperent. (4) Itaque inde ejectus quoties in aliam se domum recepisset, ex hac pariter expellebatur, quum recipientibus Periander minaretur imperaretque ut domo illum prohiberent. Pulsus igitur ex alia, ad aliam sodalium domum confugiebat : hique eum, ut qui Periandri filius esset, quamvis timentes, tamen receperunt. | And having driven him forth, he asked of the elder son what his mother’s father had said to them in his conversation. He then related how Procles had received them in a kindly manner, but of the saying which he had uttered when he parted from them he had no remembrance, since he had taken no note of it. So Periander said that it could not be but that he had suggested to them something, and urged him further with questions; and he after that remembered, and told of this also. Then Periander taking note of it and not desiring to show any indulgence, sent a messenger to those with whom the son who had been driven forth was living at that time, and forbade them to receive him into their houses; and whenever having been driven away from one house he came to another, he was driven away also from this, since Periander threatened those who received him, and commanded them to exclude him; and so being driven away again he would go to another house, where persons lived who were his friends, and they perhaps received him because he was the son of Periander, notwithstanding that they feared. |
| 3.52 | Ad extremum publico præconio Periander edixit, quisquis eum domo recepisset, aut sermones cum eo miscuisset, eum sacram mulctam (quam eodem edicto definiebat) Apollini debiturum. Ex hoc igitur edicto nemo amplius vel colloqui cum eo vel in domum recipere voluit : atque etiam ipse ne temptare quidem dignatus est rem vetitam ; sed manens in proposito, volutabatur in porticibus. (2) Quarto dein die conspicatus illum Periander illuvie et inedia male affectum, miseratus est puerum, et propius accedens, remissa ira, his verbis est allocutus : « Utrum, o fili, optabilius est tibi, hic status quo nunc es, an ut regnum et reliqua bona, quibus ego fruor, accipias, ea conditione ut te patris animo accommodes ? (3) Quum sis filius meus et opulentæ Corinthi rex, vitam elegisti errabundi mendici, obsistens et irascens ei cui minime fas erat. Quodsi in domo nostra accidit calamitas, e qua suspicionem adversus me concepisti ; mihi illa accidit, et in me cadit maxima ejus pars, quandoquidem ipse illam interfeci. (4) Tu vero, cogitans quanto præstet invidiam movere quam misericordiam, simulque quale sit succensere parentibus et superioribus, domum abi. » His verbis eum inhibere conanti patri nihil alius puer respondit, nisi debere illum sacram mulctam deo, ut qui ipsum sit allocutus. (5) Tum intelligens Periander, insanabile et invictum esse pueri malum, instructa navi e conspectu suo illum Corcyram misit, quæ et ipsa imperio ejus erat subjecta. (6) Dimisso vero puero, Proclem socerum bello petiit, ut qui præcipuus præsentium rerum auctor fuisset : cepitque Epidaurum, et ipsum Proclem, eumque vivum in custodia tenuit. | At last Periander made a proclamation that whosoever should either receive him into their houses or converse with him should be bound to pay a fine to Apollo, stating the amount that it should be. Accordingly, by reason of this proclamation no one was willing either to converse with him or to receive him into their house; and moreover even he himself did not think it fit to attempt it, since it had been forbidden, but he lay about in the porticoes enduring exposure: and on the fourth day after this, Periander seeing him fallen into squalid misery and starvation felt pity for him; and abating his anger he approached him and began to say: “Son, which of these two is to be preferred, the fortune which thou dost now experience and possess, or to inherit the power and wealth which I possess now, by being submissive to thy father’s will? Thou however, being my son and the prince of wealthy Corinth, didst choose nevertheless the life of a vagabond by making opposition and displaying anger against him with whom it behoved thee least to deal so; for if any misfortune happened in those matters, for which cause thou hast suspicion against me, this has happened to me first, and I am sharer in the misfortune more than others, inasmuch as I did the deed myself. Do thou however, having learnt by how much to be envied is better than to be pitied, and at the same time what a grievous thing it is to be angry against thy parents and against those who are stronger than thou, come back now to the house.” Periander with these words endeavored to restrain him; but he answered nothing else to his father, but said only that he ought to pay a fine to the god for having come to speech with him. Then Periander, perceiving that the malady of his son was hopeless and could not be overcome, despatched a ship to Corcyra, and so sent him away out of his sight, for he was ruler also of that island; and having sent him away, Periander proceeded to make war against his father-in-law Procles, esteeming him most to blame for the condition in which he was; and he took Epidauros and took also Procles himself and made him a prisoner. |
| 3.53 | Procedente tempore, postquam consenuit Periander, animadvertitque non posse se amplius res publicas inspicere et administrare, Corcyram misit, et Lycophronem ad suscipiendum regnum vocavit ; nam majori natu filiorum videbat non inesse ejus rei facultatem, sed manifesto hebetius in eo ingenium agnoscebat.(2) At Lycophron hominem, qui ei hunc nuntium afferebat, ne responsione quidem ulla dignatus est. Tum Periander, magna cura juvenem amplectens, iterum ad eum misit sororem, filiam suam, ratus huic illum maxime obsecuturum. (3) Quæ quum advenisset, dixissetque : « Visne, juvenis, aliorum in manus venire regnum, et dissolvi domum patris tui potuis, quam ut ipse abeas, atque hæc teneas ? Abi domum, et desine te ipsum punire. (4) Sinistra res est obstinatio : ne malum malo sanare coneris. Multi præponunt justioribus æquiora lenioraque : multi jam item, materna quærentes, paterna perdiderunt. (5) Lubrica res regnum est ; multos tamen habet amatores, et ille jam senex est et vigorem ætatis prætergressus : ne tua bona tradas aliis. » (6) Sic illa, a patre edocta, verbis ad persuadendum maxime ideoneis fratrem est allocuta. At ille, nequaquam, ait, Corinthum se esse venturum, quam diu patrem superesse cognovisset. (7) Quæ postquam illa renuntiavit, tertio Periander præconem misit, qui diceret, ipsum in Corcyram venturum, illum autem Corinthum abire juberet ad regnum capessendum. (8) Quam in conditionem quum consensisset adolescens, Periander parabat Corcyram navibus proficisci, et filius Corinthum. At Corcyræi, his rebus omnibus cognitis, ne in terram ipsorum Periander veniret, interfecerunt juvenem. Hanc igitur ob causam de Corcyræis ultionem Periander ceperat. | When however, as time went on, Periander had passed his prime and perceived within himself that he was no longer able to overlook and manage the government of the State, he sent to Corcyra and summoned Lycophron to come back and take the supreme power; for in the elder of his sons he did not see the required capacity, but perceived clearly that he was of wits too dull. Lycophron however did not deign even to give an answer to the bearer of his message. Then Periander, clinging still in affection to the youth, sent to him next his own daughter, the sister of Lycophron, supposing that he would yield to her persuasion more than to that of others; and she arrived there and spoke to him thus: “Boy, dost thou desire that both the despotism should fall to others, and also the substance of thy father, carried off as plunder, rather than that thou shouldest return back and possess them? Come back to thy home: cease to torment thyself. Pride is a mischievous possession. Heal not evil with evil. Many prefer that which is reasonable to that which is strictly just; and many ere now in seeking the things of their mother have lost the things of their father. Despotism is an insecure thing, and many desire it: moreover he is now an old man and past his prime. Give not thy good things unto others.” She thus said to him the most persuasive things, having been before instructed by her father: but he in answer said, that he would never come to Corinth so long as he heard that his father was yet alive. When she had reported this, Periander the third time sent an envoy, and said that he desired himself to come to Corcyra, exhorting Lycophron at the same time to come back to Corinth and to be his successor on the throne. The son having agreed to return on these terms, Periander was preparing to sail to Corcyra and his son to Corinth; but the Corcyreans, having learnt all that had taken place, put the young man to death, in order that Periander might not come to their land. For this cause it was that Periander took vengeance on those of Corcyra. |
| 3.54 | Jam Lacedæmonii, magna cum classe Samum profecti, urbem oppugnarunt. Et murum aggressi, turrim in suburbio mari imminentem jam transcenderant, quum, succurrente ipso Polycrate magna cum manu, repulsi sunt. (2) Simul vero a superiore turri, quæ in dorso montis erat, egressi sunt auxiliares, et ipsorum Samiorum ingens numerus : qui postquam per exiguum tempus sustinuissent Lacedæmonios, fuga se recipiunt ; et illi insecuti, magnam cædem fecerunt. | The Lacedemonians then had come with a great armament and were besieging Samos; and having made an attack upon the wall, they occupied the tower which stands by the sea in the suburb of the city, but afterwards when Polycrates came up to the rescue with a large body they were driven away from it. Meanwhile by the upper tower which is upon the ridge of the mountain there had come out to the fight the foreign mercenaries and many of the Samians themselves, and these stood their ground against the Lacedemonians for a short while and then began to fly backwards; and the Lacedemonians followed and were slaying them. |
| 3.55 | Quodsi, qui tunc affuerunt Lacedæmonii, cuncti similes eo die fuissent Archiæ et Lycopæ, capta fuisset Samus. Archias enim et Lycopas, quum soli cum fugientibus Samiis intra mœnia irrupissent, intercluso reditu, in urbe a Samiis interfecti sunt. (2) Equidem cum tertio ab hoc Archia, cui et ipsi Archiæ nomen erat, Samii filio, Archiæ nepoti, congressus sum Pitanæ, quo de populo erat : qui omnium hospitum maxime Samios colebat, mihique dixit, patri suo nomen Samii hac causa fuisse impositum, quod illius pater Archias Sami fortissime pugnans occubuisset : colere se autem Samios, aiebat, quoniam avus ipsius publice a Samiis fuisset sepultus. | Now if the Lacedemonians there present had all been equal on that day to Archias and Lycopas, Samos would have been captured; for Archias and Lycopas alone rushed within the wall together with the flying Samians, and being shut off from retreat were slain within the city of the Samians. I myself moreover had converse in Pitane (for to that deme he belonged) with the third in descent from this Archias, another Archias the son of Samios the son of Archias, who honored the Samians of all strangers most; and not only so, but he said that his own father had been called Samios because his father Archias had died by a glorious death in Samos; and he said that he honored Samians because his grandfather had been granted a public funeral by the Samians. |
| 3.56 | Sed Lacedæmonii, quum per quadraginta dies oppugnassent Samum, neque quidquam profecissent, in Peloponnesum sunt reversi. (2) Fertur autem fama, temere quidem sparsa, quæ ait, Polycratem magnum numerum patriæ monetæ e plumbo cusæ, sed deauratæ, illis dedisse ; quo accepto eos discessisse. Hæc prima est expeditio, quam in Asiam Lacedæmonii, Doricæ stirpis populus, susceperunt. | The Lacedemonians then, when they had been besieging Samos for forty days and their affairs made no progress, set forth to return to Peloponnesus. But according to the less credible account which has been put abroad of these matters Polycrates struck in lead a quantity of a certain native coin, and having gilded the coins over, gave them to the Lacedemonians, and they received them and upon that set forth to depart. This was the first expedition which the Lacedemonians (being Dorians) made into Asia. |
| 3.57 | Hi autem e Samiis qui Polycratem bello erant aggressi, quum in eo essent Lacedæmonii ut illos desererent, ipsi quoque abierunt et Siphnum navigarunt. Pecunia enim indigebant : et florentes per id tempus erant res Siphniorum, ut qui præ ceteris insulanis divitiis maxime valebant ; quippe in eorum insula metalla erant auri argentique, ita quidem ut e decima pecuniæ illius, quæ ibi conficitur, thesaurus Delphis sit dedicatus, qui nihil cedit opulentissimis : ipsi vero, quæ quotannis e metallis redibant, ea inter se distribuebant. (2) Iidem, quo tempore thesaurum illum struendum curarunt, quæsiverunt ex oraculo, an præsentia bona per longum temporis spatium ipsis sint duratura. Quibus Pythia hæc respondit:
cana fori facies ; tunc vir vafer assit oportet, e ligno insidias caveatque rubrum præconem. » |
Those of the Samians who had made the expedition against Polycrates themselves also sailed away, when the Lacedemonians were about to desert them, and came to Siphnos: for they were in want of money, and the people of Siphnos were then at their greatest height of prosperity and possessed wealth more than all the other islanders, since they had in their island mines of gold and silver, so that there is a treasury dedicated at Delphi with the tithe of the money which came in from these mines, and furnished in a manner equal to the wealthiest of these treasuries: and the people used to divide among themselves the money which came in from the mines every year. So when they were establishing the treasury, they consulted the Oracle as to whether their present prosperity was capable of remaining with them for a long time, and the Pythian prophetess gave them this reply:
And when the market is white of brow, one wary is needed Then, to beware of an army of wood and a red-colored herald.” |
| 3.58 | Hoc oraculum Siphnii, nec tunc statim quum datum est, quo pertineret intellexerant, nec deinde, quum Samii advenerunt. Nam simul atque ad Siphnum Samii appulerunt, navium unam in urbem cum legatis miserunt. (2) Erant autem olim naves omnes minio tinctæ: idque fuit quod Siphniis Pythia edixerat, quum cavere illos jussisset ligneas insidias et rubrum præconem. (3) Advenientes igitur Samiorum legati postularunt a Saphniis, ut decem talenta ipsis mutuo darent. Quod quum se facturos Siphnii negassent, agros eorum depopulati sunt Samii. (4) Ea re cognita, protinus Siphnii egressi sunt, rebus suis opem laturi : sed commisso prœlio inferiores discesserunt, multique eorum urbe a Samiis sunt interclusi : quo facto, centum talenta ab illis Samii exegerunt. | This oracle they were not able to understand either then at first or when the Samians had arrived: for as soon as the Samians were putting in to Siphnos they sent one of their ships to bear envoys to the city: now in old times all ships were painted with red, and this was that which the Pythian prophetess was declaring beforehand to the Siphnians, bidding them guard against the “army of wood” and the “red-colored herald.” The messengers accordingly came and asked the Siphnians to lend them ten talents; and as they refused to lend to them, the Samians began to lay waste their lands: so when they were informed of it, forthwith the Siphnians came to the rescue, and having engaged battle with them were defeated, and many of them were cut off by the Samians and shut out of the city; and the Samians after this imposed upon them a payment of a hundred talents. |
| 3.59 | Ab Hermionensibus vero, data pecunia, Hydream acceperunt insulam, Peloponneso obversam, eamque Trœzeniis in depositum dederunt ; ipsi vero Cydoniam in Creta condiderunt coloniam, quum non hoc consilio navigassent, sed Zacynthios insula ejecturi. (2) Mansere autem ibi et opibus florere per quinquennium ; ita quidem, ut, quæ nunc templa sunt Cydoniæ, ab his extructa sint, atque etiam Dictynnes fanum. (3) Sexto autem anno Æginetæ eosdem, Cretensibus juncti, prœlio navali superatos, in servitutem redigerunt, resectasque navium proras, quibus apri pro insignibus erant, Æginæ in Minervæ templo dedicarunt. (4) Id fecerunt Æginetæ, quia infensi Samiis erant : hi enim priores, regnante Sami Amphicrate, bello Æginæ illato multis malis Æginetas affecerant, sed et ipsi multa erant passi. | Then from the men of Hermion they received by payment of money the island of Hydrea, which is near the coast of Peloponnese, and they gave it in charge to the Troizenians, but they themselves settled at Kydonia which is in Crete, not sailing thither for that purpose but in order to drive the Zakynthians out of the island. Here they remained and were prosperous for five years, so much so that they were the builders of the temples which are now existing in Kydonia, and also of the house of Dictyna. In the sixth year however the Eginetans together with the Cretans conquered them in a sea-fight and brought them to slavery; and they cut off the prows of their ships, which were shaped like boars, and dedicated them in the temple of Athene in Egina. This the Eginetans did because they had a grudge against the Samians; for the Samians had first made expedition against Egina, when Amphicrates was king in Samos, and had done much hurt to the Eginetans and suffered much hurt also from them. Such was the cause of this event. |
| 3.60 | Causa quidem illius odii hæc est : verum ego longiorem de Samiis sermonem feci, quoniam ab his tria maxima opera, præ reliquis omnibus Græcis, effecta sunt. Primum, in monte ad centum et quinquaginta orgyias edito, in hoc fossa ab imo monte incipiens, et per totum ita acta, ut in oppositum montis latus pateat alterum fossæ orificium. (2) Longitudo fossæ septem stadiorum est : altitudo ac latitudo, octo pedum utraque. Per totam autem illius longitudinem excavata est alia fossa, viginti ulnas alta, tres pedes lata, per quam aqua, ex ingenti fonte derivata, per tubos in urbem deducitur. Architectus hujus fossæ Eupalinus fuit Megarensis, Naustrophi filius. (3) Hoc unum e tribus illis. Alterum est opus, agger in mari ductus circa portum, in altitudinem viginti orgyiarum ; longitudo autem aggeris, major duobus stadiis. (4) Tertio, templum habent exstructum maximum omnium, quæ nos novimus, templorum : cujus primus architectus fuit Rhœcus, Philæ filius, Samius. Horum causa sermonem de Samiis paulo longiorem instituimus. | And about the Samians I have spoken at greater length, because they have three works which are greater than any others that have been made by Hellenes: first a passage beginning from below and open at both ends, dug through a mountain not less than a hundred and fifty fathoms in height; the length of the passage is seven furlongs and the height and breadth each eight feet, and throughout the whole of it another passage has been dug twenty cubits in depth and three feet in breadth, through which the water is conducted and comes by the pipes to the city, brought from an abundant spring: and the designer of this work was a Megarian, Eupalinos the son of Naustrophos. This is one of the three; and the second is a mole in the sea about the harbor, going down to a depth of as much as twenty fathoms; and the length of the mole is more than two furlongs. The third work which they have executed is a temple larger than all the other temples of which we know. Of this the first designer was Rhoicos the son of Philes, a native of Samos. For this reason I have spoken at greater length of the Samians. |
| 3.61 | Jam adversus Cambysen, diutius in Ægypto morantem insanientemque, insurrexerunt duo fratres Magi, quorum alterum Cambyses procuratorem domus suæ reliquerat. (2) Hic igitur adversus illum insurrexit, quum intelligeret, occultari Smerdis cædem, paucosque esse Persarum ad quos notitia illius pervenisset, plerosque vero illum credere superesse : hæc ille reputans, regiam occupare hoc modo instituit. (3) Erat ei frater, quem simul cum eo insurrexisse dixi, corporis specie similis admodum Smerdi, Cyri filio, quem Cambyses, quum ipsius frater esset, interfecerat. Erat igitur hic et facie Smerdi similis, et ipsi nomen quoque idem Smerdis erat. (4) Hunc hominem Patizithes Magus, postquam ei persuaserat ut sibi omnia conficeret, regio in solio collocavit. Quo facto, præcones dimisit quum alias in partes, tum et in Ægyptum misit qui ediceret exercitui, Smerdi dehinc esse parendum, Cyri filio, non Cambysi. | Now while Cambyses the son of Cyrus was spending a long time in Egypt and had gone out of his right mind, there rose up against him two brothers, Magians, of whom the one had been left behind by Cambyses as caretaker of his household. This man, I say, rose up against him perceiving that the occurrence of the death of Smerdis was being kept secret, and that there were but few of the Persians who were aware of it, while the greater number believed without doubt that he was still alive. Therefore he endeavored to obtain the kingdom, and he formed his plan as follows — he had a brother (that one who, as I said, rose up with him against Cambyses), and this man in form very closely resembled Smerdis the son of Cyrus, whom Cambyses had slain, being his own brother. He was like Smerdis, I say, in form, and not only so but he had the same name, Smerdis. Having persuaded this man that he would manage everything for him, the Magian Patizeithes brought him and seated him upon the royal throne: and having so done he sent heralds about to the various provinces, and among others one to the army in Egypt, to proclaim to them that they must obey Smerdis the son of Cyrus for the future instead of Cambyses. |
| 3.62 | Itaque quum ceteri præcones hoc edixerunt, tum qui in Ægyptum erat missus, ubi Cambysen cum exercitu Ecbatanis Syriæ invenerat, stans in medio proclamavit ea quæ a Mago mandata habebat. (2) Quæ ut a præcone edicta Cambyses cognovit, quum vera esse ea et proditum se a Prexaspe existimaret (hunc enim, ad interficiendum Smerdin missum, non exsecutum esse mandatum), respiciens Prexaspen, ait : « Prexaspes, ita igitur mandatum mihi es exsecutus, quod tibi injunxeram ! » (3) Tum ille : « Non est hoc verum, domine, ut Smerdis frater tuus adversus te insurrexerit, aut ut ulla tibi a viro illo contentio, sive magna, sive parva existere possit. Nam ego ipse tuum mandatum exsecutus, mea manu eum sepelivi. (4) Itaque, si resurgunt mortui, exspecta ut etiam Astyages Medus adversus te sit insurrecturus : sin erit ut olim, nihil quidquam novarum rerum ab illo tibi nascetur. Quare mihi videtur, insequi nos debere præconem, et ex eo perquirere interrogando, a quonam missus edixerit, Smerdi regi esse parendum. » | So then the other heralds made this proclamation, and also the one who was appointed to go to Egypt, finding Cambyses and his army at Agbatana in Syria, stood in the midst and began to proclaim that which had been commanded to him by the Magian. Hearing this from the herald, and supposing that the herald was speaking the truth and that he had himself been betrayed by Prexaspes, that is to say, that when Prexaspes was sent to kill Smerdis he had not done so, Cambyses looked upon Prexaspes and said: “Prexaspes, was it thus that thou didst perform for me the thing which I gave over to thee to do?” and he said: “Master, the saying is not true that Smerdis thy brother has risen up against thee, nor that thou wilt have any contention arising from him, either great or small: for I myself, having done that which thou didst command me to do, buried him with my own hands. If therefore the dead have risen again to life, then thou mayest expect that Astyages also the Mede will rise up against thee; but if it is as it was beforetime, there is no fear now that any trouble shall spring up for you, at least from him. Now therefore I think it well that some should pursue after the herald and examine him, asking from whom he has come to proclaim to us that we are to obey Smerdis as king.” |
| 3.63 | Hæc a Praxaspe dicta quum placuissent Cambysi, protinus missi sunt qui præconem insequerentur reducerentque. Qui ut rediit, his verbis eum interrogavit Prexaspes : « Tu, homo, quum dicas a Smerdi Cyri filio te nuntium venire, nunc, si mihi verum dixeris, salvus abito. Ipsumne Smerdin oculis tuis vidisti, qui tibi hoc mandatum dederit ; an ab aliquo ex ejus ministris illud accepisti ? » (2) Tum ille, « Ego, inquit, Smerdin Cyri filium, e quo rex Cambyses cum exercitu in Ægyptum est profectus, nondum vidi : sed Magus, quem domus suæ procuratorem Cambyses constituit, hic mihi mandata hæc dedit, dicens Smerdin esse, Cyri filium, qui, ut ea ad vos perferrem, imperasset. » (3) Hæc illis homo iste dixit, a veritate nihil discendens. Tum Cambyses : « Tu quidem, Prexaspes, ait, ut vir bonus mandata mea exsecutus, culpam effugisti : at quis tandem ille fuerit Persarum, qui Smerdis nomen invadens, adversus me insurrexit ? » (4) Cui ille, « Equidem, rex, mihi videor, inquit, intelligere quid hoc rei sit. Magi sunt qui tibi insurrexerunt, tum is quem tu procuratorem domus tuæ reliquisti, Patizithes, tum hujus frater Smerdis. » | When Prexaspes had thus spoken, Cambyses was pleased with the advice, and accordingly the herald was pursued forthwith and returned. Then when he had come back, Prexaspes asked him as follows: “Man, thou sayest that thou art come as a messenger from Smerdis the son of Cyrus: now therefore speak the truth and go away in peace. I ask thee whether Smerdis himself appeared before thine eyes and charged thee to say this, or some one of those who serve him.” He said: “Smerdis the son of Cyrus I have never yet seen, since the day that king Cambyses marched to Egypt: but the Magian whom Cambyses appointed to be guardian of his household, he, I say, gave me this charge, saying that Smerdis the son of Cyrus was he who laid the command upon me to speak these things to you.” Thus he spoke to them, adding no falsehoods to the first, and Cambyses said: “Prexaspes, thou hast done that which was commanded thee like an honest man, and hast escaped censure; but who of the Persians may this be who has risen up against me and usurped the name of Smerdis?” He said: “I seem to myself, O king, to have understanding of this which has come to pass: the Magians have risen against thee, Patizeithes namely, whom thou didst leave as caretaker of thy household, and his brother Smerdis.” |
| 3.64 | Ibi tunc, audito Smerdis nomine, veritas quum dictorum tum insomnii animum percutit Cambysis, cui per somnum visum erat nuntiare aliquem sibi, Smerdin, regio in solio sedentem, capite cœlum tetigisse. (2) Itaque intelligens, frustra se perdidisse fratrem, deploravit Smerdin : et postquam universam suam calamitatem deplorarat lamentatusque erat, in equum insiliit ; in animo habens quam celerrime posset, Susa adversus Magum ducere exercitum. (3) At, dum in equum insilit, de vagina gladii fungus (extremæ vaginæ claustrum) decidit ; et nudatus gladius femur feriit. (4) Vulneratus igitur Cambyses eadem parte, qua ipse antea deum Ægyptiorum Apin percusserat, quum letale vulnus accepisse sibi videretur, quæsivit quodnam nomen esset oppido. Et illi Ecbatana dixerunt. (5) Erat ei autem superiori tempore oraculi responsum e Buto urbe allatum, Ecbatanis illum moriturum : unde sibi persuaserat, Ecbatanis Mediæ, ubi ei rerum omnium summa erat, senem sese vita functurum ; at nimirum Ecbatana Syriæ dixerat oraculum. (6) Itaque, postquam tunc percunctatus oppidi nomen cognovit, consternatus calamitate quæ et e Mago ei imminebat, et e vulnere, resipuit ; intelligensque oraculi responsum, ait : « Hic loci fatale est vitam finire Cambysen, Cyri filium. » | Then Cambyses, when he heard the name of Smerdis, perceived at once the true meaning of this report and of the dream, for he thought in his sleep that some one had reported to him that Smerdis was sitting upon the royal throne and had touched the heaven with his head: and perceiving that he had slain his brother without need, he began to lament for Smerdis; and having lamented for him and sorrowed greatly for the whole mishap, he was leaping upon his horse, meaning as quickly as possible to march his army to Susa against the Magian; and as he leapt upon his horse, the cap of his sword-sheath fell off, and the sword being left bare struck his thigh. Having been wounded then in the same part where he had formerly struck Apis the god of the Egyptians, and believing that he had been struck with a mortal blow, Cambyses asked what was the name of that town, and they said “Agbatana.” Now even before this he had been informed by the Oracle at the city of Buto that in Agbatana he should bring his life to an end: and he supposed that he should die of old age in Agbatana in Media, where was his chief seat of power; but the oracle, it appeared, meant in Agbatana of Syria. So when by questioning now he learnt the name of the town, being struck with fear both by the calamity caused by the Magian and at the same time by the wound, he came to his right mind, and understanding the meaning of the oracle he said: “Here it is fated that Cambyses the son of Cyrus shall end his life.” |
| 3.65 | Neque tunc plura ; sed deinde, interjectis fere viginti diebus, convocatis ad se spectatissimis qui aderant Persarum, hæc ad eos verba fecit : Eo redactus sum, o Persæ, ut rem vobis eam, quam omnium maxime occultavi, debeam aperire. (2) Quum in Ægypto essem, vidi nocturnam visionem, quam utinam nunquam vidissem ! Visum erat mihi, venientem domo nuntium renuntiare, Smerdin, regio in solio sedentem, capite cœlum tetigisse. (3) Itaque veritus, ne imperium mihi a fratre raperetur, properantiora feci quam prudentiora : nec enim naturæ hominis datum est, avertere id quod sit eventurum : ego vero fatuus Prexaspen Susa mitto, qui Smerdin interficiat. (4) Quo tanto admisso facinore, securus vitam egi, nullo pacto cogitans fore, ut, sublato Smerdi, alius quisquam hominum mihi insurgat. Sed ab ejus quod futurum erat notione prorsus aberrans, præter jus et fas fratrem occidi, et nihilo minus regno sum privatus. Smerdis enim Magus fuit, quem contra me insurrecturum esse deus insomnii viso mihi significaverat. (5) Patratum igitur a me facinus est ; vosque sic existimate, non amplius in vivis esse Smerdin, Cyri filium : sed Magi vobis regiam occuparunt, is quem ego procuratorem domus meæ reliqui, et frater eius Smerdis. (6) Jam, quem maxime oportuerat vicem meam, qui hæc indigna a Magis patior, ulcisci ; is nefaria cæde, a proximis suis patrata, vitam finivit. Qui quum amplius non sit, secundo loco, id quod reliquum est, ut vos, Persæ, quæ nunc, quum vitam finio, mihi a vobis fieri volo, moneam summa me necessitas urget. (7) Nempe hoc vobis, deos regios obtestatus, injungo, quum in universum cunctis, tum maxime his qui ex Achæmenidum stirpe adestis, ne principatum ad Medos iterum redire patiamini ; sed, sive illi dolo eum obtinuerunt, dolo eis eripiatis ; sin vi quadam illum sibi pararunt, vi et armis recuperetis. (8) Atque, hoc quidem si feceritis, et terra vobis fructum ferat, et uxores et greges uberem edant prolem, et libertate in omne futurum tempus fruamini ! Sin non recuperaveritis principatum nec conati fueritis recuperare, contraria horum vobis ut fiant precor, et hoc amplius, ut Persarum unicuique finis vitæ, qualis mihi, eveniat. » Simul hæc locutus Cambyses universam suam sortem deploravit. | So much only he said at that time; but about twenty days afterwards he sent for the most honorable of the Persians who were with him, and said to them as follows: “Persians, it has become necessary for me to make known to you the thing which I was wont to keep concealed beyond all other things. Being in Egypt I saw a vision in my sleep, which I would I had never seen, and it seemed to me that a messenger came from home and reported to me that Smerdis was sitting upon the royal throne and had touched the heaven with his head. Fearing then lest I should be deprived of my power by my brother, I acted quickly rather than wisely; for it seems that it is not possible for man to avert that which is destined to come to pass. I therefore, fool that I was, sent away Prexaspes to Susa to kill Smerdis; and when this great evil had been done, I lived in security, never considering the danger that some other man might at some time rise up against me, now that Smerdis had been removed: and altogether missing the mark of that which was about to happen, I have both made myself the murderer of my brother, when there was no need, and I have been deprived none the less of the kingdom; for it was in fact Smerdis the Magian of whom the divine power declared to me beforehand in the vision that he should rise up against me. So then, as I say, this deed has been done by me, and ye must imagine that ye no longer have Smerdis the son of Cyrus alive: but it is in truth the Magians who are masters of your kingdom, he whom I left as guardian of my household and his brother Smerdis. The man then who ought above all others to have taken vengeance on my behalf for the dishonor which I have suffered from the Magians, has ended his life by an unholy death received from the hands of those who were his nearest of kin; and since he is no more, it becomes most needful for me, as the thing next best of those which remain, to charge you, O Persians, with that which dying I desire should be done for me. This then I lay upon you, calling upon the gods of the royal house to witness it — upon you and most of all upon those of the Achaemenidai who are present here — that ye do not permit the return of the chief power to the Medes, but that if they have acquired it by craft, by craft they be deprived of it by you, or if they have conquered it by any kind of force, by force and by a strong hand ye recover it. And if ye do this, may the earth bring forth her produce and may your wives and your cattle be fruitful, while ye remain free for ever; but if ye do not recover the power nor attempt to recover it, I pray that curses the contrary of these blessings may come upon you, and moreover that each man of the Persians may have an end to his life like that which has come upon me.” Then as soon as he had finished speaking these things, Cambyses began to bewail and make lamentation for all his fortunes. |
| 3.66 | Tum Persæ, regem videntes edere ploratum, universi quidquid vestium habebant, discerpere, immensumque edere ejulatum cœperunt. (2) Et haud multo post, carie corroso osse, et in putredinem abeunte femore, e vivis ereptus est Cambyses, Cyri filius, postquam annos omnino septem et quinque menses regnaverat, nec ullam prolem, neque masculam, neque femineam, reliquerat. (3) At qui aderant Persæ persuadere sibi nullo pacto potuerunt, Magos rerum esse potitos ; sed Cambysen existimarunt calumniæ causa hæc dixisse quæ de morte Smerdis dixerat, quo Persicum omne genus ad bellum adversus illum concitaretur. (4) Hi igitur existimabant, Smerdin Cyri filium regnum occupasse : nam præfracte etiam negabat Pexaspes, a se interfectum esse Smerdin ; nec enim tutum ei erat, mortuo Cambyse fateri, Cyri filium ipsius manu periisse. | And the Persians, when they saw that the king had begun to bewail himself, both rent the garments which they wore and made lamentation without stint. After this, when the bone had become diseased and the thigh had mortified, Cambyses the son of Cyrus was carried off by the wound, having reigned in all seven years and five months, and being absolutely childless both of male and female offspring. The Persians meanwhile who were present there were very little disposed to believe that the power was in the hands of the Magians: on the contrary, they were surely convinced that Cambyses had said that which he said about the death of Smerdis to deceive them, in order that all the Persians might be moved to war against him. These then were surely convinced that Smerdis the son of Cyrus was established to be king; for Prexaspes also very strongly denied that he had slain Smerdis, since it was not safe, now that Cambyses was dead, for him to say that he had destroyed with his own hand the son of Cyrus. |
| 3.67 | Magus igitur, mortuo Cambyse, secure regnavit, usurpans cognominis Cyri filii nomen Smerdis, per septem menses, qui Cambysi ad complendum octavum annum defuerunt : intra quod tempus cunctos imperio Persarum subjectos ingentibus affecit beneficiis, ita ut eundem mortuum desiderarent omnes Asiæ populi, ipsis Persis exceptis. Dimissis enim per omnes, quibus imperavit, populos præconibus Magus edixerat, per triennium immunes fore omnes, quum a milita, tum a tributo. Atque hoc edictum protinus promulgaverat, simulatque insurrectione facta iniit regnum. | Thus when Cambyses had brought his life to an end, the Magian became king without disturbance, usurping the place of his namesake Smerdis the son of Cyrus; and he reigned during the seven months which were wanting yet to Cambyses for the completion of the eight years: and during them he performed acts of great benefit to all his subjects, so that after his death all those in Asia except the Persians themselves mourned for his loss: for the Magian sent messengers abroad to every nation over which he ruled, and proclaimed freedom from military service and from tribute for three years. |
| 3.68 | At octavo mense, quisnam esset, tali modo compertum est. Fuit Otanes, Pharnaspis filius, genere et opibus par ei qui primus esset inter Persas. Hic Otanes primus suspectum habuit Magum ; non esse Smerdin Cyri filium, sed eum qui erat, inde conjiciens, quod nunquam ex arce egrederetur, nec ullum e nobilibus Persis in conspectum suum vocaret. (2) Ea suspicione ductus, hocce instituit facere. Filiam ejus, cui Phædyma nomen erat, in uxoribus habuerat Cambyses : eandemque perinde tunc Magus habebat, cum eaque pariter atque cum aliis Cambysis uxoribus consuetudinem habebat. (3) Ad hanc igitur filiam suam misit Otanes, quærens ex ea, quisnam homo esset cum quo concumberet : utrum Smerdis Cyri filius, an alius quispiam ? Cui illa responsum remisit, nescire se ; neque enim Cyri filium Smerdin unquam vidisse, nec scire quis sit cum quo concumbat. (4) Tum iterum ad eandem mittens Otanes, ait : « Si Smerdin Cyri filium non nosti, at tu ab Atossa percunctare, quonam cum viro et illa concumbat et tu ! nam illa utique fatrem novit suum. » (5) Respondit ad hæc filia : « Neque Atossæ ego possum in colloquium venire, neque alii ulli mulieri ex his quæ mecum hic una habitant : nam simulatque hic homo, quisquis est, occupavit regnum, disseminavit nos, alii aliam sedem assignans. » | This proclamation, I say, he made at once when he established himself upon the throne: but in the eighth month it was discovered who he was in the following manner — There was one Otanes the son of Pharnaspes, in birth and in wealth not inferior to any of the Persians. This Otanes was the first who had had suspicion of the Magian, that he was not Smerdis the son of Cyrus but the person that he really was, drawing his inference from these facts, namely that he never went abroad out of the fortress, and that he did not summon into his presence any of the honorable men among the Persians: and having formed a suspicion of him, he proceeded to do as follows — Cambyses had taken to wife his daughter, whose name was Phaidyme; and this same daughter the Magian at that time was keeping as his wife and living with her as with all the rest also of the wives of Cambyses. Otanes therefore sent a message to this daughter and asked her who the man was by whose side she slept, whether Smerdis the son of Cyrus or some other. She sent back word to him saying that she did not know, for she had never seen Smerdis the son of Cyrus, nor did she know otherwise who he was who lived with her. Otanes then sent a second time and said: “If thou dost not thyself know Smerdis the son of Cyrus, then do thou ask of Atossa who this man is, with whom both she and thou live as wives; for assuredly it must be that she knows her own brother.” To this the daughter sent back word: “I am not able either to come to speech with Atossa or to see any other of the women who live here with me; for as soon as this man, whosoever he may be, succeeded to the kingdom, he separated us and placed us in different apartments by ourselves.” |
| 3.69 | Hæc audienti Otani magis etiam manifesta facta res est. Itaque tertio ad illam nuntium mittit, his verbis : « Oportet te, filia, quum bene nata sis, periculum suscipere quodcunque pater te jubet. Quodsi enim hic non est Cyri filius Smerdis, sed is quem ego esse existimo ; non debet ille, quod tecum concumbat et Persarum teneat imperium, impune ferre, sed meritam luere pœnam. (2) Nunc igitur fac hocce : quando tecum cubuerit, tuque eum somno sopitum intellexeris, palpa ejus aures. Quodsi compertus fuerit aures habere, puta te cum Cyri Smerdi concumbere : sin aures eum non habere deprehendes, magus Smerdis est quicum concumbis. » (3) Ad hæc renuntiari Phædyma jubet, ingens se adire periculum, si id faciat. Si forte enim aures ille non habeat, ipsa autem deprehendatur palpans, satis se scire, fore ut ab illo trucidetur : attamen imperata facturam. (4) Sic illa, hoc se effecturam, patri recepit. Mago autem huic Smerdi Cyrus, Cambysis filius, tum regnans, graviorem quamdam ob culpam præcidi aures jusserat. (5) Hæc igitur Phædyma, Otanis filia, cuncta exsequens quæ patri receperat, quum ad illam rediisset ordo intrandi ad Magum (per vices enim apud Persas uxores ad maritum intrant), cubiculum ingressa cum eo concubuit : et postquam gravi somno Magus sopitus erat, aures ejus palpavit. (6) Utque haud ægre, sed facillime, cognovit auribus carere hominem, simulatque dies affuit, ad patrem misit, remque ei significavit. | When Otanes heard this, the matter became more and more clear to him, and he sent another message in to her, which said: “Daughter, it is right for thee, nobly born as thou art, to undertake any risk which thy father bids thee take upon thee: for if in truth this is not Smerdis the son of Cyrus but the man whom I suppose, he ought not to escape with impunity either for taking thee to his bed or for holding the dominion of Persians, but he must pay the penalty. Now therefore do as I say. When he sleeps by thee and thou perceivest that he is sound asleep, feel his ears; and if it prove that he has ears, then believe that thou art living with Smerdis the son of Cyrus, but if not, believe that it is with the Magian Smerdis.” To this Phaidyme sent an answer saying that, if she should do so, she would run a great risk; for supposing that he should chance not to have his ears, and she were detected feeling for them, she was well assured that he would put her to death; but nevertheless she would do this. So she undertook to do this for her father: but as for this Magian Smerdis, he had had his ears cut off by Cyrus the son of Cambyses when he was king, for some grave offence. This Phaidyme then, the daughter of Otanes, proceeding to perform all that she had undertaken for her father, when her turn came to go to the Magian (for the wives of the Persians go in to them regularly each in her turn), came and lay down beside him: and when the Magian was in deep sleep, she felt his ears; and perceiving not with difficulty but easily that her husband had no ears, so soon as it became day she sent and informed her father of that which had taken place. |
| 3.70 | Tum Otanes, assumpto Aspathine et Gobrya, primariis inter Persas viris, maximeque idoneis quibus fidem haberet, totam rem his enarravit : atque hi etiam ipsi suspicati erant, ita se rem habere. Quibus quum deinde rationes suas exposuisset, assentati sunt ambo. (2) Constitueruntque hi tres, ut ipsorum quisque unum virum Persam, cui maxime fidem haberet, sibi legeret socium. Adsciscit igitur Otanes pro sua parte Intaphernem ; Gobryas, Magabazum ; Aspathines, Hydarnen. Ita quum sex essent, advenit Susa Darius, Hystaspis filius, e Perside veniens, cui regioni pater ipsius erat præfectus. Qui ubi advenit, placuit reliquis sex Persis Darium etiam socium sibi asciscere. | Then Otanes took to him Aspathines and Gobryas, who were leading men among the Persians and also his own most trusted friends, and related to them the whole matter: and they, as it then appeared, had suspicions also themselves that it was so; and when Otanes reported this to them, they readily accepted his proposals. Then it was resolved by them that each one should associate with himself that man of the Persians whom he trusted most; so Otanes brought in Intaphrenes, Gobryas brought in Megabyzos, and Aspathines brought in Hydarnes. When they had thus become six, Dareios the son of Hystaspes arrived at Susa, having come from the land of Persia, for of this his father was governor. Accordingly when he came, the six men of the Persians resolved to associate Dareios also with themselves. |
| 3.71 | Hi septem igitur congressi, fidem sibi dant invicem, et sermones conferunt. Ubi ad Darium venit ordo sententiæ dicendæ, ait ille : « Ego hoc solus cognitum habere putabam, regnare Magum, et vita excessisse Smerdin, Cyri filium : atque ad hoc ipsum dedita opera huc me contuli, ut mortem Mago pararem. Quandoquidem vero accidit, ut et vos rem compertam habeatis, non ego solus ; videtur mihi res e vestigio peragenda, neque differenda : nec enim hoc melius fuerit. » (2) Ad hæc Otanes : « O fili Hystaspis, ait, forti viro patre genitus es ; et videris ostendere, te nihil esse patre inferiorem. Verumtamen hanc rem noli ita præpropere et inconsulto aggredi ; sed consideratius illam capesse. Plures simus oportet, et sic demum rem aggredi. » (3) Tum Darius : « Viri qui hic adestis, inquit, si ea ratione utemini quæ ab Otane est proposita, scitote pessime vos esse perituros. Deferet enim aliquis rem ad Magum, privatim sibi lucrum quærens. (4) Debebatis quidem maxime vos soli, re inter vos deliberata, hæc conficere : quoniam vero ad alios plures eam referre placuit vobis et mecum quoque communicastis, aut hoc ipso die rem exsequamur, aut scitote, si hunc unum diem siveritis elabi, non alium accusatorem me præventurum esse, sed me ipsum nomina vestra ad Magum esse delaturum. » | These then having come together, being seven in number, gave pledges of faith to one another and deliberated together; and when it came to Dareios to declare his opinion, he spoke to them as follows: “I thought that I alone knew this, namely that it was the Magian who was reigning as king and that Smerdis the son of Cyrus had brought his life to an end; and for this very reason I am come with earnest purpose to contrive death for the Magian. Since however it has come to pass that ye also know and not I alone, I think it well to act at once and not to put the matter off, for that is not the better way.” To this replied Otanes: “Son of Hystaspes, thou art the scion of a noble stock, and thou art showing thyself, as it seems, in no way inferior to thy father: do not however hasten this enterprise so much without consideration, but take it up more prudently; for we must first become more in numbers, and then undertake the matter.” In answer to this Dareios said: “Men who are here present, if ye shall follow the way suggested by Otanes, know that ye will perish miserably; for some one will carry word to the Magian, getting gain thereby privately for himself. Your best way would have been to do this action upon your own risk alone; but since it seemed good to you to refer the matter to a greater number, and ye communicated it to me, either let us do the deed to-day, or be ye assured that if this present day shall pass by, none other shall prevent me as your accuser, but I will myself tell these things to the Magian.” |
| 3.72 | Ita ardentem Darium videns Otanes : « Quoniam igitur, inquit, adeo propere rem nos exsequi cogis, nec differre pateris ; age dic nobis ipse, quonam pacto intrabimus regiam, illosque aggrediemur ? Custodias enim esse dispositas tu etiam ipse (puto) nosti, si non visu, auditu certe : quas quo pacto superabimus ? » (2) Cui Darius respondit : « Multa sunt, Otanes, quæ verbis non facile est demonstrare, sed re ipsa atque opere : sunt rursus alia, verbis quidem expeditu facilia, sed unde factum nullum præclarum exsistit. (3) Nostis autem vos, per dispositas illas custodias non ulla posse difficultate transiri. Quum enim simus hac dignitate viri, nemo non transire nos patietur, partim reverentia nostri ductus, partim forte etiam timore. Præterea vero ego ipse prætextum maxime speciosum habeo, quo intremus ; dicens e Perside me adesse, velleque quidpiam, quod a patre mihi mandatum sit, regi significare. (4) Etenim, ubi mendacium aliquod dicendum est, dicatur. Eodem enim tendimus, et mendaces, et veraces : hi falsum dicunt, quando falsa persuadendo commodum aliquod sunt percepturi ; illi vera loquuntur, ut per veritatem lucrum quoddam faciant, utque majus aliquid illis dehinc committatur. (5) Ita, diversas vias sequentibus, idem nobis finis propositus est. Si nihil commodi exspectaretur ; eadem ratione alter (homo mendax) qui verum loquitur (lucri causa), mentiretur ; alter (verax) qui mentitur (commodi causa), verum dicturus erat. (6) Quisquis ergo e portarum custodibus ultro nos admiserit, is posthac fructum facti percipiet ; qui vero se nobis opponere conabitur, is eo ipso hostis declaratus esto, nosque deinde vi penetrabimus intus, et opus aggrediemur. » | To this Otanes, when he saw Dareios in violent haste, replied: “Since thou dost compel us to hasten the matter and dost not permit us to delay, come expound to us thyself in what manner we shall pass into the palace and lay hands upon them: for that there are guards set in various parts, thou knowest probably thyself as well as we, if not from sight at least from hearsay; and in what manner shall we pass through these?” Dareios made reply with these words: “Otanes, there are many things in sooth which it is not possible to set forth in speech, but only in deed; and other things there are which in speech can be set forth, but from them comes no famous deed. Know ye however that the guards which are set are not difficult to pass: for in the first place, we being what we are, there is no one who will not let us go by, partly, as may be supposed, from having respect for us, and partly also perhaps from fear; and secondly I have myself a most specious pretext by means of which we may pass by; for I shall say that I am just now come from the Persian land and desire to declare to the king a certain message from my father: for where it is necessary that a lie be spoken, let it be spoken; seeing that we all aim at the same object, both they who lie and they who always speak the truth; those lie whenever they are likely to gain anything by persuading with their lies, and these tell the truth in order that they may draw to themselves gain by the truth, and that things may be entrusted to them more readily. Thus, while practising different ways, we aim all at the same thing. If however they were not likely to make any gain by it, the truth-teller would lie and the liar would speak the truth, with indifference. Whosoever then of the door-keepers shall let us pass by of his own free will, for him it shall be the better afterwards; but whosoever shall endeavor to oppose our passage, let him then and there be marked as our enemy, and after that let us push in and set about our work.” |
| 3.73 | Post hæc Gobryas, « Umquamne, inquit, viri amici, honestius possemus recuperare imperium, aut, si recipere illud non licuerit nobis, honestius mori, quam nunc, ubi nobis, viris Persis, Medus homo Magus imperat, isque mutilatus auribus ? (2) Et quicunque vestrûm ægrotanti affuistis Cambysi, utique meministis, puto, quæ ille, quum finiret vitam, injunxit Persis imprecatusque est non connitentibus recuperare imperium : quæ nos tunc quidem non admittebamus, sed per calumniam dici a Cambyse putabamus. (3) Nunc igitur censeo, Dario esse obtemperandum, neque ex hoc cœtu aliorsum discedendum, nisi recta adversus Magum. » Hæc dicenti Gobryæ omnes sunt assensi. | Then said Gobryas: “Friends, at what time will there be a fairer opportunity for us either to recover our rule, or, if we are not able to get it again, to die? seeing that we being Persians on the one hand lie under the rule of a Mede, a Magian, and that too a man whose ears have been cut off. Moreover all those of you who stood by the side of Cambyses when he was sick remember assuredly what he laid upon the Persians as he was bringing his life to an end, if they should not attempt to win back the power; and this we did not accept then, but supposed that Cambyses had spoken in order to deceive us. Now therefore I give my vote that we follow the opinion of Dareios, and that we do not depart from this assembly to go anywhither else but straight to attack the Magian.” Thus spoke Gobryas, and they all approved of this proposal. |
| 3.74 | Dum hi ita deliberabant, per idem tempus accidit forte hocce. Placuerat deliberantibus Magis, amicum sibi conciliare Prexaspen, tum quoniam indigna ille erat passus a Cambyse, qui filium ejus sagitta transfixum interfecerat ; tum quod unus idem mortem noverat Smerdis, Cyri filii, quippe qui sua manu eum occidisset ; præterea quod summo in honore erat apud Persas. (2) His igitur rationibus inducti, vocatum ad se Prexaspen, operam dederunt ut amicum sibi adjungerent, fide data et juramentis eum obstringentes, apud se habiturum nec ulli homini aperturum malam fraudem qua illi adversus Persas uterentur ; pollicentes ei, infinitis modis cumulate se eum remuneraturos. (3) Id quum se facturum Prexaspes recepisset, sicut ei persuadere conati erant Magi, secundo loco aliud ei proposuerunt : convocaturos se, ajebant, universos Persas sub regiæ muris, illumque jusserunt conscensa turri contionari, regi illos a Smerdi, Cyri filio, nec ab alio. (4) Hoc ei mandabant, ut qui summa fide esset apud Persas, quique sæpe professus esset vivere Smerdin, Cyri filium, cædemque illius pernegasset. | Now while these were thus taking counsel together, it was coming to pass by coincidence as follows — The Magians taking counsel together had resolved to join Prexaspes with themselves as a friend, both because he had suffered grievous wrong from Cambyses, who had killed his son by shooting him, and because he alone knew for a certainty of the death of Smerdis the son of Cyrus, having killed him with his own hands, and finally because Prexaspes was in very great repute among the Persians. For these reasons they summoned him and endeavored to win him to be their friend, engaging him by pledge and with oaths, that he would assuredly keep to himself and not reveal to any man the deception which had been practised by them upon the Persians, and promising to give him things innumerable in return. After Prexaspes had promised to do this, the Magians, having persuaded him so far, proposed to him a second thing, and said that they would call together all the Persians to come up to the wall of the palace, and bade him go up upon a tower and address them, saying that they were living under the rule of Smerdis the son of Cyrus and no other. This they so enjoined because they supposed that he had the greatest credit among the Persians, and because he had frequently declared the opinion that Smerdis the son of Cyrus was still alive, and had denied that he had slain him. |
| 3.75 | Postquam et hoc se facturum Prexaspes dixit, Magi, convocatis Persis, jusserunt eum conscendere turrim, et contionari. (2) At ille quidem, quæ ab his rogatus erat, eorum ultro oblitus, exordio sumpto ab Achæmene, genus recensuit Cyri ; et postquam ad hunc descendit oratio, ad extremum beneficia omnia a Cyro in Persas collata commemoravit. (3) Quibus expositis, aperuit veritatem, quam adhuc a se occultatam esse, ait, quum non tutum sibi fuisset, id quod factum sit edicere ; in præsentia autem necessitate se cogi, ut verum declaret. Dixit igitur, se ipsum, coactum a Cambyse, Smerdin Cyri filium necasse, et Magos esse qui nunc regnum teneant. (4) Denique multa imprecatus Persis, ni regnum recuperarent, pœnasque a Magis sumerent, de turri se præcipitem dejecit. Hunc finem Prexaspes habuit, quum per totam vitam spectata fide vir fuisset. | When Prexaspes said that he was ready to do this also, the Magians having called together the Persians caused him to go up upon a tower and bade him address them. Then he chose to forget those things which they asked of him, and beginning with Achaimenes he traced the descent of Cyrus on the father’s side, and then, when he came down to Cyrus, he related at last what great benefits he had conferred upon the Persians; and having gone through this recital he proceeded to declare the truth, saying that formerly he kept it secret, since it was not safe for him to tell of that which had been done, but at the present time he was compelled to make it known. He proceeded to say how he had himself slain Smerdis the son of Cyrus, being compelled by Cambyses, and that it was the Magians who were now ruling. Then he made imprecation of many evils on the Persians, if they did not win back again the power and take vengeance upon the Magians, and upon that he let himself fall down from the tower head foremost. Thus Prexaspes ended his life, having been throughout his time a man of repute. |
| 3.76 | Septem quos dixi Persæ, postquam decreverunt protinus aggredi Magos, neque rem differre, perrexerunt deos precati, prorsus ignari eorum quæ circa Prexaspen acta erant. Sed dimidium viæ progressi, rem illam comperiunt. (2) Itaque de via declinantes, quid faciendum sit iterum inter se deliberant : et Otanes quidem cum sociis, omnino differendum inceptum censuit, neque in hac rerum perturbatione aggrediendum : Darius vero cum suis, protinus eundum esse et exsequendum decretum sine dilatione ulla. (3) Qui dum inter se altercantur, apparent septem accipitrum paria, insectantium duo paria vulturum, vellicantiumque ea et fodicantium. Quibus conspectis, septemviri cuncti collaudant Darii sententiam et ad regiam pergunt, hoc augurio freti. | Now the seven of the Persians, when they had resolved forthwith to lay hands upon the Magians and not to delay, made prayer to the gods and went, knowing nothing of that which had been done with regard to Prexaspes: and as they were going and were in the middle of their course, they heard that which had happened about Prexaspes. Upon that they retired out of the way and again considered with themselves, Otanes and his supporters strongly urging that they should delay and not set to the work when things were thus disturbed, while Dareios and those of his party urged that they should go forthwith and do that which had been resolved, and not delay. Then while they were contending, there appeared seven pairs of hawks pursuing two pairs of vultures, plucking out their feathers and tearing them. Seeing this the seven all approved the opinion of Dareios and thereupon they went to the king’s palace, encouraged by the sight of the birds. |
| 3.77 | Qui ubi ad portas venerunt, accidit id quod Darius pro sententia dixerat : custodes reveriti primarios e Persis viros, ac nihil ejusmodi ab eis factum iri suspicati, transire eos passi sunt, veluti divinitus missos ; neque quisquam eos interrogavit. (2) Postquam vero in aulam progressi sunt, incidunt in eunuchos quorum munus est nuntios ad regem deferre : hique ex eis, quid velint, cujus rei causa veniant, quærunt ; simulque portæ custodibus, quod eos admiserint, minas intentant, denique progredi volentes septemviros prohibent. (3) At illi, sese invicem cohortati, strictis gladiis, hos qui illo ipsos loco prohibere conantur, e vestigio transfigunt, et cursu in virorum conclave contendunt. | When they appeared at the gates, it happened nearly as Dareios supposed, for the guards, having respect for men who were chief among the Persians, and not suspecting that anything would be done by them of the kind proposed, allowed them to pass in under the guiding of heaven, and none asked them any question. Then when they had passed into the court, they met the eunuchs who bore in the messages to the king; and these inquired of them for what purpose they had come, and at the same time they threatened with punishment the keepers of the gates for having let them pass in, and tried to stop the seven when they attempted to go forward. Then they gave the word to one another and drawing their daggers stabbed these men there upon the spot, who tried to stop them, and themselves went running on towards the chamber of the men. |
| 3.78 | Erant forte tunc intus Magi ambo ; et de his quæ a Prexaspe acta erant consultabant. Qui ubi eunuchos viderunt consternatos clamantesque, vicissim et ipsi exsiluerunt ambo ; et, postquam cognoverunt quid rei esset, ad vim et impetum se convertêre. (2) Alter raptim arcum capit, hastam alter prehendit : committiturque ibi pugna. Et is quidem, qui arcum sumpserat, cominus instantibus hostibus, nihil in eo præsidii invenit : alter vero, hasta se defendens, primum Asphathinen percussit in femur, tum Intaphernem in oculum ; et oculum quidem e vulnere amisit Intaphernes, nec tamen mortuus est. (3) Dum alter e Magis hos vulnerat, interim alter, quum ei arcus nihil prodesset, esset autem cubiculum conclavi contiguum, in hoc confugit, januam clausurus. Sed duo e septemviris, Darius et Gobryas, simul irrumpunt, et Magum Gobryas medium corripit : quo facto colluctantibus astans Darius, ferire cunctatur, quippe in tenebris res gerebatur, cavens ne Gobryam feriat. (4) Quem ille ita otiosum videns astantem, « Quidni manu, inquit, uteris ? » cui Darius, « Tibi, ait, consulens, ne te feriam. » Et Gobryas, « Etiam per ambo adige, inquit, ferrum ! » Cui parens Darius ferrum adegit, et forte fortuna Magum transfixit. | Now the Magians happened both of them to be there within, consulting about that which had been done by Prexaspes. So when they saw that the eunuchs had been attacked and were crying aloud, they ran back both of them, and perceiving that which was being done they turned to self-defence: and one of them got down his bow and arrows before he was attacked, while the other had recourse to his spear. Then they engaged in combat with one another; and that one of them who had taken up his bow and arrows found them of no use, since his enemies were close at hand and pressed hard upon him, but the other defended himself with his spear, and first he struck Aspathines in the thigh, and then Intaphrenes in the eye; and Intaphrenes lost his eye by reason of the wound, but his life he did not lose. These then were wounded by one of the Magians, but the other, when his bow and arrows proved useless to him, fled into a bedchamber which opened into the chamber of the men, intending to close the door; and with him there rushed in two of the seven, Dareios and Gobryas. And when Gobryas was locked together in combat with the Magian, Dareios stood by and was at a loss what to do, because it was dark, and he was afraid lest he should strike Gobryas. Then seeing him standing by idle, Gobryas asked why he did not use his hands, and he said: “Because I am afraid lest I may strike thee”: and Gobryas answered: “Thrust with thy sword even though it stab through us both.” So Dareios was persuaded, and he thrust with his danger and happened to hit the Magian. |
| 3.79 | Interfectis Magis, abscissisque eorum capitibus, duo vulnerati e septemviris ibi relinquuntur, quum infirmitatis causa, tum arcis custodiendæ: reliqui quinque, capita Magorum gestantes, foras currunt, ingentem clamorem strepitumque cientes ; convocatisque Persis, quid gestum sit, exponunt, capitaque ostendunt ; simul, quicunque eis obvius fit de Magorum genere, hunc interficiunt. (2) Tum Persæ, cognita Magorum fraude et re a septemviris gesta, æquum et ipsi censuere paria facere ; strictisque gladiis, ubicunque Magum quemdam offenderent, hunc trucidabant : ac, nisi superveniens nox eos inhibuisset, nullum Magum reliquum erant facturi. (3) Hunc diem publice colunt Persæ maxime dierum omnium, eoque die ingens celebrant festum, quod Magophonia (quasi dicas Magicidium) a Persis vocatur ; quo die nulli Mago licet in publicum prodire, sed intra domos suas Magi cuncti se continent illo die. | So when they had slain the Magians and cut off their heads, they left behind those of their number who were wounded, both because they were unable to go, and also in order that they might take charge of the fortress, and the five others taking with them the heads of the Magians ran with shouting and clashing of arms and called upon the other Persians to join them, telling them of that which had been done and showing the heads, and at the same time they proceeded to slay every one of the Magians who crossed their path. So the Persians when they heard of that which had been brought to pass by the seven and of the deceit of the Magians, thought good themselves also to do the same, and drawing their daggers they killed the Magians wherever they found one; so that if night had not come on and stopped them, they would not have left a single Magian alive. This day the Persians celebrate in common more than all other days, and upon it they keep a great festival which is called by the Persians the festival of the slaughter of the Magians, on which no Magian is permitted to appear abroad, but the Magians keep themselves within their houses throughout that day. |
| 3.80 | Sedato tumultu, quum nondum quinque dies essent præterlapsi, hi qui Magos per seditionem invaserant, de summa rerum deliberarunt : habitique sunt sermones, incredibiles quidem Græcis nonnullis, habiti tamen utique. (2) Et Otanes quidem, imperium summum Persis in medio deponendum censens, hæc verba fecit : « Mihi videtur, inquit, non amplius debere unum e nobis summa imperii potiri : nec enim jucundum hoc fuerit, nec bonum. (3) Videtis enim, Cambysis contumelia quousque progressa sit, et Magi insolentiam estis experti. Et quo pacto bene composita res fuerit unius imperium ? cui licet, nulli rationi reddendæ obnoxio, facere quidquid libuerit. Tale quidem imperium, si viro etiam omnium optimo committatur, extra consuetos animi sensus facile eum abripiet. (4) Nam præsentes opes insolentiam ei ingenerant ; invidia autem principio innata est homini. Et hæc duo habens, omnem habet pravitatem : alia enim scelesta multa, insolentia repletus, faciet ; alia, invidia. (5) Quamquam virum in regia dignitate constitutum oportebat utique invidia vacare, quippe bonis rebus omnibus abundantem. At contrarium hujus ei accidere adversus cives solet : invidet enim optimis quibusque, quod supersint vivantque ; et gaudet pessimis, horumque adversus illos calumnias facillime admittit. (6) Quod vero maxime omnium incongruum est : si modice eum admiraris, ægre fert quod non summopere colatur ; si quis eum summopere colit, offenditur, adulatorem esse existimans. Denique, ut dicam quæ sunt maxima : instituta mutat patria, vim affert mulieribus, occidit injudicatos. (7) At populi imperium, primum, nomen habet omnium honestissimum, juris æqualitatem ; deinde, eorum quæ patrat is qui unus imperat, nihil facit. Sorte gerit imperia et magistratus ; potestatem habet ratio reddendæ obnoxiam ; consilia omnia ad commune civium refert. (8) Quare sic ego censeo, misso facto unius imperio, multitudini imperium potestatemque esse permittendam : nam in multitudine insunt omnia. » Hanc Otanes sententiam dixit. | When the tumult had subsided and more than five days had elapsed, those who had risen against the Magians began to take counsel about the general state, and there were spoken speeches which some of the Hellenes do not believe were really uttered, but spoken they were nevertheless. On the one hand Otanes urged that they should resign the government into the hands of the whole body of the Persians, and his words were as follows: “To me it seems best that no single one of us should henceforth be ruler, for that is neither pleasant nor profitable. Ye saw the insolent temper of Cambyses, to what lengths it went, and ye have had experience also of the insolence of the Magian: and how should the rule of one alone be a well-ordered thing, seeing that the monarch may do what he desires without rendering any account of his acts? Even the best of all men, if he were placed in this disposition, would be caused by it to change from his wonted disposition: for insolence is engendered in him by the good things which he possesses, and envy is implanted in man from the beginning; and having these two things, he has all vice: for he does many deeds of reckless wrong, partly moved by insolence proceeding from satiety, and partly by envy. And yet a despot at least ought to have been free from envy, seeing that he has all manner of good things. He is however naturally in just the opposite temper towards his subjects; for he grudges to the nobles that they should survive and live, but delights in the basest of citizens, and he is more ready than any other man to receive calumnies. Then of all things he is the most inconsistent; for if you express admiration of him moderately, he is offended that no very great court is paid to him, whereas if you pay court to him extravagantly, he is offended with you for being a flatterer. And the most important matter of all is that which I am about to say — he disturbs the customs handed down from our fathers, he is a ravisher of women, and he puts men to death without trial. On the other hand the rule of many has first a name attaching to it which is the fairest of all names, that is to say ‘Equality’; next, the multitude does none of those things which the monarch does: offices of state are exercised by lot, and the magistrates are compelled to render account of their action: and finally all matters of deliberation are referred to the public assembly. I therefore give as my opinion that we let monarchy go and increase the power of the multitude; for in the many is contained everything.” |
| 3.81 | Tum Megabazus, censens paucorum imperio res esse permittendas, in hunc modum est locutus : « Quæ Otanes de abolenda regia potestate dixit, eadem mihi quoque dicta sunto : quod vero ad multitudinem deferri jussit imperium, ab optima sententia aberravit. Nam inutili turba nihil est insipientius, nihilque insolentius. (2) Atqui hoc neutiquam ferendum, ut, qui regis contumeliam effugere cupimus, iidem in plebis indomitæ incidamus contumeliam. Nam ille, si quid facit, intelligit tamen quid sit quod facit : at plebi ne hoc quidem inest, ut intelligat. Quo enim pacto intelligat, quum nec didicerit nec noverit honestum aut conveniens quidquam, et deproperet negotia, cum impetu sine mente irruens, torrenti flumini similis ? (3) Populari igitur statu hi utantur, qui Persis male cupiunt : nos vero optimorum virorum seligamus societatem, et his imperium deferamus ; quorum nempe in numero nos quoque erimus ipsi. Optimorum autem virorum consentaneum est optima etiam esse consilia. » Hæc est sententia a Megabazo in medium proposita. | This was the opinion expressed by Otanes; but Megabyzos urged that they should entrust matters to the rule of a few, saying these words: “That which Otanes said in opposition to a tyranny, let it be counted as said for me also, but in that which he said urging that we should make over the power to the multitude, he has missed the best counsel: for nothing is more senseless or insolent than a worthless crowd; and for men flying from the insolence of a despot to fall into that of unrestrained popular power, is by no means to be endured: for he, if he does anything, does it knowing what he does, but the people cannot even know; for how can that know which has neither been taught anything noble by others nor perceived anything of itself, but pushes on matters with violent impulse and without understanding, like a torrent stream? Rule of the people then let them adopt who are foes to the Persians; but let us choose a company of the best men, and to them attach the chief power; for in the number of these we shall ourselves also be, and it is likely that the resolutions taken by the best men will be the best.” |
| 3.82 | Tertio loco Darius dixit sententiam, his usus verbis : « Mihi vero, quæ Megabazus dixit ad multitudinem spectantia, ea recte dixisse videtur ; quæ vero ad oligarchiam spectant, non recte. (2) Nam si tria proposita sint, et quodque eorum, quæ dico, in suo genere optimum, optimus status popularis, optima oligarchia, et monarcha optimus ; horum trium hoc postremum reliquis longe præferendum esse autumo. Etenim unius viri imperio qui sit optimus nihil profecto melius queat reperiri : optimo quippe consilio utens, inculpatus administrabit res multitudinis, et ea ratione consilia adversus male animatos capta, tacita maxime habebuntur. (3) In oligarchia vero, quum plures sint virtutem in commune exercentes, validæ privatim inimicitiæ exsistere amant : etenim, dum quisque cupit esse princeps, vultque ut sua sententia vincat, in magnas incidunt inimicitias : tum ex inimicitiis exsistunt seditiones, e seditionibus cædes, et e cædibus ad unius imperium res redit : atque ita apparet, quanto sit hic status melior. (4) Rursus, imperante plebe, fieri non potest quia pravitas se insinuet : pravitate vero in republica gliscente, inimicitiæ quidem inter pravos non exsistunt, sed validæ amicitiæ: nam, qui reipublicæ male faciunt, conspirantes agunt quod agunt : (5) atque hoc ita succedit, usque dum exsistat aliquis populi patronus, qui hisce finem imponat. Eo fit igitur, ut hunc talem miretur populus ; et mox eidem, quem populus miratur, summa imperii defertur : atque ita rursus hic idem ostendit, unius imperium esse optimum. (6) Ut autem uno verbo omnia complectar, unde nobis libertas exstitit ? quis nobis eam dedit ? populusne, an oligarchia, an unus imperans ? Est igitur mea hæc sententia, quum per unum virum in libertatem simus vindicati, ut hanc imperii formam tueamur, adhæc patria ne aboleamus instituta bene habentia nec enim hoc utile nobis fuerit. » | This was the opinion expressed by Megabyzos; and thirdly Dareios proceeded to declare his opinion, saying: “To me it seems that in those things which Megabyzos said with regard to the multitude he spoke rightly, but in those which he said with regard to the rule of a few, not rightly: for whereas there are three things set before us, and each is supposed to be the best in its own kind, that is to say a good popular government, and the rule of a few, and thirdly the rule of one, I say that this last is by far superior to the others; for nothing better can be found than the rule of an individual man of the best kind; seeing that using the best judgment he would be guardian of the multitude without reproach; and resolutions directed against enemies would so best be kept secret. In an oligarchy however it happens often that many, while practising virtue with regard to the commonwealth, have strong private enmities arising among themselves; for as each man desires to be himself the leader and to prevail in counsels, they come to great enmities with one another, whence arise factions among them, and out of the factions comes murder, and from murder results the rule of one man; and thus it is shown in this instance by how much that is the best. Again, when the people rules, it is impossible that corruption should not arise, and when corruption arises in the commonwealth, there arise among the corrupt men not enmities but strong ties of friendship: for they who are acting corruptly to the injury of the commonwealth put their heads together secretly to do so. And this continues so until at last some one takes the leadership of the people and stops the course of such men. By reason of this the man of whom I speak is admired by the people, and being so admired he suddenly appears as monarch. Thus he too furnishes herein an example to prove that the rule of one is the best thing. Finally, to sum up all in a single word, whence arose the liberty which we possess, and who gave it to us? Was it a gift of the people or of an oligarchy or of a monarch? I therefore am of opinion that we, having been set free by one man, should preserve that form of rule, and in other respects also that we should not annul the customs of our fathers which are ordered well; for that is not the better way.” |
| 3.83 | Tres igitur istæ sententiæ fuerunt propositæ; et reliqui quattuor e septemviris huic postremæ adhæserunt. Ut vero succumbere suam sententia vidit Otanes, qui juris æquitatem inter Persas studuerat stabilire, ita in collegarum medio locutus est : « Viri socii, apparet igitur necesse esse, ut unus aliquis e nobis rex creetur, sive is sorte lectus, sive Persarum populo permittamus arbitrium eligendi quem voluerit, sive qua alia ratione. (2) At equidem vobiscum in contentionem non descendam, nec enim imperare volo, nec parere imperio. Itaque hac conditione ego vobis cedo imperio, ut nullius vestrûm imperio sim subjectus, nec ego ipse, nec e meis posteris quisquam. » (3) Quæ quum ille dixisset, reliqui sex postulatis ejus sunt assensi ; et ille cum his in contentionem non descendit, sed ex eorum medio secessit. Atque ad hunc diem familia hæc, una e cunctis Persis, sui juris esse perseverat, neque paret imperio nisi quatenus vult ipsa, ceterum leges non transgrediens Persarum. | These three opinions then had been proposed, and the other four men of the seven gave their assent to the last. So when Otanes, who was desirous to give equality to the Persians, found his opinion defeated, he spoke to those assembled thus: “Partisans, it is clear that some one of us must become king, selected either by casting lots, or by entrusting the decision to the multitude of the Persians and taking him whom it shall choose, or by some other means. I therefore shall not be a competitor with you, for I do not desire either to rule or to be ruled; and on this condition I withdraw from my claim to rule, namely that I shall not be ruled by any of you, either I myself or my descendants in future time.” When he had said this, the six made agreement with him on those terms, and he was no longer a competitor with them, but withdrew from the assembly; and at the present time this house remains free alone of all the Persian houses, and submits to rule only so far as it wills to do so itself, not transgressing the laws of the Persians. |
| 3.84 | Inde reliqui e septemviris consultantes de rege æquissima conditione constituendo, decreverunt, ut Otanes, ejusque in omne futurum tempus posteri, si alia cuipiam e septemviris regia obtingeret dignitas, eminenter præ ceteris Medica veste quotannis, omnibusque muneribus quæ apud Persas honorificentissima habentur, donaretur. (2) Hæc Otani extra ordinem conferenda decreverunt eo, quod is primus rem proposuerat, et ad deliberandum illos convocaverat. In commune vero hæc placuere : cuique e septemviris, qui vellet, licitum fore intrare regiam sine internuntio, nisi forte cum uxore rex concumberet : præterea, non licere regi aliunde uxorem ducere nisi e conjuratorum familia. (3) De ratione vero constituendi regis hoc decreverunt, ut, cujus equus oriente sole primus hinnitum edidisset in suburbio, ipsis insidentibus, is regnum obtineret. | The rest however of the seven continued to deliberate how they should establish a king in the most just manner; and it was resolved by them that to Otanes and his descendants in succession, if the kingdom should come to any other of the seven, there should be given as special gifts a Median dress every year and all those presents which are esteemed among the Persians to be the most valuable: and the reason why they determined that these things should be given to him, was because he first suggested to them the matter and combined them together. These were special gifts for Otanes; and this they also determined for all in common, namely that any one of the seven who wished might pass in to the royal palaces without any to bear in a message, unless the king happened to be sleeping with his wife; and that it should not be lawful for the king to marry from any other family, but only from those of the men who had made insurrection with him: and about the kingdom they determined this, namely that the man whose horse should first neigh at sunrise in the suburb of the city when they were mounted upon their horses, he should have the kingdom. |
| 3.85 | Erat Dario equorum custos, callidus homo, cui nomen Œbares. Huic homini, postquam e concilio discesserunt, dixit Darius : « Œbares, quod ad regnum spectat, hoc facere decrevimus : cujus equus inter solis ortum, nobis insidentibus, primus hinnitum ediderit, illum regem fore. Tu igitur si quod nosti artificium, machinare ut nobis obtingat hæc dignitas, non alii cuipiam. » (2) Cui Œbares respondit : « Si in hoc situm est, here, ut tu rex sis aut non sis, confide hujus rei causa, et bono animo esto : nec enim alius præ te rex erit ; talia habeo medicamenta. » (3) Reponit Darius : « Quodsi ergo tale quoddam habes commentum, adest tempus quo illud pares, nec differas ; in crastinum enim certamen nobis est propositum. » (4) Quibus auditis, hæc facit Œbares. Ut ingruit nox, ex equabus unam, quam præ ceteris amabat Darii equus, in suburbium ductam alligat ; dein adductum Darii equum aliquamdiu circa illam circumducit, paulatim appropinquans equæ; ad extremum, ut illam ineat, admittit. | Now Dareios had a clever horse-keeper, whose name was Oibares. To this man, when they had left their assembly, Dareios spoke these words: “Oibares, we have resolved to do about the kingdom thus, namely that the man whose horse first neighs at sunrise, when we are mounted upon our horses he shall be king. Now therefore, if thou hast any cleverness, contrive that we may obtain this prize, and not any other man.” Oibares replied thus: “If, my master, it depends in truth upon this whether thou be king or no, have confidence so far as concerns this and keep a good heart, for none other shall be king before thee; such charms have I at my command.” Then Dareios said: “If then thou hast any such trick, it is time to devise it and not to put things off, for our trial is to-morrow.” Oibares therefore hearing this did as follows — when night was coming on he took one of the mares, namely that one which the horse of Dareios preferred, and this he led into the suburb of the city and tied her up: then he brought to her the horse of Dareios, and having for some time led him round her, making him go so close by so as to touch the mare, at last he let the horse mount. |
| 3.86 | Simul atque dies illuxit, aderant sex viri equis insidentes, sicut inter eos convenerat. Qui dum per suburbium vehuntur, ubi ad eum locum venerunt quo proxima nocte alligata fuerat equa, ibi accurrens Darii equus hinnitum edidit : et eodem temporis momento fulgur atque tonitru sereno de cœlo exstitit. (2) Atque hæc, Dario veluti e composito quodam supervenientia, auspicium consummarunt : et reliqui quinque, ex equis desilientes, ut regem Darium adoraverunt. | Now at dawn of day the six came to the place as they had agreed, riding upon their horses; and as they rode through by the suburb of the city, when they came near the place where the mare had been tied up on the former night, the horse of Dareios ran up to the place and neighed; and just when the horse had done this, there came lightning and thunder from a clear sky: and the happening of these things to Dareios consummated his claim, for they seemed to have come to pass by some design, and the others leapt down from their horses and did obeisance to Dareios. |
| 3.87 | De Œbare duplex apud Persas fama fertur ; aliis id eum, quod dixi, fecisse narrantibus ; aliis hocce : genitalia equæ illius sua eum manu attrectasse, manumque in braccis occultasse ; deinde, quum oriente sole in eo essent equi ut procederent, Œbarem hunc exsertam manum naribus equi Darii admovisse ; moxque hunc, ad odoris sensum, infremuisse hinnitumque edidisse. | Some say that the contrivance of Oibares was this, but others say as follows (for the story is told by the Persians in both ways), namely that he touched with his hands the parts of this mare and kept his hand hidden in his trousers; and when at sunrise they were about to let the horses go, this Oibares pulled out his hand and applied it to the nostrils of the horse of Dareios; and the horse, perceiving the smell, snorted and neighed. |
| 3.88 | Darius igitur, Hystaspis filius, rex renuntiatus est : omnesque Asiæ populi, Arabibus exceptis, imperio ejus paruerunt, a Cyro primo subacti, ac dein rursus a Cambyse. (2) Arabes vero nunquam a Persis in servitutem sunt redacti, sed hospites erant et amici, qui Cambysi transitum in Ægyptum præstiterunt ; nam invitis Arabibus nunquam in Ægyptum penetrare Persæ potuissent. (3) Matrimoniaque Darius iniit nobilissima inter Persas, cum duabus Cyri filiabus, Atossa et Artystone ; quarum illa quidem ante Cambysis uxor fuerat, fratris sui, deinde rursus Magi ; Artystone vero virgo erat : (4) præterea Smerdis filiam, Cyri filii, uxorem duxit, cui nomen erat Parmys : habuitque etiam Otanis filiam, quæ Magum prodiderat. Quumque jam omni e parte stabilita esset ejus potentia, primum monumentum statuit lapideum, cui figura hæc insculpta erat, vir equo insidens, cum inscriptione hujusmodi : DARIUS HYSTASPIS FILIUS EQUI VIRTUTE (nomen equi hic erat ascriptum) ET ŒBARIS EQUORUM CUSTODIS REGNUM PERSARUM OBTINUIT. | So Dareios the son of Hystaspes had been declared king; and in Asia all except the Arabians were his subjects, having been subdued by Cyrus and again afterwards by Cambyses. The Arabians however were never obedient to the Persians under conditions of subjection, but had become guest-friends when they let Cambyses pass by to Egypt: for against the will of the Arabians the Persians would not be able to invade Egypt. Moreover Dareios made the most noble marriages possible in the estimation of the Persians; for he married two daughters of Cyrus, Atossa and Artystone, of whom the one, Arossa, had before been the wife of Cambyses her brother and then afterwards of the Magian, while Artystone was a virgin; and besides them he married the daughter of Smerdis the son of Cyrus, whose name was Parmys; and he also took to wife the daughter of Otanes, he who had discovered the Magian; and all things became filled with his power. And first he caused to be a carving in stone, and set it up; and in it there was the figure of a man on horseback, and he wrote upon it writing to this effect: “Dareios son of Hystaspes by the excellence of his horse,” mentioning the name of it, “and of his horse-keeper Oibares obtained the kingdom of the Persians.” |
| 3.89 | His peractis, Persicum imperium in præfecturas distribuit, viginti numero, quas satrapias illi vocant. Quibus constitutis præfecturis, nominatisque singularum præfectis, tributa ordinavit, quæ ei singulis e populis redirent ; ita quidem ut aliis populis finitimos populos adjungeret, nonnunquam finitimos hos prætermittens aliis rursus populis alios remotiores attribueret. (2) Præfecturas autem et annua tributa hoc modo constituit : quibus imperatum erat argentum afferre, his prædictum erat, ut Babylonico pondere talentum afferrent ; quibus aurum imperatum, hi Euboicum afferrent talentum : valet autem Babylonium talentum Euboicas libras septuaginta. (3) Nam Cyro imperante, atque etiam deinde Cambyse, de tributo pendendo nihil erat constitutum, sed dona afferebant. Itaque propter hanc tributorum impositionem, et alia huic similia instituta, ajunt Persæ, institorem fuisse Darium ; Cambysen vero, dominum ; Cyrum, patrem fuisse. Darium enim, ut institorem administrasse regnum ; Cambysen durum fuisse et superbum ; Cyrum vero mitem et qui omne bonorum genus ipsis parasset. | Having so done in Persia, he established twenty provinces, which the Persians themselves call satrapies; and having established the provinces and set over them rulers, he appointed tribute to come to him from them according to races, joining also to the chief races those who dwelt on their borders, or passing beyond the immediate neighbors and assigning to various races those which lay more distant. He divided the provinces and the yearly payment of tribute as follows: and those of them who brought in silver were commanded to pay by the standard of the Babylonian talent, but those who brought in gold by the Euboïc talent; now the Babylonian talent is equal to eight-and-seventy Euboïc pounds. For in the reign of Cyrus, and again of Cambyses, nothing was fixed about tribute, but they used to bring gifts: and on account of this appointing of tribute and other things like this, the Persians say that Dareios was a shopkeeper, Cambyses a master, and Cyrus a father; the one because he dealt with all his affairs like a shopkeeper, the second because he was harsh and had little regard for any one, and the other because he was gentle and contrived for them all things good. |
| 3.90 | Ab Ionibus igitur, et Magnetibus Asiam incolentibus, et Æolensibus, et Caribus, et Lyciis, et Milyensibus, et Pamphylis (quibus in commune unum erat tributum impositum), quadringenta redibant argenti talenta : hæc prima erat præfectura. (2) A Mysis vero, et Lydis, et Lasoniis, et Cabaliis, et Hygennensibus, quingenta talenta : altera hæc præfectura. (3) Ab Hellespontiis ad dextram intro naviganti sitis, et Phrygibus, et Thracibus Asiam incolentibus, et Paphlagonibus, et Mariandynis, et Syriis, trecenta et sexaginta talenta tributi nomine redibant : tertia hæc præfectura. (4) A Cilicibus trecenti et sexaginta equi candidi, unus in diem, et quingenta argenti talenta ; quorum talentorum centum et quadraginta in equitatum insumebantur, qui Ciliciam provinciam custodiebat, reliqua trecenta et sexaginta ad Darium mittebatur : quarta hæc præfectura. | From the Ionians and the Magnesians who dwell in Asia and the Aiolians, Carians, Lykians, Milyans and Pamphylians (for one single sum was appointed by him as tribute for all these) there came in four hundred talents of silver. This was appointed by him to be the first division. From the Mysians and Lydians and Lasonians and Cabalians and Hytennians there came in five hundred talents: this is the second division. From the Hellespontians who dwell on the right as one sails in and the Phrygians and the Thracians who dwell in Asia and the Paphlagonians and Mariandynoi and Syrians the tribute was three hundred and sixty talents: this is the third division. From the Kilikians, besides three hundred and sixty white horses, one for every day in the year, there came also five hundred talents of silver; of these one hundred and forty talents were spent upon the horsemen which served as a guard to the Kilikian land, and the remaining three hundred and sixty came in year by year to Dareios: this is the fourth division. |
| 3.91 | A Posideo urbe, quam Amphilochus condidit, Amphiarai filius, in Cilicum et Syrorum confinibus, ab hac incipiendo usque ad Ægyptum (excepta Arabum ditione, quæ tributi erat immunis), tributum impositum erat trecentorum et quinquaginta talentorum. Est autem in hac præfectura Phœnice omnis, et Palæstina quæ vocatur Syria, et Cyprus : quinta hæc præfectura. (2) Ex Ægypto vero, et Afris Ægypti finitimis, et e Cyrene et Barce (nam et hæ Ægyptiacæ præfecturæ erant attributæ) septingenta redibant talenta, præter pecuniam quæ e Mœridis lacu redibat ; fiebat autem ea e piscibus, præter hanc, inquam, pecuniam, ac præter demensum frumentum, septingenta inde redibant talenta ; nam frumenti duodecim myriadas medimnorum admetiuntur Ægyptii Persarum iis qui in Alba arce Memphi habitant, horumque auxiliariis : sexta hæc præfectura. (3) Sattagydæ, Gandarii, Dadicæ et Aparytæ, in unam præfecturam, quæ septima est, contributi, centum et septuaginta conferebant talenta. (4) E Suis et reliqua Cissiorum regione, trecenta talenta redibant : octava hæc præfectura. | From that division which begins with the city of Posideion, founded by Amphilochos the son of Amphiaraos on the borders of the Kilikians and the Syrians, and extends as far as Egypt, not including the territory of the Arabians (for this was free from payment), the amount was three hundred and fifty talents; and in this division are the whole of Phenicia and Syria which is called Palestine and Cyprus: this is the fifth division. From Egypt and the Libyans bordering upon Egypt, and from Kyrene and Barca, for these were so ordered as to belong to the Egyptian division, there came in seven hundred talents, without reckoning the money produced by the lake of Moiris, that is to say from the fish; without reckoning this, I say, or the corn which was contributed in addition by measure, there came in seven hundred talents; for as regards the corn, they contribute by measure one hundred and twenty thousand bushels for the use of those Persians who are established in the “White Fortress” at Memphis, and for their foreign mercenaries: this is the sixth division. The Sattagydai and Gandarians and Dadicans and Aparytai, being joined together, brought in one hundred and seventy talents: this is the seventh division. From Susa and the rest of the land of the Kissians there came in three hundred: this is the eighth division. |
| 3.92 | E Babylone reliquaque Assyria mille argenti talenta redibant Dario, et castrati pueri quingenti : nona hæc præfectura. (2) Ex Ecbatanis et reliqua Medica provincia, et Paricaniis et Orthocorybantiis, quadringenta et quinquaginta talenta : decima hæc præfectura. (3) Caspii et Pausi, tum Pantimathi et Daritæ, in unum conferentes, talenta contribuebant ducenta ; undecima hæc præfectura. (4) A Bactrianis ad Æglos usque tributum pendebatur trecentorum et sexaginta talentorum : duodecima hæc præfectura. | From Babylon and from the rest of Assyria there came in to him a thousand talents of silver and five hundred boys for eunuchs: this is the ninth division. From Agbatana and from the rest of Media and the Paricanians and Orthocorybantians, four hundred and fifty talents: this is the tenth division. The Caspians and Pausicans and Pantimathoi and Dareitai, contributing together, brought in two hundred talents: this is the eleventh division. From the Bactrians as far as the Aigloi the tribute was three hundred and sixty talents: this is the twelfth division. |
| 3.93 | E Pactyica et ex Armeniis horumque finitimis usque ad Euxinum Pontum, quadringenta talenta : decima tertia hæc præfectura. (2) A Sagartiis, et Sarangis, et Thamanæis, et Utiis, et Mycis, et e Rubri maris insularum incolis, in quas eos, qui abstracti sive relegati vocantur, rex habitatum mittit, ex his omnibus sexcenta talenta tributi nomine cogebantur : decima quarta hæc præfectura. (3) Sacæ et Caspii ducenta et quinquaginta conferebant talenta : præfectura hæc decima quinta. (4) Parthi vero et Chorasmii, et Sogdi et Arii, trecenta talenta : decima sexta præfectura. | From Pactyïke and the Armenians and the people bordering upon them as far as the Euxine, four hundred talents: this is the thirteenth division. From the Sagartians and Sarangians and Thamanaians and Utians and Mycans and those who dwell in the islands of the Erythraian Sea, where the king settles those who are called the “Removed,” from all these together a tribute was produced of six hundred talents: this is the fourteenth division. The Sacans and the Caspians brought in two hundred and fifty talents: this is the fifteenth division. The Parthians and Chorasmians and Sogdians and Areians three hundred talents: this is the sixteenth division. |
| 3.94 | Paricanii et Æthiopes Asiam incolentes, quadringenta conferebant talenta : præfectura hæc decima septima. (2) Matienis, Saspiribus et Alarodiis ducenta imposita talenta erant : præfectura hæc decima octava. (3) Moschis, e Tibarenis, et Macronibus, et Mosynœcis et Maribus trecenta imperata erant talenta : præfectura hæc decima nona. (4) Indorum populus longe frequentissimus omnium quos novimus hominum est, et tributum hi pendebant præ reliquis omnibus trecenta et sexaginta talenta ramentorum auri : vicesima hæc præfectura. | The Paricanians and Ethiopians in Asia brought in four hundred talents: this is the seventeenth division. To the Matienians and Saspeirians and Alarodians was appointed a tribute of two hundred talents: this is the eighteenth division. To the Moschoi and Tibarenians and Macronians and Mossynoicoi and Mares three hundred talents were ordered: this is the nineteenth division. Of the Indians the number is far greater than that of any other race of men of whom we know; and they brought in a tribute larger than all the rest, that is to say three hundred and sixty talents of gold-dust: this is the twentieth division. |
| 3.95 | Jam Babylonicum argentum si cum Euboico conferatur, fuerint talenta novies mille quingenta et quadraginta. Aurum vero si tredecuplum æstimetur, reperitur ramentum illud valere talenta Euboica quater mille sexcenta et octoginta. (2) Quibus cunctis in unam summam collectis, tributi nomine colligebantur Dario quotannis Euboicorum talentorum quattuordecim milia cum quingentis et sexaginta ; ut minorem numerum mittam, qui hanc summam excedit. | Now if we compare Babylonian with Euboïc talents, the silver is found to amount to nine thousand eight hundred and eighty talents; and if we reckon the gold at thirteen times the value of silver, weight for weight, the gold-dust is found to amount to four thousand six hundred and eighty Euboïc talents. These being all added together, the total which was collected as yearly tribute for Dareios amounts to fourteen thousand five hundred and sixty Euboïc talents: the sums which are less than these I pass over and do not mention. |
| 3.96 | Hoc tributum Dario ex Asia redibat, et ex exigua Africæ parte. Sed procedente tempore etiam aliud ei tributum ex insulis rediit, ab his qui Europam incolunt usque ad Thessaliam. (2) Hoc tributum tali modo rex in thesauris recondit : liquefactum metallum in dolia fictilia infundit, et repleto vase frangit testam. Dein, quando pecunia indiget, tantumdem cudendum curat, quantum usus postulat. | This was the tribute which came in to Dareios from Asia and from a small part of Libya: but as time went on, other tribute came in also from the islands and from those who dwell in Europe as far as Thessaly. This tribute the king stores up in his treasury in the following manner — he melts it down and pours it into jars of earthenware, and when he has filled the jars he takes off the earthenware jar from the metal; and when he wants money he cuts off so much as he needs on each occasion. |
| 3.97 | Hæ igitur sunt præfecturæ, et taxationes tributorum. Persidem vero regionem solam in tributariarum numero non nominavi ; hanc enim a tributis immunem incolunt Persæ. (2) Porro impositum quidem tributum non pendebant, sed dona ferebant hi : Æthiopes Ægypto contermini, quos Cambyses, quum adversus Macrobios Æthiopas arma ferret, subegit ; qui circa sacram Nysam habitant, et Baccho dies festos celebrant. (3) Hi Æthiopes, et horum finitimi, semine utuntur eodem quo Calatiæ Indi (milio ?), domos autem habent subterraneas. (4) Hi simul ambo tertio quoque anno afferebant, afferuntque etiam ad meam usque ætatem, duo chœnices auri ignem non experti, et ducentos truncos ebeni, et quinque pueros Æthiopes, et viginti magnos dentes elephantorum. (5) Colchi vero pacti sunt de dono ferendo, et horum finitimi usque ad Caucasum montem : nam usque ad hunc montem pertinet Persarum imperium ; qui vero ad septentrionem sunt Caucasi, hi nil amplius curant Persas. (6) Hi igitur dona, de quibus pacti sunt, ad meam usque memoriam quinto quoque anno afferebant, centenos pueros, virginesque centenas. Arabes vero quotannis mille afferebant thuris talenta. Hæc igitur, præter tributum, dona hi regi ferebant. | These were the provinces and the assessments of tribute: and the Persian land alone has not been mentioned by me as paying a contribution, for the Persians have their land to dwell in free from payment. The following moreover had no tribute fixed for them to pay, but brought gifts, namely the Ethiopians who border upon Egypt, whom Cambyses subdued as he marched against the Long-lived Ethiopians, those who dwell about Nysa, which is called “sacred,” and who celebrate the festivals in honor of Dionysos: these Ethiopians and those who dwell near them have the same kind of seed as the Callantian Indians, and they have underground dwellings. These both together brought every other year, and continue to bring even to my own time, two quart measures of unmelted gold and two hundred blocks of ebony and five Ethiopian boys and twenty large elephant tusks. The Colchians also had set themselves among those who brought gifts, and with them those who border upon them extending as far as the range of the Caucasus (for the Persian rule extends as far as these mountains, but those who dwell in the parts beyond Caucasus toward the North Wind regard the Persians no longer) — these, I say, continued to bring the gifts which they had fixed for themselves every four years even down to my own time, that is to say, a hundred boys and a hundred maidens. Finally, the Arabians brought a thousand talents of frankincense every year. Such were the gifts which these brought to the king apart from the tribute. |
| 3.98 | Auri autem copiam illam, e qua regi ramenta, quæ dixi, afferunt Indi, tali modo nanciscuntur : (2) quæ terra inde ab India versus orientem solem porrigitur, ea prorsus sabulosa est. Nam eorum, quos nos novimus, populorum, de quibus certi quidpiam traditur, primi versus orientem solem Indi sunt : post Indos enim orientem versus deserta terra est propter sabulum. (3) Sunt autem multi Indorum populi, diversis linguis utentes. Et eorum alii nomades sunt ; alii non sunt. Nonnulli etiam in paludibus habitant fluminis, vescunturque crudis piscibus ; quos capiunt, navigiis ex arundine confectis insectantes : quodlibet navigium ex uno genu sive internodio arundinis conficitur. (4) Hi Indi vestem gestant e scirpo ; quam, postquam scirpum e flumine demessuerunt tuderuntque, plectunt deinde in storæ modum, et tanquam thoracem induunt. | Now this great quantity of gold, out of which the Indians bring in to the king the gold-dust which has been mentioned, is obtained by them in a manner which I shall tell — That part of the Indian land which is towards the rising sun is sand; for of all the peoples in Asia of which we know or about which any certain report is given, the Indians dwell furthest away towards the East and the sunrising; seeing that the country to the East of the Indians is desert on account of the sand. Now there are many tribes of Indians, and they do not agree with one another in language; and some of them are pastoral and others not so, and some dwell in the swamps of the river and feed upon raw fish, which they catch by fishing from boats made of cane; and each boat is made of one joint of cane. These Indians of which I speak wear clothing made of rushes: they gather and cut the rushes from the river and then weave them together into a kind of mat and put it on like a corslet. |
| 3.99 | Alii ex Indis, his ab oriente habitantes, nomades sunt ; cruda carne vescentes, qui Padæi vocantur. Institutis hi utuntur hujusmodi : quando quis morbo laborat civium, sive mulier, sive vir, tunc virum viri maxime familiares occidunt, dicentes, si morbo consumeretur, carnem ipsis corruptum iri. At ille negat se ægrotare ; hi, viro non assentientes, interficiunt eum epulanturque. (2) Quando mulier ægrotat, similiter mulieres maxime necessariæ idem faciunt quod viris viri. Nam etiam qui ad senectutem pervenit, eum mactant, carneque ejus vescuntur : haud multi autem illorum ad eum numerum annorum perveniunt ; nam antea quemcunque morbo quodam correptum interficiunt. | Others of the Indians, dwelling to the East of these, are pastoral and eat raw flesh: these are called Padaians, and they practise the following customs — whenever any of their tribe falls ill, whether it be a woman or a man, if a man then the men who are his nearest associates put him to death, saying that he is wasting away with the disease and his flesh is being spoilt for them: and meanwhile he denies stoutly and says that he is not ill, but they do not agree with him; and after they have killed him they feast upon his flesh: but if it be a woman who falls ill, the women who are her greatest intimates do to her in the same manner as the men do in the other case. For in fact even if a man has come to old age they slay him and feast upon him; but very few of them come to be reckoned as old, for they kill every one who falls into sickness, before he reaches old age. |
| 3.100 | Aliorum Indorum alius mos est hujusmodi : nec occidunt animatum quidquam, nec sementem faciunt, nec domos solent possidere : herbis vescuntur ; estque eis semen quoddam, milii fere magnitudine, folliculo inclusum, sponte e terra nascens, quod colligunt, et cum folliculo elixum comedunt. Si quis ex eis in morbum incidit, abit in desertum, ibique jacet ; neque quisquam aut mortuum curat, aut ægrotum. | Other Indians have on the contrary a manner of life as follows — they neither kill any living thing nor do they sow any crops nor is it their custom to possess houses; but they feed on herbs, and they have a grain of the size of millet, in a sheath, which grows of itself from the ground; this they gather and boil with the sheath, and make it their food: and whenever any of them falls into sickness, he goes to the desert country and lies there, and none of them pay any attention either to one who is dead or to one who is sick. |
| 3.101 | Omnes hi, quos commemoravi, Indi feminis miscentur palam, veluti pecudes ; et colorem habent similem maxime Æthiopibus. (2) Semen autem ipsorum genitale non, quemadmodum ceterorum hominum, album est, sed nigrum, sicut corporis color : tale vero etiam semen genitale Æthiopes edunt. (3) Hi Indi longius a Persis habitant, meridiem versus ; neque unquam Darii paruerunt imperio. | The sexual intercourse of all these Indians of whom I have spoken is open like that of cattle, and they have all one color of skin, resembling that of the Ethiopians: moreover the seed which they emit is not white like that of other races, but black like their skin; and the Ethiopians also are similar in this respect. These tribes of Indians dwell further off than the Persian power extends, and towards the South Wind, and they never became subjects of Dareios. |
| 3.102 | Alii vero Indi Caspatyro urbi et Pactyicæ regioni sunt finitimi, a septentrione reliquorum Indorum habitantes, qui vitæ ratione utuntur Bactrianis simili. Hi sunt Indorum bellicosissimi, iidemque qui ad conquirendum aurum proficiscuntur : est enim ibi deserta regio propter sabulum. (2) In hoc nimirum deserto atque sabulo sunt formicæ, magnitudine non quidem tanta quanta canum, sed tamen majores vulpibus : quarum nonnullæ aluntur apud regem Persarum, in illa regione a venatoribus captæ. (3) Hæ igitur formicæ, sub terra habitacula sibi parantes, egerunt sabulum eodem modo sicut in Græcia formiæ; quibus etiam specie corporis simillimæ sunt. Sabulum autem, quod ab illis egeritur, auriferum est. (4) Ad hoc igitur colligendum sabulum profecturi Indi jungunt quisque tres camelos, funalem utrimque marem, qui a latere trahant ; in medio feminam, dans operam ut a pullis quam recentissime natis abstractam jungat : hanc ipse conscendit. Sunt enim cameli equis velocitate non inferiores, insuper vero ad onera ferenda multo validiores. | Others however of the Indians are on the borders of the city of Caspatyros and the country of Pactyïke, dwelling towards the North of the other Indians; and they have a manner of living nearly the same as that of the Bactrians: these are the most warlike of the Indians, and these are they who make expeditions for the gold. For in the parts where they live it is desert on account of the sand; and in this desert and sandy tract are produced ants, which are in size smaller than dogs but larger than foxes, for there are some of them kept at the residence of the king of Persia, which are caught here. These ants then make their dwelling under ground and carry up the sand just in the same manner as the ants found in the land of the Hellenes, which they themselves also very much resemble in form; and the sand which is brought up contains gold. To obtain this sand the Indians make expeditions into the desert, each one having yoked together three camels, placing a female in the middle and a male like a trace-horse to draw by each side. On this female he mounts himself, having arranged carefully that she shall be taken to be yoked from young ones, the more lately born the better. For their female camels are not inferior to horses in speed, and moreover they are much more capable of bearing weights. |
| 3.103 | Jam, species quidem qualis sit cameli, Græcis sat gnaris non describo quod vero de eo ignoratur vulgo, hoc dicam. Camelus in posterioribus cruribus quattuor habet femora (ossa inter articulos vel genua) et quattuor genua ; veretrum vero inter posteriora crura caudam versus spectans. | As to the form of the camel, I do not here describe it, since the Hellenes for whom I write are already acquainted with it, but I shall tell that which is not commonly known about it, which is this — the camel has in the hind legs four thighs and four knees, and its organs of generation are between the hind legs, turned towards the tail. |
| 3.104 | Hoc igitur modo, talique utentes vectura, ad colligendum aurum proficiscuntur Indi, temporis rationem ita ineuntes, ut ea diei hora, qua ferventissimi sunt æstus, illud rapiant : fervente enim æstu sub terra conduntur formicæ. (2) Ardentissimus autem his hominibus sol est tempore matutino, non, ut ceteris hominibus, medio die ; sed ab eo tempore quo ad aliquam altitudinem in cœlo pervenit, usque dum tempus est a foro discedendi [quod fiebat medio fere die]. Per id tempus multo magis ibi ardet sol, quam in Græcia medio ipso die ; ita ut dicantur illi tunc aqua se aspergere. (3) Medio vero die similiter fere sol ardet ceteros homines atque Indos. Postquam de medio cœlo declinavit sol, talem ibi vim habet, qualem apud ceteros matutinus. Reliquum cœli spatium percurrens, magis magisque friget, donec, ubi ad occasum pervenit, admodum etiam friget. | The Indians, I say, ride out to get the gold in the manner and with the kind of yoking which I have described, making calculations so that they may be engaged in carrying it off at the time when the greatest heat prevails; for the heat causes the ants to disappear underground. Now among these nations the sun is hottest in the morning hours, not at midday as with others, but from sunrise to the time of closing the market: and during this time it produces much greater heat than at midday in Hellas, so that it is said that then they drench themselves with water. Midday however has about equal degree of heat with the Indians as with other men, while after midday their sun becomes like the morning sun with other men, and after this, as it goes further away, it produces still greater coolness, until at last at sunset it makes the air very cool indeed. |
| 3.105 | Postquam ad locum Indi pervenerunt, culeos, quos secum attulere, sabulo complent, et quam primum sese recipiunt. Protinus enim formicæ, odore, ut ajunt Persæ, illos sentientes, persequuntur. (2) Velocitate autem hanc bestiam alias omnes ita ajunt superare, ut nisi, dum congregantur formicæ, viam interim Indi præciperent, nullus eorum salvus esset evasurus. (3) Jam mares quidem camelos, quum sint ad currendum feminis inferiores, viribus ajunt deficere et segnius sequi utrumque ; feminas vero, recordantes pullorum domi relictorum, nihil molliter de cursu remittere. (4) Majorem igitur auri partem hac ratione, ut quidem Persæ narrant, nanciscuntur Indi : aliud rarius est aurum, quod e metallis effoditur. | When the Indians have come to the place with bags, they fill them with the sand and ride away back as quickly as they can, for forthwith the ants, perceiving, as the Persians allege, by the smell, begin to pursue them: and this animal, they say, is superior to every other creature in swiftness, so that unless the Indians got a start in their course, while the ants were gathering together, not one of them would escape. So then the male camels, for they are inferior in speed of running to the females, if they drag behind are even let loose from the side of the female, one after the other; the females however, remembering the young which they left behind, do not show any slackness in their course. Thus it is that the Indians get most part of the gold, as the Persians say; there is however other gold also in their land obtained by digging, but in smaller quantities. |
| 3.106 | Extremæ terrarum partes, nescio quo pacto, res præstantissimas sunt sortitæ, quemadmodum Græcia cœli temperiem longe præstantissimam sortita est. Est enim ab una parte, orientem versus, extrema regionum habitatarum Indica, ut paulo ante dixi. (2) In hac igitur, partim, animantes quadrupedes atque volucres insunt longe quam in reliquis regionibus grandiores, equis exceptis ; nam magnitudine superantur Indorum equi a Medicis, qui Nisæi vocantur. Partim vero, auri immensa ibi copia est ; aliud effossum terra, aliud per flumina devectum, aliud ita ut memoravi subreptum. (3) Ibidem porro arbores agrestes pro fructu lanam eduint, pulcritudine et reliqua virtute ovinam lanam superantem : et vestimentis Indi ex his arboribus utuntur. | It seems indeed that the extremities of the inhabited world had allotted to them by nature the fairest things, just as it was the lot of Hellas to have its seasons far more fairly tempered than other lands: for first, India is the most distant of inhabited lands towards the East, as I have said a little above, and in this land not only the animals, birds as well as four-footed beasts, are much larger than in other places (except the horses, which are surpassed by those of Media called Nessaian), but also there is gold in abundance there, some got by digging, some brought down by rivers, and some carried off as I explained just now: and there also the trees which grow wild produce wool which surpasses in beauty and excellence that from sheep, and the Indians wear clothing obtained from these trees. |
| 3.107 | Rursus, meridiem versus, extrema habitatarum regionum Arabia est. In hac vero una regionum omnium thus nascitur, et myrrha, et casia, et cinnamomum, et ladanum. Hæc quidem omnia, myrrham si excipias, non sine labore nanciscuntur Arabes. (2) Thus quidem colligunt, styracem adolentes, quæ in Græciam a Phœnicibus importatur. Styrace, inquam, incensa thus nanciscuntur : arbores enim thuriferas custodiunt alati serpentes, exiguo corpore, variegata specie, ingenti numero arborem quamque circumsedentes ; iidem qui Ægyptum veluti hostile agmen invadunt. Nulla vero alia re, nisi styracis fumo, hi ab arboribus illis abiguntur. | Then again Arabia is the furthest of inhabited lands in the direction of the midday, and in it alone of all lands grow frankincense and myrrh and cassia and cinnamon and gum-mastich. All these except myrrh are got with difficulty by the Arabians. Frankincense they collect by burning the storax, which is brought thence to the Hellenes by the Phenicians, by burning this, I say, so as to produce smoke they take it; for these trees which produce frankincense are guarded by winged serpents, small in size and of various colors, which watch in great numbers about each tree, of the same kind as those which attempt to invade Egypt: and they cannot be driven away from the trees by any other thing but only the smoke of storax. |
| 3.108 | Ajunt vero etiam Arabes, universam terram his serpentibus oppletum iri, nisi illis accideret id quod compertum habeo viperis accidere. Et recte puto dixerim : numinis providentia, ut est consentaneum, quum sit sapiens, quæcunque et timidæ indolis sunt animalia, et quæ esculenta, ea omnia fœcunda admodum fecit, ne assiduo esu genus eorum intereat ; quæ vero prava et malefica, parum fœcunda. (2) Sic, ut hoc utar, lepus, quem venatur fera omnis et avis et homo, ita fœcundus est, ut leporis femina una sit ex omnibus animantibus quæ superfœtet, et alium fœtum jam pilis vestitum in utero gerat, alium nudum, alium eodem tempore in matrice formet, et alium concipiat. (3) Et hæc quidem hujus natura est. E contrario leæna, quum sit animalium validissimum, idemque ferocissimum, non nisi semel parit in vita : nam, dum partum edit, simul uterum ejicit. Cujus rei hæc causa est : quando catulus in utero sese incipit movere, tum vero, quoniam ungues habet longe omnium acutissimos, fodicat matricem, augescensque multo etiam magis penetrat lacerando ; ad extremum, quando partus instat, nihil amplius sani in utero superest. | The Arabians say also that all the world would have been by this time filled with these serpents, if that did not happen with regard to them which I knew happened with regard to vipers: and it seems that the Divine Providence, as indeed was to be expected, seeing that it is wise, has made all those animals prolific which are of cowardly spirit and good for food, in order that they may not be all eaten up and their race fail, whereas it has made those which are bold and noxious to have small progeny. For example, because the hare is hunted by every beast and bird as well as by man, therefore it is so very prolific as it is: and this is the only one of all beasts which becomes pregnant again before the former young are born, and has in its womb some of its young covered with fur and others bare; and while one is just being shaped in the matrix, another is being conceived. Thus it is in this case; whereas the lioness, which is the strongest and most courageous of creatures, produces one cub once only in her life; for when she produces young she casts out her womb together with her young; and the cause of it is this — when the cub being within the mother begins to move about, then having claws by far sharper than those of any other beast he tears the womb, and as he grows larger he proceeds much further in his scratching: at last the time of birth approaches and there is now nothing at all left of it in a sound condition. |
| 3.109 | Similiter vero etiam viperæ et alati in Arabia serpentes, si tanta copia nascerentur quanta per suam naturam possent, non possent vivere homines. Nunc, quando per paria ad coitum libidine concitantur, dum in eo mas est ut genitale semen emittat, collum ejus prehendit femina, et innixa non prius dimittit quam perroserit. (2) Atque ita quidem mas moritur ; femina autem talem mari dat pœnam : patrem parvuli ulciscentes, dum adhuc in utero sunt, matricem corrodunt, atque etiam ipsum ventrem corrodentes, ita in lucem prodeunt. (3) At ceteri serpentes, qui hominibus non sunt noxii, ova pariunt, et magnam fœtuum copiam excludunt. Jam viperæ quidem ubivis terrarum reperiuntur : alati vero serpentes universi in Arabia sunt, nec usquam alibi ; ea ratione frequentes esse videntur. | Just so also, if vipers and the winged serpents of the Arabians were produced in the ordinary course of their nature, man would not be able to live upon the earth; but as it is, when they couple with one another and the male is in the act of generation, as he lets go from him the seed, the female seizes hold of his neck, and fastening on to it does not relax her hold till she has eaten it through. The male then dies in the manner which I have said, but the female pays the penalty of retribution for the male in this manner: the young while they are still in the womb take vengeance for their father by eating through their mother, and having eaten through her belly they thus make their way out for themselves. Other serpents however, which are not hurtful to man, produce eggs and hatch from them a very large number of offspring. Now vipers are distributed over all the earth; but the others, which are winged, are found in great numbers together in Arabia and in no other land: therefore it is that they appear to be numerous. |
| 3.110 | Tus igitur, de quo dixi, ista ratione Arabes nanciscuntur ; casiam vero hoc modo : toto corpore atque facie, solis oculis exceptis, bubulis aliisve coriis tecti, ad colligendam casiam exeunt. Nascitur hæc autem in palude non admodum alta, circa quam et in qua stabulantur bestiæ alatæ, vespertilionibus maxime similes, diro modo stridentes, et viribus prævalentes. Has ab oculis abigere oportet, atque ita casiam metere. | This frankincense then is obtained thus by the Arabians; and cassia is obtained as follows — they bind up in cows'-hide and other kinds of skins all their body and their face except only the eyes, and then go to get the cassia. This grows in a pool not very deep, and round the pool and in it lodge, it seems, winged beasts nearly resembling bats, and they squeak horribly and are courageous in fight. These they must keep off from their eyes, and so cut the cassia. |
| 3.111 | Cinnamomum vero mirabiliori etiam quam illa modo colligunt. Etenim, quo loco illud nascatur, quæve terra illud alat, ignorant ; nisi quod, probabilem sequentes rationem, in eis regionibus nasci illud ajunt, in quibus Bacchus educatus est. (2) Narrant autem, ingentes aves afferre hos bacillos, quos nos a Phœnicibus edocti cinnamomum vocamus : inferri eos autem ab illis avibus in nidos, e luto astructos ad montium præcipitia, ad quæ nullus homini accessus pateat. (3) Adversus hæc igitur tali artificio uti Arabes : mortuorum boum et asinorum aliorumque jumentorum cadavera, in frusta quam maximæ molis dissecta, congerere eos in hæc loca ; eisque in vicinia nidorum depositis, procul inde recedere : (4) tum volucres illæ descendentes, jumentorum istorum membra tollere et in nidos suos comportare ; hos autem, quum sustinere onus non possint, rumpi et in terram decidere : tunc accurrentes homines, cinnamomum colligere ; quod, ab his ita collectum, dein in alias regiones transportetur. | Cinnamon they collect in a yet more marvellous manner than this: for where it grows and what land produces it they are not able to tell, except only that some say (and it is a probable account) that it grows in those regions where Dionysos was brought up; and they say that large birds carry those dried sticks which we have learnt from the Phenicians to call cinnamon, carry them, I say, to nests which are made of clay and stuck on to precipitous sides of mountains, which man can find no means of scaling. With regard to this then the Arabians practise the following contrivance — they divide up the limbs of the oxen and asses that die and of their other beasts of burden, into pieces as large as convenient, and convey them to these places, and when they have laid them down not far from the nests, they withdraw to a distance from them: and the birds fly down and carry the limbs of the beasts of burden off to their nests; and these are not able to bear them, but break down and fall to the earth; and the men come up to them and collect the cinnamon. Thus cinnamon is collected and comes from this nation to the other countries of the world. |
| 3.112 | Ledanum vero quod ladanum Arabes nominant, mirabiliore etiam, quam cinnamonum, modo comparatur. Reperitur in loco teterrime olente, ipsum suavissime olens : in hircorum enim barbis reperitur, veluti viscum adhærens e frondibus. Est autem utile ad multa unguentorum genera ; et ad suffitum hoc maxime utuntur Arabes. | Gum-mastich however, which the Arabians call ladanon, comes in a still more extraordinary manner; for though it is the most sweet-scented of all things, it comes in the most evil-scented thing, since it is found in the beards of he-goats, produced there like resin from wood: this is of use for the making of many perfumes, and the Arabians use it more than anything else as incense. |
| 3.113 | Hæc quidem de aromatibus et suffimentis dicta sunto : spirat autem terra Arabia suavissimum et divinum quemdam odorem. (2) Duo sunt ibidem ovium genera miratu digna, quæ nulla in alia regione reperiuntur. Alterum genus caudas habet prœlongas, tribus non breviores cubitis : quas si illæ sinerentur post se trahere, ulcera haberent, caudis ad terram attritis. Nunc pastorum quisque artem fabrilem in tantum callet, ut exiguum plaustrum fabricetur, quod caudæ subligatur : cujusque pecudis caudæ suum subligatur plaustellum. (3) Alterum genus ovium caudas gerit latas, usque ad cubiti latitudinem. | Let what we have said suffice with regard to spices; and from the land of Arabia there blows a scent of them most marvellously sweet. They have also two kinds of sheep which are worthy of admiration and are not found in any other land: the one kind has the tail long, not less than three cubits in length; and if one should allow these to drag these after them, they would have sores from their tails being worn away against the ground; but as it is, every one of the shepherds knows enough of carpentering to make little cars, which they tie under the tails, fastening the tail of each animal to a separate little car. The other kind of sheep has the tail broad, even as much as a cubit in breadth. |
| 3.114 | Ubi meridiana cœli plaga versus occidentem solem inclinat, ibi protenditur Æthiopia, ab hac parte regio extrema terrarum. Hæc aurum fert frequens, et vastos elephantos, et arborum agrestium omne genus, et ebenum, et homines statura maximos et pulcherrimos et maxime longævos. | As one passes beyond the place of the midday, the Ethiopian land is that which extends furthest of all inhabited lands towards the sunset. This produces both gold in abundance and huge elephants and trees of all kinds growing wild and ebony, and men who are of all men the tallest, the most beautiful and the most long-lived. |
| 3.115 | Hæ sunt igitur in Asia et in Libya extremæ terrarum regiones. Jam de Europæ quidem versus occidentem extremis, quod pro accurate comperto dicam, non habeo. Neque enim assentior, Eridanum aliquem fluvium nominari a barbaris, qui in mare boreale influat, a quo ad nos electrum venire fama est ; neque insulæ mihi cognitæ sunt Cassiterides nomine, unde stannum ad nos venit. (2) Partim enim ipsum hoc nomen Eridanus se prodit græcum esse ac neutiquam barbaricum, nempe a poeta aliquo fictum : partim, quamvis studiose id egerim, tamen a nemine, qui ipse suis oculis vidisset, comperire potui, ultra Europam septentrionem versus esse mare. Ab extrema quidem certe Europa et stannum nobis venit et electrum. | These are the extremities in Asia and in Libya; but as to the extremities of Europe towards the West, I am not able to speak with certainty: for neither do I accept the tale that there is a river called in Barbarian tongue Eridanos, flowing into the sea which lies towards the North Wind, whence it is said that amber comes; nor do I know of the real existence of “Tin Islands” from which tin comes to us: for first the name Eridanos itself declares that it is Hellenic and that it does not belong to a Barbarian speech, but was invented by some poet; and secondly I am not able to hear from any one who has been an eye-witness, though I took pains to discover this, that there is a sea on the other side of Europe. However that may be, tin and amber certainly come to us from the extremity of Europe. |
| 3.116 | In septentrionalibus vero Europæ partibus maximam quamdam reperiri auri copiam, satis compertum est : at, id quo pacto acquiratur, ne hoc quidem certo dicere valeo : fama est autem, gryphibus illud subripere Arimaspos, homines unoculos. At mihi ne hoc quidem persuadetur, esse homines natura unoculos, reliquam naturam ceteris hominibus similem habentes. (2) Sed, quod initio dixi, videntur utique extremitates terræ, quæ reliquam omnem terram circumdant et intus intercludunt, eas res possidere, quæ et præstantissimæ esse vulgo putantur, et rarissimæ. | Then again towards the North of Europe, there is evidently a quantity of gold by far larger than in any other land: as to how it is got, here again I am not able to say for certain, but it is said to be carried off from the griffins by Arimaspians, a one-eyed race of men. But I do not believe this tale either, that nature produces one-eyed men which in all other respects are like other men. However, it would seem that the extremities which bound the rest of the world on every side and enclose it in the midst, possess the things which by us are thought to be the most beautiful and the most rare. |
| 3.117 | Est in Asia campus, monte undique clausus ; montis autem ejus quinque sunt divortia. Hic campus olim Chorasmiorum erat, estque in confinibus ipsorum Chorasmiorum et Hyrcaniorum et Parthorum et Sarangarum et Thamanæorum : e quo vero Persæ obtinuere imperium, rex eum possidet. Ex eo monte campum claudente profluit ingens fluvius, cui nomen Aces. (2) Is fluvius prius in quinque alveos divisus populorum quos dixi irrigabat agros, ad singulos populos per singulas montis fauces derivatus : e quo vero sub Persa est hæc regio, calamitas illis accidit hujusmodi ; montium fauces obstruxit rex, et ad singulas fauces portam construxit : ita, exitu aquæ intercluso, e campo intra montes patente factum est pelagus, influente quidem fluvio, sed exitum nusquam habente. (3) Hi igitur populi, antea aquis illius fluvii soliti uti, nunc ubi non amplius illis uti possunt, ingenti premuntur incommodo. Nam hieme quidem pluit ibi, sicut in aliorum populorum regionibus : at æstate, postquam panicum et sesamum severunt, aqua illa indigebant. (4) Igitur, quandoquidem eis nunc hæc intercluditur, veniunt ad Persas, viri et mulieres, stantesque ad regis portas, ingenti clamore ululant. Et rex eis, qui aqua maxime indigent, jubet aperiri portam ad hos ducentem. (5) Quorum postquam satis aquarum terra bibit, claudi eam portam jubet, et alia aperiri his qui e reliquorum numero maxime aqua indigent. Ut vero auditu equidem cognovi, nonnisi ingenti pecunia, præter tributum exacta, aperiri jubet. Et hæc quidem ita se habent. | Now there is a plain in Asia bounded by mountains on all sides, and through the mountains there are five clefts. This plain belonged once to the Chorasmians, and it lies on the borders of the Chorasmians themselves, the Hyrcanians, Parthians, Sarangians, and Thamanaians; but from the time that the Persians began to bear rule it belongs to the king. From this enclosing mountain of which I speak there flows a great river, and its name is Akes. This formerly watered the lands of these nations which have been mentioned, being divided into five streams and conducted through a separate cleft in the mountains to each separate nation; but from the time that they have come to be under the Persians they have suffered as follows — the king built up the clefts in the mountains and set gates at each cleft; and so, since the water has been shut off from its outlet, the plain within the mountains is made into a sea, because the river runs into it and has no way out in any direction. Those therefore who in former times had been wont to make use of the water, not being able now to make use of it are in great trouble: for during the winter they have rain from heaven, as also other men have, but in the summer they desire to use the water when they sow millet and sesame seed. So then, the water not being granted to them, they come to the Persians both themselves and their wives, and standing at the gates of the king’s court they cry and howl; and the king orders that for those who need it most, the gates which lead to their land shall be opened; and when their land has become satiated with drinking in the water, these gates are closed, and he orders the gates to be opened for others, that is to say those most needing it of the rest who remain: and, as I have heard, he exacts large sums of money for opening them, besides the regular tribute. |
| 3.118 | Uni e septemviris, qui adversus Magum conspiraverunt, Intapherni, accidit ut periret brevi post oppressos Magos, tali patrato facinore insolentiæ pleno. (2) Voluit hic regiam ingredi, cum rege collocuturus : quippe, ut dixi, ita convenerat inter conjuratos, ut ad regem ingredi eis liceret absque internuntio, nisi forte cum uxore rex concumberet. (3) Itaque æquum censuerat Intaphernes, ut absque internuntio intraret, utpote qui e septem virorum numero esset. Sed janitor atque internuntius prohibuerunt, dicentes, cum uxore concumbere regem. (4) Tum Intaphernes, falso id ab his dici ratus, hæcce patravit : stricto acinace, aures utrique et nares præcidit, easque circa frenum equi annexas cervicibus eorum alligavit, atque ita homines dimisit. | Thus it is with these matters: but of the seven men who had risen against the Magian, it happened to one, namely Intaphrenes, to be put to death immediately after their insurrection for an outrage which I shall relate. He desired to enter into the king’s palace and confer with the king; for the law was in fact so, that those who had risen up against the Magian were permitted to go in to the king’s presence without any one to announce them, unless the king happened to be lying with his wife. Accordingly Intaphrenes did not think it fit that any one should announce his coming; but as he was one of the seven, he desired to enter. The gatekeeper however and the bearer of messages endeavored to prevent him, saying that the king was lying with his wife: but Intaphrenes believing that they were not speaking the truth, drew his sword and cut off their ears and their noses, and stringing these upon his horse’s bridle he tied them round their necks and so let them go. |
| 3.119 | At illi se regi ostendunt, causamque cur hoc essent passi exposuerunt. Tum Darius, veritus ne communi consilio sex viri hoc fecissent, singulos ad se vocavit, sententiamque eorum, probarentne id factum, exploravit. (2) Ubi cognovit, non communicato cum illis consilio rem factam esse, ipsum Intaphernem ejusque filios et familiares omnes prehendit ; non fere dubitans, illum cum suis propinquis rebellionem esse moliturum : prehensos in vincula conjecit, extremoque supplicio destinavit. (3) Tunc uxor Intaphernis, ad fores regis idemtidem accedens, plorabat lamentabaturque ; idque continenter faciens, ad misericordiam commovit Darium ; qui misso ad eam nuntio hæc ei nuntiari jussit : « Mulier, rex Darius unum e vinctis propinquis tibi concedit eximendum, quem tu ex omnibus selegeris. » (4) Et illa, re deliberata, hæc respondit : « Quoniam mihi rex unius vitam concedit, seligo ex omnibus meum fratrem. » Quo cognito responso, miratus Darius eam optionem remisit ad eam qui diceret : « Mulier, quærit e te rex quidnam tibi consilii sit, quod omisso marito filiisque fratrem elegeris, cujus tibi vita donaretur ; quum tibi ille sit minus propinquus quam filii, et minus jucundus quam maritus. » (5) Respondit illa : « Rex, maritus mihi alius esse poterit, si deus voluerit, filiique alii, quando hos amisero. At, quum pater meus materque non amplius sint in vivis, frater mihi alius nullo pacto esse poterit. Hac usa sententia, istud dixi. » (6) Quæ quum regi visa essent commode ab illa dicta, delectatus condonavit ei fratrem quem deprecata erat, insuperque filiorum natu maximum ; reliquos vero universos interfecit. Unus igitur e septemviris mox eo, quo dixi, modo periit. | Upon this they showed themselves to the king and told the cause for which they had suffered this; and Dareios, fearing that the six might have done this by common design, sent for each one separately and made trial of his inclinations, as to whether he approved of that which had been done: and when he was fully assured that Intaphrenes had not done this in combination with them, he took both Intaphrenes himself and his sons and all his kinsmen, being much disposed to believe that he was plotting insurrection against him with the help of his relations; and having seized them he put them in bonds as for execution. Then the wife of Intaphrenes, coming constantly to the doors of the king’s court, wept and bewailed herself; and by doing this continually after the same manner she moved Dareios to pity her. Accordingly he sent a messenger and said to her: “Woman, king Dareios grants to thee to save from death one of thy kinsmen who are lying in bonds, whomsoever thou desirest of them all.” She then, having considered with herself, answered thus: “If in truth the king grants me the life of one, I choose of them all my brother.” Dareios being informed of this, and marvelling at her speech, sent and addressed her thus: “Woman, the king asks thee what was in thy mind, that thou didst leave thy husband and thy children to die, and didst choose thy brother to survive, seeing that he is surely less near to thee in blood than thy children, and less dear to thee than thy husband.” She made answer: “O king, I might, if heaven willed, have another husband and other children, if I should lose these; but another brother I could by no means have, seeing that my father and my mother are no longer alive. This was in my mind when I said those words.” To Dareios then it seemed that the woman had spoken well, and he let go not only him for whose life she asked, but also the eldest of her sons because he was pleased with her: but all the others he slew. One therefore of the seven had perished immediately in the manner which has been related. |
| 3.120 | Quo tempore Cambyses morbo laboravit, eodem fere tempore accidit hocce. Orœtes Persa, Sardium præses constitutus a Cyro, facinus animo agitavit nefarium : etenim Polycratem Samium, a quo nec facto ullo, nec dicto quopiam injurioso fuerat læsus, quemque nec viderat unquam antea, hunc capiendi interficiendique cupido eum incesserat ; idque, ut plerique tradunt, talem ob causam : (2) ad regis portas quum sedisset hic Orœtes, et alius Persa, cui Mitrobates nomen, præses præfecturæ cujus caput Dascyleum oppidum est ; hi ambo e familiaribus sermonibus in contentionem dicuntur incidisse. Et Mitrobaten quidem, quum de virtute inter se disceptarent, Orœtæ cum exprobratione dixisse : « Tu vero in virorum numero habeare, qui Samum insulam, tuæ præfecturæ proximam, in regis potestatem non redegisti, quum sit subactu ita facilis, ut indigenarum aliquis, cum quindecim armatis insurgens, ea potitus sit, atque etiam nunc in ea dominetur ! » (3) Dicunt igitur hunc, his auditis, ægre ferentem exprobrationem, cupivisse non tam vindictam capere de eo qui hæc illi dixisset, quam omnino Polycratem perdere, propter quem male audisset. | Now about the time of the sickness of Cambyses it had come to pass as follows — There was one Oroites, a Persian, who had been appointed by Cyrus to be governor of the province of Sardis. This man had set his desire upon an unholy thing; for though from Polycrates the Samian he had never suffered anything nor heard any offensive word nor even seen him before that time, he desired to take him and put him to death for a reason of this kind, as most who report the matter say — while Oroites and another Persian whose name was Mitrobates, ruler of the province of Daskyleion, were sitting at the door of the king’s court, they came from words to strife with one another; and as they debated their several claims to excellence, Mitrobates taunting Oroites said: “Dost thou count thyself a man, who didst never yet win for the king the island of Samos, which lies close to thy province, when it is so exceedingly easy of conquest that one of the natives of it rose up against the government with fifteen men-at-arms and got possession of the island, and is now despot of it?” Some say that because he heard this and was stung by the reproach, he formed the desire, not so much to take vengeance on him who said this, as to bring Polycrates to destruction at all costs, since by reason of him he was ill spoken of. |
| 3.121 | Sunt pauciores nonnulli qui tradant, misisse Orœten præconem Samum, nescio quid petiturum (nec enim hoc memoriæ proditur); Polycratem autem tunc in exhedra forte decubuisse, affuisseque ei Anacreontem Teium : (2) atque, sive consulto res Orœtæ aspernatus sit, sive casu ita acciderit, tum quum accedens Orœtæ præco verba fecisset, Polycratem versus murum forte conversum, nec sese versus illum paulisper convertisse, nec responsum homini dedisse. | The lesser number, however, of those who tell the tale say that Oroites sent a herald to Samos to ask for something or other, but what it was is not mentioned; and Polycrates happened to be lying down in the men’s chamber of his palace, and Anacreon also of Teos was present with him: and somehow, whether it was by intention and because he made no account of the business of Oroites, or whether some chance occurred to bring it about, it happened that the envoy of Oroites came into his presence and spoke with him, and Polycrates, who chanced to be turned away towards the wall, neither turned round at all nor made any answer. |
| 3.122 | Sic causa mortis Polycratis duplici modo traditur : licetque cuilibet eam, quam voluerit, probare. (2) Orœts igitur, Magnesiæ residens ad Mæandrum fluvium sitæ, Myrsum Gygæ filium, Lydum hominem, Samum misit, nuntium ferentem, quo animum Polycratis exploraret. (3) Etenim Polycrates primus fuit, quem novimus, e Græcis, qui maris obtinere imperium molitus sit ; Minoem si excipias Cnossium, et si quis alius ante hunc mari dominatus est. Ex hominum quidem, quæ vocatur, ætate primus Polycrates est, qui magnam spem habuerit fore ut Ioniæ et insularum obtineat imperium. (4) Hoc eum animo agitare intelligens Orœtes, misso nuntio, hæc ei dixit : « Orœtes Polycrati hæc dicit. Intellexi te magnas res moliri, nec vero pro talibus consiliis satis instructum esse pecunia. Nunc tu, si hocce feceris, et tuas res augebis, et me quoque servabis. Mortem mihi meditatur Cambyses, et hoc satis pro certo mihi renuntiatur. (5) Tu ergo et me ipsum fac ex hac terra educas, et pecunias meas exportes ; et harum quidem partem tu tene, partem me patere habere harum pecuniarum ope universæ Græciæ obtinebis imperium. Quodsi pecuniarum causa fidem mihi non habueris, mitte qui tibi erit fidissimus, cui ego monstrabo. » | The cause then of the death of Polycrates is reported in these two different ways, and we may believe whichever of them we please. Oroites however, having his residence at that Magnesia which is situated upon the river Maiander, sent Myrsos the son of Gyges, a Lydian, to Samos bearing a message, since he had perceived the designs of Polycrates. For Polycrates was the first of the Hellenes of whom we have any knowledge, who set his mind upon having command of the sea, excepting Minos the Cnossian and any other who may have had command of the sea before his time. Of that which we call mortal race Polycrates was the first; and he had great expectation of becoming ruler of Ionia and of the islands. Oroites accordingly, having perceived that he had this design, sent a message to him and said thus: “Oroites to Polycrates saith as follows: I hear that thou art making plans to get great power, and that thou hast not wealth according to thy high thoughts. Now therefore if thou shalt do as I shall say, thou wilt do well for thyself on the one hand, and also save me from destruction: for king Cambyses is planning death for me, and this is reported to me so that I cannot doubt it. Do thou then carry away out of danger both myself and with me my wealth; and of this keep a part for thyself and a part let me keep, and then so far as wealth may bring it about, thou shalt be ruler of all Hellas. And if thou dost not believe that which I say about the money, send some one, whosoever happens to be most trusted by thee, and to him I will show it.” |
| 3.123 | His auditis gavisus Polycrates accepit conditionem ; quumque pecuniarum admodum esset cupidus, misit primum speculandi causa Mæandrium, Mæandrii filium, e civium numero, qui scriba ejus erat ; eundem qui haud multo post ornamenta omnia exhedræ Polycratis, spectatu utique digna, in Junonis templo dedicavit. (2) Orœtes postquam cognovit exspectari speculatorem, hoc egit : cistas octo lapidibus complevit, valde brevi spatio excepto circa oras, super lapides vero aurum conjecit : tum obligatas cistas in parato habuit. Et Mæandrius ubi advenit spectavitque, renuntiavit Polycrati. | Polycrates having heard this rejoiced, and was disposed to agree; and as he had a great desire, it seems, for wealth, he first sent Maiandrios the son of Maiandrios, a native of Samos who was his secretary, to see it: this man was the same who not long after these events dedicated all the ornaments of the men’s chamber in the palace of Polycrates, ornaments well worth seeing, as an offering to the temple of Hera. Oroites accordingly, having heard that the person sent to examine might be expected soon to come, did as follows, that is to say, he filled eight chests with stones except a small depth at the very top of each, and laid gold above upon the stones; then he tied up the chests and kept them in readiness. So Maiandrios came and looked at them and brought back word to Polycrates. |
| 3.124 | Tum ille, quantumvis dehortantibus vatibus, atque etiam amicis, ipse eo proficisci paravit. Adhæc filia ejus per quietem tale viderat insomnium : visus ei erat pater in āëre sublimis esse, et lavari a Jove, inungi vero a sole. (2) Hoc quum ei oblatum esset visum, quovis modo contendebat, ne ad Orœten pater proficisceretur : atque etiam, dum ille actuariam navem conscendebat, ominosis illum verbis est prosecuta. (3) Tum ille ei minatus est, quando salvus rediisset, bene multos annos illam virginem mansuram : et illa precata est, ut rata hæc fiant ; malle se enim perdiu virginitatem sevare, quam a patre privari. | And he upon that prepared to set out thither, although the diviners and also his friends strongly dissuaded him from it, and in spite moreover of a vision which his daughter had seen in sleep of this kind — it seemed to her that her father was raised up on high and was bathed by Zeus and anointed by the Sun. Having seen this vision, she used every kind of endeavor to dissuade Polycrates from leaving his land to go to Oroites, and besides that, as he was going to his fifty-oared galley she accompanied his departure with prophetic words: and he threatened her that if he should return safe, she should remain unmarried for long; but she prayed that this might come to pass, for she desired rather, she said, to be unmarried for long than to be an orphan, having lost her father. |
| 3.125 | Polycrates itaque, spreto omni consilio, ad Orœten navigavit, quum alios multos amicorum comites secum ducens, tum in his Democedem, Calliphontis filium, Croniatam, professione medicum, qui artem dexterrime præ ceteris per eam ætatem exercebat. (2) Postquam vero Magnesiam Polycrates pervenit, misere periit, supplicio et persona ipsius indigno, et ingenio : nam, exceptis Syracusiorum tyrannis, ne unius quidem ex aliis Græci generis tyrannis magnificentia cum Polycrate conferri meretur. (3) Fœdo modo et narratu indigno occisum, cruci Orœtes affixit : quicunque vero e comitibus illus Samii erant, hos dimisit, gratiam sibi habere jubens, quod libertatem servarent : quotquot vero peregrini aut servi in comitatu ejus fuerant, hos mancipiorum loco habuit. (4) Sic Polycrates e cruce suspensus universam filiæ visionem explevit : lavabatur enim ab Jove, quando pluebat ; et inungebatur a sole, humorem ipse e corpore emittens. (5) Igitur cumulatæ Polycratis felicitates hunc habuere finem, quemadmodum ei Amasis Ægypti rex ominatus erat. | Polycrates however neglected every counsel and set sail to go to Oroites, taking with him, besides many others of his friends, Demokedes also the son of Calliphon, a man of Croton, who was a physician and practised his art better than any other man of his time. Then when he arrived at Magnesia, Polycrates was miserably put to death in a manner unworthy both of himself and of his high ambition: for excepting those who become despots of the Syracusans, not one besides of the Hellenic despots is worthy to be compared with Polycrates in magnificence. And when he had killed him in a manner not fit to be told, Oroites impaled his body: and of those who accompanied him, as many as were Samians he released, bidding them be grateful to him that they were free men; but all those of his company who were either allies or servants, he held in the estimation of slaves and kept them. Polycrates then, being hung up, accomplished wholly the vision of his daughter, for he was bathed by Zeus whenever it rained and, anointed by the Sun, giving forth moisture himself from his body. |
| 3.126 | Haud vero multo post etiam Orœten diræ Polycratis ultrices sunt persecutæ. Nam mortuo Cambyse, regnantibus Magis, Sardibus manens Orœtes, nihil juverat rem Persarum, quum eis imperium esset a Medis ademptum : (2) sed in illa rerum perturbatione Mitrobaten interfecit, Dascylei præfectum, qui ei istud de Polycrate exprobraverat ; Mitrobatæ item filium Cranaspen occidit, ambo spectatos inter Persas viros ; tum et alia multa insolentius gessit, et Darii quendam equitem nuntium, quum parum grata ipsi essent quæ ille nuntiaverat, redeuntem collocatis in via insidiatoribus occidit, et cadaver cum ipso equo ex hominum conspectu removit. | To this end came the great prosperity of Polycrates, as Amasis the king of Egypt had foretold to him: but not long afterwards retribution overtook Oroites in his turn for the murder of Polycrates. For after the death of Cambyses and the reign of the Magians Oroites remained at Sardis and did no service to the Persians, when they had been deprived of their empire by the Medes; moreover during this time of disturbance he slew Mitrobates the governor in Daskyleion, who had brought up against him the matter of Polycrates as a reproach; and he slew also Cranaspes the son of Mitrobates, both men of repute among the Persians: and besides other various deeds of insolence, once when a bearer of messages had come to him from Dareios, not being pleased with the message which he brought he slew him as he was returning, having set men to lie in wait for him by the way; and having slain him he made away with the bodies both of the man and of his horse. |
| 3.127 | Darius vero, postquam imperium obtinuit, pœnas cupiebat ab Orœte sumere, quum reliquorum omnium flagitiorum causa, tum maxime propter Mitrobatæ ejusque filii cædem. (2) Ex aperto vero copias contra eum mittere parum consultum ei videbatur, quippe rebus domi nondum satis tranquillis, et imperio recens inito ; tum quod magnam Orœtæ esse potentiam cognoverat, ut cui mille præsto essent Persici generis satellites, quique Phrygiam, Lydiam atque Ioniam provincias obtineret. (3) Quæ reputans Darius, hancce iniit rationem. Convocatis Persarum spectatissimis, his verbis eos est allocutus : « Quis mihi e vobis, Persæ, recipiet astu se hoc effecturum, non vi et armatorum manu ? Nam ubi prudentia opus est, ibi vim adhibere nihil attinet. (4) Vestrûm igitur quis mihi Orœten aut vivum adduxerit, aut interfecerit ? qui de Persis adhuc nihil bene meruit, sed magnis eos malis affecit ; qui et duos e nobis, Mitrobaten ejusque filium, trucidavit, et nuntios a me ad illum evocandum missos interimit, denique insolentiam nullo modo ferendam ostentat. Quare, priusquam majus aliquod malum Persis infligat, cæde nobis occupandus est. » | Dareios accordingly, when he had come to the throne, was desirous of taking vengeance upon Oroites for all his wrongdoings and especially for the murder of Mitrobates and his son. However he did not think it good to act openly and to send an army against him, since his own affairs were still in a disturbed state and he had only lately come to the throne, while he heard that the strength of Oroites was great, seeing that he had a bodyguard of a thousand Persian spearmen and was in possession of the divisions of Phrygia and Lydia and Ionia. Therefore Dareios contrived as follows — having called together those of the Persians who were of most repute, he said to them: “Persians, which of you all will undertake to perform this matter for me with wisdom, and not by force or with tumult? for where wisdom is wanted, there is no need of force. Which of you, I say, will either bring Oroites alive to me or slay him? for he never yet did any service to the Persians, and on the other hand he has done to them great evil. First he destroyed two of us, Mitrobates and his son; then he slays the men who go to summon him, sent by me, displaying insolence not to be endured. Before therefore he shall accomplish any other evil against the Persians, we must check his course by death.” |
| 3.128 | Hoc quum Darius ab illis quæsisset, triginta viri se offerebant, quorum unusquisque recipiebat, velle se solum rem effectam dare. Quos inter se contendentes cohibuit Darius, sortiri jubens : quod ubi illi fecere, sors præ omnibus Bagæum designat, Artontæ filium. Is igitur sorte ad rem suscipiendam designatus, hanc rationem iniit : (2) libellos plures conscripsit, variis de rebus agentes, quibus sigillum imposuit Darii : dein cum his libellis Sardes proficiscitur. Quo postquam advenit, in conspectum Orœtæ progressus, singulos deinceps libellos, detracto sigillo, scribæ regio tradidit prœlegendos : omnibus quippe provinciarum præfectis assunt regii scribæ. (3) Libellos istos Bagæus tradebat explorandæ sententiæ causa satellitum, an ad deficiendum ab Orœta parati essent futuri. Quos ubi vidit magna veneratione prosequi libellos, majorique etiam veneratione prosequi ea quæ e libellis prœlegebantur, alium tradidit libellum, in quo hæc erant scripta : « Persæ, rex Darius vobis edicit, ne amplius apud Orœten satellitum fungamini officio. » (4) Et illi, his auditis, lanceas coram eo deposuerunt. Tum vero Bagæus, videns illos in hac re obtemperantes libello, fidenter postremum libellorum scribæ tradidit, in quo scriptum erat : « Rex Darius Persas, qui Sardibus sunt, jubet occidere Orœten. » (5) Quo audito, protinus satellites strinxerunt acinaces, illumque interfecerunt. Tali igitur modo Orœten persecutæ sunt diræ Polycratis Samii ultrices. | Thus Dareios asked, and thirty men undertook the matter, each one separately desiring to do it himself; and Dareios stopped their contention and bade them cast lots: so when they cast lots, Bagaios the son of Artontes obtained the lot from among them all. Bagaios accordingly, having obtained the lot, did thus — he wrote many papers dealing with various matters and on them set the seal of Dareios, and with them he went to Sardis. When he arrived there and came into the presence of Oroites, he took the covers off the papers one after another and gave them to the Royal Secretary to read; for all the governors of provinces have Royal Secretaries. Now Bagaios thus gave the papers in order to make trial of the spearmen of the guard, whether they would accept the motion to revolt from Oroites; and seeing that they paid great reverence to the papers and still more to the words which were recited from them, he gave another paper in which were contained these words: “Persians, king Dareios forbids you to serve as guards to Oroites”: and they hearing this lowered to him the points of their spears. Then Bagaios, seeing that in this they were obedient to the paper, took courage upon that and gave the last of the papers to the secretary; and in it was written: “King Dareios commands the Persians who are in Sardis to slay Oroites.” So the spearmen of the guard, when they heard this, drew their swords and slew him forthwith. Thus did retribution for the murder of Polycrates the Samian overtake Oroites. |
| 3.129 | Postquam Orœtæ res familiaris Susa esset transportata, ibique jam aderat, accidit haud multo post, ut Dario regi, inter venandum ex equo desilienti, pes distorqueretur. Et graviori quodam modo distortus est ; nam astragalus ex articulis exierat. (2) Itaque, quum etiam antea existimasset adesse sibi medicorum Ægyptiorum eos qui primarii essent in arte medicandi, hisce usus est. At illi torquentes pedem vimque magnam afferentes, malum auxerunt. (3) Postquam igitur totos septem dies septemque noctes per morbum quo conflictabatur insomnes egisset Darius, octavo die graviter admodum laboranti nuntiat quispiam, se olim Sardibus Crotoniatæ Democedis artem forte audivisse laudari : rexque illum quam primum ad se adduci jussit. (4) Qui ut inter Orœtæ mancipia repertus est nescio ubi neglectus, producitur in medium, compedes trahens, et laceros pannos indutus. | When the wealth of Oroites had come or had been carried up to Susa, it happened not long after, that king Dareios while engaged in hunting wild beasts twisted his foot in leaping off his horse, and it was twisted, as it seems, rather violently, for the ball of his ankle-joint was put out of the socket. Now he had been accustomed to keep about him those of the Egyptians who were accounted the first in the art of medicine, and he made use of their assistance then: but these by wrenching and forcing the foot made the evil continually greater. For seven days then and seven nights Dareios was sleepless owing to the pain which he suffered; and at last on the eighth day, when he was in a wretched state, some one who had heard talk before while yet at Sardis of the skill of Demokedes of Croton, reported this to Dareios; and he bade them bring him forthwith into his presence. So having found him somewhere unnoticed among the slaves of Oroites, they brought him forth into the midst dragging fetters after him and clothed in rags. |
| 3.130 | In medio stantem interrogat Darius, an artem calleret : at ille negavit, veritus ne, si cognosceretur, nulla ipsi spes reliqua foret in Græciam unquam redeundi. Darius vero satis intelligens dissimulare hominem, et gnarum esse artis ; qui adduxerunt eum, flagella et stimulos jussit in medium proferre. (3) Tum ille professus ait, accurate quidem se artem non callere, sed aliquantulam ejus notitiam habere e consuetudine quam cum medico quodam habuisset. Deinde, quum rex se illi permisisset, Græcanicis adhibitis medicamentis, et lenibus post vehementiora admotis, effecit ut et somnum caperet rex, et brevi tempore sanum incolumemque præstitit, quum nunquam ille rectum pedis usum se recepturum sperasset. (3) Inde duobus paribus aurearum compedum donatus a Dario Democedes, quærit e rege, an consulto duplex malum ipsi reddat propterea, quod sanum illum præstitisset. Quo verbo delectatus Darius, ad uxores suas eum ablegavit. (4) Quibus eunuchi, eum producentes, dicebant, esse hunc qui vitam regi reddidisset. Et earum unaquæque, phialam in auri cistam vi demittens et hauriens, Democeden donavit, adeo quidem largo munere, ut famulus, qui eum sequebatur, cui nomen erat Sciton, e sublectis stateribus (aureis viginti drachmarum) qui de phialis in terram deciderant, ingentem auri vim sibi collegerit. | When he had been placed in the midst of them, Dareios asked him whether he understood the art; but he would not admit it, fearing lest, if he declared himself to be what he was, he might lose for ever the hope of returning to Hellas: and it was clear to Dareios that he understood that art but was practising another, and he commanded those who had brought him thither to produce scourges and pricks. Accordingly upon that he spoke out, saying that he did not understand it precisely, but that he had kept company with a physician and had some poor knowledge of the art. Then after this, when Dareios had committed the case to him, by using Hellenic drugs and applying mild remedies after the former violent means, he caused him to get sleep, and in a short time made him perfectly well, though he had never hoped to be sound of foot again. Upon this Dareios presented him with two pairs of golden fetters; and he asked him whether it was by design that he had given to him a double share of his suffering, because he had made him well. Being pleased by this saying, Dareios sent him to visit his wives, and the eunuchs in bringing him in said to the women that this was he who had restored to the king his life. Then each one of them plunged a cup into the gold-chest and presented Demokedes with so abundant a gift that his servant, whose name was Skiton, following and gathering up the coins which fell from the cups, collected for himself a very large sum of gold. |
| 3.131 | Democedes hic tali ratione, relicta Crotone, in Polycratis pervenerat familiaritatem : Crotone premebatur a patre difficili et iracundo ; quem quum ferre non posset, relicto eo Æginam abiit. (2) Ibi quum sedem suam fixisset, primo anno alios omnes superavit medicos, imparatus licet, et instrumentis omnibus carens quibus ad eam artem exercendam vulgo utuntur. Itaque secundo anno Æginetæ publice eum talento conduxerunt ; tertio anno Athenienses, centum minis ; quarto vero anno Polycrates duobus talentis. 3) Hoc modo Samum venerat. Et inde ab hoc viro maxime inclaruerunt Crotoniatæ medici. Fuit enim tempus quum primarii in Græcia medici dicerentur esse Crotoniatæ; tum secundi ordinis, Cyrenæi. Per idem tempus Argivi primarii inter Græcos musici ferebantur. | This Demokedes came from Croton, and became the associate of Polycrates in the following manner — at Croton he lived in strife with his father, who was of a harsh temper, and when he could no longer endure him, he departed and came to Egina. Being established there he surpassed in the first year all the other physicians, although he was without appliances and had none of the instruments which are used in the art. In the next year the Eginetan State engaged him for a payment of one talent, in the third year he was engaged by the Athenians for a hundred pounds weight of silver, and in the fourth by Polycrates for two talents. Thus he arrived in Samos; and it was by reason of this man more than anything else that the physicians of Croton got their reputation: for this event happened at the time when the physicians of Croton began to be spoken of as the first in Hellas, while the Kyrenians were reputed to have the second place. About this same time also the Argives had the reputation of being the first musicians in Hellas. |
| 3.132 | Tunc vero Democedes, postquam Darium persanavit, maximam Susis domum habuit, et regis fuit commensalis : denique, præterquam quod in Græciam redire non licuit, omnium rerum copia affluebat. (2) Idem Ægyptios medicos, qui regem prius curaverant, et nunc in eo erant ut regis jussu palis transfigerentur, quoniam a Græco medico fuissent superati, hos a rege deprecatus conservavit : item Eleum vatem, qui, Polycratem secutus, nunc inter mancipia neglectus latebat, servitute liberavit. Plurimum enim apud regem Democedes valebat. | Then Demokedes having healed king Dareios had a very great house in Susa, and had been made a table-companion of the king; and except the one thing of returning to the land of the Hellenes, he had everything. And first as regards the Egyptian physicians who tried to heal the king before him, when they were about to be impaled because they had proved inferior to a physician who was a Hellene, he asked their lives of the king and rescued them from death: then secondly, he rescued an Eleian prophet, who had accompanied Polycrates and had remained unnoticed among the slaves. In short Demokedes was very great in the favor of the king. |
| 3.133 | Haud vero ita multo post, aliud quidpiam forte fortuna accidit hujusmodi. Atossæ, Cyri filiæ, uxori Darii, ortus erat in mamma tumor ; qui postquam erupit, latius serpebat. Quam diu minor erat tumor, occultabat eum Atossa, præ pudore nemini indicans : ubi vero jam male erat affecta, accersito Democedi tumorem monstravit. (2) Et ille, sanitati se eam restituturum professus, persuadet reginæ, ut interposito jurejurando ipsi promitteret, vicissim ipsam illi in eo quod oraturus esset (nihil autem se petiturum affirmat quod dedecus afferre possit), operam suam esse collaturam. | No long time after this another thing came to pass which was this — Atossa the daughter of Cyrus and wife of Dareios had a tumour upon her breast, which afterwards burst and then was spreading further: and so long as it was not large, she concealed it and said nothing to anybody, because she was ashamed; but afterwards when she was in evil case, she sent for Demokedes and showed it to him: and he said that he would make her well, and caused her to swear that she would surely do for him in return that which he should ask of her; and he would ask, he said, none of such things as are shameful. |
| 3.134 | Deinde, quum adhibitis remediis, sanam Democedes præstitisset, tum ab illo edocta Atossa his verbis Darium, dum cubitum eunt, allocuta est : « Tantis, o rex, quum sis viribus instructus, otiosus sedes ; nec populum ullum aut potentiam acquiris Persis. (2) Æquum est tamen, ut vir et ætate florens, et magnarum opum dominus, aliquod factum a se gestum ostendat, quo Persæ etiam intelligant, a viro se regi. Duobus autem modis tibi hoc facere conducet, ut et Persæ sciant virum esse qui illis præsit, et ut ipsi bellis occupentur, ne, dum otium agunt, tibi insidientur. (3) Nunc enim præclarum aliquod edere facinus licet, dum viget tibi ætas ; nam augescente corpore augentur et animi vires ; senescente autem corpore, etiam ingenium senescit, et ad res omnes hebetatur. » (4) Quæ quum illa, ut erat edocta, dixisset, in hunc modum Darius respondit : « Quæ ego ipse facere destinaveram, ea tu omnia, uxor, dixisti. Constitutum enim habeo, duabus continentibus ponte junctis, e nostra continente in alteram transgredi, et Scythis bellum inferre : atque hæc brevi effecta dabo. » (5) Tum Atossa, « Ecce nunc ! ait, adversus Scythas primum proficisci omitte : hi enim, quandocunque volueris, in tua erunt potestate : at tu mihi in Græciam suscipe expeditionem : cupio enim, de quibus fando audivi, Lacænas et Argivas et Atticas atque Corinthias habere famulas. (6) Est autem tibi præsto vir omnium maxime idoneus, qui cuncta tibi in Græcia demonstret et viæ dux sit ; is qui tuum pedem sanavit. » (7) Respondit Darius : « Quoniam igitur tibi placet, mulier, ut Græciam statim experiamur, consultius mihi videtur e Persis exploratores primum, una cum hoc quem tu dicis, eo mittere ; qui, postquam res Græcorum cunctas cognoverint spectaverintque, nobis sint renuntiaturi. Ac deinde, rebus omnibus recte cognitis, arma contra illos convertam. » | So when after this by his treatment he had made her well, then Atossa instructed by Demokedes uttered to Dareios in his bedchamber some such words as these: “O king, though thou hast such great power, thou dost sit still, and dost not win in addition any nation or power for the Persians: and yet it is reasonable that a man who is both young and master of much wealth should be seen to perform some great deed, in order that the Persians may know surely that he is a man by whom they are ruled. It is expedient indeed in two ways that thou shouldest do so, both in order that the Persians may know that their ruler is a man, and in order that they may be worn down by war and not have leisure to plot against thee. For now thou mightest display some great deed, while thou art still young; seeing that as the body grows the spirit grows old also with it, and is blunted for every kind of action.” Thus she spoke according to instructions received, and he answered thus: “Woman, thou hast said all the things which I myself have in mind to do; for I have made the plan to yoke together a bridge from this continent to the other and to make expedition against the Scythians, and these designs will be by way of being fulfilled within a little time.” Then Atossa said: “Look now — forbear to go first against the Scythians, for these will be in thy power whenever thou desirest: but do thou, I pray thee, make an expedition against Hellas; for I am desirous to have Lacedemonian women and Argive and Athenian and Corinthian, for attendants, because I hear of them by report: and thou hast the man who of all men is most fitted to show thee all things which relate to Hellas and to be thy guide, that man, I mean, who healed thy foot.” Dareios made answer: “Woman, since it seems good to thee that we should first make trial of Hellas, I think it better to send first to them men of the Persians together with him of whom thou speakest, to make investigation, that when these have learnt and seen, they may report each several thing to us; and then I shall go to attack them with full knowledge of all.” |
| 3.135 | Hæc ille dixit : et dictum factum. Simul ac enim dies illuxit, quindecim probatos e Persis viros vocat, eisque dat mandatum, ut Democedem comitantes maritima Græciæ loca lustrent, nec vero committant ut ab ipsis profugiat Democedes, sed omnino illum reducant. (2) Hæc postquam his mandata dedit, dein ipsum vocat Democedem, illumque orat, ut, postquam itineris dux in Græciam Persis illis fuisset, totamque eis demonstrasset, ad se revertatur ; jubetque eum, ut sua omnia quæ moveri possent secum sumat, et dono afferat patri fratribusque ; quorum loco se illi alia multis partibus copiosiora in vicem daturum confirmat ; præterea ad dona illa onerariam navem se ei adjecturum, ait, omnigenis bonis refertam, quæ simul cum eo sit navigatura. (3) Darius igitur, ut mihi videtur, nullo doloso consilio hæc ei est pollicitus. Democedes vero, veritnus ne se rex temptaret, haudquaquam cupide oblata omnia arripuit ; se, res suas, ait, Susis se relicturum, ut post reditum eas haberet ; onerariam autem navem, quam ei promitteret Darius ad dona fratribus perferenda, accipere se, ait. Huic igitur postquam eadem mandata quæ Persis dederat Darius, ad mare eos dimisit. | Thus he said, and he proceeded to do the deed as he spoke the word: for as soon as day dawned, he summoned fifteen Persians, men of repute, and bade them pass through the coasts of Hellas in company with Demokedes, and take care not to let Demokedes escape from them, but bring him back at all costs. Having thus commanded them, next he summoned Demokedes himself and asked him to act as a guide for the whole of Hellas and show it to the Persians, and then return back: and he bade him take all his movable goods and carry them as gifts to his father and his brothers, saying that he would give him in their place many times as much; and besides this, he said, he would contribute to the gifts a merchant ship filled with all manner of goods, which should sail with him. Dareios, as it seems to me, promised him these things with no crafty design; but Demokedes was afraid that Dareios was making trial of him, and did not make haste to accept all that was offered, but said that he would leave his own things where they were, so that he might have them when he came back; he said however that he accepted the merchant ship which Dareios promised him for the presents to his brothers. Dareios then, having thus given command to him also, sent them away to the sea. |
| 3.136 | Itaque hi quum in Phœnicen et Phœnices urbem Sidonem descendissent, protinus duas triremes instruxerunt, simulque cum his ingentem gaulum (onerariam navem) omni bonorum genere impleverunt ; rebusque cunctis præparatis, in Græciam navigarunt. Quo ubi appulerunt, oras omnes contemplati sunt descripseruntque ; donec, pleraque ejus et maxime notabilia speculati, Tarentum in Italiam pervenerunt. (2) Ibi vero Democedi indulgens Aristophilides, rex Tarentinorum, et gubernacula navium Medicarum solvi jussit, et ipsos Persas detinuit, tanquam speculatores : (3) interimque, dum illis hoc accidit, Democedes Crotonem abiit. Qui postquam domum ad suos pervenit, Persas Aristophilides custodia emisit, et, quæ de navibus eorum demerat, illis restituit. | So these, when they had gone down to Phenicia and in Phenicia to the city of Sidon, forthwith manned two triremes, and besides them they also filled a large ship of burden with all manner of goods. Then when they had made all things ready they set sail for Hellas, and touching at various places they saw the coast regions of it and wrote down a description, until at last, when they had seen the greater number of the famous places, they came to Taras in Italy. There from complaisance to Demokedes Aristophilides the king of the Tarentines unfastened and removed the steering-oars of the Median ships, and also confined the Persians in prison, because, as he alleged, they came as spies. While they were being thus dealt with, Demokedes went away and reached Croton; and when he had now reached his own native place, Aristophilides set the Persians free and gave back to them those parts of their ships which he had taken away. |
| 3.137 | Inde Persæ navibus profecti, Democedem persequentes, Crotonem pervenerunt: ubi quum eum in foro versantem invenissent, manus ei injecerunt. (2) Ibi tum Crotoniatarum alii, Persarum opes veriti, tradere illum parati erant ; alii vero Persis vicissim manus injicientes, fustibus eos percutiebant. Quibus illi hæc verba proferebant : « Viri Crotoniatæ, videte quid faciatis ! hominem, qui regis servus fugitivus est, eripitis. Quomodo rex Darius patienter feret tali contumelia affici ? et quo pacto vobis impune abibit facinus, si nobis illum eripueritis ? Cui prius, quam huic civitati, bellum inferemus ? quam priorem sub jugum mittere conabimur ? » (3) Hæc illi dicentes non moverunt Crotoniatas : sed, erepto sibi Democede, atque etiam gaulo spoliati, quem adduxerant, in Asiam sunt reversi ; neque porro Græciam adire aliasque Græciæ partes cognoscere cupivere, duce privati. Hoc tamen eis abeuntibus mandatum Democedes dedit, nuntiarent Dario, Democedem filiam Milonis sibi despondisse uxorem. (4) Erat enim apud regem celebre Milonis nomen luctatoris : atque hac nimirum de causa videtur mihi Democedes, magna vi pecuniæ erogata, properasse hoc matrimonium, ut appareret Dario, esse ipsum etiam in patria spectatum virum. | The Persians then sailing thence and pursuing Demokedes reached Croton, and finding him in the market-place they laid hands upon him; and some of the men of Croton fearing the Persian power were willing to let him go, but others took hold of him and struck with their staves at the Persians, who pleaded for themselves in these words: “Men of Croton, take care what ye are about: ye are rescuing a man who was a slave of king Dareios and who ran away from him. How, think you, will king Dareios be content to receive such an insult; and how shall this which ye do be well for you, if ye take him away from us? Against what city, think you, shall we make expedition sooner than against this, and what city before this shall we endeavor to reduce to slavery?” Thus saying they did not however persuade the men of Croton, but having had Demokedes rescued from them and the ship of burden which they were bringing with them taken away, they set sail to go back to Asia, and did not endeavor to visit any more parts of Hellas or to find out about them, being now deprived of their guide. This much however Demokedes gave them as a charge when they were putting forth to sea, bidding them say to Dareios that Demokedes was betrothed to the daughter of Milon: for the wrestler Milon had a great name at the king’s court; and I suppose that Demokedes was urgent for this marriage, spending much money to further it, in order that Dareios might see that he was held in honor also in his own country. |
| 3.138 | Crotone profecti Persæ, cum navibus in Iapygiam ejecti sunt : ubi quum in servitutem essent redacti, Gillus eos liberavit, exsul Tarentinus, et ad regem Darium reduxit. (2) Pro quo beneficio quum ei, quidquid postulasset, dare paratus rex esset ; Gillus, exposita sua calamitate, petiit ut in patriam Tarentum ex exilio restitueretur. Ne autem Græciam conturbaret, si propter ipsum magna classis in Italiam navigaret, Cnidios solos, ait, ad se reducendum sufficere ; ratus, ab his maxime, quippe Tarentinorum amicis, reditum sibi procuratum iri. (3) Id Darius recepit ei, et promisso stetit : misso enim ad Cnidios nuntio, imperavit his ut Tarentum reducerent Gillum. Sed Cnidii, Dario obsequentes, Tarentinis ut eum reciperent non persuaserunt ; ad vim vero adhibendam parum validi erant. (4) Ita igitur hæ res gestæ sunt : hique primi fuere Persæ, qui ex Asia in Græciam venere, et talem ob causam speculatum erant missi. | The Persians however, after they had put out from Croton, were cast away with their ships in Iapygia; and as they were remaining there as slaves, Gillos a Tarentine exile rescued them and brought them back to king Dareios. In return for this Dareios offered to give him whatsoever thing he should desire; and Gillos chose that he might have the power of returning to Taras, narrating first the story of his misfortune: and in order that he might not disturb all Hellas, as would be the case if on his account a great armament should sail to invade Italy, he said it was enough for him that the men of Cnidos should be those who brought him back, without any others; because he supposed that by these, who were friends with the Tarentines, his return from exile would most easily be effected. Dareios accordingly having promised proceeded to perform; for he sent a message to Cnidos and bade them being back Gillos to Taras: and the men of Cnidos obeyed Dareios, but nevertheless they did not persuade the Tarentines, and they were not strong enough to apply force. Thus then it happened with regard to these things; and these were the first Persians who came from Asia to Hellas, and for the reason which has been mentioned these were sent as spies. |
| 3.139 | Post hæc Samum cepit rex Darius : estque hæc prima ex urbibus vel Græcorum vel barbarorum, quæ sub illius imperio vi capta est. Capta est autem tali e causa. Quo tempore Cambyses expeditionem in Ægyptum suscepit, frequentes Græci in Ægyptum venerant ; alii, ut consentaneum est, negotiandi causa, alii militandi, alii solummodo spectandæ gratia regionis. Horum in numero Syloson erat, Æacis filius, frater Polycratis, Samo exsulans. (2) Huic Sylosonti, talis quædam oblata fortuna est : sumpto rutilo pallio, hoc circumdatus obambulabat Memphi in foro : quem ubi conspexit Darius, qui satelles tunc erat Cambysis, nec ullodum nomine clarus ; cupidine pallii captus, adit Sylosontem, illud mercaturus. (3) Syloson, vehementer cupidum amiculi videns Darium, divino quodam instinctu ait : « Equidem hoc pallium nullo vendo pretio : do tibi vero gratis, si omnino ita tuum illud fieri cupis. » Quo laudato responso, accipit pallium Darius. | After this king Dareios took Samos before all other cities, whether of Hellenes or Barbarians, and for a cause which was as follows — When Cambyses the son of Cyrus was marching upon Egypt, many Hellenes arrived in Egypt, some, as might be expected, joining in the campaign to make profit, and some also coming to see the land itself; and among these was Syoloson the son of Aiakes and brother of Polycrates, an exile from Samos. To this Syloson a fortunate chance occurred, which was this — he had taken and put upon him a flame-colored mantle, and was about the market-place in Memphis; and Dareios, who was then one of the spearmen of Cambyses and not yet held in any great estimation, seeing him had a desire for the mantle, and going up to him offered to buy it. Then Syloson, seeing that Dareios very greatly desired the mantle, by some divine inspiration said: “I will not sell this for any sum, but I will give it thee for nothing, if, as it appears, it must be thine at all costs.” To this Dareios agreed and received from him the garment. |
| 3.140 | Jamque existimabat Syloson, se propter nimiam animi bonitatem amiculum hoc perdidisse. Interjecto vero tempore, postquam mortuo Cambyse adversus Magum conjuraverant septemviri, et e septemvirorum numero Darius regnum obtinuerat ; rescivit Syloson, in manus ejusdem viri transiisse regnum, cui olim ipse in Ægypto amiculum, quod ille petiisset, dedisset dono. (2) Itaque Susa ascendit, sedensque in vestibulo ædium regiarum, ait, se de Dario bene meruisse. Id ubi audivit portæ custos, renuntiavit regi ; et ille miratus, ait ad eum : « Quis tandem Græcus est, qui bene de me meruerit, cui ego gratiam debeam, qui nuper modo regnum obtinui. Vix unus aut nullus adhuc ex illa gente ad me ascendit : neque quidquam dicere possum quod Græco cuiquam homini debeam. Verumtamen producite eum intro, ut sciam quid sibi velit homo, quod istud dicat. » (3) Introducit janitor Sylosontem ; stantemque in medio interrogant interpretes, quis sit, et quo facto bene se de Rege meruisse dicat. Exponit igitur ille rem omnem ad amiculum spectantem ; affirmatque se illum esse qui ei illud dono dederit. (4) Tum rex, « O liberalissime hominum, ait, tu ergo ille es, qui mihi nullamdum potestatem habenti donum dedisti ! quod etsi exiguum, tamen prorsus æquale est beneficium, ac si nunc magnum quidpiam alicunde accipiam. Pro quo tibi ego ingens auri argentique pondus reddo, ne unquam te pæniteat, Dario Hystaspis filio beneficium contulisse. » (2) Ad hæc Syloson : « Nec auro me, rex, nec argento dona ; sed patriam meam Samum serva, mihique redde ; quam nunc, postquam frater meus Polycrates ab Orœte interfectus est, tenet servus noster. Hanc mihi da, a cædibus et servitute liberatam. » | Now Syloson supposed without any doubt that he had altogether lost this by easy simplicity; but when in course of time Cambyses was dead, and the seven Persians had risen up against the Magian, and of the seven Dareios had obtained the kingdom, Syloson heard that the kingdom had come about to that man to whom once in Egypt he had given the garment at his request: accordingly he went up to Susa and sat down at the entrance of the king’s palace, and said that he was a benefactor of Dareios. The keeper of the door hearing this reported it to the king; and he marvelled at it and said to him: “Who then of the Hellenes is my benefactor, to whom I am bound by gratitude? seeing that it is now but a short time that I possess the kingdom, and as yet scarcely one of them has come up to our court; and I may almost say that I have no debt owing to a Hellene. Nevertheless bring him in before me, that I may know what he means when he says these things.” Then the keeper of the door brought Syloson before him, and when he had been set in the midst, the interpreters asked him who he was and what he had done, that he called himself the benefactor of the king. Syloson accordingly told all that had happened about the mantle, and how he was the man who had given it; to which Dareios made answer: “O most noble of men, thou art he who when as yet I had no power gavest me a gift, small it may be, but nevertheless the kindness is counted with me to be as great as if I should now receive some great thing from some one. Therefore I will give thee in return gold and silver in abundance, that thou mayest not ever repent that thou didst render a service to Dareios the son of Hystaspes.” To this Syloson replied: “To me, O king, give neither gold nor silver, but recover and give to me my fatherland Samos, which now that my brother Polycrates has been slain by Oroites is possessed by our slave. This give to me without bloodshed or selling into slavery.” |
| 3.141 | His auditis, Darius exercitum misit ducemque Otanen, unum e numero septemvirorum, cui mandat ut omnia effecta det quæ Syloson petiisset. Itaque ad mare descendit Otanes, exercitumque contraxit. | Dareios having heard this prepared to send an expedition with Otanes as commander of it, who had been one of the seven, charging him to accomplish for Syloson all that which he had requested. Otanes then went down to the sea-coast and was preparing the expedition. |
| 3.142 | Sami tunc imperium tenebat Mæandrius, Mæandrii filius, cui cura regni a Polycrate fuerat commissa. Hic, quum voluisset vir esse omnium justissimus, perficere propositum non potuerat. Postquam enim nuntiatus ei interitus erat Polycratis, hæcce fecit. (2) Primum, Jovis Liberatoris aram constituit, et templum circa illam designavit, hoc ipsum quod etiam nunc est in suburbio. Dein, hoc perfecto, contione convocata civium omnium, hæc apud eos verba fecit : « Mihi, ut etiam nostis ipsi, sceptrum Polycratis atque potestas omnis commissa est : nihilque nunc prohibet, quominus regnum in vos capessam. (3) At, quod in aliis ego reprehendo, id quantum in me est, non faciam ipse : nec enim mihi Polycrates placuit, in viros sibi pares dominium exercens ; nec alius quisquam, qui hoc facit. Polycrates igitur nunc fatum suum explevit : ego vero, regnum in medio deponens, juris æquabilitatem vobis pronuntio. (4) Æquum tamen censeo, ut hæcce mihi præmia honoresque tribuantur : e pecuniis Polycratis præcipua sex talenta : tum sacerdotium mihi meisque in omne tempus posteris postulo Jovis Liberatoris, cui et templum ego dedicavi, et cujus nomine libertatem vobis trado. » (5) Hæc quum a Samiis Mæandrius postulasset, surgens aliquis ait : « At non tu dignus es qui nobis imperes, pravus qui fuisti et pestifer homo ; quin potius pecuniarum, quas administrasti, facito reddas rationem. » | Now Maiandrios the son of Maiandrios was holding the rule over Samos, having received the government as a trust from Polycrates; and he, though desiring to show himself the most righteous of men, did not succeed in so doing: for when the death of Polycrates was reported to him, he did as follows — first he founded an altar to Zeus the Liberator and marked out a sacred enclosure round it, namely that which exists still in the suburb of the city: then after he had done this he gathered together an assembly of all the citizens and spoke these words: “To me, as ye know as well as I, has been entrusted the sceptre of Polycrates and all his power; and now it is open to me to be your ruler; but that for the doing of which I find fault with my neighbor, I will myself refrain from doing, so far as I may: for as I did not approve of Polycrates acting as master of men who were not inferior to himself, so neither do I approve of any other who does such things. Now Polycrates for his part fulfilled his own appointed destiny, and I now give the power into the hands of the people, and proclaim to you equality. These privileges however I think it right to have assigned to me, namely that from the wealth of Polycrates six talents should be taken out and given to me as a special gift; and in addition to this I choose for myself and for my descendants in succession the priesthood of Zeus the Liberator, to whom I myself founded a temple, while I bestow liberty upon you.” He, as I say, made these offers to the Samians; but one of them rose up and said: “Nay, but unworthy too art thou to be our ruler, seeing that thou art of mean birth and a pestilent fellow besides. Rather take care that thou give an account of the money which thou hadst to deal with.” |
| 3.143 | Hæc dixit homo spectatus inter cives, cui erat nomen Telesarchus. Tum vero Mæandrius, secum reputans, si dominatum ipse deponeret, fore ut alius quispiam in ipsius locum tyrannus constituatur, non jam amplius deponere potestatem decrevit : sed, postquam in arcem est reversus, singulos deinceps ad se vocavit, quasi rationem redditurus administratæ pecuniæ; eosque comprehensos in vincula conjecit. (2) Qui dum ita in custodia servantur, posthæc Mæandrius in morbum incidit. Tunc frater ejus, cui nomen erat Lycaretus, moriturum illum ratus, quo facilius ipse rerum Sami potiretur, vinctos cunctos interfecit. Nec enim, ut videtur, voluerant illi ea conditione quam eis Lycaretus proposuit liberari. | Thus said one who was a man of repute among the citizens, whose name was Telesarchos; and Maiandrios perceiving that if he resigned the power, some other would be set up as despot instead of himself, did not keep the purpose at all of resigning it; but having retired to the fortress he sent for each man separately, pretending that he was going to give an account of the money, and so seized them and put them in bonds. These then had been put in bonds; but Maiandrios after this was overtaken by sickness, and his brother, whose name was Lycaretos, expecting that he would die, put all the prisoners to death, in order that he might himself more easily get possession of the power over Samos: and all this happened because, as it appears, they did not choose to be free. |
| 3.144 | Jam postquam Persæ Samum venerunt, Sylosontem in regnum restituturi, nemo manus contra eos sustulit : sed, qui Mæandrio favebant, atque ipse etiam Mæandrius, professi sunt, paratos se esse data fide excedere insula. Quam conditionem quum probasset Otanes, fidemque dedisset et accepisset ; Persarum nobilissimi, positis sellis, ex adverso arcis residebant. | So when the Persians arrived at Samos bringing Syloson home from exile, no one raised a hand against them, and moreover the party of Maiandrios and Maiandrios himself said that they were ready to retire out of the island under a truce. Otanes therefore having agreed on these terms and having made a treaty, the most honorable of the Persians had seats placed for them in front of the fortress and were sitting there. |
| 3.145 | Erat Mæandrio tyranno frater haud satis compos mentis, nomine Charilaus ; qui, quod nescio quid deliquerat, in subterraneo carcere vinctus erat. Hic tunc, postquam quæ gerebantur audivit, et per carceris fenestram prospectans Persas vidit tranquille sedentes, clamavit, dicens velle se in colloquium venire Mæandrio. (2) Quo audito, Mæandrius vinculis eum solvi jussit, ad seque adduci. Et ille, simulatque adductus est, increpans fratrem et ignavum appellans, persuadere ei conatus est, ut in Persas impetum faceret, his usus verbis : « me vero, inquit, o hominum pessime, tuum fratrem, qui nihil deliqui quod vinculis dignum esset, ad vincula et subterraneum carcerem condemnasti : (3) Persas vero quum videas te ejicientes et in exilium agentes, non audes pœnam ab illis repetere, licet ita facile opprimi possint ! Quodsi tu illos perhorrescis, at mihi da auxiliares, et ego ab illis ob terræ nostræ invasionem pœnam sumam : teque ipsum paratus sum ex insula deducere. » | Now the despot Maiandrios had a brother who was somewhat mad, and his name was Charilaos. This man for some offence which he had been committed had been confined in an underground dungeon, and at this time of which I speak, having heard what was being done and having put his head through out of the dungeon, when he saw the Persians peacefully sitting there he began to cry out and said that he desired to come to speech with Maiandrios. So Maiandrios hearing his voice bade them loose him and bring him into his presence; and as soon as he was brought he began to abuse and revile him, trying to persuade him to attack the Persians, and saying thus: “Thou basest of men, didst thou put me in bonds and judge me worthy of the dungeon under ground, who am thine own brother and did no wrong worthy of bonds, and when thou seest the Persians casting thee forth from the land and making thee homeless, dost thou not dare to take any revenge, though they are so exceedingly easy to be overcome? Nay, but if in truth thou art afraid of them, give me thy mercenaries and I will take vengeance on them for their coming here; and thyself I am willing to let go out of the island.” |
| 3.146 | Hæc ab Charilao dicta probavit Mæandrius ; ut mihi quidem videtur, non quod eo stultitiæ venisset, ut existimaret suas copias superiores futuras copiis regis ; sed potius invidens Sylosonti, si civitatem salvam et integram nullo labore obtinuisset. (2) Itaque, irritando Persas, voluit res Samiorum quammaxime infirmas reddere, atque ita urbem tradere : bene quippe gnarus, si male acciperentur Persæ, tanto magis eos exasperatum iri adversus Samios ; et notum sibi exitum habens, per quem tuto ex insula evadere, simulatque voluisset, posset ; effodiendum enim sibi curaverat occultum cuniculum, ex arce ad mare ducentem. (3) Ipse igitur Mæandrius Samo navi egreditur : Charilaus vero auxiliares cunctos armis instructos, apertis portis, adversus Persas educit, nihil tale exspectantes, omniaque convenisse existimantes. (4) Et auxiliares, impetu facto, Persarum eos qui sellis gestabantur et nobilissimi erant, interficiebant. Dum vero hi id faciunt, suppetias interim accurrunt reliquæ Persarum copiæ: a quibus repulsi auxiliares, in arce sunt conclusi. | Thus spoke Charilaos, and Maiandrios accepted that which he said, not, as I think, because he had reached such a height of folly as to suppose that his own power would overcome that of the king, but rather because he grudged Syloson that he should receive from him the State without trouble, and with no injury inflicted upon it. Therefore he desired to provoke the Persians to anger and make the Samian power as feeble as possible before he gave it up to him, being well assured that the Persians, when they had suffered evil, would be likely to be as bitter against the Samians as well as against those who did the wrong, and knowing also that he had a safe way of escape from the island whenever he desired: for he had had a secret passage made under ground, leading from the fortress to the sea. Maiandrios then himself sailed out from Samos; but Charilaos armed all the mercenaries, and opening wide the gates sent them out upon the Persians, who were not expecting any such thing, but supposed that all had been arranged: and the mercenaries falling upon them began to slay those of the Persians who had seats carried for them and were of most account. While these were thus engaged, the rest of the Persian force came to the rescue, and the mercenaries were hard pressed and forced to retire to the fortress. |
| 3.147 | Otanes vero dux, ingentem videns calamitatem, quam passi erant Persæ, neque mandata ignorans, quæ illi Darius, quum eum Samum mitteret, dederat, ne Samiorum quemquam vel occideret vel in servitutem redigeret, sed immunem malorum insulam traderet Sylosonti ; mandata ista lubens volens oblitus est, edixitque exercitui, quemcunque nacti essent, sive virum, sive puerum, eum perinde interficerent. (2) Ibi tum militum alii oppugnarunt arcem, alii vero obvium quemque interfecerunt, nullo discrimine sive sacro in loco, sive in profano. | Then Otanes the Persian commander, seeing that the Persians had suffered greatly, purposely forgot the commands which Dareios gave him when he sent him forth, not to kill any one of the Samians nor to sell any into slavery, but to restore the island to Syloson free from all suffering of calamity — these commands, I say, he purposely forgot, and gave the word to his army to slay every one whom they should take, man or boy, without distinction. So while some of the army were besieging the fortress, others were slaying every one who came in their way, in sanctuary or out of sanctuary equally. |
| 3.148 | Mæandrius, Samo ubi profugerat, Lacedæmonem navigavit. Quo postquam pervenit, resque, quas secum advexerat, in hospitium transferendas curavit, hocce instituit facere. Pocula subinde exponebat argentea et aurea, eaque extergebant famuli : et ille per idem tempus cum Cleomene, Anaxandridæ filio, rege Spartanorum, sermones miscens, secum in hospitium illum ducebat ; ubi quum pocula videns Cleomenes admiratione stuperet, ille eum jubebat ex his secum auferre quæcunque voluisset. (2) Id quum bis aut ter Mæandrius dixisset, justissimus vir fuit Cleomenes, qui accipere oblata dedignatus, quum animadverteret, si aliis civium eadem offerret, auxilia eum inventurum, ephoros adiit, dixitque, ex usu esse Spartæ, ut Samius hospes Peloponneso egrediatur ; ne aut se aut alium e Spartanis corrumpat. Qua re audita, ephori per præconem abire Mæandrium jusserunt. | Meanwhile Maiandrios had escaped from Samos and was sailing to Lacedemon; and having come thither and caused to be brought up to the city the things which he had taken with him when he departed, he did as follows — first, he would set out his cups of silver and of gold, and then while the servants were cleaning them, he would be engaged in conversation with Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides, then king of Sparta, and would bring him on to his house; and when Cleomenes saw the cups he marvelled and was astonished at them, and Maiandrios would bid him take away with him as many of them as he pleased. Maiandrios said this twice or three times, but Cleomenes herein showed himself the most upright of men; for he not only did not think fit to take that which was offered, but perceiving that Maiandrios would make presents to others of the citizens, and so obtain assistance for himself, he went to the Ephors and said that it was better for Sparta that the stranger of Samos should depart from Peloponnesus, lest he might persuade either himself or some other man of the Spartans to act basely. They accordingly accepted his counsel, and expelled Maiandrios by proclamation. |
| 3.149 | Persæ vero Samum, veluti verriculo captam, hominibusque nudatam, Sylosonti tradiderunt. Insequente vero tempore dux Otanes eandem incolis rursus frequentavit, viso nocturno monitus, et morbo laborans, quo pudenda ejus erant affecta. | As to Samos, the Persians, after sweeping the population off it, delivered it to Syloson stripped of men. Afterwards however the commander Otanes even joined in settling people there, moved by a vision of a dream and by a disease which seized him, so that he was diseased in the genital organs. |
| 3.140 | Postquam navalis exercitus Samum erat profectus, Babylonii a Persis defecerunt, rebus omnibus bene admodum præparatis. Nam quo tempore Magus regnavit, et adversus eum septem viri insurrexerunt, per omne id tempus, per illamque rerum perturbationem, ad tolerandam obsidionem sese præparaverunt. Et initio quidem occulte quodammodo id fecerant. (2) E quo autem de professo descivere, hæcce fecerunt : matribus exceptis, et una ex uxoribus quam quisque sua e domo exemptam voluerat, reliquas omnes mulieres congregatas suffocarunt ; unam autem, quam dixi, eximebat quisque quæ panem conficeret. Suffocarunt autem illas, ne frumentum ipsorum consumerent. | After a naval force had thus gone against Samos, the Babylonians made revolt, being for this exceedingly well prepared; for during all the time of the reign of the Magian and of the insurrection of the seven, during all this time and the attendant confusion they were preparing themselves for the siege of their city: and it chanced by some means that they were not observed to be doing this. Then when they made open revolt, they did as follows — after setting apart their mothers first, each man set apart also for himself one woman, whosoever he wished of his own household, and all the remainder they gathered together and killed by suffocation. Each man set apart the one who has been mentioned to serve as a maker of bread, and they suffocated the rest in order that they might not consume their provisions. |
| 3.151 | His rebus cognitis Darius, contractis universis suis copiis, adversus eos profectus est ; admotoque exercitu, obsedit urbem. At obsidionem pro nihilo habebant Babylonii ; nam in propugnacula muri ascendentes tripudiando insultabant irridebantque Darium et ejus exercitum ; unusque eorum hoc verbum emisit : « Quid hic sedetis, Persæ? quidni abitis ? tunc enim nos capietis, quando mulæ pepererint. » Hoc dixit Babyloniorum aliquis, existimans nunquam mulam parituram. | Dareios being informed of this and having gathered together all his power, made expedition against them, and when he had marched his army up to Babylon he began to besiege them; but they cared nothing about the siege, for the Babylonians used to go up to the battlements of the wall and show contempt of Dareios and of his army by gestures and by words; and one of them uttered this saying: “Why, O Persians, do ye remain sitting here, and not depart? For then only shall ye capture us, when mules shall bring forth young.” This was said by one of the Babylonians, not supposing that a mule would ever bring forth young. |
| 3.152 | Integer annus jam et septem menses erant elapsi, tædioque affectus erat Darius ejusque exercitus, quod expugnare Babylonem non valerent. (2) Nam omnibus licet artificiis omnibusque machinamentis adversus eos adhibitis, non tamen poterat Darius eos expugnare, id quod temptaverat et aliis artificiorum generibus, et illo etiam quo Cyrus urbem ceperat : sed ita diligenter custodias agebant Babylonii, ut capi nullo pacto potuerint. | So when a year and seven months had now passed by, Dareios began to be vexed and his whole army with him, not being able to conquer the Babylonians. And yet Dareios had used against them every kind of device and every possible means, but not even so could he conquer them, though besides other devices he had attempted it by that also with which Cyrus conquered them; but the Babylonians were terribly on their guard and he was not able to conquer them. |
| 3.153 | Ibi tum, quum vicesimus ageretur mensis, Zopyro Megabazi filio hujus, qui e septem virorum numero fuit a quibus Magus interemptus est, huic, inquam, Megabazi filio Zopyro tale obtigit prodigium : una ex ipsius mulis frumentum vehentibus peperit. (2) Quod quum Zopyro esset renuntiatum, et ille, ut qui fidem nuntio non adhiberet, pullum ipse spectasset, imperavit servis ut nemini edicerent factum, secunque deliberavit. (3) Recordatus igitur Babylonii illius verbum, qui initio dixerat, tunc Babylonem captum iri, quum mulæ pepererint, ex hujus verbis omen colligebat Zopyrus, capi nunc Babylonem posse : nec enim illum sine dei numine id dixisse, et sibi nunc mulam peperisse. | Then in the twentieth month there happened to Zopyros the son of that Megabyzos who had been of the seven men who slew the Magian, to this Zopyros, I say, son of Megabyzos there happened a prodigy — one of the mules which served as bearers of provisions for him produced young: and when this was reported to him, and Zopyros had himself seen the foal, because he did not believe the report, he charged those who had seen it not to tell that which had happened to any one, and he considered with himself what to do. And having regard to the words spoken by the Babylonian, who had said at first that when mules should produce young, then the wall would be taken, having regard (I say) to this ominous saying, it seemed to Zopyros that Babylon could be taken: for he thought that both the man had spoken and his mule had produced young by divine dispensation. |
| 3.154 | Quum igitur in fatis esse illi videretur, ut nunc Babylon caperetur, Darium adiens quæsivit ex eo, an utique maximi faceret capi Babylonem. Accepto responso, maximi id facere regem ; secundo loco secum deliberavit, quo pacto ipse esset qui illam caperet, ipsiusque hoc facinus esset futurum : nam apud Persas præcipue res præclare gestæ maximis honoribus rependuntur. (2) Nulla vero alia ratione fieri posse, ut illam in potestatem redigeret, judicavit, nisi si se ipse mutilasset, atque ita ad illos transfugisset. Ibi tum, parvi hoc pendens, insanabili mutilatione se ipse afficit : quippe abscissis naribus auribusque, coma male tonsa, flagellis item laceratus, Darium adit. | Since then it seemed to him that it was now fated that Babylon should be captured, he went to Dareios and inquired of him whether he thought it a matter of very great moment to conquer Babylon; and hearing in answer that he thought it of great consequence, he considered again how he might be the man to take it and how the work might be his own: for among the Persians benefits are accounted worthy of a very high degree of honor. He considered accordingly that he was not able to make conquest of it by any other means, but only if he should maltreat himself and desert to their side. So, making light esteem of himself, he maltreated his own body in a manner which could not be cured; for he cut off his nose and his ears, and shaved his hair round in an unseemly way, and scourged himself, and so went into the presence of Dareios. |
| 3.155 | Darius, ubi virum nobilissimum ita vidit mutilatum, gravissime affectus, e solio subsiliens exclamat, ex eoque quærit, quis eum ita mutilaverit, quave de causa. (2) Cui Zopyrus respondit : « Non est is alius nisi tu, qui tantam habes potestatem, ut ego hoc modo sim affectus. Nec vero alienus quispiam, o rex, me ita affecit, sed ego ipse me, indignatus Assyriis Persas deridentibus. » (3) Tum Darius, « O miserrime hominum, ait, fœdissimo facto pulcherrimum nomen imposuisti, quum te profitearis propter hos, quos obsidemus, te ipsum tam insanabili modo affecisse. Quo vero pacto, stulte, quod tu ita mutilatus sis, eo citius in potestatem redigentur hostes ? Anne mente es alienatus, qui te ita perdidisti ? » (4) Respondit ille : « Atqui, si tecum communicassem quæ facturus eram, tu me prohibuisses : nunc privato id feci consilio. Jam ergo, nisi tu iis quæ tui muneris sunt defueris, capiemus Babylonem. Nam ego, ita ut sum affectus, ad murum pro transfuga me conferam, dicens illis, a te me hæc esse passum : et puto, quum rem ita se habere iis persuasero, exercitum mihi commissum iri. (5) Tu vero, a quo die ego murum ero ingressus, decimo inde die de illa copiarum tuarum parte, cujus jacturam minime ægre laturus sis, mille homines contra portam colloca quæ Semiramidis vocatur. Deinde rursus septimo ab illo decimo, alios bis mille contra Niniam, quæ vocatur, colloca portam. Ab hoc vero septimo die intermitte dies viginti, deinde alios contra Chaldæam, quam vocant, duc portam, ibique locum capere jube quater mille numero. (6) Nec vero priores, neque hi, aliud quo se tueantur habeant præter gladios : his tamen armatos esse sinito. Post illum vero vicesimum diem continuo reliquum exercitum jube murum circumcirca aggredi : Persas autem mihi ad Belidem, quam vocant, et ad Cissiam colloca portam. Nam, ut equidem puto, postquam præclara edidero facta, et reliqua meæ fidei committent Babylonii, et portarum obices. Exinde meum erit et Persarum, curare ut quæ ex usu sint faciamus. » | And Dareios was exceedingly troubled when he saw the man of most repute with him thus maltreated; and leaping up from his seat he cried aloud and asked him who was the person who had maltreated him, and for what deed. He replied: “That man does not exist, excepting thee, who has so great power as to bring me into this condition; and not any stranger, O king, has done this, but I myself to myself, accounting it a very grievous thing that the Assyrians should make a mock of the Persians.” He made answer: “Thou most reckless of men, thou didst set the fairest name to the foulest deed when thou saidest that on account of those who are besieged thou didst bring thyself into a condition which cannot be cured. How, O thou senseless one, will the enemy surrender to us more quickly, because thou hast maltreated thyself? Surely thou didst wander out of thy senses in thus destroying thyself.” And he said, “If I had communicated to thee that which I was about to do, thou wouldst not have permitted me to do it; but as it was, I did it on my own account. Now therefore, unless something is wanting on thy part, we shall conquer Babylon: for I shall go straightway as a deserter to the wall; and I shall say to them that I suffered this treatment at thy hands: and I think that when I have convinced them that this is so, I shall obtain the command of a part of their forces. Do thou then on the tenth day from that on which I shall enter within the wall take of those troops about which thou wilt have no concern if they be destroyed — of these, I say, get a thousand by the gate of the city which is called the gate of Semiramis; and after this again on the seventh day after the tenth set, I pray thee, two thousand by the gate which is called the gate of the Ninevites; and after this seventh day let twenty days elapse, and then lead other four thousand and place them by the gate called the gate of the Chaldeans: and let neither the former men nor these have any weapons to defend them except daggers, but this weapon let them have. Then after the twentieth day at once bid the rest of the army make an attack on the wall all round, and set the Persians, I pray thee, by those gates which are called the gate of Belos and the gate of Kissia: for, as I think, when I have displayed great deeds of prowess, the Babylonians will entrust to me, besides their other things, also the keys which draw the bolts of the gates. Then after that it shall be the care of myself and the Persians to do that which ought to be done.” |
| 3.156 | Hæc postquam mandavit, ad portam perrexit ; subinde retro se convertens, tanquam vere transfuga. Quem ubi conspexerunt qui in turribus speculandi causa stationem habebant, raptim descendunt, et paululum reclinata altera portæ ala interrogant, quis sit, et qua causa advenerit. (2) Et ille, Zopyrum se esse, dixit, et ut transfugam ad eos venire. Quo audito, portæ custodes in curiam Babyloniorum eum duxerunt : ubi coram senatu constitutus, sortem suam deplorans, ait, a Dario se hæc (quæ sibi ipse inflixerat) esse passum, eo quod illi suasisset abducere exercitum, quandoquidem nulla via capiendæ urbis ostenderetur. (3) « Et nunc ego (sic dicere perrexit) ad vos, Babylonii, veni, maximo vobis commodo futurus, Dario atuem ejusque exercitui et Persis maximo detrimento. Nec enim nimirum impune ille feret, qui hoc me modo mutilaverit : exploratas autem habeo omnes consiliorum ipsius vias. » | Having thus enjoined he proceeded to go to the gate of the city, turning to look behind him as he went, as if he were in truth a deserter; and those who were set in that part of the wall, seeing him from the towers ran down, and slightly opening one wing of the gate asked who he was, and for what purpose he had come. And he addressed them and said that he was Zopyros, and that he came as a deserter to them. The gate-keepers accordingly when they heard this led him to the public assembly of the Babylonians; and being introduced before it he began to lament his fortunes, saying that he had in fact suffered at his own hands, and that he had suffered this because he had counselled the king to withdraw his army, since in truth there seemed to be no means of taking the town: “And now,” he went on to say, “I am come for very great good to you, O Babylonians, but for very great evil to Dareios and his army, and to the Persians, for he shall surely not escape with impunity for having thus maltreated me; and I know all the courses of his counsels.” |
| 3.157 | Quæ ubi ille locutus est, videntes Babylonii virum inter Persas nobilissimum naribus auribusque mutilatum, et cruore e flagellis inquinatum, prorsus existimaverunt vera eum dicere, et ut socium sibi advenisse. Itaque parati erant ei indulgere quæ ab ipsis postulasset ; postulabat autem armatorum manum. (2) Tum vero ille, postquam copias ab iis impetravit, ea facere instituit de quibus illi cum Dario convenerat. Decimo die, educto Babyloniorum exercitu, mille illos, quos primos certo loco locare mandaverat Dario, circumdatos interfecit. (3) Jamque intelligentes Babylonii, factis eum verba æquare, maximo gaudio perfusi, in omnibus ei parere erant parati. Tum ille, interjecto dierum numero de quo convenerat, iterum selectos Babyloniorum eduxit, et bis mille illos, quos supra dixi, Darii milites interfecit. (4) Igitur hoc etiam factum ubi viderunt Babylonii, omnium ore Zopyrus celebrabatur laudibus. At ille rursus, intermisso definito dierum numero, in locum constitutum copias eduxit, et circumdatos quater mille interfecit. (5) Qua denuo re gesta, jam omnia Zopyrus apud Babylonios erat, et imperii summa et muri custodia eidem permissa est. | Thus he spoke, and the Babylonians, when they saw the man of most reputation among the Persians deprived of nose and ears and smeared over with blood from scourging, supposing assuredly that he was speaking the truth and had come to be their helper, were ready to put in his power that for which he asked them, and he asked them that he might command a certain force. Then when he had obtained this from them, he did that which he had agreed with Dareios that he would do; for he led out on the tenth day the army of the Babylonians, and having surrounded the thousand men whom he had enjoined Dareios first to set there, he slew them. The Babylonians accordingly, perceiving that the deeds which he displayed were in accordance with his words, were very greatly rejoiced and were ready to serve him in all things: and after the lapse of the days which had been agreed upon, he again chose men of the Babylonians and led them out and slew the two thousand men of the troops of Dareios. Seeing this deed also, the Babylonians all had the name of Zopyros upon their tongues, and were loud in his praise. He then again, after the lapse of the days which had been agreed upon, led them out to the place appointed, and surrounded the four thousand and slew them. When this also had been done, Zopyros was everything among the Babylonians, and he was appointed both commander of their army and guardian of their walls. |
| 3.158 | Deinde vero, ut e composito Darius murum circumcira oppugnare est aggressus, ibi tum Zopyrus dolum universum nudavit. Nam, dum Babylonii conscenso muro repellere oppugnantem Darii exercitum conantur, Zopyrus interim aperta Cissia et Belide porta Persas intra murum recepit. (2) Quod factum qui viderunt Babylonii, hi in Jovis Beli templum confugerunt : qui vero non viderunt, in suo quisque manserunt ordine, donec et hi proditos se esse intellexerunt. | But when Dareios made an attack according to the agreement on every side of the wall, then Zopyros discovered all his craft: for while the Babylonians, having gone up on the wall, were defending themselves against the attacks of the army of Dareios, Zopyros opened the gates called the gates of Kissia and of Belos, and let in the Persians within the wall. And of the Babylonians those who saw that which was done fled to the temple of Zeus Belos, but those who did not see remained each in his own appointed place, until at last they also learnt that they had been betrayed. |
| 3.159 | Igitur hoc modo capta iterum Babylon est. Darius vero, urbe potitus, et murum ejus diruit, et portas omnes detraxit ; quorum neutrum Cyrus fecerat, postquam primum Babylonem cepit. Adhuc e primariis civibus ter mille admodum e palis suspendi Darius jussit, reliquis vero Babyloniis urbem reddidit habitandam. (2) Quo vero mulieres haberent Babylonii, et soboles eis subnasceretur (quandoquidem, ut initio expositum est, suas suffocaverant Babylonii, rei frumentariæ consulentes), tali ratione inita Darius providit : circum habitantibus populis imperavit, ut mulieres Babylonem, certum cuique populo numerum definiens, mitterent. Ita mulierum summa, quæ convenerunt, fuit quinquaginta milium ; quibus e mulieribus prognati sunt qui nunc sunt Babylonii. | Thus was Babylon conquered for the second time: and Dareios when he had overcome the Babylonians, first took away the wall from round their city and pulled down all the gates; for when Cyrus took Babylon before him, he did neither of these things: and secondly Dareios impaled the leading men to the number of about three thousand, but to the rest of the Babylonians he gave back their city to dwell in: and to provide that the Babylonians should have wives, in order that their race might be propagated, Dareios did as follows (for their own wives, as has been declared at the beginning, the Babylonians had suffocated, in provident care for their store of food) — he ordered the nations who dwelt round to bring women to Babylon, fixing a certain number for each nation, so that the sum total of fifty thousand women was brought together, and from these women the present Babylonians are descended. |
| 3.160 | Dario vero judice, nemo Persarum, nec eorum qui ante, nec qui post fuerunt, melius de Persis meritus est quam Zopyrus, uno Cyro excepto : nam cum hoc se conferre nemo adhuc Persarum ausus est. (2) Fertur autem sæpius hanc sententiam declarasse Darius, malle se, Zopyrum indigna illa mutilatione non esse affectum, quam viginti Babylones sibi ad eam quæ nunc est accedere. Magnifice autem illum honoravit : nam et munera illi quotannis tribuit ea, quæ honorificentissima sunt apud Persas, et Babylonem eidem, quoad victurus esset, administrandam concessit, ita ut nullum tributum regi penderet ; et alia multa insuper munera ei contulit. (3) Zopyri hujus filius fuit Megabyzus ille, qui in Ægypto dux exercitus fuit adversus Athenienses atque socios : hujusque Megabyzi filius fuit Zopyrus is, qui ad Athenienses transfugit a Persis. | As for Zopyros, in the judgment of Dareios no one of the Persians surpassed him in good service, either of those who came after or of those who had gone before, excepting Cyrus alone; for to Cyrus no man of the Persians ever yet ventured to compare himself: and Dareios is said to have declared often that he would rather that Zopyros were free from the injury than that he should have twenty Babylons added to his possession in addition to that one which he had. Moreover he gave him great honors; for not only did he give him every year those things which by the Persians are accounted the most honorable, but also he granted him Babylon to rule free from tribute, so long as he should live; and he added many other gifts. The son of this Zopyros was Megabyzos, who was made commander in Egypt against the Athenians and their allies; and the son of this Megabyzos was Zopyros, who went over to Athens as a deserter from the Persians. |
Book IV
Melpomene
| 4.1 | Capta Babylone, jam adversus Scythas expeditionem Darius suscepit. Quum enim viris floreret Asia, et magnæ redirent pecuniæ, cupido incessit Darium pœnas sumendi ab Scythis, quod illi, incursione facta in Medicam terram, et prœlio victis adversariis, priores initium fecissent injuriarum. (2) Etenim, ut supra dixi, per duodetriginta annos Scythæ superioris Asiæ tenuerant imperium : quippe persequentes Cimmerios, irruptione in Asiam facta, Medos imperio exuerant, qui ante Scytharum adventum imperaverant Asiæ. (3) Scythas autem, postquam octo et viginti annos domo abfuerant, et tam longo interjecto tempore in patriam erant reversuri, excepit non minor, quam Medicus fuerat, labor : offenderunt enim occurrentem sibi exercitum haud exiguum. Scilicet uxores Scytharum, dum per longum temporis spatium domo aberant viri, cum servis habuerunt consuetudinem. | After Babylon had been taken, the march of Dareios himself against the Scythians took place: for now that Asia was flourishing in respect of population, and large sums were being gathered in as revenue, Dareios formed the desire to take vengeance upon the Scythians, because they had first invaded the Median land and had overcome in fight those who opposed them; and thus they had been the beginners of wrong. The Scythians in truth, as I have before said, had ruled over Upper Asia for eight-and-twenty years; for they had invaded Asia in their pursuit of the Kimmerians, and they had deposed the Medes from their rule, who had rule over Asia before the Scythians came. Now when the Scythians had been absent from their own land for eight-and-twenty years, as they were returning to it after that interval of time, they were met by a contest not less severe than that which they had had with the Medes, since they found an army of no mean size opposing them. For the wives of the Scythians, because their husbands were absent from them for a long time, had associated with the slaves. |
| 4.2 | Servos autem cunctos excæcant Scythæ, lactis causa, cujus potu utuntur. Emulgent vero lac hoc modo : fistulas sumunt osseas, tibiis simillimas ; quibus in equarum genitalia insertis, sufflant ore ; et dum alter sufflat, alter mulget. Id ea causa se facere ajunt, quod venæ equarum ita inflatæ repleantur, et deprimantur ubera. (2) Postquam emulsere lac, in cava vasa lignea infundunt, illudque cæcorum operā, continua serie circum vasa collocatorum, agitant : tum, quod supernatat, id desuper exhauriunt, exquisitius æstimantes ; quod subsidit, minoris æstimant altero. (3) Hujus operæ causa, quemcunque bello capiunt Scythæ, eum excæcant : nec enim aratores sunt, sed pastores. | Now the Scythians put out the eyes of all their slaves because of the milk which they drink; and they do as follows — they take blow-pipes of bone just like flutes, and these they insert into the vagina of the mare and blow with their mouths, and others milk while they blow: and they say that they do this because the veins of the mare are thus filled, being blown out, and so the udder is let down. When they had drawn the milk they pour it into wooden vessels hollowed out, and they set the blind slaves in order about the vessels and agitate the milk. Then that which comes to the top they skim off, considering it the more valuable part, whereas they esteem that which settles down to be less good than the other. For this reason the Scythians put out the eyes of all whom they catch; for they are not tillers of the soil but nomads. |
| 4.3 | Ex his igitur servis et e Scytharum uxoribus prognata erat juventus : qui, cognita sua origine, illis e Media redeuntibus sese opposuerunt. Ac primum quidem regionem interceperunt lata ducta fossa, quæ a Tauricis montibus ad Mæotin paludem, vastissimam illam, pertinebat. Deinde conantibus irrumpere Scythis, oppositis castris, repugnarunt. (2) Frequentibus commissis prœliis, quum nihil Scythæ pugnando proficerent, unus ex eis hæc verba fecit : « Quidnam rei facimus, Scythæ! cum servis nostris pugnantes interficimur ipsi minuimurque ; et, illos si interficimus, paucioribus deinde imperabimus. (3) Videtur igitur mihi, omissis hastis et sagittis, unumquemque nostrûm debere flagellum sumere equi sui, atque ita adversus istos pergere. Quam diu enim nos illi viderunt arma gestantes, similes esse nostrûm et e similibus se genitos putarunt : qui si nos viderint armorum loco flagellis instructos, intelligent servos se esse nostros ; et conditionis suæ conscii, nos non sustinebunt. » | From these their slaves then, I say, and from their wives had been born and bred up a generation of young men, who having learnt the manner of their birth set themselves to oppose the Scythians as they were returning from the Medes. And first they cut off their land by digging a broad trench extending from the Tauric mountains to the Maiotian lake, at the point where this is broadest; then afterwards when the Scythians attempted to invade the land, they took up a position against them and fought; and as they fought many times, and the Scythians were not able to get any advantage in the fighting, one of them said: “What a thing is this that we are doing, Scythians! We are fighting against our own slaves, and we are not only becoming fewer in number ourselves by being slain in battle, but also we are killing them, and so we shall have fewer to rule over in future. Now therefore to me it seems good that we leave spears and bows and that each one take his horse-whip and so go up close to them: for so long as they saw us with arms in our hands, they thought themselves equal to us and of equal birth; but when they shall see that we have whips instead of arms, they will perceive that they are our slaves, and having acknowledged this they will not await our onset.” |
| 4.4 | Hæc ubi audiverunt Scythæ, effecta dederunt : et illi, perculsi facto, omissa pugna, fugam arripuere. Ita Scythæ, Asiæ imperio potiti, rursusque a Medis ejecti, suam in terram isto modo rediere : eaque causa pœnas ab illis sumere cupiens Darius exercitum adversus eos contraxit. | When they heard this, the Scythians proceeded to do that which he said, and the others being panic-stricken by that which was done forgot their fighting and fled. Thus the Scythians had ruled over Asia; and in such manner, when they were driven out again by the Medes, they had returned to their own land. For this Dareios wished to take vengeance upon them, and was gathering together an army to go against them. |
| 4.5 | Scythæ, ut ipsi ajunt, gens sunt novissima omnium, originemque gentis hanc fuisse narrant. Primum hominem in illa terra, quæ deserta tunc fuisset, natum esse, cui nomen fuerit Targitaus. Hujus Targitai parentes fuisse ajunt, parum mihi credibilia narrantes, ajunt vero utique, Jovem et Borysthenis fluvii filiam. Tali igitur genere ortum esse Targitaum : huic autem filios fuisse tres, Lipoxain, et Arpoxain, minimumque natu Colaxain. (2) His regnantibus, de cœlo delapsa aurea instrumenta, aratrum et jugum et bipennem et phialam, decidisse in Scythicam terram. Et illorum natu maximum, qui primus conspexisset, propius accedentem capere ista voluisse ; sed, eo accedente, aurum arsisse. (3) Quo digresso, accessisse alterum, et itidem arsisse aurum. Hos igitur ardens aurum repudiasse ; accedente vero natu minimo fuisse exstinctum, huncque illud domum suam contulisse : qua re intellecta, majores fratres ultro universum regnum minimo natu tradidisse. | Now the Scythians say that their nation is the youngest of all nations, and that this came to pass as follows — The first man who ever existed in this region, which then was desert, was one named Targitaos: and of this Targitaos they say, though I do not believe it for my part, however they say the parents were Zeus and the daughter of the river Borysthenes. Targitaos, they report, was produced from some such origin as this, and of him were begotten three sons, Lipoxaïs and Arpoxaïs and the youngest Colaxaïs. In the reign of these there came down from heaven certain things wrought of gold, a plough, a yoke, a battle-axe, and a cup, and fell in the Scythian land: and first the eldest saw and came near them, desiring to take them, but the gold blazed with fire when he approached it: then when he had gone away from it, the second approached, and again it did the same thing. These then the gold repelled by blazing with fire; but when the third and youngest came up to it, the flame was quenched, and he carried them to his own house. The elder brothers then, acknowledging the significance of this thing, delivered the whole of the kingly power to the youngest. |
| 4.6 | Jam a Lipoxai progenitum esse ajunt illum Scythicum populum, qui Auchatæ vocantur : a medio vero fratrum Arpoxai hos, qui Catiari et Traspies : a natu minimo vero Reges [sive Regios], qui Paralatæ nominantur : universis vero commune nomen esse Scolotos, de regis nomine. Scythas vero Græci nominarunt. | From Lixopaïs, they say, are descended those Scythians who are called the race of the Auchatai; from the middle brother Arpoxaïs those who are called Catiaroi and Traspians, and from the youngest of them the “Royal” tribe, who are called Paralatai: and the whole together are called, they say, Scolotoi, after the name of their king; but the Hellenes gave them the name of Scythians. |
| 4.7 | Hac igitur origine se ortos ajunt Scythæ: annos autem, e quo ortum cepissent, a primo rege Targitao usque ad Darii in Scythiam transitum, in universum elapsos ajunt mille admodum, non amplius, sed hunc ipsum annorum numerum. (2) Sacrum autem illud aurum custodiunt Reges summa cura ; et quotannis ibi conveniunt ubi asservatur, majoribus sacrificiis placantes. (3) Dicuntque Scythæ, quicunque festis illis diebus aurum hoc sacrum tenens obdormiverit sub dio, hunc non transigere illum annum ; ob eamque causam dono ei dari tantum, quantum ille uno die equo vectus circumire potuisset. (4) Quum sit autem ampla terra, tria regna ajunt Colaxain filiis suis constituisse ; ex eisque unum regnum fecisse maximum, in quo aurum illud servetur. (5) Quæ vero loca versus septentrionem sita sunt supra eos qui superiores Scythiæ partes incolunt, ea ulterius spectari aut peragrari non posse ajunt, propter diffusas plumas : plumis enim et terram et āërem esse oppletum, hisque intercludi prospectum. | Thus the Scythians say they were produced; and from the time of their origin, that is to say from the first king Targitaos, to the passing over of Dareios against them, they say that there is a period of a thousand years and no more. Now this sacred gold is guarded by the kings with the utmost care, and they visit it every year with solemn sacrifices of propitiation: moreover if any one goes to sleep while watching in the open air over this gold during the festival, the Scythians say that he does not live out the year; and there is given him for this so much land as he shall ride round himself on his horse in one day. Now as the land was large, Colaxaïs, they say, established three kingdoms for his sons; and of these he made one larger than the rest, and in this the gold is kept. But as to the upper parts which lie on the North side of those who dwell above this land, they say one can neither see nor pass through any further by reason of feathers which are poured down; for both the earth and the air are full of feathers, and this is that which shuts off the view. |
| 4.8 | Ista quidem Scythæ de se ipsis, et de regione quæ supra ipsorum ditione sita est, narrant : Græci vero ad Pontum Euxinum habitantes hæcce. Herculem, ajunt, Geryonis boves agentem, in hanc terram venisse, tunc desertam, quam nunc Scythæ habitant ; Geryonem autem extra Pontum habitasse insulam illam, quam Erytheam Græci vocant, prope Gadira (sive Gades) extra Herculis columnas in Oceano. (2) Oceanum autem, ab ortu solis initium capientem, universam circumfluere terram, verbis quidem affirmant, re autem ipsa non demonstrant. Inde igitur Herculem in eam regionem, quæ Scythia nunc vocatur pervenisse. (3) Nempe, ingruente tempestate geluque, quum adducta super se pelle leonina obdormivisset, equas de curru ipsius, interim pascentes, divina quadam sorte evanuisse. | Thus say the Scythians about themselves and about the region above them; but the Hellenes who dwell about the Pontus say as follows — Heracles driving the cattle of Geryones came to this land, then desert, which the Scythians now inhabit; and Geryones, says the tale, dwelt away from the region of the Pontus, living in the island called by the Hellenes Erytheia, near Gadeira which is outside the Pillars of Heracles by the Ocean. — As to the Ocean, they say indeed that it flows round the whole earth beginning from the place of the sunrising, but they do not prove this by facts. — From thence Heracles came to the land now called Scythia; and as a storm came upon him together with icy cold, he drew over him his lion’s skin and went to sleep. Meanwhile the mares harnessed in his chariot disappeared by a miraculous chance, as they were feeding. |
| 4.9 | Tum Herculem, ubi expergefactus esset, quæsisse equas ; et, peragrata universa regione, postremo in Hylæam (Silvosam) quæ vocatur terram pervenisse, ibique in antro semivirginem quamdam Echidnam (viperam) invenisse mixtæ naturæ: superiora quippe, inde a natibus, feminæ fuisse, inferiora vero serpentis. (2) Hanc quum conspexisset miratusque esset, quæsisse ab ea, an equas alicubi vidisset oberrantes. Cui illam, se ipsam eas habere, respondisse ; nec vero illi reddituram, nisi secum concubuisset. Et Herculem hac mercede cum illa coiisse : (3) at illam distulisse equarum redditionem, quum cuperet quam diutissime consuetudinem cum Hercule habere ; hunc vero receptis equabus voluisse abire. Ad extremum redditis illis dixisse Echidnam : « Jam has equas, quum huc venissent, ego tibi servavi ; tuque servatarum solvisti pretium ; concepi enim e te tres filios : (4) qui quando adoleverint, quid iis faciam, tu doce ; hacne in terra, cujus ego sola teneo imperium, sedes illis tribuam ; an ad te dimittam. » Cui hæc interroganti illum in hunc modum ajunt respondisse : « Postquam eos videris ætatem ingressos, recte feceris si hæcce institueris (5) quem tu illorum videris arcum hunc modo tendentem, et hoc cingulo sese ita cingentem, ei hanc terram tribue habitandam ; qui vero opera hæc, quæ præscribo, facere non potuerit, eum ex hac terra emitte. Hoc ubi feceris, et ipsa lætaberis, et mandata mea peregeris. » | Then when Heracles woke he sought for them; and having gone over the whole land, at last he came to the region which is called Hylaia; and there he found in a cave a kind of twofold creature formed by the union of a maiden and a serpent, whose upper parts from the buttocks upwards were those of a woman, but her lower parts were those of a snake. Having seen her and marvelled at her, he asked her then whether she had seen any mares straying anywhere; and she said that she had them herself and would not give them up until he lay with her; and Heracles lay with her on condition of receiving them. She then tried to put off the giving back of the mares, desiring to have Heracles with her as long as possible, while he on the other hand desired to get the mares and depart; and at last she gave them back and said: “These mares when they came hither I saved for thee, and thou didst give me reward for saving them; for I have by thee three sons. Tell me then, what must I do with these when they shall be grown to manhood, whether I shall settle them here, for over this land I have power alone, or send them away to thee?” She thus asked of him, and he, they say, replied: “When thou seest that the boys are grown to men, do this and thou shalt not fail of doing right — whichsoever of them thou seest able to stretch this bow as I do now, and to be girded with this girdle, him cause to be the settler of this land; but whosoever of them fails in the deeds which I enjoin, send him forth out of the land: and if thou shalt do thus, thou wilt both have delight thyself and perform that which has been enjoined to thee.” |
| 4.10 | Herculem igitur alterum ex arcubus (duos enim ad id tempus gestasse) adduxisse, et aptandi cinguli rationem præmonstrasse : traditoque dein et arcu et cingulo, quod in extrema commissura auream habuisset phialam, abiisse. (2) Tum illam, postquam filii ex ea nati ad virilem pervenissent ætatem, nomina primum eis imposuisse ; uni, Agathyrso ; alteri, Gelono ; novissimo, Scythæ: deinde dati mandati memorem, exsecutam esse mandata. (3) Et duos quidem e filiis, Agathyrsum et Gelonum, quum proposito certamini impares inventi fuissent, terra excessisse, a matre expulsos. Natu vero minimum eorum, Scytham, qui rem perfecisset, in terra illa mansisse : (4) ab illoque Scytha, Herculis filio, genus ducere quicunque dein reges fuerint Scytharum ; et ab illa phiala Scythas ad hanc usque ætatem phialas gestare e cingulo suspensas. Hoc igitur solummodo matrem huic Scythæ parasse. Et hæc quidem Græci narrant Pontum accolentes. | Upon this he drew one of his bows (for up to that time Heracles, they say, was wont to carry two) and showed her the girdle, and then he delivered to her both the bow and the girdle, which had at the end of its clasp a golden cup; and having given them he departed. She then, when her sons had been born and had grown to be men, gave them names first, calling one of them Agathyrsos and the next Gelonos and the youngest Skythes; then bearing in mind the charge given to her, she did that which was enjoined. And two of her sons, Agathyrsos and Gelonos, not having proved themselves able to attain to the task set before them, departed from the land, being cast out by her who bore them; but Skythes the youngest of them performed the task and remained in the land: and from Skythes the son of Heracles were descended, they say, the succeeding kings of the Scythians (Skythians): and they say moreover that it is by reason of the cup that the Scythians still even to this day wear cups attached to their girdles: and this alone his mother contrived for Skythes. Such is the story told by the Hellenes who dwell about the Pontus. |
| 4.11 | Est vero etiam alia narratio, ita habens ; cui potissimum equidem assentior. Scilicet, Scythas Nomades (pastores) Asiam incolentes, bello pressos a Massagetis, trajecto Araxe fluvio in terram abiisse Cimmeriorum : quam enim nunc terram Scythæ tenent, ea olim Cimmeriorum fuisse traditur. (2) Cimmerios autem, invadentibus terram ipsorum Scythis, quum deliberarent, utpote ingente irruente exercitu, diversas abiisse in sententias ; fortiter quidem propugnatam utramque, fortiorem vero eam pro qua reges stabant. Populi enim fuisse sententiam, excedendum esse terra, neque manendum et adversus plures adeundum periculum : regum vero, pro terra utique dimicandum cum invadentibus. (3) Atqui nec regibus populum voluisse parere, nec reges populo. Itaque his fuisse constitutum, non temptata pugna abire, et invadentibus permittere terram : regibus vero placuisse, sua potius in patria occumbentes sepeliri, quam cum plebe aufugere ; reputantes quantis bonis essent fruiti, et quantis malis se pressum iri consentaneum esset, si e patria profugissent. (4) Talis quum fuisset utrorumque sententia divisis agminibus, numero utrimque paribus, inter se mutuo pugnam civisse ; et hos quidem, qui a regum partibus stetissent, a popularibus suis interfectos esse cunctos, sepultosque a plebe Cimmeriorum ad Tyram fluvium, ubi ad hunc diem conspicitur illorum sepulcrum ; quibus sepultis, plebem terra excessisse ; supervenientes vero Scythas desertam terram occupasse. | There is however also another story, which is as follows, and to this I am most inclined myself. It is to the effect that the nomad Scythians dwelling in Asia, being hard pressed in war by the Massagetai, left their abode and crossing the river Araxes came towards the Kimmerian land (for the land which now is occupied by the Scythians is said to have been in former times the land of the Kimmerians); and the Kimmerians, when the Scythians were coming against them, took counsel together, seeing that a great host was coming to fight against them; and it proved that their opinions were divided, both opinions being vehemently maintained, but the better being that of their kings: for the opinion of the people was that it was necessary to depart and that they ought not to run the risk of fighting against so many, but that of the kings was to fight for their land with those who came against them: and as neither the people were willing by means to agree to the counsel of the kings nor the kings to that of the people, the people planned to depart without fighting and to deliver up the land to the invaders, while the kings resolved to die and to be laid in their own land, and not to flee with the mass of the people, considering the many goods of fortune which they had enjoyed, and the many evils which it might be supposed would come upon them, if they fled from their native land. Having resolved upon this, they parted into two bodies, and making their numbers equal they fought with one another: and when these had all been killed by one another’s hands, then the people of the Kimmerians buried them by the bank of the river Tyras (where their burial-place is still to be seen), and having buried them, then they made their way out from the land, and the Scythians when they came upon it found the land deserted of its inhabitants. |
| 4.12 | Est autem ad hunc diem in Scythica terra Cimmerium castellum ; sunt et Porthmea Cimmeria (in ostio Mæotidis paludis); est item regio cui Cimmeria nomen ; est Bosporus, Cimmerius cognominatus. (2) Satis vero etiam constat, Cimmerios, quum a Scythis expulsi in Asia se reciperent, peninsulam illam colonis frequentasse, in qua nunc Sinope, Græca civitas, condita est ; (3) constatque etiam, Scythas, quum illos persequerentur, et Medicam terram invaderent, a via aberrasse : Cimmerii enim fugientes, semper secundum mare progressi sunt ; Scythæ vero Caucaso ad dextram relicto eos sunt persecuti, itinere in mediterranea converso. Hæc est altera narratio, in qua referenda Græcis convenit cum barbaris. | And there are at the present time in the land of Scythia Kimmerian walls, and a Kimmerian ferry; and there is also a region which is called Kimmeria, and the so-called Kimmerian Bosphorus. It is known moreover that the Kimmerians, in their flight to Asia from the Scythians, also made a settlement on that peninsula on which now stands the Hellenic city of Sinope; and it is known too that the Scythians pursued them and invaded the land of Media, having missed their way; for while the Kimmerians kept ever along by the sea in their flight, the Scythians pursued them keeping Caucasus on their right hand, until at last they invaded Media, directing their course inland. This then which has been told is another story, and it is common both to Hellenes and Barbarians. |
| 4.13 | Sed Aristeas, Caystrobii filius, Proconnesius, in epico carmine ait, Phœbi instinctu se ad Issedonas pervenisse ; super Issedonibus vero habitare Arimaspos, homines unoculos ; super his auri custodes Grypas ; ulterius Hyperboreos, ad mare pertinentes. (2) Hos igitur cunctos, exceptis Hyperboreis, initio facto ab Arimaspis, bellum constanter inferre finitimis : et ab Arimaspis quidem sedibus suis pelli Issedonas, ab Issedonibus vero Scythas ; Cimmerios vero, ad australe mare habitantes, pressos a Scythis, terram suam deseruisse. Ita ne huic quidem de hac regione convenit cum Scythis. | Aristeas however the son of Caÿstrobios, a man of Proconnesos, said in the verses which he composed, that he came to the land of the Issedonians being possessed by Phoebus, and that beyond the Issedonians dwelt Arimaspians, a one-eyed race, and beyond these the gold-guarding griffins, and beyond them the Hyperboreans extending as far as the sea: and all these except the Hyperboreans, beginning with the Arimaspians, were continually making war on their neighbors, and the Issedonians were gradually driven out of their country by the Arimaspians and the Scythians by the Issedonians, and so the Kimmerians, who dwelt on the Southern Sea, being pressed by the Scythians left their land. Thus neither does he agree in regard to this land with the report of the Scythians. |
| 4.14 | Quæ patria fuerit hujus Aristeæ, qui ista versibus descripsit, dictum est : commemorabo vero etiam id, quod de eodem in Proconneso et Cyzico narratum audivi. Aristeam, narrant, nulli civium nobilitate generis secundum, quum fullonis ingressus esset officinam in Proconneso, ibidem mortuum esse ; et fullonem, occlusa officina, ad propinquos mortui perrexisse, rem nuntiaturum. (2) Quumque jam rumor pervulgatus esset per urbem, mortuum esse Aristeam ; controversiam his qui id dicebant movisse civem Cyzicenum, ex Artaca oppido venientem, affirmantemque obviam se illi venisse Cyzicum versus eunti, cum eoque sermones miscuisse. (3) Dum hic ita cum contentione disceptat, interim propinquos mortui ad fullonis affuisse officinam, secum afferentes quæ usui essent ad tollendum mortuum : sed aperto conclavi, nec mortuum Aristeam, nec vivum, comparuisse. (4) Septimo vero post anno rursus Proconnesum venisse, et carmen illud composuisse, quod a Græcis nunc Arimaspea nominatur : id autem postquam composuerit, iterum e conspectu hominum evanuisse. Ista quidem narrant illæ civitates. | As to Aristeas who composed this, I have said already whence he was; and I will tell also the tale which I heard about him in Proconnesos and Kyzicos. They say that Aristeas, who was in birth inferior to none of the citizens, entered into a fuller’s shop in Proconnesos and there died; and the fuller closed his workshop and went away to report the matter to those who were related to the dead man. And when the news had been spread abroad about the city that Aristeas was dead, a man of Kyzicos who had come from the town of Artake entered into controversy with those who said so, and declared that he had met him going towards Kyzicos and had spoken with him: and while he was vehement in dispute, those who were related to the dead man came to the fuller’s shop with the things proper in order to take up the corpse for burial; and when the house was opened, Aristeas was not found there either dead or alive. In the seventh year after this he appeared at Proconnesos and composed those verses which are now called by the Hellenes the Arimaspeia, and having composed them he disappeared the second time. |
| 4.15 | Hoc vero scio Metapontinis in Italia accidisse, anno postquam iterum evanuerat Aristeas trecentesimo quadragesimo, quemadmodum conferendo quæ et Proconnesi et Metaponti narrentur reperi. (2) Ajunt Metapontini, Aristeam sibi sua in terra apparuisse, jussisseque ipsos aram statuere Apollini, et statuam juxta illam aram ponere, quæ nominaretur Aristeæ Proconnesii. Dixisse enim, in solam ipsorum, ex omnibus Italiotis, regionem venisse Apollinem ; et se, qui nunc Aristeas sit, illum esse comitatum ; fuisse autem tunc, quum illum sequeretur, corvum. (3) His dictis, illum evanuisse. Ajunt autem Metapontini, se Delphos misisse qui consulerent oraculum, quodnam illud esset hominis spectrum ; respondisseque Pythiam, ipsis parendum esse spectri mandatis ; id si fecissent, bene eis cessurum. Se igitur, accepto hoc responso, exsecutos esse mandata. (4) Atque nunc stat Metapontii in foro statua, quam Aristeæ statuam vocant, juxta ipsam Apollinis statuam collocata, et lauri arbores illam circumstant. Sed hæc de Aristea hactenus dicta sunto. | So much is told by these cities; and what follows I know happened to the people of Metapontion in Italy two hundred and forty years after the second disappearance of Aristeas, as I found by putting together the evidence at Proconnesos and Metapontion. The people of Metapontion say that Aristeas himself appeared in their land and bade them set up an altar of Apollo and place by its side a statue bearing the name of Aristeas of Proconnesos; for he told them that to their land alone of all the Italiotes Apollo had come, and he, who now was Aristeas, was accompanying him, being then a raven when he accompanied the god. Having said this he disappeared; and the Metapontines say that they sent to Delphi and asked the god what the apparition of the man meant: and the Pythian prophetess bade them obey the command of the apparition, and told them that if they obeyed, it would be the better for them. They therefore accepted this answer and performed the commands; and there stands a statue now bearing the name of Aristeas close by the side of the altar dedicated to Apollo, and round it stand laurel trees; and the altar is set up in the market-place. Let this suffice which has been said about Aristeas. |
| 4.16 | Regione ea, de qua hunc sermonem facere institui, quid sit superne ulterius, nemo accurate novit. Neminem quippe, qui suis id oculis conspexisse affirmaret, potui reperire : etenim ne Aristeas quidem, cujus modo mentionem feci, ne hic quidem ultra Issedonas pervenit, ut in carmine suo ipse profitetur ; sed, quæ de eis narrat qui supra hos habitant, ea fando accepta narravit, dicens Issedonas esse qui id tradant. Sed nos quidem, quoad longissime auditu cognoscere accurate potuimus, omnia referemus. | Now of the land about which this account has been begun, no one knows precisely what lies beyond it: for I am not able to hear of any one who alleges that he knows as an eye-witness; and even Aristeas, the man of whom I was making mention just now, even he, I say, did not allege, although he was composing verse, that he went further than the Issedonians; but that which is beyond them he spoke of by hearsay, and reported that it was the Issedonians who said these things. So far however as we were able to arrive at certainty by hearsay, carrying inquiries as far as possible, all this shall be told. |
| 4.17 | A Borysthenitarum emporio, quod in medio maxime universæ oræ maritimæ Scythiæ situm est ; ab hoc, inquam, primi Callippidæ habitant, qui sunt Græci Scythæ: tum super his alius populus, qui vocantur Alazōnes. (2) Hi atque Callippidæ in ceteris quidem Scytharum instituta sequuntur, frumentum vero et serunt et comedunt, itemque cepas et allium et lentem et milium. (3) Supra Alazones habitant Scythæ Aratores ; qui frumentum serunt, non in cibi usum, sed vendendi causa. (4) Super his Neuri habitant. A Neuris vero septentrionem versus deserta hominibus terra est, quoad nos novimus. Hi sunt populi juxta Hypanin fluvium, ab occidente Borysthenis. | Beginning with the trading station of the Borysthenites — for of the parts along the sea this is the central point of all Scythia — beginning with this, the first regions are occupied by the Callipidai, who are Hellenic Scythians; and above these is another race, who are called Alazones. These last and the Callipidai in all other respects have the same customs as the Scythians, but they both sow corn and use it as food, and also onions, leeks, lentils and millet. Above the Alazonians dwell Scythians who till the ground, and these sow their corn not for food but to sell. |
| 4.18 | Trans Borysthenem, prima mari regio Hylæa est. Ab hac proximi habitant Scythæ Agricolæ, quos Græci Hypanin fluvium accolentes Borysthenitas nominant, ipsi autem se Olbiopolitas. (2) Hi igitur Scythæ Agricolæ ad orientem Borysthenis habitant ad trium iter dierum, pertinentque usque ad fluvium cui nomen Panticapes ; versus septentrionem vero, undecim dierum iter adverso flumine navigantibus. (3) Jam supra hos longe lateque deserta regio est. Post desertum vero Androphagi habitant, proprius populus, neutiquam Scythicus. Supra hos vero jam verum desertum, nec ullus hominum populus, quoad novimus. | Beyond them dwell the Neuroi; and beyond the Neuroi towards the North Wind is a region without inhabitants, as far as we know. These races are along the river Hypanis to the West of the Borysthenes; but after crossing the Borysthenes, first from the sea-coast is Hylaia, and beyond this as one goes up the river dwell agricultural Scythians, whom the Hellenes who live upon the river Hypanis call Borysthenites, calling themselves at the same time citizens of Olbia. These agricultural Scythians occupy the region which extends Eastwards for a distance of three days’ journey, reaching to a river which is called Panticapes, and Northwards for a distance of eleven days’ sail up the Borysthenes. Then immediately beyond these begins the desert and extends for a great distance; and on the other side of the desert dwell the Androphagoi, a race apart by themselves and having no connection with the Scythians. Beyond them begins a region which is really desert and has no race of men in it, as far as we know. |
| 4.19 | Ab oriente vero Agricolarum istorum Scytharum, trans Panticapen fluvium, Nomades Scythæ degunt, qui neque serunt quidquam, nec arant : estque arboribus nuda universa hæc regio, excepta Hylæa. Nomades autem hi, orientem versus, terram tenent per quattuordecim dierum iter patentem ad Gerrhum usque fluvium. | The region which lies to the East of these agricultural Scythians, after one has crossed the river Panticapes, is occupied by nomad Scythians, who neither sow anything nor plough the earth; and this whole region is bare of trees except Hylaia. These nomads occupy a country which extends to the river Gerros, a distance of fourteen days’ journey Eastwards. |
| 4.20 | Trans Gerrhum hæc est quæ Regia terra vocatur, quam Scythæ nobilissimi tenent et numerosissimi, qui reliquos Scythas servos suos esse reputant. (2) Pertinentque hi, meridiem versus, ad Tauricam, versus orientem vero, ad fossam illam quam cæcorum filii duxerunt, et ad emporium Mæotidis paludis quod Cremni vocatur ; partim eorum etiam ad Tanain flumen. (3) Quæ supra Regios Scythas ad septentrionem vergunt, ea Melanchlæni tenent, diversæ stirpis populus, non Scythicus. Supra Melanchlænos vero, paludes sunt, et terra hominibus vacua, quantum nos quidem novimus. | Then on the other side of the Gerros we have those parts which are called the “Royal” lands and those Scythians who are the bravest and most numerous and who esteem the other Scythians their slaves. These reach Southwards to the Tauric land, and Eastwards to the trench which those who were begotten of the blind slaves dug, and to the trading station which is called Cremnoi upon the Maiotian lake; and some parts of their country reach to the river Tanaïs. Beyond the Royal Scythians towards the North Wind dwell the Melanchlainoi, of a different race and not Scythian. The region beyond the Melanchlainoi is marshy and not inhabited by any, so far as we know. |
| 4.21 | Trans Tanain fluvium non amplius Scythica terra, sed partium in quas illa regio divisa, prima est Sauromatarum ; qui ab intimo Mæotidis paludis recessu initium capientes, tenent, septentrionem versus, terram in quindecim dierum iter patentem, arboribus omnibus, tam cultis, quam agrestibus, nudam. Tum supra hos insequentem partem habitant Budini, terram tenentes arborum omni genere usquequaque frequentem. | After one has crossed the river Tanaïs the country is no longer Scythia, but the first of the divisions belongs to the Sauromatai, who beginning at the corner of the Maiotian lake occupy land extending towards the North Wind fifteen days’ journey, and wholly bare of trees both cultivated and wild. Above these, holding the next division of land, dwell the Budinoi, who occupy a land wholly overgrown with forest consisting of all kinds of trees. |
| 4.22 | Supra Budinos, versus septentrionem, primo desertum est, per quinque dierum iter : post desertum vero, magis orientem versus, Thyssagetæ habitant, numerosa gens et propria, venatione victitans. (2) His contigui eodem in tractu habitant qui Iyrcæ vocantur, et ipsi venatione victitantes tali modo : (3) arborem conscendit venator, ibique in insidiis latet ; frequentes autem per totam illam regionem arbores sunt : sub arbore præsto cuique venatori est equus in ventrem procumbere edoctus, quo quam minime e terra emineat, et juxta equum canis. Ubi ex arbore feram homo conspexit, arcu ferit, moxque illam conscenso equo persequitur, et canis inhæret vestigiis. (4) Supra hos rursus, si orientem versus declines, habitant alii Scythæ, qui ab Regiis Scythis defecerunt, et ea causa hæc in loca migrarunt. | Then beyond the Budinoi towards the North, first there is desert for seven days’ journey; and after the desert turning aside somewhat more towards the East Wind we come to land occupied by the Thyssagetai, a numerous people and of separate race from the others. These live by hunting; and bordering upon them there are settled also in these same regions men who are called Irycai, who also live by hunting, which they practise in the following manner — the hunter climbs up a tree and lies in wait there for his game (now trees are abundant in all this country), and each has a horse at hand, which has been taught to lie down upon its belly in order that it may make itself low, and also a dog: and when he sees the wild animal from the tree, he first shoots his arrow and then mounts upon his horse and pursues it, and the dog seizes hold of it. Above these in a direction towards the East dwell other Scythians, who have revolted from the Royal Scythians and so have come to this region. |
| 4.23 | Ad horum igitur usque Scytharum regionem universa quam descripsimus terra plana est et humilis : abinde vero petrosa et aspera. (2) Peragrato autem hujus asperæ terræ longo tractu, radices altorum montium habitant homines, qui narrantur inde a nativitate calvi esse omnes, mares pariter atque feminæ, et simo naso mentoque magno. Peculiari lingua utuntur, vestem autem gestant Scythicam, ceterum arborum fructu vitam sustentant. (3) Ponticum nomen arboris est, qua victitant, fici admodum magnitudine : fructum fert autem fabæ similem, nucleum intus habentem. Hunc fructum, postquam maturuit, pannis excolant ; et, quod ab eo defluit crassum et nigrum, quod aschy appellant, (4) id et lingunt, et lacte mixtum potant : e fæcum vero ejus crassitudine massas conficiunt, quibus item vescuntur. Pecorum enim non magna illis copia est, quippe pascua ibi parum sunt eximia. (5) Quilibet paterfamilias sub arbore habitat ; hieme quidem, arborem tegens tegmine e lana coactili ; æstate vero, absque tegmine. His hominibus nemo mortalium injuriam infert ; sacri enim habentur ; nec arma ulla bellica habent. (6) Iidem et finitimorum dirimunt controversias ; et, si quis patria profugiens ad hos confugit, a nemine læditur. Nomen his est Orgiempæi. | As far as the country of these Scythians the whole land which has been described is level plain and has a deep soil; but after this point it is stony and rugged. Then when one has passed through a great extent of this rugged country, there dwell in the skirts of lofty mountains men who are said to be all bald-headed from their birth, male and female equally, and who have flat noses and large chins and speak a language of their own, using the Scythian manner of dress, and living on the produce of trees. The tree on the fruit of which they live is called the Pontic tree, and it is about the size of a fig-tree: this bears a fruit the size of a bean, containing a stone. When the fruit has ripened, they strain it through cloths and there flows from it a thick black juice, and this juice which flows from it is called as-chy. This they either lick up or drink mixed with milk, and from its lees, that is the solid part, they make cakes and use them for food; for they have not many cattle, since the pastures there are by no means good. Each man has his dwelling under a tree, in winter covering the tree all round with close white felt-cloth, and in summer without it. These are injured by no men, for they are said to be sacred, and they possess no weapon of war. These are they also who decide the disputes rising among their neighbors; and besides this, whatever fugitive takes refuge with them is injured by no one: and they are called Argippaians. |
| 4.24 | Jam usque ad calvos hos satis cognita hæc terra est ; et, qui ante hos habitant populi, satis noti. Nam et Scytharum nonnulli ad illos commeant, e quibus haud ægre licet cognoscere, et Græcorum nonnulli e Borysthenis emporio et ex aliis Ponticis emporiis. Scythæ vero, qui ad illos commeant, per septem interpretes septemque linguas negotia sua peragunt. Ad hos igitur usque cognita terra est. | Now as far as these bald-headed men there is abundantly clear information about the land and about the nations on this side of them; for not only do certain of the Scythians go to them, from whom it is not difficult to get information, but also some of the Hellenes who are at the trading-station of the Borysthenes and the other trading-places of the Pontic coast: and those of the Scythians who go to them transact their business through seven interpreters and in seven different languages. So far as these, I say, the land is known. |
| 4.25 | Ultra calvos illos quinam habitent, liquido affirmare nemo potest : nam præalti præruptique montes, quos nemo transcendit, præcludunt iter. (2) Narrant autem calvi, quod mihi quidem non persuadetur, habitari illos montes ab hominibus capripedibus : tum ultra hos degere alios homines, qui per sex menses dormiant ; quod equidem nullo pacto admitto. (3) Quæ calvis ab oriente sita regio, eam quidem ab Issedonibus habitatam esse certis testimoniis cognitum est ; quæ vero supra hanc ad septentrionem vergit, cognita non est, nec calvis istis, nec Issedonibus, nisi quatenus hi ipsi narrant. | But concerning the region to the North of the bald-headed men no one can speak with certainty, for lofty and impassable mountains divide it off, and no one passes over them. However these bald-headed men say (though I do not believe it) that the mountains are inhabited by men with goats’ feet; and that after one has passed beyond these, others are found who sleep through six months of the year. This I do not admit at all as true. However, the country to the East of the bald-headed men is known with certainty, being inhabited by the Issedonians, but that which lies beyond both the bald-headed men and the Issedonians towards the North Wind is unknown, except so far as we know it from the accounts given by these nations which have just been mentioned. |
| 4.26 | Issedones autem hujusmodi uti institutis perhibentur. Quando cuipiam pater mortuus est, propinqui cuncti adducentes pecudes ad eum conveniunt : quibus mactatis et in frusta concisis, patrem etiam mortuum hospitis in frusta concidunt, mixtisque cunctis carnibus epulum exhibent. (2) Caput vero depilatum expurgatumque inaurant, eoque pro sacro utuntur, donario annua magna sacrificia peragentes. Hoc apud illos filius patri præstat, quemadmodum Græci diem, quo defunctus est pater, festum agunt. Ceterum hi quoque homines justi esse dicuntur : mulieres autem apud eos æquam cum viris potestatem habent. Igitur hi etiam noti sunt. | The Issedonians are said to have these customs — when a man’s father is dead, all the relations bring cattle to the house, and then having slain them and cut up the flesh, they cut up also the dead body of the father of their entertainer, and mixing all the flesh together they set forth a banquet. His skull however they strip of the flesh and clean it out and then gild it over, and after that they deal with it as a sacred thing and perform for the dead man great sacrifices every year. This each son does for his father, just as the Hellenes keep the day of memorial for the dead. In other respects however this race also is said to live righteously, and their women have equal rights with the men. |
| 4.27 | Quod vero ad regionem spectat supra hos sitam, Issedones sunt qui narrant, habitare ibi homines quos dixi unoculos, et Grypas auri custodes : et fabulam ab Issedonibus traditam repetunt Scythæ, nosque alii a Scythis accepimus, et nominamus scythico vocabulo Arimaspos ; arima enim Scythæ unum nominant, spu autem oculum. | These then also are known; but as to the region beyond them, it is the Issedonians who report that there are there one-eyed men and gold-guarding griffins; and the Scythians report this having received it from them, and from the Scythians we, that is the rest of mankind, have got our belief; and we call them in Scythian language Arimaspians, for the Scythians call the number one arima and the eye spu. |
| 4.28 | Universa autem hæc terra, quam descripsimus, adeo rigida premitur hieme, ut octo menses duret intolerabile gelu ; in quo si aquam in terram effundas, non facias lutum ; sed, ignem si accenderis, lutum facias. (2) Atque etiam mare constringitur glacie et totus Cimmerius Bosporus : et super ea glacie militant Scythæ illi qui intra fossam habitant [vid. c. 3.], et plaustris in ulteriora ad Sindos vehuntur. Ita solidos octo menses hiems durat, reliquosque quattuor ibidem frigus obtinet. (3) Est autem hujus hiemis indoles longe diversa ab eis quæ in ceteris regionibus omnibus obtinent : nam verno tempore nihil ibi pluit quo sit ullius momenti, æstate autem pluere non desinit : et, quando alibi tonitrua incidunt, ibi nulla sunt, æstate autem valde magna ; sin hieme cœlum tonat, pro miraculo solet haberi. Item terræ motus si exsistit in Scythica terra, sive æstate, sive hieme hoc eveniat, prodigii loco est. (4) Porro hiemem illam ferunt et tolerant equi ; asini vero et muli neutiquam tolerant : alibi contra equi in gelu stantes tabefiunt ; asini vero et muli tolerant gelu. | This whole land which has been described is so exceedingly severe in climate, that for eight months of the year there is frost so hard as to be intolerable; and during these if you pour out water you will not be able to make mud, but only if you kindle a fire can you make it; and the sea is frozen and the whole of the Kimmerian Bosphorus, so that the Scythians who are settled within the trench make expeditions and drive their waggons over into the country of the Sindians. Thus it continues to be winter for eight months, and even for the remaining four it is cold in those parts. This winter is distinguished in its character from all the winters which come in other parts of the world; for in it there is no rain to speak of at the usual season for rain, whereas in summer it rains continually; and thunder does not come at the time when it comes in other countries, but is very frequent, in the summer; and if thunder comes in winter, it is marvelled at as a prodigy: just so, if an earthquake happens, whether in summer or in winter, it is accounted a prodigy in Scythia. Horses are able to endure this winter, but neither mules nor asses can endure it at all, whereas in other countries horses if they stand in frost lose their limbs by mortification, while asses and mules endure it. |
| 4.29 | Videtur autem mihi eadem de causa ibidem boum generi mutilo cornua non enasci : astipulatusque sententiæ meæ illud etiam Homeri verbum in Odyssea, ubi ait:
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I think also that it is for this reason that the hornless breed of oxen in that country have no horns growing; and there is a verse of Homer in the Odyssey supporting my opinion, which runs this —
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| 4.30 | Ibi igitur propter frigiditatem res ita se habet. Atque hoc loco subit mirari (nam digressiones ab initio amavit mea narratio) quid sit quod in universo Eleo agro non possint muli nasci ; quum nec frigida sit illa regio, neque alia ulla appareat causa. (2) Ajunt quidem ipsi Elei, ex imprecatione quadam non nasci apud se mulos. Verum, quum adest tempus quo gravidæ fiunt equæ, ad finitimos eas agunt, et in alieno agro asinos ad eas admittunt, usque dum illæ conceperint ; deinde autem retro eas agunt. | In that land then this takes place on account of the cold; but (since my history proceeded from the first seeking occasions for digression) I feel wonder that in the whole land of Elis mules cannot be bred, though that region is not cold, nor is there any other evident cause. The Eleians themselves say that in consequence of some curse mules are not begotten in their land; but when the time approaches for the mares to conceive, they drive them out into the neighboring lands and there in the land of their neighbors they admit to them the he-asses until the mares are pregnant, and then they drive them back. |
| 4.31 | Quod vero ad plumas attinet, quibus plenum esse āërem Scythæ dicunt, ob eamque causam in ulteriora nec prospectum nec transitum patere, de his ego ita sentio : (2) in locis quæ sunt supra hanc (quam commemoravi) terram constanter nix cadit ; minus quidem frequens æstate, ut consentaneum est, quam hieme. Jam, qui copiosam cadentem nivem cominus vidit, is quid dicam novit. Similis est enim nix plumis : et propter hanc hiemem, quum sit talis qualem dixi, habitari non possunt loca hujus continentis ad septentrionem pertinentia. (3) Itaque plumas quas dicunt, propter similitudinem, nivem dici a Scythis eorumque finitimis arbitror. Atque hæc quidem, quæ de remotissimis terris narrantur, hactenus e nobis commemorata sunt. | As to the feathers of which the Scythians say that the air is full, and that by reason of them they are not able either to see or to pass through the further parts of the continent, the opinion which I have is this — in the parts beyond this land it snows continually, though less in summer than in winter, as might be supposed. Now whomsoever has seen close at hand snow falling thickly, knows what I mean without further explanation, for the snow is like feathers: and on account of this wintry weather, being such as I have said, the Northern parts of this continent are uninhabitable. I think therefore that by the feathers the Scythians and those who dwell near them mean symbolically the snow. This then which has been said goes to the furthest extent of the accounts given. |
| 4.32 | De Hyperboreis vero hominibus nec Scythæ loquuntur, nec alii ulli, qui istas regiones incolunt, nisi forsan Issedones. At ne hi quidem, ut mihi videtur, de illis quidquam memorant : alioqui enim Scythæ quoque de eisdem narrarent, quemadmodum de unoculis. (2) Sed Hesiodus de Hyperboreis locutus est, atque etiam Homerus in Epigonis, si modo vere auctor hujus carminis Homerus est. | About a Hyperborean people the Scythians report nothing, nor do any of those who dwell in this region, unless it be the Issedonians: but in my opinion neither do these report anything; for if they did the Scythians also would report it, as they do about the one-eyed people. Hesiod however has spoken of Hyperboreans, and so also has Homer in the poem of the “Epigonoi,” at least if Homer was really the composer of that Epic. |
| 4.33 | Longe vero plurima de his Delii narrant, dicentes, sacra stramini triticeo illigata, ex Hyperboreis delata, venire ad Scythas ; a Scythis vero accipere ea et deferre populum quemque deinceps habitantem versus occidentem, usque ad Adriaticum sinum : inde meridiem versus mitti, et primos e Græcis Dodonæos ea accipere ; ab his descendere ad sinum Meliensem, et in Eubœam transire, ibique de civitate ad civitatem mitti usque Carystum ; inde denique, prætermissa Andro insula, ab ipsis Carystiis in Tenum insulam, a Teniis tandem in Delum deferri. (2) Eo modo in Delum pervenire sacra ista dicunt. Primo autem Hyperboreos ajunt duas misisse virgines sacra hæc ferentes, quarum nomen Delii ajunt fuisse Hyperochen et Laodicen ; simulque cum his tutelæ causa comites misisse quinque viros de civibus suis deductores, hos qui nunc Perpherees vocantur : qui summos Deli honores obtinent. (3) Quum vero hi ab illis missi non reverterentur ad suos, graviter ferentes Hyperboreos, si forte semper futurum sit ipsis ut non recipiant quos miserint ; ea causa sacra illa triticeo stramini illigata non nisi ad fines suos pertulisse, finitimisque mandasse, ut sua e terra ad alium populum ea deferrent : (4) atque ita hæc gradatim missa, ajunt, Delum pervenire. Novi autem equidem simile quoddam hisce sacris sacrum peragi a Thracicis Pæonicisque mulieribus : hæ enim, quando Dianæ Reginæ sacrificium celebrant, non sine triticeo stramine sacra faciunt. Hoc illarum novi equidem institutum. | But much more about them is reported by the people of Delos than by any others. For these say that sacred offerings bound up in wheat straw are carried from the land of the Hyperboreans and come to the Scythians, and then from the Scythians the neighboring nations in succession receive them and convey them Westwards, finally as far as the Adriatic: thence they are sent forward towards the South, and the people of Dodona receive them first of all the Hellenes, and from these they come down to the Malian gulf and are passed over to Euboea, where city sends them on to city till they come to Carystos. After this Andros is left out, for the Carystians are those who bring them to Tenos, and the Tenians to Delos. Thus they say that these sacred offerings come to Delos; but at first, they say, the Hyperboreans sent two maidens bearing the sacred offerings, whose names, say the Delians, were Hyperoche and Laodike, and with them for their protection the Hyperboreans sent five men of their nation to attend them, those namely who are now called Perphereës and have great honors paid to them in Delos. Since however the Hyperboreans found that those who were sent away did not return back, they were troubled to think that it would always befall them to send out and not to receive back; and so they bore the offerings to the borders of their land bound up in wheat straw, and laid a charge upon their neighbors, bidding them send these forward from themselves to another nation. These things then, they say, come to Delos being thus sent forward; and I know of my own knowledge that a thing is done which has resemblance to these offerings, namely that the women of Thrace and Paionia, when they sacrifice to Artemis “the Queen,” do not make their offerings without wheat straw. |
| 4.34 | In honorem autem harum virginum Hyperborearum, quæ Deli mortuæ dicuntur, caput tondent et puellæ et pueri Deliorum ; et illæ quidem ante nuptias præcisum sibi cincinnum, et fuso circumvolutum, in earum sepulcro deponunt : (est autem sepulcrum illud in Dianæ templo, intranti ad sinistram ; in eoque nata est oliva arbor:) (2) pueri vero Deliorum herbis quibusdam capillos circumvolvunt, et hos pariter super sepulcro illo deponunt. Hunc honorem illæ a Deli incolis consequuntur. | These I know do as I have said; and for those maidens from the Hyperboreans, who died in Delos, both the girls and the boys of the Delians cut off their hair: the former before marriage cut off a lock and having wound it round a spindle lay it upon the tomb (now the tomb is on the left hand as one goes into the temple of Artemis, and over it grows an olive-tree), and all the boys of the Delians wind some of their hair about a green shoot of some tree, and they also place it upon the tomb. |
| 4.35 | Narrant autem iidem, Argen quoque atque Opin, virgines ex Hyperboreis, itinere per eosdem populos facto, in Delum venisse prius etiam quam Hyperochen et Laodicen : (2) et has quidem venisse tributi ferendi causa, quod Lucinæ pro maturato partu pactæ fuissent ; Argen vero et Opin simul cum ipsis diis ajunt advenisse, hisque alios honores a se esse tributos ; (3) his enim stipem corrogare mulieres nomina earum invocantes in hymno eo, quem ipsis Olen, vir Lycius, composuit ; et a se edoctos insulanos etiam et Ionas Opin et Argen carmine celebrare, nomen illarum invocantes, stipemque eisdem corrogantes : (idem vero Olen, qui e Lycia venit, alia etiam prisca carmina confecit, quæ Deli canuntur:) et cineres e femoribus in ara crematis omnes sepulcro Opis et Arges injici. Est autem illarum sepulcrum post Dianæ templum, orientem versus, proxime cœnaculum Ceorum. | The maidens, I say, have this honor paid them by the dwellers in Delos: and the same people say that Arge and Opis also, being maidens, came to Delos, passing from the Hyperboreans by the same nations which have been mentioned, even before Hyperoche and Laodike. These last, they say, came bearing for Eileithuia the tribute which they had laid upon themselves for the speedy birth, but Arge and Opis came with the divinities themselves, and other honors have been assigned to them by the people of Delos: for the women, they say, collect for them, naming them by their names in the hymn which Olen a man of Lykia composed in their honor; and both the natives of the other islands and the Ionians have learnt from them to sing hymns naming Opis and Arge and collecting — now this Olen came from Lukia and composed also the other ancient hymns which are sung in Delos — and moreover they say that when the thighs of the victim are consumed upon the altar, the ashes of them are used to cast upon the grave of Opis and Arge. Now their grave is behind the temple of Artemis, turned towards the East, close to the banqueting hall of the Keïeans. |
| 4.36 | Atque hæc quidem de Hyperboreis dicta sunto. Nam de Abaride fabulam, qui Hyperboreus fuisse perhibetur, taceo ; nec memoro quo pacto sagittam ille per universam terram circumtulerit, nihil cibi capiens. Quodsi vero sunt Hyperborei quidam homines, fuerint etiam alii Hypernotii. (2) Rideo autem quum multos jam video describentes terræ circuitus, neque quemquam ullum qui sana mente rem explicet : nam Oceanum illi describunt, quasi terram undique circumfluat, quam orbiculatam fingunt velut e torno ; et Asiam æqualem faciunt Europæ. Brevibus verbis igitur et magnitudinem utriusque harum terrarum declarabo, et qualis fere sit utriusque figura. | Let this suffice which has been said of the Hyperboreans; for the tale of Abaris, who is reported to have been a Hyperborean, I do not tell, namely how he carried the arrow about all over the earth, eating no food. If however there are any Hyperboreans, it follows that there are also Hypernotians; and I laugh when I see that, though many before this have drawn maps of the Earth, yet no one has set the matter forth in an intelligent way; seeing that they draw Ocean flowing round the Earth, which is circular exactly as if drawn with compasses, and they make Asia equal in size to Europe. In a few words I shall declare the size of each division and of what nature it is as regards outline. |
| 4.37 | Persæ suam regionem incolunt ad australe mare pertinentes, quod Rubrum vocatur. Supra hos, septentrionem versus, Medi habitant ; supra Medos Saspires ; supra Saspiras Colchi, ad boreale mare pertinentes, in quod Phasis fluvius influit. Hi quattuor populi ab altero mari habitant ad alterum. | The Persians inhabit Asia extending to the Southern Sea, which is called the Erythraian; and above these towards the North Wind dwell the Medes, and above the Medes the Saspeirians, and above the Saspeirians the Colchians, extending to the Northern Sea, into which the river Phasis runs. These four nations inhabit from sea to sea. |
| 4.38 | Inde ex eadem Asia, versus occidentem, duæ oræ porriguntur in mare, quas ego describam. (2) Altera ora, in boreali parte a Phasi incipiens, in mare excurrit secundum Pontum et Hellespontum, usque ad Troicum Sigeum : in parte meridionali, eadem ora initium capit a Myriandrico sinu, ad Phœnicen sito, et in mare porrigitur usque ad Triopium promontorium. (3) Hanc oram triginta incolunt hominum populi : et hæc quidem altera est earum quas dixi orarum. | From them Westwards two peninsulas stretch out from Asia into the sea, and these I will describe. The first peninsula on the one of its sides, that is the Northern, stretches along beginning from the Phasis and extending to the sea, going along the Pontus and the Hellespont as far as Sigeion in the land of Troy; and on the Southern side the same peninsula stretches from the Myriandrian gulf, which lies near Phenicia, in the direction of the sea as far as the headland Triopion; and in this peninsula dwell thirty races of men. |
| 4.39 | Altera vero ora, a Perside incipiens, in Rubrum mare porrigitur ; estque Persica, tum hanc excipiens Assyriaca, et post Assyriacam Arabica ora. Desinit autem hæc ora (non quidem vere desinens, sed solummodo ex usu loquendi) in sinum Arabium, in quem Darius fossam e Nilo duxit. (2) Jam a Perside usque ad Phœnicen lata et ampla regio est : a Phœnice vero hæc ora per mare nostrum (mediterraneum) secundum Syriam Palæstinam ad Ægyptum porrigitur, ubi desinit : hancque oram nonnisi tres incolunt populi. Hæ sunt Asiæ regiones Persis ab occidente sitæ. | This then is one of the peninsulas, and the other beginning from the land of the Persians stretches along to the Erythraian Sea, including Persia and next after it Assyria, and Arabia after Assyria: and this ends, or rather is commonly supposed to end, at the Arabian gulf, into which Dareios conducted a channel from the Nile. Now in the line stretching to Phenicia from the land of the Persians the land is broad and the space abundant, but after Phenicia this peninsula goes by the shore of our Sea along Palestine, Syria, and Egypt, where it ends; and in it there are three nations only. |
| 4.40 | Quæ vero ultra Persas et Medos Saspiresque et Colchos versus orientem solem spectant, secundum ea, ab altera parte (a meridie) Rubrum mare porrigitur, a septentrione vero Caspium mare et Araxes fluvius, qui contra solem orientem fluit. (2) Usque ad Indiam vero, non ultra, habitatur Asia : quæ inde versus orientem spectant, deserta regio est ; quæ qualis sit, nemo dicere potest. Talis igitur ac tanta Asia est. | These are the parts of Asia which tend towards the West from the Persian land; but as to those which lie beyond the Persians and Medes and Saspeirians and Colchians towards the East and the sunrising, on one side the Erythraian Sea runs along by them, and on the North both the Caspian Sea and the river Araxes, which flows towards the rising sun: and Asia is inhabited as far as the Indian land; but from this onwards towards the East it becomes desert, nor can any one say what manner of land it is. |
| 4.41 | Libya in altera earum, quas dixi, orarum est : est enim Libya Ægypto contigua. Jam ad Ægyptum quidem angusta hæc ora est : nam ab nostro mari ad mare Rubrum sunt centum milia orgyiarum, quæ mille admodum stadia conficiunt. Inde ab his vero angustiis valde spatiosa fit hæc ora, quæ Libya vocatur. | Such and so large is Asia: and Libya is included in the second peninsula; for after Egypt Libya succeeds at once. Now about Egypt this peninsula is narrow, for from our Sea to the Erythraian Sea is a distance there of ten myriads of fathoms, which would amount to a thousand furlongs; but after this narrow part, the portion of the peninsula which is called Libya is, as it chances, extremely broad. |
| 4.42 | Miror autem hos, qui universam terram in tres partes dividunt atque distinguunt, Libyam, Asiam, et Europam : nec enim exigua inter has est differentia. Nam longitudine quidem secundum utramque (Asiam et Africam) porrigitur Europa : quod vero ad latitudinem ejus attinet, ne potest quidem, quod mihi manifestum est recte, cum illis conferri. (2) Nam Africa quidem ipsa se declarat esse circumfluam, præter eam partem quæ Asiæ est contigua ; e quo primus, quem novimus, Neco rex Ægyptiorum rem demonstravit. Hic enim, postquam desiit fossam fodere, quæ e Nilo in sinum Arabium dirigebatur, viros Phœnices navibus emisit, dato mandato, ut per Herculeas columnas renavigarent in mare quod Libyæ a septentrione est, atque ita in Ægyptum reverterentur. (3) Igitur Phœnices, e Rubro mari profecti, per australe mare navigarunt : et, quando adveniebat autumnus, appulsis ad terram navibus, quamcunque ad Libyæ regionem tunc pervenissent, in ea sementem faciebant, messemque exspectabant : deinde, messo frumento, navibus ulterius pergebant. Ita, duobus elapsis annis, tertio anno, itinere per Herculeas columnas flexo, in Ægyptum pervenerunt. (4) Dixeruntque, quod mihi quidem non persuadetur, sed fortasse alii cuipiam, quum Libyam circumnavigarent, habuisse se solem a dextra. Hoc modo primum cognita Libya est. | I wonder then at those who have parted off and divided the world into Libya, Asia, and Europe, since the difference between these is not small; for in length Europe extends along by both, while in breadth it is clear to me that it is beyond comparison larger; for Libya furnishes proofs about itself that it is surrounded by sea, except so much of it as borders upon Asia; and this fact was shown by Necos king of the Egyptians first of all those about whom we have knowledge. He when he had ceased digging the channel which goes through from the Nile to the Arabian gulf, sent Phenicians with ships, bidding them sail and come back through the Pillars of Heracles to the Northern Sea and so to Egypt. The Phenicians therefore set forth from the Erythraian Sea and sailed through the Southern Sea; and when autumn came, they would put to shore and sow the land, wherever in Libya they might happen to be as they sailed, and then they waited for the harvest: and having reaped the corn they would sail on, so that after two years had elapsed, in the third year they turned through the Pillars of Heracles and arrived again in Egypt. And they reported a thing which I cannot believe, but another man may, namely that in sailing round Libya they had the sun on their right hand. |
| 4.43 | Post hos, Carthaginienses idem affirmant : nam Sataspes quidem, Teaspis filius, de Achæmenidarum stirpe, non circumnavigavit Libyam, quamquam ob id ipsum emissus : sed, quum longitudine itineris, tum solitudine territus, retrogressus est, neque laborem implevit a matre sibi injunctum. (2) Is filiæ Zopyri virgini vim intulerat, nepti Megabyzi : quam ob culpam quum in eo esset ut a Xerxe rege e palo suspenderetur, mater Sataspis, quæ soror erat Darii, deprecata est supplicium, ipsam se dicens graviorem ipso pœnam illi inflicturam ; imposituram quippe ei necessitatem circumnavigandi Libyam, donec ea circumnavigata in Arabium sinum pervenisset. (3) Quam in conditionem postquam Xerxes consensit, Sataspes in Ægyptum profectus, accepta ab Ægyptiis navi nautisque, ad Herculeas navigavit columnas : hisque transmissis, circumvectus Africæ promontorium, cui Solois nomen est, meridiem versus navigavit : et permultum maris pluribus mensibus emensus, quum major semper itineris pars conficienda superesset retro navigavit, in Ægyptumque est reversus. (4) E qua quum ad Xerxem regem rediisset, narravit, in remotissimis locis præter homines se navigasse statura minutos, veste e palmæ foliis utentes ; qui, quando ipsi navem ad terram appulissent, relictis oppidis in montes profugissent : se vero cum suis, oppida illorum ingressum, nulla injuria incolis inlata, pecora solummodo eorum abegisse. (5) Quod autem Libyam non penitus circumnavigasset, causam hanc esse aiebat : navem non potuisse ulterius progredi, sed fuisse inhibitam. Xerxes autem, persuasum sibi habens vera eum non dicere, quod impositum laborem non esset exsecutus, pristinam pœnam irrogavit et e palo suspendit. (6) Hujus Sataspis eunuchus, audita domini morte, propere Samum confugit, ingentes secum ferens pecunias, quas intervertit civis quidam Samius ; cujus nomen, cognitum mihi quidem, volens obliviscor. | Thus was this country first known to be what it is, and after this it is the Carthaginians who make report of it; for as to Sataspes the son of Teaspis the Achaimenid, he did not sail round Libya, though he was sent for this very purpose, but was struck with fear by the length of the voyage and the desolate nature of the land, and so returned back and did not accomplish the task which his mother laid upon him. For this man had outraged a daughter of Zopyros the son of Megabyzos, a virgin; and then when he was about to be impaled by order of king Xerxes for this offence, the mother of Sataspes, who was a sister of Dareios, entreated for his life, saying that she would herself lay upon him a greater penalty than Xerxes; for he should be compelled (she said) to sail round Libya, until in sailing round it he came to the Arabian gulf. So then Xerxes having agreed upon these terms, Sataspes went to Egypt, and obtaining a ship and sailors from the Egyptians, he sailed to the Pillars of Heracles; and having sailed through them and turned the point of Libya which is called the promontory of Soloeis, he sailed on towards the South. Then after he had passed over much sea in many months, as there was needed ever more and more voyaging, he turned about and sailed back again to Egypt: and having come from thence into the presence of king Xerxes, he reported saying that at the furthest point which he reached he was sailing by dwarfish people, who used clothing made from the palm-tree, and who, whenever they came to land with their ship, left their towns and fled away to the mountains: and they, he said, did no injury when they entered into the towns, but took food from them only. And the cause, he said, why he had not completely sailed round Libya was that the ship could not advance any further but stuck fast. Xerxes however did not believe that he was speaking the truth, and since he had not performed the appointed task, he impaled him, inflicting upon him the penalty pronounced before. A eunuch belonging to this Sataspes ran away to Samos as soon as he heard that his master was dead, carrying with him large sums of money; and of this a man of Samos took possession, whose name I know, but I purposely pass it over without mention. |
| 4.44 | Asiæ vero plurima pars (ante incognita) a Dario pervestigata est. Is quum cognoscere voluisset, ubinam Indus fluvius, unus post Nilum fluviorum omnium qui crocodilos alat, in mare se evolvat ; cum navibus quum alios misit, quos verum esse relaturos judicabat, tum Scylacem inprimis, civem Caryandensem. (2) Hi igitur e Caspatyro oppido et Pactyica regione profecti, secundo fluvio orientem solem versus in mare navigarunt : tum per mare occidentem versus navigantes, trigesimo mense eum in locum pervenerunt, unde rex Ægyptiorum Phœnices illos, de quibus supra dixi, emisit Libyam circumnavigaturos. (3) Confecta horum navigatione, Indos subegit Darius, et mari illo usus est. Atque ita Asiæ, præter eam partem quæ Indis ab oriente est, reliqua cognita sunt ; compertumque est, Asiam similia exhibere atque Africam. | Of Asia the greater part was explored by Dareios, who desiring to know of the river Indus, which is a second river producing crocodiles of all the rivers in the world — to know, I say, of this river where it runs out into the sea, sent with ships, besides others whom he trusted to speak the truth, Skylax also, a man of Caryanda. These starting from the city of Caspatyros and the land of Pactyïke, sailed down the river towards the East and the sunrising to the sea; and then sailing over the sea Westwards they came in the thirtieth month to that place from whence the king of the Egyptians had sent out the Phenicians of whom I spoke before, to sail round Libya. After these had made their voyage round the coast, Dareios both subdued the Indians and made use of this sea. Thus Asia also, excepting the parts of it which are towards the rising sun, has been found to be similar to Libya. |
| 4.45 | Europa autem a nemine plane cognita est ; neque compertum habemus an aut ab oriente aut a septentrione circumflua sit : illud novimus, longitudine secundum Libyam Asiamque esse illam porrectam. (2) Nec vero conjectura assequi possum, cur, quum una sit terra, tribus illa nominibus distinguatur, a mulierum nominibus desumptis, terminique eidem ponantur, Nilus fluvius Ægyptius, et Phasis Colchicus ; pro quo quidem alii Tanaim fluvium Mæoticum ponunt, et Cimmeria Porthmea : neque nomina potui comperire eorum qui hanc distributionem instituerunt, nec cur ista nomina his regionibus imposuerint. (3) Nam Libyam quidem plerique Græci ajunt a Libya, muliere indigena, nomen invenisse ; Asiam vero a cognomine uxoris Promethei. Ac nomen hoc sibi vindicant Lydi ; perhibentes, a Cotyis filio, Manis nepote, cui Asias nomen fuit, nominatam Asiam fuisse, non a Promethei uxore Asia : ab eodemque etiam Sardibus tribum Asiadem ducere nomen. (4) Sed Europa, quemadmodum, an circumflua sit, nulli hominum compertum est ; sic nec, unde hoc nomen acceperit, aut quis ei illud imposuerit, apparet ; nisi dicamus, a Tyria Europa nomen invenisse hanc regionem : tum vero antea carebat nomine, quemadmodum duæ reliquæ. (5) At hanc quidem ex Asia fuisse constat, neque in hanc terram, quam Europam Græci vocant, pervenisse : nec enim ultra Cretam e Phœnice pervenit, e Creta vero in Lyciam. Atque hæc hactenus dicta sunto : ceterum nos eisdem nominibus utemur, quæ sunt usu recepta. | As to Europe, however, it is clearly not known by any, either as regards the parts which are towards the rising sun or those towards the North, whether it be surrounded by sea: but in length it is known to stretch along by both the other divisions. And I am not able to understand for what reason it is that to the Earth, which is one, three different names are given derived from women, and why there were set as boundaries to divide it the river Nile of Egypt and the Phasis in Colchis (or as some say the Maiotian river Tanaïs and the Kimmerian ferry); nor can I learn who those persons were who made the boundaries, or for what reason they gave the names. Libya indeed is said by most of the Hellenes to have its name from Libya a woman of that country, and Asia from the wife of Prometheus: but this last name is claimed by the Lydians, who say that Asia has been called after Asias the son of Cotys the son of Manes, and not from Asia the wife of Prometheus; and from him too they say the Asian tribe in Sardis has its name. As to Europe however, it is neither known by any man whether it is surrounded by sea, nor does it appear whence it got this name or who he was who gave it, unless we shall say that the land received its name from Europa the Tyrian; and if so, it would appear that before this it was nameless like the rest. She however evidently belongs to Asia and did not come to this land which is now called by the Hellenes Europe, but only from Phenicia to Crete, and from Crete to Lykia. Let this suffice now which has been said about these matters; for we will adopt those which are commonly accepted of the accounts. |
| 4.46 | Pontus Euxinus, in quem Darius expeditionem suscepit, præ regionibus omnibus populos habet incultissimos, si Scythicam gentem excipias. Neque enim populum ullum ex his, qui citra Pontum habitant, possumus sapientiæ causa memorare, nec virum novimus qui eruditionis nomine claruerit, nisi Scythicum populum, et in hoc Anacharsin. (2) Scythica autem gens unum, quod maximum est in rebus humanis, præ ceteris omnibus, quos novimus, hominibus sapientissime invenit : cetera tamen ejusdem non laudo. (3) Maximum illud, quod dico, ita ab his inventum est, ut et nemo qui illos bello invaserit, effugere possit ; et ut ipsi, si nolint reperiri, a nemine possint deprehendi. Nam, qui nec oppida nec castella exstructa habent, sed, domos suas secum ferentes, sagittarii equites sunt cuncti, non aratro victitantes, sed pecoribus, domos suas plaustris circumvehentes ; quo pacto hi non essent invicti, atque etiam aditu perquam difficiles ? | Now the region of the Euxine upon which Dareios was preparing to march has, apart from the Scythian race, the most ignorant nations within it of all lands: for we can neither put forward any nation of those who dwell within the region of Pontus as eminent in ability, nor do we know of any man of learning having arisen there, apart from the Scythian nation and Anacharsis. By the Scythian race one thing which is the most important of all human things has been found out more cleverly than by any other men of whom we know; but in other respects I have no great admiration for them: and that most important thing which they have discovered is such that none can escape again who has come to attack them, and if they do not desire to be found, it is not possible to catch them: for they who have neither cities founded nor walls built, but all carry their houses with them and are mounted archers, living not by the plough but by cattle, and whose dwellings are upon cars, these assuredly are invincible and impossible to approach. |
| 4.47 | Est autem hoc ab illis inventum quum opportunitate terræ, tum fluviorum adjumento : est enim terra hæc plana, herbida, et irrigua ; fluviique illam perfluunt non multo pauciores numero, quam canales sunt in Ægypto. (2) Quorum fluviorum, qui et notabiliores sunt, et a mari annavigari possunt, eos recensebo. Sunt autem Ister, quinque ostiis patens, dein Tyras, et Hypanis, et Borysthenes, et Panticapes, et Hypacyris, et Gerrhus, et Tanais. Est autem horum cursus hujusmodi. | This they have found out, seeing that their land is suitable to it and at the same time the rivers are their allies: for first this land is plain land and is grassy and well watered, and then there are rivers flowing through it not much less in number than the channels in Egypt. Of these as many as are noteworthy and also can be navigated from the sea, I will name: there is Ister with five mouths, and after this Tyras, Hypanis, Borysthenes, Panticapes, Kypakyris, Gerros and Tanaïs. These flow as I shall now describe. |
| 4.48 | Ister, fluviorum omnium, quos novimus, maximus, semper sibi ipse æqualis fluit et æstate et hieme. Ab occasu venit, primusque est qui Scythicam alluit terram : ob id omnium maximus, quod alii multi in eum influunt. (2) Qui illum augent, hi sunt : primum quinque, qui Scythicam terram perfluunt : is quem Scythæ Porata, Græci vero Pyreton vocant ; tum deinde Tiarantus ; porro Ararus, et Naparis, et Ordessus. (3) Quem primo loco nominavi horum fluviorum, is magnus est, et ad orientem fluens aquam suam cum Istro miscet : secundo loco memoratus, Tiarantus, magis ab occidente, estque minor. Ararus vero et Naparis et Ordessus, medium inter hos cursum tenentes in Istrum influunt. (4) Hi sunt fluvii in ipsa Scythia oriundi, qui Istrum augent. Ex Agathyrsis autem decurrens Maris fluvius itidem cum Istro aquam suam miscet. | The Ister, which is the greatest of all the rivers which we know, flows always with equal volume in summer and winter alike. It is the first towards the West of all the Scythian rivers, and it has become the greatest of all rivers because other rivers flow into it. And these are they which make it great — five in number are those which flow through the Scythian land, namely that which the Scythians call Porata and the Hellenes Pyretos, and besides this, Tiarantos and Araros and Naparis and Ordessos. The first-mentioned of these is a great river lying towards the East, and there it joins waters with the Ister, the second Tiarantos is more to the West and smaller, and the Araros and Naparis and Ordessos flow into the Ister going between these two. These are the native Scythian rivers which join to swell its stream, while from the Agathyrsians flows the Maris and joins the Ister. |
| 4.49 | Tum ex Hæmi montis verticibus tres alii magni fluvii, septentrionem versus decurrentes, in eundem influunt : Atlas, Auras, et Tibisis : per Thraciam vero et Crobyzos Thracas fluentes Athrys et Noes et Artanes Istro miscentur : porro e Pæonia et monte Rhodope decurrens Scius fluvius, mediumque scindens Hæmum, in eundem Istrum influit. (2) Tum ex Illyriis versus septentrionem fluens Angrus fluvius in campum labitur Triballicum, atque inde in Brongum fluvium, Brongus vero in Istrum : ita ambos, jam satis magnos, excipit Ister. (3) E regione vero super Umbris sita oriens Carpis fluvius, et alius Alpis fluvius, versus septentrionem fluentes, in eundem se exonerant. (4) Universam enim Europam Ister perfluit, initium sumens e Celtis, qui populorum omnium Europæ extremi versus occidentem habitant post [præter ?] Cynetas : totamque Europam emensus, Scythiam a latere alluit. | And from the summits of Haimos flow three other great rivers towards the North Wind and fall into it, namely Atlas and Auras and Tibisis. Through Thrace and the Thracian Crobyzians flow the rivers Athrys and Noes and Artanes, running into the Ister; and from the Paionians and Mount Rhodope the river Kios, cutting through Haimos in the midst, runs into it also. From the Illyrians the river Angros flows Northwards and runs out into the Triballian plain and into the river Brongos, and the Brongos flows into the Ister; thus the Ister receives both these, being great rivers. From the region which is above the Ombricans, the river Carpis and another river, the Alpis, flow also towards the North Wind and run into it; for the Ister flows in fact through the whole of Europe, beginning in the land of the Keltoi, who after the Kynesians dwell furthest towards the sun-setting of all the peoples of Europe; and thus flowing through all Europe it falls into the sea by the side of Scythia. |
| 4.50 | His igitur, quos recensui, fluviis, aliisque præterea multis, aquam suam miscentibus, fluviorum maximus fit Ister. Nam si solius per se aquam cum Nili aqua conferas, copia illum superat Nilus : in hunc enim nullus alius fluvius, immo ne fontis quidem rivulus influit, qui eum augeat. (2) Quod vero constanter sibi ipse æqualis fluat Ister tam æstate quam hieme, id tali quadam e causa, ut mihi videtur, efficitur. Hieme tantus est fere, quantus est sua natura et paulo quidem major : nam parum admodum hieme pluit in hac regione ; nix maxime omnia obtinet. (3) Æstate vero liquefacta ingens nivis copia, quæ per hiemem cecidit, undique in Istrum dilabitur : et hæc proinde nix, simulque frequentes vehementesque imbres, in illum confluentes, augent fluvium : nam æstate ibidem pluit. (4) Quanto majorem itaque aquæ copiam sol æstate in se attrahit, quam hieme ; tanto copiosiores per æstatem, quam per hiemem, sunt aquæ quæ cum Istro miscentur. Quibus invicem oppositis, exsistit æquilibrium ; unde semper sibi par deprehenditur hic fluvius. | So then it is because these which have been named and many others join their waters together, that Ister becomes the greatest of rivers; since if we compare the single streams, the Nile is superior in volume of water; for into this no river or spring flows, to contribute to its volume. And the Ister flows at an equal level always both in summer and in winter for some such cause as this, as I suppose — in winter it is of the natural size, or becomes only a little larger than its nature, seeing that this land receives very little rain in winter, but constantly has snow; whereas in summer the snow which fell in the winter, in quantity abundant, melts and runs from all parts into the Ister. This snow of which I speak, running into the river helps to swell its volume, and with it also many and violent showers of rain, for it rains during the summer: and thus the waters which mingle with the Ister are more copious in summer than they are in winter by about as much as the water which the Sun draws to himself in summer exceeds that which he draws in winter; and by the setting of these things against one another there is produced a balance; so that the river is seen to be of equal volume always. |
| 4.51 | Primus igitur Scytharum fluvius est Ister : post hunc vero Tyras est. Is a septentrione progrediens, fluere incipit e magno lacu, quæ in confinibus est Scythicæ et Neuridis terræ. Ad ejus ostium autem habitant Græci, qui Tyritæ vocantur. | One, I say, of the rivers which the Scythians have is the Ister; and after it the Tyras, which starts from the North and begins its course from a large lake which is the boundary between the land of the Scythians and that of the Neuroi. At its mouth are settled those Hellenes who are called Tyritai. |
| 4.52 | Tertius fluvius, Hypanis, in ipsa Scythia oritur ; effluitque e lacu, circa quem feri equi pascuntur albi : nomen lacui merito inditum, Mater Hypanios. (2) Ex hoc igitur ortum capiens Hypanis, per quinque dierum navigationem brevis fluit, et dulcis adhuc : inde vero, ad quattuor dierum a mari navigationem, amarus admodum : influit enim in eum fons amarus, ita quidem amarus, ut, quamquam est exiguus, inficiat tamen sapore suo Hypanin, fluvium inter paucos [al. minores] magnum. (3) Est hic fons in confinibus terræ Scytharum Agricolarum et Alazonum : nomen fonti, et ipsi loco unde fluit, Scythica lingua Exampæus, Græcorum vero sermone Sacræ viæ. (4) Modico autem a se invicem intervallo fluunt Tyras et Hypanis in Alazonum regione : deinde vero cursum uterque inflectit, latius intervallum in medio relinquens. | The third river is the Hypanis, which starts from Scythia and flows from a great lake round which feed white wild horses; and this lake is rightly called “Mother of Hypanis.” From this then the river Hypanis takes its rise and for a distance of five days’ sail it flows shallow and with sweet water still; but from this point on towards the sea for four days’ sail it is very bitter, for there flows into it the water of a bitter spring, which is so exceedingly bitter that, small as it is, it changes the water of the Hypanis by mingling with it, though that is a river to which few are equal in greatness. This spring is on the border between the lands of the agricultural Scythians and of the Alazonians, and the name of the spring and of the place from which it flows is in Scythian Exampaios, and in the Hellenic tongue Hierai Hodoi. Now the Tyras and the Hypanis approach one another in their windings in the land of the Alazonians, but after this each turns off and widens the space between them as they flow. |
| 4.53 | Quartus fluvius Borysthenes est, maximus horum post Istrum, idemque commoda præbens plurima, secundum meam sententiam, non modo Scythicorum fluminum, sed et aliorum omnium, Nilo Ægyptio excepto : cum hoc enim conferri nullus fluvius potest ; (2) reliquorum vero omnium plurima commoda suppeditat Borysthenes. Præbet enim pascua pecoribus pulcherrima et optime curata : præbet pisces præ ceteris eximios et copiosissimos ; estque potatu dulcissimus ; fluit limpidus in vicinia turbidorum ; seges juxta eum fit optima ; et, ubi non seritur terra, ibi herba nascitur altissima ; (3) ad ostium ejus sal concrescit sponte, idque maxima copia ; et cete ibi præbet fluvius ingentia, eaque spinis carentia, quos antacæos vocant, ad condiendum sale ; denique alia multa miratu digna. (4) Usque ad locum, cui Gerrhus nomen, ad quem navigatio est quadraginta dierum, compertum est a septentrione fluere hunc amnem : ulterius vero per quos homines fluat, dicere nemo potest. Constat autem, per desertum fluere in Scytharum Agricolarum regionem : hi enim juxta illum ad decem dierum navigationem habitant. (5) Hujus unius fluvii atque Nili indicare fontes non possum : puto autem, nec ullum posse Græcorum. Ubi haud procul a mari fluit Borysthenes, ibi ei miscetur Hypanis, et in eundem lacum se exonerat. (6) Quod ibi inter utrumque fluvium interjacet veluti rostrum terræ, Hippolai promontorium vocatur, in quo Cereris templum exstructum : ultra id templum vero ad Hypanin Borysthenitæ habitant. | Fourth is the river Borysthenes, which is both the largest of these after the Ister, and also in our opinion the most serviceable not only of the Scythian rivers but also of all the rivers of the world besides, excepting only the Nile of Egypt, for to this it is not possible to compare any other river: of the rest however the Borysthenes is the most serviceable, seeing that it provides both pastures which are the fairest and the richest for cattle, and fish which are better by far and more numerous than those of any other river, and also it is the sweetest water to drink, and flows with clear stream, though others beside it are turbid, and along its banks crops are produced better than elsewhere, while in parts where it is not sown, grass grows deeper. Moreover at its mouth salt forms of itself in abundance, and it produces also huge fish without spines, which they call antacaioi, to be used for salting, and many other things also worthy of wonder. Now as far as the region of the Gerrians, to which it is a voyage of forty days, the Borysthenes is known as flowing from the North Wind; but above this none can tell through what nations it flows: it is certain however that it runs through desert to the land of the agricultural Scythians; for these Scythians dwell along its banks for a distance of ten days’ sail. Of this river alone and of the Nile I cannot tell where the sources are, nor, I think, can any of the Hellenes. When the Borysthenes comes near the sea in its course, the Hypanis mingles with it, running out into the same marsh; and the space between these two rivers, which is as it were a beak of land, is called the point of Hippoles, and in it is placed a temple of the Mother, and opposite the temple upon the river Hypanis are settled the Borysthenites. |
| 4.54 | Hæc sunt quæ de his fluviis memoranda habui. Post hos quintus est fluvius, cui nomen Panticapes. Etiam hic a septentrione fluit, et e lacu ortum capit ; interjectamque inter hunc et Borysthenem regionem incolunt Scythæ Agricolæ: deinde in Hylæam permeat, qua transmissa Borystheni miscetur. | This is that which has to do with these rivers; and after these there is a fifth river besides, called Panticapes. This also flows both from the North and from a lake, and in the space between this river and the Borysthenes dwell the agricultural Scythians: it runs out into the region of Hylaia, and having passed by this it mingles with the Borysthenes. |
| 4.55 | Sextus fluvius, Hypacyris, postquam e lacu exiit, et per medios Scythas Nomades fluxit, ostium habet prope Carcinitin oppidum, a dextra parte terminans Hylæam et Achilleum quod vocatur Curriculum. | Sixth comes the river Hypakyris, which starts from a lake, and flowing through the midst of the nomad Scythians runs out into the sea by the city of Carkinitis, skirting on its right bank the region of Hylaia and the so-called racecourse of Achilles. |
| 4.56 | Septimus fluvius, Gerrhus, a Borysthene separatur circa illam regionis partem, usque ad quam cognitus Borysthenes est ; ab hoc igitur inde loco distinctus, nomen habet idem quod loci nomen est, qui locus ipse Gerrhus nominatur. Versus mare fluens, disterminat Nomadum regionem a Regiorum Scytharum terra : influit autem in Hypacyrin. | Seventh is the Gerros, which parts off from the Borysthenes near about that part of the country where the Borysthenes ceases to be known — it parts off, I say, in this region and has the same name which this region itself has, namely Gerros; and as it flows to the sea it borders the country of the nomad and that of the Royal Scythians, and runs out into the Hypakyris. |
| 4.57 | Octavus fluvius Tanais, in superioribus regionibus e magno lacu ortus, influit in majorem lacum qui Mæotis vocatur et qui Regios Scythas a Sauromatis dividit. In hunc Tanain vero incidit fluvius cui nomen est Hyrgis. | The eighth is the river Tanaïs, which starts in its flow at first from a large lake, and runs out into a still larger lake called Maiotis, which is the boundary between the Royal Scythians and the Sauromatai. Into this Tanaïs falls another river, whose name is Hyrgis. |
| 4.58 | Ita igitur nobilissimis fluviis instructi Scythæ sunt. Herbæ autem, quæ in Scythica nascuntur terra, omnium quæ nobis innotuerunt maxime hanc vim habent, ut bilem pecoribus augeant : quod ita esse, ex apertis pecoribus colligere licet. | So many are the rivers of note with which the Scythians are provided: and for cattle the grass which comes up in the land of Scythia is the most productive of bile of any grass which we know; and that this is so you may judge when you open the bodies of the cattle. |
| 4.59 | Istis igitur maximis commodis quum abundent Scythæ, ceterum institutis utuntur hujusmodi. Deos solos placant hosce : Vestam quidem maxime ; insuper vero Jovem et Terram, existimantes Terram Jovis esse uxorem : post hos vero, Apollinem, et cœlestem Venerem, et Herculem, et Martem. (2) Hos igitur universi colunt Scythæ: Regii vero qui vocantur Scythæ Neptuno etiam sacra faciunt. Nominatur autem Scythico sermone Vesta quidem Tabiti ; Jupiter vero rectissime, mea quidem sententia, Papæus (quasi Pater) vocatur ; Terra vero, Apia ; Apollo, Œtosyrus ; cœlestis Venus, Artimpasa ; Neptunus, Thamimasadas. (3) Statuas vero et aras et templa erigere non habent in usu, nisi Marti : huic uni erigunt. | Thus abundant supply have they of that which is most important; and as for the rest their customs are as follows. The gods whom they propitiate by worship are these only — Hestia most of all, then Zeus and the Earth, supposing that Earth is the wife of Zeus, and after these Apollo, and Aphrodite Urania, and Heracles, and Ares. Of these all the Scythians have the worship established, and the so-called Royal Scythians sacrifice also to Poseidon. Now Hestia is called in Scythian Tabiti, and Zeus, being most rightly named in my opinion, is called Papaios, and Earth Api, and Apollo Oitosyros, and Aphrodite Urania is called Argimpasa, and Poseidon Thagimasidas. It is not their custom however to make images, altars or temples to any except Ares, but to him it is their custom to make them. |
| 4.60 | Sacrorum faciendorum in omnibus sacrificiis eadem est ratio Scythis omnibus ; quæ est hujusmodi : stat victima, anteriores pedes constrictos habens ; tum is qui sacra facit, pone stans, attrahit principium funis, atque ita prosternit pecus. Idem, dum cadit victima, deum illum invocat cui sacra facit : tum laquem cervici circumjicit, et insertum laqueo fustem circumagens, strangulat victimam, non igne incenso, non auspicatus, nulla libatione facta : sed postquam strangulavit victimam, excoriavitque, ad coquendum se confert. | They have all the same manner of sacrifice established for all their religious rites equally, and it is thus performed — the victim stands with its fore-feet tied, and the sacrificing priest stands behind the victim, and by pulling the end of the cord he throws the beast down; and as the victim falls, he calls upon the god to whom he is sacrificing, and then at once throws a noose round its neck, and putting a small stick into it he turns it round and so strangles the animal, without either lighting a fire or making any first offering from the victim or pouring any libation over it: and when he has strangled it and flayed off the skin, he proceeds to boil it. |
| 4.61 | Quum autem ligno admodum careat Scythica terra, coquendarum carnium hujusmodi ratio ab illis inventa est : (2) Postquam excoriarunt victimas, ossa carnibus nudant, tum, si forte ad manus sunt lebetes, quales in illa terra conficiuntur, Lesbiis crateribus fere similes, nisi quod multo majores ; in hos injiciunt carnes, easque succensis inferne pecorum ossibus elixant : (3) quodsi non adest illis lebes, tum vero carnes omnes in alvum victimæ injiciunt, aquamque admiscent, atque ita ossa infra succendunt. Optime autem ardent ossa ; et alvus victimæ facile capit carnes ossibus nudatas. Atque ita bos, aut aliud quodlibet pecus, se ipsum elixat. (4) Postquam elixæ sunt carnes, tunc is qui sacrum facit, carnium et viscerum prosicias deo oblatas ante se projicit. Immolant autem et cetera armenta ac pecora, sed maxime equos. | Now as the land of Scythia is exceedingly ill wooded, this contrivance has been invented for the boiling of the flesh — having flayed the victims, they strip the flesh off the bones and then put it into caldrons, if they happen to have any, of native make, which very much resemble Lesbian mixing-bowls except that they are much larger — into these they put the flesh and boil it by lighting under it the bones of the victim: if however thy have not at hand the caldron, they put all the flesh into the stomachs of the victims and adding water they light the bones under them; and these blaze up beautifully, and the stomachs easily hold the flesh when it has been stripped off the bones: thus an ox is made to boil itself, and the other kinds of victims each boil themselves also. Then when the flesh is boiled, the sacrificer takes a first offering of the flesh and of the vital organs and casts it in front of him. And they sacrifice various kinds of cattle, but especially horses. |
| 4.62 | Ceteris igitur diis Scythæ ita, ut dixi, sacrificant, et hæc pecora immolant. Marti vero sacra in hunc modum instituunt. In singulis præfecturis, quo loco convenire solent magistratus, ibi Martis templum ipsis erectum est hujusmodi : (2) congeruntur sarmentorum fasces, e quibus fit cumulus in longitudinem latitudinemque trium fere stadiorum ; altitudo quidem minor. Super hoc cumulo fit planities quadrata, cujus tria latera abrupta sunt, ab uno quarto latere patet ascensus. (3) Quotannis centum et quinquaginta plaustra sarmentorum accumulant : illa enim per vim tempestatum subsidunt. Super quoque horum tumulorum erigitur vetustus acinaces ferreus, estque hoc Martis simulacrum ; (4) eidemque acinaci quotannis offerunt victimas pecorum et equorum : atque his ipsis (acinacibus) plures victimas immolant, quam reliquis diis. Quos captivos faciunt ex hostibus, ex eorum numero centesimum quemque virum mactant ; non eodem modo quo pecora, sed diverso. (5) Postquam vinum super capita hominum profuderunt, jugulant eos super vase : deinde sanguinem sursum in sarmentorum tumulum portant, et super acinace effundunt. Dum superne hunc sanguinem gestant, infra juxta templum hæc faciunt : (6) jugulatorum hominum dextros lacertos omnes, cum manibus præcisos, in āërem projiciunt : et deinde, quum reliquarum victimarum sacrificium peregere, abeunt. Quocunque cecidit manus, ibi jacet ; et seorsum cadaver. | To the others of the gods they sacrifice thus and these kinds of beasts, but to Ares as follows — In each district of the several governments they have a temple of Ares set up in this way — bundles of brushwood are heaped up for about three furlongs in length and in breadth, but less in height; and on the top of this there is a level square made, and three of the sides rise sheer but by the remaining one side the pile may be ascended. Every year they pile on a hundred and fifty waggon-loads of brushwood, for it is constantly settling down by reason of the weather. Upon this pile of which I speak each people has an ancient iron sword set up, and this is the sacred symbol of Ares. To this sword they bring yearly offerings of cattle and of horses; and they have the following sacrifice in addition, beyond what they make to the other gods, that is to say, of all the enemies whom they take captive in war they sacrifice one man in every hundred, not in the same manner as they sacrifice cattle, but in a different manner: for they first pour wine over their heads, and after that they cut the throats of the men, so that the blood runs into a bowl; and then they carry this up to the top of the pile of brushwood and pour the blood over the sword. This, I say, they carry up; and meanwhile below by the side of the temple they are doing thus — they cut off all the right arms of the slaughtered men with the hands and throw them up into the air, and then when they have finished offering the other victims, they go away; and the arm lies wheresoever it has chanced to fall, and the corpse apart from it. |
| 4.63 | Hæc est apud eos sacrificiorum ratio. Suibus autem nullo modo utuntur, omninoque eas alere sua in terra nolunt. | Such are the sacrifices which are established among them; but of swine these make no use, nor indeed are they wont to keep them at all in their land. |
| 4.64 | Institutis ad bellum spectantibus utuntur hujusmodi : quem primum ex hostibus prostravit vir Scytha, ejus potat sanguinem. Quotquot in prœlio interfecit, horum capita ad regem perfert : allato enim capite, fit prædæ particeps quam fecerunt ; non allato vero, partem nullam capit. (2) Caput autem pelle nudat hoc modo : in orbem circumcidit cutim circa aures ; dein prehensam excutit de capite : tum, postquam carnem costa bovilla detersit, subigit pellem manibus ; atque ita mollita utitur tanquam mantili, et e freno equi, quo vehitur, suspendit gloriaturque. Nam qui plurima mantilia ex hostium pellibus habet, is fortissimus vir censetur. (3) Multi eorum etiam e detractis hisce pellibus lænas, quas induant, conficiunt, consarcinantes illas in modum coriaceæ vestis pastoritiæ. Multi item dextras manus occisorum hostium cum ipsis unguibus excoriant, et ex hujusmodi pellibus opercula conficiunt pharetrarum. (4) Est autem pellis humana et spissa et candida, ita quidem, ut, candoris splendore omnia propemodum coria alia superet. Multi etiam totos homines excoriant, et super lignis extentos in equis circumvehunt. Hæc ita apud illos usu recepta sunt. | That which relates to war is thus ordered with them — When a Scythian has slain his first man, he drinks some of his blood: and of all those whom he slays in the battle he bears the heads to the king; for if he has brought a head he shares in the spoil which they have taken, but otherwise not. And he takes off the skin of the head by cutting it round about the ears and then taking hold of the scalp and shaking it off; afterwards he scrapes off the flesh with the rib of an ox, and works the skin about with his hands; and when he has thus tempered it, he keeps it as a napkin to wipe the hands upon, and hangs it from the bridle of the horse on which he himself rides, and takes pride in it; for whosoever has the greatest number of skins to wipe the hands upon, he is judged to be the bravest man. Many also make cloaks to wear of the skins stripped off, sewing them together like shepherds’ cloaks of skins; and many take the skin together with the finger-nails off the right hands of their enemies when they are dead, and make them into covers for their quivers: now human skin it seems is both thick and glossy in appearance, more brilliantly white than any other skin. Many also take the skins off the whole bodies of men and stretch them on pieces of wood and carry them about on their horses. |
| 4.65 | Ipsis autem capitibus, non utique omnium, sed inimicissimorum, hocce faciunt : quod infra supercilia est, id totum serra abscindunt ; et expurgato cranio, si pauper homo est, nonnisi extrinsecus corium superinducit bovinum, et sic utitur pro poculo : sin dives est, bovinum quidem pariter superinducit corium, intus vero cranium deaurat, atque ita pro poculo utitur. (2) Faciunt idem etiam familiaribus, quando inter ipsos orta discordia est, atque regis judicio alter alteri in potestatem est traditus. Quodsi cui deinde advenit hospes, cujus rationem quampiam habet, huic ille hæc capita profert, memorans fuisse hos olim sibi familiares, deinde bellum sibi intulisse ; se vero eis discessisse superiorem. Hæc tanquam fortia facta narrant. | Such are their established customs about these things; and to the skulls themselves, not of all but of their greatest enemies, they do thus — the man saws off all below the eyebrows and clears out the inside; and if he is a poor man he only stretches ox-hide round it and then makes use of it; but if he be rich, besides stretching the ox-hide he gilds it over within, and makes use of it as a drinking-cup. They do this also if any of their own family have been at variance with them and the man gets the better of his adversary in trial before the king; and when strangers come to him whom he highly esteems, he sets these skulls before them, and adds the comment that they being of his own family had made war against him, and that he had got the better of them; and this they hold to be a proof of manly virtue. |
| 4.66 | Semel quotannis quisque præfectus in sua præfectura vini craterem miscet, de quo bibunt Scythæ omnes quotquot sunt qui hostes interfecerunt : qui nihil tale ediderunt, hi vinum hoc non gustant, sed seorsum sine honore sedent : idque apud illos maxima ignominia habetur. Qui vero magnum quemdam hominum occiderunt numerum, hi bina singuli pocula habentes, ex utroque bibunt. | Once every year each ruler of a district mixes in his own district a bowl of wine, from which those of the Scythians drink by whom enemies have been slain; but those by whom this has not been done do not taste of the wine, but sit apart dishonored; and this is the greatest of all disgraces among them: but those of them who have slain a very great number of men, drink with two cups together at the same time. |
| 4.67 | Vatum apud Scythas ingens numerus est ; qui salignis virgis divinant hoc modo : magnos secum ferunt baculorum fasces ; hos humi positos dissolvunt, et singulis baculis separatim positis divinant : dumque divinationem edunt, rursus convolvunt baculos, iterumque singulos componunt. (2) Hæc divinandi ratio illis a majoribus tradita est. Enarees vero, semiviri illi, Venerem sibi dedisse ajunt divinandi artem. Hi interiore tiliæ cortice vaticinantur. Tiliam trifariam scissam digitis suis implicat vates, rursusque solvens vaticinatur. | Diviners there are many among the Scythians, and they divine with a number of willow rods in the following manner — they bring large bundles of rods, and having laid them on the ground they unroll them, and setting each rod by itself apart they prophesy; and while speaking thus, they roll the rods together again, and after that they place them in order a second time one by one. This manner of divination they have from their fathers: but the Enareës or “man-women” say that Aphrodite gave them the gift of divination, and they divine accordingly with the bark of the linden-tree. Having divided the linden-bark into three strips, the man twists them together in his fingers and untwists them again, and as he does this he utters the oracle. |
| 4.68 | Quando morbo laborat rex Scytharum, vocat ad se e vatibus tres viros præ ceteris probatos, qui prædicto modo divinant : et dicunt hi plerumque, hunc aut illum civem, quem nominatim designant, regios Lares pejerasse. (2) Moris est autem apud Scythas, quando maximum interponere jusjurandum volunt, ut per regios Lares jurent. (3) Protinus igitur ille homo, quem hi pejerasse dicunt, corripitur adduciturque : et in medio stantem arguunt vates, per divinationem compertum esse, pejerasse illum regios Lares, eaque causa ægrotare regem. Tum ille negat factum, contenditque se non pejerasse, et lamentatur. (4) Quo infitiante, duplum numerum aliorum vatum rex arcessit : qui si et ipsi, sortibus inspectis, eundem perjurii arguunt, e vestigio priores vates caput hominis præcidunt, bonaque ejus inter se dividunt. Quod si hi, qui supervenerunt, vates illum absolvunt, alii assunt, iterumque alii : quorum si major numerus absolvit hominem, tum decretum est, ut primi illi e vatibus ipsi morte plectantur. | When the king of the Scythians is sick, he sends for three of the diviners, namely those who are most in repute, who divine in the manner which has been said: and these say for the most part something like this, namely that so and so has sworn falsely by the hearth of the king, and they name one of the citizens, whosoever it may happen to be: now it is the prevailing custom of the Scythians to swear by the hearth of the king at the times when they desire to swear the most solemn oath. He then who they say has sworn falsely, is brought forthwith held fast on both sides; and when he has come the diviners charge him with this, that he is shown by their divination to have sworn falsely by the hearth of the king, and that for this reason the king is suffering pain: and he denies and says that he did not swear falsely, and complains indignantly: and when he denies it, the king sends for other diviners twice as many in number, and if these also by looking into their divination pronounce him guilty of having sworn falsely, at once they cut off the man’s head, and the diviners who came first part his goods among them by lot; but if the diviners who came in afterwards acquit him, other diviners come in, and again others after them. If then the greater number acquit the man, the sentence is that the first diviners shall themselves be put to death. |
| 4.69 | Supplicium autem de illis sumunt hoc modo : plaustrum replent sarmentis, bovesque jungunt ; tum compedibus vinctos vates, manibus in tergum religatis, oreque obstructo, in media sarmenta infulciunt ; et igne sarmentis subjecto territant agitantque boves. (2) Et multi quidem boves simul cum vatibus igne absumuntur ; multi vero ambusti, cremato temone, aufugiunt. Eodem modo etiam alias ob culpas comburunt vates, falsos vates appellantes. (3) Quos vero interficit rex, eorum ne liberis quidem parcit, sed mares omnes occidit ; solæ feminæ illæsæ abeunt. | They put them to death accordingly in the following manner — first they fill a waggon with brushwood and yoke oxen to it; then having bound the feet of the diviners and tied their hands behind them and stopped their mouths with gags, they fasten them down in the middle of the brushwood, and having set fire to it they scare the oxen and let them go: and often the oxen are burnt to death together with the diviners, and often they escape after being scorched, when the pole to which they are fastened has been burnt: and they burn the diviners in the manner described for other causes also, calling them false prophets. Now when the king puts any to death, he does not leave alive their sons either, but he puts to death all the males, not doing any hurt to the females. |
| 4.70 | Fœdus quando feriunt cum aliis Scythæ, hoc ritu utuntur : postquam grande in poculum fictile infuderunt vinum, subula percutiunt aut cultello incidunt corporis aliquam partem eorum qui fœdus faciunt, eorumque sanguinem cum vino miscent : deinde in calicem intingunt acinacem, sagittas, sagarin, et jaculum. His peractis, multa apprecantur ; ac deinde calicem ebibunt et hi ipsi, qui fœdus faciunt, et e comitibus hi qui præ aliis dignitate eminent. | In the following manner the Scythians make oaths to whomsoever they make them — they pour wine into a great earthenware cup and mingle with it blood of those who are taking the oath to one another, either making a prick with an awl or cutting with a dagger a little way into their body, and then they dip into the cup a sword and arrows and a battle-axe and a javelin; and having done this, they invoke many curses on the breaker of the oath, and afterwards they drink it off, both they who are making the oath and the most honorable of their company. |
| 4.71 | Sepulcra regum in Gerrhis sunt, eo loco quousque adverso Borysthene navigari potest. Ibi, quando rex Scytharum e vivis decessit, ingentem fossam fodiunt quadratam. Qua perfecta, corpore incerato, alvo primum incisa et expurgata, dein cypero odorato minutim conciso et suffimento et apii semine et anetho repleta, rursusque consuta, sumunt cadaver, et plaustro ad alium populum devehunt. (2) Tum hi, ad quos ita devectum pervenit cadaver, idem faciunt quod Regii Scythæ: partem auris sibi amputant, capillos tondent, brachia circumcirca incidunt, frontem nasumque fodicant, et per sinistram manum sagittas transfigunt. (3) Tum ex hac regione ad alium populum, cui imperant, cadaver regis plaustro devehunt ; et hi, ad quos illud primum pervenit, sequuntur. Postquam per omnes Scythiæ populos pervexerunt cadaver, jam in Gerrhis sunt, qui extremi habitant eorum quibus imperant populorum, ubi est sepulturæ locus. (4) Ibi tum cadaver, toro impositum, in sepulcro deponunt ; et hastis utrimque circa cadaver defixis, superne ligna intendunt, ac deinde cratibus contegunt. In reliquo vero sepulcri spatio unam e pellicibus strangulatam sepeliunt, et pincernam, et coquum, et equisonem, et ministrum, et internuntium, et equos, et aliorum primitias, et phialas aureas : argento enim et ære non utuntur. (5) His rebus peractis, humum certatim aggerunt, magnumque studium adhibent ut tumulum erigant quam maximum. | The burial-place of the kings is in the land of the Gerrians, the place up to which the Borysthenes is navigable. In this place, when their king has died, they make a large square excavation in the earth; and when they have made this ready, they take up the corpse (the body being covered over with wax and the belly ripped up and cleansed, and then sewn together again, after it has been filled with kyperos cut up and spices and parsley-seed and anise), and they convey it in a waggon to another nation. Then those who receive the corpse thus conveyed to them do the same as the Royal Scythians, that is they cut off a part of their ear and shave their hair round about and cut themselves all over the arms and tear their forehead and nose and pass arrows through their left hand. Thence they convey in the waggon the corpse of the king to another of the nations over whom they rule; and they to whom they came before accompany them: and when they have gone round to all conveying the corpse, then they are in the land of the Gerrians, who have their settlements furthest away of all the nations over whom they rule, and they have reached the spot where the burial place is. After that, having placed the corpse in the tomb upon a bed of leaves, they stick spears along on this side and that of the corpse and stretch pieces of wood over them, and then they cover the place in with matting. Then they strangle and bury in the remaining space of the tomb one of the king’s mistresses, his cup-bearer, his cook, his horse-keeper, his attendant, and his bearer of messages, and also horses, and a first portion of all things else, and cups of gold; for silver they do not use at all, nor yet bronze. Having thus done they all join together to pile up a great mound, vying with one another and zealously endeavoring to make it as large as possible. |
| 4.72 | Circumacto anno, hocce agunt : e reliquis regis famulis (sunt autem hi Scythæ indigenæ: nam famulantur regi quoscunque ille jussit ; nec habent servos ære emptos), e reliquis igitur hisce famulis quinquaginta maxime idoneos, et totidem numero equos præstantissimos, strangulant ; quos, exemptis intestinis, expurgataque alvo, paleis implent et sutura claudunt : (2) tum dimidiatum rotæ circulum super duobus lignis supinum statuunt, et alterum rotæ dimidium super aliis duobus lignis ; eodemque modo multa defigunt ; deinde equos, quorum per corpora secundum longitudinem usque ad colla trajecta sunt ligna spissa, super istis dimidiatis circulis collocant ita, (3) ut anteriores semicirculi humeros equorum, posteriores ventrem prope femora sustineant, crura vero utrimque suspensa hæreant. (4) Denique frena et habenas equis injiciunt, habenasque antrorsum tensas palis alligant. (5) Postremo quinquaginta strangulatorum juvenum quemque equo imponunt ; idque faciunt ligno recta per corpus secundum spinam dorsi usque ad cervicem transfixo, cujus ligni pars inferior eminens inseritur foramini, quod est in altero ligno per equi corpus transjecto. (6) Hujusmodi equites postquam circa monumentum in orbem constituerunt, discedunt. | Afterwards, when the year comes round again, they do as follows — they take the most capable of the remaining servants — and these are native Scythians, for those serve him whom the king himself commands to do so, and his servants are not bought for money — of these attendants then they strangle fifty and also fifty of the finest horses; and when they have taken out their bowels and cleansed the belly, they fill it with chaff and sew it together again. Then they set the half of a wheel upon two stakes with the hollow side upwards, and the other half of the wheel upon other two stakes, and in this manner they fix a number of these; and after this they run thick stakes through the length of the horses as far as the necks, and they mount them upon the wheels; and the front pieces of wheel support the shoulders of the horses, while those behind bear up their bellies, going by the side of the thighs; and both front and hind legs hang in the air. On the horses they put bridles and bits, and stretch the bridles tight in front of them and then tie them up to pegs: and of the fifty young men who have been strangled they mount each one upon his horse, having first run a straight stake through each body along by the spine up to the neck; and a part of this stake projects below, which they fasten into a socket made in the other stake that runs through the horse. Having set horsemen such as I have described in a circle round the tomb, they then ride away. |
| 4.73 | Tali igitur ratione reges sepeliunt. Reliquos autem Scythas, quum decesserunt, circumvehunt cognatione proximi, plaustris impositos, ad amicos. Et horum quisque lauto epulo excipit comitantes, mortuoque eadem omnia apponit quæ ceteris. (2) Per quadraginta dies ita circumvehuntur privati, deinde sepeliuntur. Postquam mortuum sepeliverunt Scythæ, hoc modo lustrantur : (3) postquam caput smegmate terserunt, et gnaviter lavarunt, corpori faciunt hocce : tria ligna statuunt versus se invicem inclinata ; circum hæc laneos pileos prætendunt ; quos ubi quam arctissime inter se junxerunt, in suppositum in medio lignorum pileorumque alveolum lapides conjiciunt igne candentes. | Thus they bury their kings; but as for the other Scythians, when they die their nearest relations carry them round laid in waggons to their friends in succession; and of them each one when he receives the body entertains those who accompany it, and before the corpse they serve up of all things about the same quantity as before the others. Thus private persons are carried about for forty days, and then they are buried: and after burying them the Scythians cleanse themselves in the following way — they soap their heads and wash them well, and then, for their body, they set up three stakes leaning towards one another and about them they stretch woollen felt coverings, and when they have closed them as much as possible they throw stones heated red-hot into a basin placed in the middle of the stakes and the felt coverings. |
| 4.74 | Nascitur autem in hac terra cannabis, lino simillima, si crassitiem et magnitudinem excipias, quibus quippe cannabis longe superat linum. (2) Et sponte hæc nascitur, et sata : ex eaque Thraces vestimenta etiam conficiunt, lineis simillima ; quæ, nisi quis admodum sit usu peritus, non dignoscat e linone sint, an e cannabi : qui vero cannabin nunquam vidit, lineum esse vestimentum putabit. | Now they have hemp growing in their land, which is very like flax except in thickness and in height, for in these respects the hemp is much superior. This grows both of itself and with cultivation; and of it the Thracians even make garments, which are very like those made of flaxen thread, so that he who was not specially conversant with it would not be able to decide whether the garments were of flax or of hemp; and he who had not before seen stuff woven of hemp would suppose that the garment was made of flax. |
| 4.75 | Hujus igitur cannabis semen sumunt Scythæ, et, postquam sub pileos subierunt, semen hoc lapidibus igne candentibus injiciunt : quod dum ita adoletur, vaporem diffundit tantum, ut Græcanica nulla assa desudatio eum superet : (2) et Scythæ, delectati hac desudatione, ululatum tollunt : estque hoc illis balnei loco ; nam aqua omnino non lavant corpus. (3) Mulieres vero eorum in aspero lapide, affusa aqua, conterunt ligni frusta cypressi, cedri, et thuriferæ arboris : deinde isto detrito, quod crassum est, oblinunt totum corpus atque faciem. Id eis simul suavem conciliat odorem ; simulque, postquam postridie abstulerunt hoc cataplasma, mundæ sunt et nitidæ. | The Scythians then take the seed of this hemp and creep under the felt coverings, and then they throw the seed upon the stones which have been heated red-hot: and it burns like incense and produces a vapor so thick that no vapor-bath in Hellas would surpass it: and the Scythians being delighted with the vapor-bath howl like wolves. This is to them instead of washing, for in fact they do not wash their bodies at all in water. Their women however pound with a rough stone the wood of the cypress and cedar and frankincense tree, pouring in water with it, and then with this pounded stuff, which is thick, they plaster over all their body and also their face; and not only does a sweet smell attach to them by reason of this, but also when they take off the plaster on the next day, their skin is clean and shining. |
| 4.76 | Peregrinorum institutorum usum etiam hi vehementer aversantur, et, ne dicam aliorum populorum institutis, Græcanicis adeo minime omnium utuntur ; id quod in Anacharside, et deinde iterum in Scyla, ostenderunt. (2) Primum enim Anacharsis, postquam multas spectaverat terras, et multa ibi sapientiæ ediderat specimina, Scytharum ad sedes reversurus, per Hellespontum navigans, ad Cyzicum appulit. Ibi quum Cyzicenos offendisset Matri deorum festum celebrantes sane quam magnificum, Matri votum fecit Anacharsis, si salvus sospesque domum rediisset, se eodem modo, quo a Cyzicenis fieri vidisset, sacra ei facturum, pervigiliumque instituturum. (3) Tum postquam in Scythicam terram pervenit, in Hylæa se abdens, quæ est regio prope Achillis Curriculum, estque tota arboribus varii generis referta ; in hac igitur se abdens Anacharsis, omnem festi cærimoniam deæ absolvit, tympano etiam utens, et imagines gestans de pectore suspensas. (4) Quæ agentem animadvertens quidam Scytha regi Saulio rem indicavit : et ille, adveniens ipse, Anacharsin hæc agentem videns, excussa sagitta interfecit. (5) Et nunc, si quis quærit de Anacharside, ajunt Scythæ, se illum non nosse, propterea quod in Græciam peregrinatus et peregrinis usus est institutis. Ut vero equidem e Timna audivi, præfecto Ariapithis, fuit Anacharsis patruus Idanthyrsi, regis Scytharum, filius autem Gnuri, nepos Lyci, pronepos Spargapithis. (6) Quodsi ex hac familia erat Anacharsis, sciat a fratre se esse interfectum : Idanthyrsus enim filius fuit Saulii, Saulius autem interfecit Anacharsin. | This nation also is very averse to adopting strange customs, rejecting even those of other tribes among themselves, but especially those of the Hellenes, as the history of Anacharsis and also afterwards of Skyles proved. For as to Anacharsis first, when he was returning to the abodes of the Scythians, after having visited many lands and displayed in them much wisdom, as he sailed through the Hellespont he put in to Kyzicos: and since he found the people of Kyzicos celebrating a festival very magnificently in honor of the Mother of the gods, Anacharsis vowed to the Mother that if he should return safe and sound to his own land, he would both sacrifice to her with the same rites as he saw the men of Kyzicos do, and also hold a night festival. So when he came to Scythia he went down into the region called Hylaia (this is along by the side of the racecourse of Achilles and is quite full, as it happens, of trees of all kinds) — into this, I say, Anacharsis went down, and proceeded to perform all the ceremonies of the festival in honor of the goddess, with a kettle-drum and with images hung about himself. And one of the Scythians perceived him doing this and declared it to Saulios the king; and the king came himself also, and when he saw Anacharsis doing this, he shot him with an arrow and killed him. Accordingly at the present time if one asks about Anacharsis, the Scythians say that they do not know him, and for this reason, because he went out of his own country to Hellas and adopted foreign customs. And as I heard from Tymnes the steward of Ariapeithes, he was the uncle on the father’s side of Idanthyrsos king of the Scythians, and the son of Gnuros, the son of Lycos, the son of Spargapeithes. If then Anacharsis was of this house, let him know that he died by the hand of his brother, for Idanthyrsos was the son of Saulios, and Saulios was he who killed Anacharsis. |
| 4.77 | Quamquam alium etiam sermonem audivi, quem Peloponnesii narrant, dicentes, a rege Scytharum missum Anacharsin, Græciæ discipulum fuisse : eumque, postquam domum esset reversus, dixisse ei qui illum miserat, Græcos universos in omni genere scientiarum artiumque occupari, exceptis Lacedæmoniis : hos vero solos hoc habere, ut prudenter et edant et accipiant sermonem. (2) At hæc fabula temere ab ipsis Græcis per ludum narratur. Hic igitur vir eo, quo dixi, modo periit : idque ei accidit propter externos ritus et Græcanicas consuetudines. | However I have heard also another story, told by the Peloponnesians, that Anacharsis was sent out by the king of the Scythians, and so made himself a disciple of Hellas; and that when he returned back he said to him that had sent him forth, that the Hellenes were all busied about every kind of cleverness except the Lacedemonians; but these alone knew how to exchange speech sensibly. This story however has been invented without any ground by the Hellenes themselves; and however that may be, the man was slain in the way that was related above. |
| 4.78 | Multis autem admodum interjectis annis Scyles, Ariapithis filius, simili atque Anacharsis usus est fato. Ariapithes, Scytharum rex, quum alios habuerat filios, tum Scylam, natum e muliere non indigena, sed Istriana, quæ eum ipsa Græco sermone Græcisque literis erudivit. (2) Tempore interjecto, Ariapithes per dolum occiditur a Spargapithe, Agathyrsorum rege, et Scyles in regnum successit ; et uxorem patris, cui Opœa nomen erat, matrimonio sibi junxit. Fuit autem hæc Opœa civis Scythica, ex eaque natus Ariapithi erat filius Oricus. (3) Regnum igitur Scytharum adeptus Scyles vitæ ratione Scythica neutiquam delectabatur, sed ad instituta magis inclinabat Græcorum, propter disciplinam qua erat institutus. Itaque tali usus est ratione : (4) quando Scytharum exercitum ad Borysthenitarum urbem ducebat (Borysthenitæ hi autem sese dicebant esse Milesios), ad hos igitur quoties veniebat Scyles, exercitu in suburbio relicto, ipse urbem ingressus, clausis portis, deposito Scythico cultu, Græcanicum induebat vestimentum. Hoc indutus in foro versabatur, nullo satellite nulloque alio comitatu stipatus : portæ autem interim custodiebantur, ne quis Scytha eum conspiceret hoc cultu utentem : tum vero et reliquam sequebatur vitæ rationem Græcanicam, et diis more Græcorum sacra faciebat. (5) Sic ibi per mensem aut etiam amplius moratus, Scythica iterum sumpta veste discedebat. Atque hoc sæpius faciebat, et ædes sibi etiam in Borysthene urbe curaverat exstruendas, et uxorem indigenam duxit, quæ ædes illas habitabat. | This man then fared thus badly by reason of foreign customs and communication with Hellenes; and very many years afterwards Skyles the son of Ariapeithes suffered nearly the same fate as he. For Ariapeithes the king of the Scythians with other sons had Skyles born to him: and he was born of a woman who was of Istria, and certainly not a native of Scythia; and this mother taught him the language and letters of Hellas. Afterwards in course of time Ariapeithes was brought to his end by treachery at the hands of Spargapeithes the king of the Agathyrsians, and Skyles succeeded to the kingdom; and he took not only that but also the wife of his father, whose name was Opoia: this Opoia was a native Scythian and from her was born Oricos to Ariapeithes. Now when Skyles was king of the Scythians, he was by no means satisfied with the Scythian manner of life, but was much more inclined towards Hellenic ways because of the training with which he had been brought up, and he used to do somewhat as follows — When he came with the Scythians in arms to the city of the Borysthenites (now these Borysthenites say that they are of Miletos) — when Skyles came to these, he would leave his band in the suburbs of the city and go himself within the walls and close the gates. After that he would lay aside his Scythian equipments and take Hellenic garments, and wearing them he would go about in the market-place with no guards or any other man accompanying him (and they watched the gates meanwhile, that none of the Scythians might see him wearing this dress): and while in other respects too he adopted Hellenic manners of life, he used also to perform worship to the gods according to the customs of the Hellenes. Then having stayed a month or more than that, he would put on the Scythian dress and depart. This he did many times, and he both built for himself a house in Borysthenes and also took to it a woman of the place as his wife. |
| 4.79 | Quum autem esset in fatis ut male ei res cederet, accidit hoc tali ex occasione. Dionysii Bacchii sacris cupiverat initiari : quumque jam in eo esset ut initia ei traderentur, maximum incidit prodigium. (2) Erant ei in urbe Borysthenitarum magnificæ et vasto circuitu ædes, quarum etiam paulo ante feci mentionem ; circa quas circumcirca sphinges et grypes stabant e candido marmore : (3) in has ædes deus telum jaculatus est, et totæ igne consumptæ sunt : Scyles vero nihilo minus propterea initiationem absolvit. (4) Probro autem Græcis vertunt Scythæ bacchandi ritum ; aiuntque, non esse rationi consentaneum, talem reperiri deum, qui homines in furorem agat. Quum absoluta esset initiatio Scylæ in sacra Bacchii, Borysthenitarum aliquis ad Scythas transfugit, dicens : « Vos nobis irridetis, Scythæ, quod Bacchanalia agamus, quodque deus nos corripiat : nunc hic deus regem quoque corripuit vestrum ; isque bacchatur, a deo in furorem actus. Quodsi mihi fidem non habetis, sequimini ; et ego vobis ostendam. » (6) Secuti sunt Scytharum proceres, quos Borysthenita clam in turrim deduxit, ibique residere jussit. Quumque præteriret Scyles cum bacchantium choro, bacchabundum videntes Scythæ, ingentis calamitatis loco habuerunt ; egressique, universo exercitui, quæ viderant, indicarunt. | Since however it was fated that evil should happen to him, it happened by an occasion of this kind — he formed a desire to be initiated in the rites of Bacchus-Dionysos, and as he was just about to receive the initiation, there happened a very great portent. He had in the city of the Borysthenites a house of great size and built with large expense, of which also I made mention a little before this, and round it were placed sphinxes and griffins of white stone: on this house Zeus caused a bolt to fall; and the house was altogether burnt down, but Skyles none the less for this completed his initiation. Now the Scythians make the rites of Bacchus a reproach against the Hellenes, for they say that it is not fitting to invent a god like this, who impels men to frenzy. So when Skyles had been initiated into the rites of Bacchus, one of the Borysthenites went off to the Scythians and said: “Whereas ye laugh at us, O Scythians, because we perform the rite of Bacchus and because the god seizes us, now this divinity has seized also your king; and he is both joining in the rite of Bacchus and maddened by the influence of the god. And if ye disbelieve me, follow and I will show you.” The chief men of the Scythians followed him, and the Borysthenite led them secretly into the town and set them upon a tower. So when Skyles passed by with the company of revellers, and the Scythians saw him joining in the rite of Bacchus, they were exceedingly grieved at it, and they went out and declared to the whole band that which they had seen. |
| 4.80 | Deinde, postquam ad lares suos Scyles reversus est, ducem sibi constituentes Scythæ fratrem ejus Octamasaden, Terei filia natum, a Scyla defecerunt. Et ille, ubi, quid adversus se gereretur, et qua de causa, cognovit, in Thraciam profugit. (2) Quo cognito, Octamasades arma adversus Thraciam movit ; et quum ad Istrum pervenisset, obviam ei Thraces venerunt. Jamque in eo erant ut ad manus venirent, quum ad Octamasaden nuntium Sitalces misit, qui ei diceret : « Quid opus est, ut armorum fortunam invicem experiamur ? Tu meæ sororis es filius : habes autem apud te meum fratrem. Trade mihi hunc, et ego tibi tuum fratrem Scylam tradam. Armorum vero discrimen nec tu adeas, nec ego. » (3) Hæc per caduceatorem ei dicenda curavit : erat enim apud Octamasaden frater Sitalcæ profugus. (4) Et Octamasades, probata hac conditione, Sitalcæ avunculum suum tradidit, et ab illo fratrem suum Scylam recepit. Inde Sitalces acceptum fratrem secum abduxit : Scylæ vero Octamasades ibidem ilico caput præcidit. (5) Ita sua instituta tuentur Scythæ, et hanc mercedem solvunt his qui externos ritus asciscunt. | After this when Skyles was riding out again to his own abode, the Scythians took his brother Octamasades for their leader, who was a son of the daughter of Teres, and made insurrection against Skyles. He then when he perceived that which was being done to his hurt and for what reason it was being done, fled for refuge to Thrace; and Octamasades being informed of this, proceeded to march upon Thrace. So when he had arrived at the river Ister, the Thracians met him; and as they were about to engage battle, Sitalkes sent a messenger to Octamasades and said: “Why must we make trial of one another in fight? Thou art my sister’s son and thou hast in thy power my brother. Do thou give him back to me, and I will deliver to thee thy brother Skyles: and let us not either of us set our armies in peril, either thou or I.” Thus Sitalkes proposed to him by a herald; for there was with Octamasades a brother of Sitalkes, who had gone into exile for fear of him. And Octamasades agreed to this, and by giving up his own mother’s brother to Sitalkes he received his brother Skyles in exchange: and Sitalkes when he received his brother led him away as a prisoner, but Octamasades cut off the head of Skyles there upon the spot. Thus do the Scythians carefully guard their own customary observances, and such are the penalties which they inflict upon those who acquire foreign customs besides their own. |
| 4.81 | Multitudo quanta sit Scytharum, pro certo non potui comperire ; sed dissentientes de eorum numero audivi sermones : aliis numerosam admodum esse gentem dicentibus, aliis exiguam, non per se, sed pro Scytharum nomine. (2) Verumtamen hoc mihi oculis subjecerunt. Est inter Borysthenem fluvium et Hypanin locus, cui nomen Exampæus, cujus etiam paulo ante feci mentionem, quum dicerem esse ibi amaræ aquæ fontem, e quo aqua in Hypanin influens impotabilem hunc fluvium reddat. (3) Ibi loci positum est ahenum, amplitudine sexcuplum crateris illius, quem in ostio Ponti Pausanias, Cleombroti filius, dedicavit. Qui hunc non vidit, ei rem hoc modo declarabo : sexcentas facile amphoras capit illud in Scythia ahenum : crassitudo autem ejusdem sex est digitorum. (4) Hoc igitur ahenum narrant indigenæ e sagittarum acuminibus esse confectum. Regem quippe ipsorum, nomine Ariantan, quum vellet numerum nosse Scytharum, universos Scythas jussisse quemque unum teli spiculum conferre : si quis non contulisset, ei comminatum esse mortem. (5) Comportata igitur ingente spiculorum copia, visum ei esse ex his monumentum, quod relinqueret, curare conficiendum. Itaque ex illis spiculis ahenum hoc conficiendum illum curasse, idque in hoc Exampæo dedicasse. Hæc de Scytharum numero relata audivi. | How many the Scythians are I was not able to ascertain precisely, but I heard various reports of the number: for reports say both that they are very many in number and also that they are few, at least as regards the true Scythians. Thus far however they gave me evidence of my own eyesight — there is between the river Borysthenes and the Hypanis a place called Exampaios, of which also I made mention somewhat before this, saying that there was in it a spring of bitter water, from which the water flows and makes the river Hypanis unfit to drink. In this place there is set a bronze bowl, in size at least six times as large as the mixing-bowl at the entrance of the Pontus, which Pausanias the son of Cleombrotos dedicated: and for him who has never seen that, I will make the matter clear by saying that the bowl in Scythia holds easily six hundred amphors, and the thickness of this Scythian bowl is six fingers. This then the natives of the place told me had been made of arrow-heads: for their king, they said, whose name was Ariantas, wishing to know how many the Scythians were, ordered all the Scythians to bring one arrow-head, each from his own arrow, and whosoever should not bring one, he threatened with death. So a great multitude of arrow-heads was brought, and he resolved to make of them a memorial and to leave it behind him: from these then, they said, he made this bronze bowl and dedicated it in this place Exampaios. |
| 4.82 | Ceterum mirabilia nulla habet hæc regio, nisi quod fluvios possidet longe maximos, et numero plurimos. (2) Unam tamen rem, quam illa præter fluvios et præter planitiei amplitudinem præbet miratu dignam, commemorabo. Monstrant Scythæ Herculis vestigium petræ impressum juxta Tyram fluvium, quod pedi quidem viri est simile, sed longitudine bicubitali. Et hæc quidem ita se habent : redeo autem ad eam narrationem, quam initio aggressus eram exponere. | This is what I heard about the number of the Scythians. Now this land has no marvellous things except that it has rivers which are by far larger and more numerous than those of any other land. One thing however shall be mentioned which it has to show, and which is worthy of wonder even besides the rivers and the greatness of the plain, that is to say, they point out a footprint of Heracles in the rock by the bank of the river Tyras, which in shape is like the mark of a man’s foot but in size is two cubits long. This then is such as I have said; and I will go back now to the history which I was about to tell at first. |
| 4.83 | Bellum quum Darius adversus Scythas pararet, nuntiosque dimitteret, qui aliis comparandum pedestrem exercitum, aliis suppeditandas naves, aliis ponte jungendum Bosporum Thracicum imperarent ; Artabanus interim, Hystaspis filius, frater Darii, oravit eum, ut expeditionem adversus Scythas nequaquam susciperet, narrans inopiam Scytharum. (2) Qui quidem, ubi nihil profecit utilia illi suadendo, ad extremum destitit : Darius vero, postquam omnia parata habuit, Susis exercitum eduxit. | While Dareios was preparing to go against the Scythians and was sending messengers to appoint to some the furnishing of a land-army, to others that of ships, and to others the bridging over of the Thracian Bosphorus, Artabanos, the son of Hystaspes and brother of Dareios, urged him by no means to make the march against the Scythians, telling him how difficult the Scythians were to deal with. Since however he did not persuade him, though he gave him good counsel, he ceased to urge; and Dareios, when all his preparations had been made, began to march his army forth from Susa. |
| 4.84 | Ibi tunc Persarum aliquis, Œobazus, quum tres haberet filios, in bellum proficiscentes omnes, petiit a rege, unus eorum apud se relinqueretur. Cui ille respondit, ut homini amico, et modica petenti, omnes se ei relicturum. (5) Quo responso vehementer gavisus Œobazus speravit militæ missionem habere filios : at rex imperat tum astantibus, ut omnes interficiant Œobazi filios ; atque ita illi interfecti, ibidem relinquebantur. | Then one of the Persians, Oiobazos, made request to Dareios that as he had three sons and all were serving in the expedition, one might be left behind for him: and Dareios said that as he was a friend and made a reasonable request, he would leave behind all the sons. So Oiobazos was greatly rejoiced, supposing that his sons had been freed from service, but Dareios commanded those who had the charge of such things to put to death all the sons of Oiobazos. |
| 4.85 | Susis profectus Darius, postquam in Calchedoniam ditionem ad Bosporum pervenit, ubi pons junctus erat, inde conscensa navi ad Cyaneos quæ vocantur insulas navigavit, quas olim errabundas fuisse Græci perhibent. Tum ad templum ejus regionis residens spectavit Pontum, spectatu sane dignum. (2) Est enim pelagorum omnium maxime mirabile. Longitudo ejus undecim milium et centum stadiorum est : latitudo, ubi maxima, stadiorum ter mille et trecentorum. (3) Ostium hujus pelagi quattuor stadia patet in latitudinem : longitudo ostii, collum illud, quod Bosporus vocatur, in quo ipso junctus pons erat, centum et viginti stadiorum est : pertinetque Bosporus ad Propontidem. (4) Propontis vero, quingenta stadia patens in latitudinem, et mille quadringenta in longitudinem, in Hellespontum defluit ; cujus latitudo septem stadia metitur ; longitudo vero quadringenta stadia. Influit autem Hellespontus in mare apertius hoc, quod Ægæum vocatur. | These then were left, having been slain upon the spot where they were: and Dareios meanwhile set forth from Susa and arrived at the place on the Bosphorus where the bridge of ships had been made, in the territory of Chalcedon; and there he embarked in a ship and sailed to the so-called Kyanean rocks, which the Hellenes say formerly moved backwards and forwards; and taking his seat at the temple he gazed upon the Pontus, which is a sight well worth seeing. Of all seas indeed it is the most marvellous in its nature. The length of it is eleven thousand one hundred furlongs, and the breadth, where it is broadest, three thousand three hundred: and of this great Sea the mouth is but four furlongs broad, and the length of the mouth, that is of the neck of water which is called Bosphorus, where, as I said, the bridge of ships had been made, is not less than a hundred and twenty furlongs. This Bosphorus extends to the Propontis; and the Propontis, being in breadth five hundred furlongs and in length one thousand four hundred, has its outlet into the Hellespont, which is but seven furlongs broad at the narrowest place, though it is four hundred furlongs in length: and the Hellespont runs out into that expanse of sea which is called the Egean. |
| 4.86 | Dimensa autem ista sunt hoc modo. Navis longiori die navigans conficit plerumque orgyias fere septuagies mille, noctu vero sexagies. Est autem a Ponti orificio usque ad Phasin (quæ maxima longitudo hujus maris) novem dierum octoque noctium navigatio : unde confiunt centum et undecim myriades orgyiarum ; quo e numero orgyiarum colliguntur stadia undecies mille et centum. (2) Ad Themiscyram vero, quæ est ad Thermodontem fluvium, a Sindica regione (qua est maxima Ponti latitudo) trium dierum et duarum noctium navigatio est : unde conficiuntur triginta tres myriades orgyiarum, stadia vero ter mille et trecenta. (3) Pontus igitur hic et Bosporus et Hellespontus ita a me dimensi sunt ; et ea, quam dixi, eorum ratio est. Offert vero idem Pontus etiam lacum qui in eum influit, haud multo minorem ipso. Mæotis palus vocatur is lacus, et Mater Ponti. | These measurements I have made as follows — a ship completes on an average in a long day a distance of seventy thousand fathoms, and in a night sixty thousand. Now we know that to the river Phasis from the mouth of the Sea (for it is here that the Pontus is longest) is a voyage of nine days and eight nights, which amounts to one hundred and eleven myriads of fathoms; and these fathoms are eleven thousand one hundred furlongs. Then from the land of the Sindians to Themiskyra on the river Thermodon (for here is the broadest part of the Pontus) it is a voyage of three days and two nights, which amounts to thirty-three myriads of fathoms or three thousand three hundred furlongs. This Pontus then and also the Bosphorus and the Hellespont have been measured by me thus, and their nature is such as has been said: and this Pontus also has a lake which has its outlet into it, which lake is not much less in size than the Pontus itself, and it is called Maiotis and “Mother of the Pontus.” |
| 4.87 | Postquam Pontum contemplatus est Darius, retro navigavit ad pontem ; cujus architectus fuit Mandrocles Samius. Deinde postquam Bosporum etiam spectavit, duas in ipsa ora ejus columnas posuit candido e lapide, quibus incisa erant, alteri Assyriis literis, alteri Græcis, populorum omnium nomina quos ducebat : ducebat autem omnes, qui imperio ipsius erant subjecti. Numerus autem hominum erat, exceptis classiariis, septingenta milia una cum equitibus : naves autem collectæ erant sexcentæ. (2) Columnas istas post id tempus Byzantii in urbem suam transportarunt, eisque usi sunt ad aram Dianæ Orthosiæ, uno lapide excepto, qui juxta Bacchi templum prope Byzantium relictus est, Assyriis literis oppletus. (3) Locus autem Bospori, quem ponte junxit Darius, ut mihi quidem conjectanti videtur, medius est inter Byzantium et templum quod est ad ostium. | Dareios then having gazed upon the Pontus sailed back to the bridge, of which Mandrocles a Samian had been chief constructor; and having gazed upon the Bosphorus also, he set up two pillars by it of white stone with characters cut upon them, on the one Assyrian and on the other Hellenic, being the names of all the nations which he was leading with him: and he was leading with him all over whom he was ruler. The whole number of them without the naval force was reckoned to be seventy myriads including cavalry, and ships had been gathered together to the number of six hundred. These pillars the Byzantians conveyed to their city after the events of which I speak, and used them for the altar of Artemis Orthosia, excepting one stone, which was left standing by the side of the temple of Dionysos in Byzantion, covered over with Assyrian characters. Now the place on the Bosphorus where Dareios made his bridge is, as I conclude, midway between Byzantion and the temple at the mouth of the Pontus. |
| 4.88 | Deinde gavisus ponte Darius, architectum illius Mandroclem Samium donavit denis rebus omnibus : quibus de muneribus Mandrocles, primitiarum nomine, in Junonis templo picturam dedicavit, in qua totus ille pons Bospori et Darius rex in solio præsidens, et universus exercitus ejus pontem transiens, omnia hæc descripta erant, addita inscriptione hujusmodi:
Junoni dedicavit pontis monumentum; coronam sibi, Samiis gloriam comparans opere e Darii regis mente perfecto. » |
After this Dareios being pleased with the floating bridge rewarded the chief constructor of it, Mandrocles the Samian, with gifts tenfold; and as an offering from these Mandrocles had a painting made of figures to present the whole scene of the bridge over the Bosphorus and king Dareios sitting in a prominent seat and his army crossing over; this he caused to be painted and dedicated it as an offering in the temple of Hera, with the following inscription:
Mandrocleës dedicates this, of his work to record; A crown on himself he set, and he brought to the Samians glory, And for Dareios performed everything after his mind.” |
| 4.89 | Donato Mandrocle, Darius in Europam transiit, mandato dato Ionibus ut in Pontum navigarent usque ad Istrum fluvium ; ad eum autem quum pervenissent, ut ipsum ibi exspectarent et ponte jungerent fluvium : classem enim ducebant Iones et Æoles et Hellespontii. (2) Navalis igitur exercitus, Cyaneas insulas prætervectus, recta versus Istrum navigavit : et adverso flumine bidui iter a mari emensus, collum fluvii, ubi in diversa ostia scinditur Ister, ponte junxit. (3) Darius vero, trajecto per pontem Bosporo, per Thraciam iter fecit : quumque ad Teari fluvii fontes pervenisset, triduo ibi stativa habuit. | And Dareios, after he had rewarded Mandrocles with gifts, passed over into Europe, having first commanded the Ionians to sail into the Pontus as far as the river Ister, and when they arrived at the Ister, there to wait for him, making a bridge meanwhile over the river; for the chief of his naval force were the Ionians, the Aiolians and the Hellespontians. So the fleet sailed through between the Kyanean rocks and made straight for the Ister; and then they sailed up the river a two days’ voyage from the sea and proceeded to make a bridge across the neck, as it were, of the river, where the mouths of the Ister part off. Dareios meanwhile, having crossed the Bosphorus on the floating bridge, was advancing through Thrace, and when he came to the sources of the river Tearos he encamped for three days. |
| 4.90 | Tearus hic fluvius ab accolis perhibetur fluviorum esse optimus, quum ad alios sanandos morbos, tum ad scabiem curandam et hominum et equorum. (2) Fontes ejus sunt duodequadraginta, ex eadem rupe fluentes : quorum alii frigidi sunt, alii calidi. Iter ad illos fontes æquale est ex Heræo oppido, quod ad Perinthum est, et ex Apollonia quæ est ad Pontum Euxinum, utrimque bidui iter. (3) Influit autem Tearus in Contadestum fluvium, Contadestus vero in Agrianen, Agrianes in Hebrum, Hebrus vero in mare se exonerat prope Ænum oppidum. | Now the Tearos is said by those who dwell near it to be the best of all rivers, both in other respects which tend to healing and especially for curing diseases of the skin both in men and in horses: and its springs are thirty-eight in number, flowing all from the same rock, of which some are cold and others warm. The way to them is of equal length from the city of Heraion near Perinthos and from Apollonia upon the Euxine Sea, that is to say two days’ journey by each road. This Tearos runs into the river Contadesdos and the Contadesdos into the Agrianes and the Agrianes into the Hebros, which flows into the sea by the city of Ainos. |
| 4.91 | Ad hunc igitur fluvium postquam pervenit Darius et castra metatus est, delectatus fluvio, cippum etiam ibi posuit, cum inscriptione in hanc sententiam : « Teari fluvii fontes aquam fundunt fluviorum omnium præstantissimam et pulcherrimam : et ad hos fontes venit, exercitum adversus Scythas ducens, vir omnium hominum præstantissimus et pulcherrimus, Darius Hystaspis filius, Persarum rex et universæ continentis. » Hæc ibi inscripta erant. | Dareios then, having come to this river and having encamped there, was pleased with the river and set up a pillar there also, with an inscription as follows: “The head-springs of the river Tearos give the best and fairest water of all rivers; and to them came leading an army against the Scythians the best and fairest of all men, Dareios the son of Hystaspes, of the Persians and of all the Continent king.” These were the words which were there written. |
| 4.92 | Inde profectus Darius ad alium fluvium pervenit cui nomen Artiscus, qui per Odrysas fluit. Ad hunc fluvium postquam pervenit, hocce instituit facere : designans locum quemdam, jussit ut quilibet vir de exercitu, dum eum locum præteriret, unum lapidem ibidem deponeret. (2) Quod quum ab exercitu esset factum, ingentibus lapidum tumulis ibi relictis, exercitum ulterius promovit. | Dareios then set out from thence and came to another river whose name is Artescos, which flows through the land of the Odrysians. Having come to this river he did as follows — he appointed a place for his army and bade every man as he passed out by it place one stone in this appointed place: and when the army had performed this, then he marched away his army leaving behind great mounds of these stones. |
| 4.93 | Priusquam vero ad Istrum pervenisset, primos Getas vi subegit, illos qui se immortales prædicant. Nam, qui Salmydessum incolunt Thraces, et qui super Apollonia et Mesembria oppido sedes habent, qui Scyrmiadæ et Nipsæi nominantur, sine pugna se Dario tradiderant. Getæ vero, obstinate resistentes, mox in servitutem sunt redacti, quum quidem essent Thracum et nobilissimi et justissimi. | But before he came to the Ister he conquered first the Getai, who believe in immortality: for the Thracians who occupy Salmydessos and are settled above the cities of Apollonian and Mesambria, called the Kyrmianai and the Nipsaioi, delivered themselves over to Dareios without fighting; but the Getai, who are the bravest and the most upright in their dealings of all the Thracians, having betaken themselves to obstinacy were forthwith subdued. |
| 4.94 | Immortales autem hi sese prædicant hoc modo : non mori sese putant, sed hac e vita decedentes ad Zalmoxin deum ire ; quem eundem nonnulli Gebeleizin invocant. (2) Quinto vero quoque anno unum e suorum numero, sorte lectum, nuntium mittum ad Zalmoxin, mandata ei dantes de his rebus quas tunc maxime desiderant. (3) Mittunt autem hoc modo : ordine stant alii, tria jacula tenentes : alii pedibus manibusque prehensum hunc, qui ad Zalmoxin amandatur, vibrantes sursum conjiciunt, ut in hastas incidat. (4) Qui si transfixus moritur, tunc illis propitius videtur esse Zalmoxis : sin non moritur, in culpa ponunt ipsum nuntium, dicentes pravum esse hominem ; loco hujus vero quem causantur, alium mittunt, cui tum adhuc vivo dant mandata. (5) Iidem Thraces, quum tonat fulguratque, sagittas sursum adversus cœlum contorquent, minitantes deo : nec enim alium deum censent nisi suum. | And their belief in immortality is of this kind, that is to say, they hold that they do not die, but that he who is killed goes to Salmoxis, a divinity, whom some of them call Gebeleizis; and at intervals of four years they send one of themselves, whomsoever the lot may select, as a messenger to Salmoxis, charging him with such requests as they have to make on each occasion; and they send him thus — certain of them who are appointed for this have three javelins, and others meanwhile take hold on both sides of him who is being sent to Salmoxis, both by his hands and his feet, and first they swing him up, then throw him into the air so as to fall upon the spear-points: and if when he is pierced through he is killed, they think that the god is favorable to them; but if he is not killed, they find fault with the messenger himself, calling him a worthless man, and then having found fault with him they send another: and they give him the charge beforehand, while he is yet alive. These same Thracians also shoot arrows up towards the sky when thunder and lightning come, and use threats to the god, not believing that there exists any other god except their own. |
| 4.95 | Ut vero a Græcis accepi ad Hellespontum et Pontum habitantibus, homo fuit hic Zalmoxis, servitutem serviens Sami ; servus autem fuit Pythagoræ, Mnesarchi filii. Deinde vero manumissum, ajunt, magnas sibi comparasse pecunias, hisque instructum, domum rediisse. (2) Quum vero et misere viverent Thraces, et parum cultis essent ingeniis ; Zalmoxin hunc, vitæ rationem Ionicam edoctum, et moribus institutum cultioribus quam qui apud Thracas obtinerent, ut qui cum Græcis habuisset consuetudinem, et cum Pythagora, viro inter Græcos ingenii cultura eminente, exstruendam sibi curasse exhedram, in qua primarios quosque popularium excipere consuesset, et inter epulandum illos docuisset, neque se, neque convivas suos, nec horum posteros, morituros ; sed venturos in locum talem, ubi perpetuo viventes omnibus bonis sint fruituri. (3) In eadem vero exhedra, ubi hæc faciebat dicebatque, construendam sibi interim parasse, ajunt, cameram subterraneam ; quæ postquam perfecta esset, evanuisse eum e Thracum conspectu : scilicet in subterraneam istam cameram descendisse, ibique per triennium esse moratum ; et Thracas illum, ut mortuum, desiderasse luctuque esse prosecutos ; quarto vero anno Thracibus eum rursus apparuisse : atque ita persuasos hos fuisse, vera esse quæ Zalmoxis dixisset. Hæc ab eo facta esse perhibent. | This Salmoxis I hear from the Hellenes who dwell about the Hellespont and the Pontus, was a man, and he became a slave in Samos, and was in fact a slave of Pythagoras the son of Mnesarchos. Then having become free he gained great wealth, and afterwards returned to his own land: and as the Thracians both live hardly and are rather simple-minded, this Salmoxis, being acquainted with the Ionian way of living and with manners more cultivated than the Thracians were used to see, since he had associated with Hellenes (and not only that but with Pythagoras, not the least able philosopher of the Hellenes), prepared a banqueting-hall, where he received and feasted the chief men of the tribe and instructed them meanwhile that neither he himself nor his guests nor their descendants in succession after them would die; but that they would come to a place where they would live for ever and have all things good. While he was doing that which has been mentioned and was saying these things, he was making for himself meanwhile a chamber under the ground; and when his chamber was finished, he disappeared from among the Thracians and went down into the underground chamber, where he continued to live for three years: and they grieved for his loss and mourned for him as dead. Then in the fourth year he appeared to the Thracians, and in this way the things which Salmoxis said became credible to them. Thus they say that he did; |
| 4.96 | Ego vero, quod de subterranea camera ajunt, neque negare velim, neque fidem admodum his adhibeo : puto vero multis ante Pythagoram annis hunc Zalmoxin vixisse. Sive autem homo quispiam fuerit hic Zalmoxis, sive indigena Getarum deus, valeat ille. Getæ igitur, qui eo quo dixi instituto utuntur, postquam a Persis subacti erant, reliquum exercitum sunt secuti. | But as to this matter and the chamber under ground, I neither disbelieve it nor do I very strongly believe, but I think that this Salmoxis lived many years before Pythagoras. However, whether there ever lived a man Salmoxis, or whether he is simply a native deity of the Getai, let us bid farewell to him now. These, I say, having such manners as I have said, were subdued by the Persians and accompanied the rest of the army. These, I say, having such manners as I have said, were subdued by the Persians and accompanied the rest of the army. |
| 4.97 | Ubi ad Istrum Darius cum pedestri exercitu pervenit, ibi tunc, postquam fluvium omnes trajecissent, Ionas res solvere pontem jussit, seque et navales copias pedestri itinere sequi. (2) Jamque in eo Iones erant, ut exsequerentur mandatum, pontemque solverent ; quum Coes, Erxandri filius, dux Mytilenæorum, percunctatus prius a Dario, an benigne accepturus esset consilium, si quis ei dare vellet, hæc ad eum verba fecit : « In terram, rex, expeditionem suscipis, in qua nec aratum quidpiam, nec oppidum apparebit habitatum. Tu igitur sine hunc pontem suo loco stare, et custodes ejus relinque hos, qui eum junxerunt. (3) Ita, sive nobis, Scythas nactis, res e sententia cesserit, paratus reditus erit ; sive reperire eos non potuerimus, vel sic tutus certe reditus est. Nam illud quidem nunquam veritus sum, ne prœlio a Scythis vincamur ; sed hoc potius, ne, reperire illos haud usquam valentes, per oberrationem incommodi quidpiam patiamur. (4) Ac fortasse dixerit aliquis, mei causa me hæc dicere, quo hic maneam. At equidem tibi rex, quæ optima mihi videtur sententia, eam in medium propono : ceterum ipse te sequar, neque hic velim relinqui. » (5) Cujus viri consilio valde delectatus Darius his verbis ei respondit : « Hospes Lesbie, postquam salvus domum meam ero reversus, fac omnino mihi præsto sis, ut te pro bono consilio bene factis remunerer. » | And when Dareios and with him the land-army arrived at the Ister, then after all had passed over, Dareios commanded the Ionians to break up the floating bridge and to accompany him by land, as well as the rest of the troops which were in the ships: and when the Ionians were just about to break it up and to do that which he commanded, Coës the son of Erxander, who was commander of the Mytilenians, said thus to Dareios, having first inquired whether he was disposed to listen to an opinion from one who desired to declare it: “O king, seeing that thou art about to march upon a land where no cultivated ground will be seen nor any inhabited town, do thou therefore let this bridge remain where it is, leaving to guard it those same men who constructed it. Then, if we find the Scythians and fare as we desire, we have a way of return; and also even if we shall not be able to find them, at least our way of return is secured: for that we should be worsted by the Scythians in fight I never feared yet, but rather that we might not be able to find them, and might suffer some disaster in wandering about. Perhaps some one will say that in speaking thus I am speaking for my own advantage, in order that I may remain behind; but in truth I am bringing forward, O king, the opinion which I found best for thee, and I myself will accompany thee and not be left behind.” With this opinion Dareios was very greatly pleased and made answer to him in these words: “Friend from Lesbos, when I have returned safe to my house, be sure that thou appear before me, in order that I may requite thee with good deeds for good counsel.” |
| 4.98 | His dictis, sexaginta nodos in loro nexuit ; eoque facto, ad colloquium convocatos Ionum tyrannos in hunc modum est allocutus : « Viri Iones, sententiam prius dictam, quod ad pontem attinet, missam facio. Ecce vobis hoc lorum ; quo sumpto, facite quæ jam edico : (2) e quo me videritis hinc adversus Scythas profectum, ab illo tempore incipientes, quotidie unum nodum hujus lori solvite. Sin intra hoc tempus non affuero, sed elapsi erunt tot dies quot sunt nodi, tum quidem vestram in patriam navigate. (3) Usque ad id tempus vero, quoniam in hanc partem mutavi sententiam, custodite pontem, omne studium in illo conservando custodiendoque ponentes. Hoc facientes, gratissimum mihi feceritis. » Hæc locutus Darius, nulla interposita mora, in ulteriora perrexit. | Having thus said and having tied sixty knots in a thong, he called the despots of the Ionians to speak with him and said as follows: “Men of Ionia, know that I have given up the opinion which I formerly declared with regard to the bridge; and do ye keep this thong and do as I shall say — so soon as ye shall have seen me go forward against the Scythians, from that time begin, and untie a knot on each day: and if within this time I am not here, and ye find that the days marked by the knots have passed by, then sail away to your own lands. Till then, since our resolve has thus been changed, guard the floating bridge, showing all diligence to keep it safe and to guard it. And thus acting, ye will do for me a very acceptable service.” Thus said Dareios and hastened on his march forwards. |
| 4.99 | Ante Scythicam terram sita Thracia est, ad mare pertinens. Inde, in sinum ducta hac regione, incipit Scythia, per quam ister in mare influit, orificio orientem versus tendente. (2) Jam Scythiæ inde ab Istro eam partem, quæ secundum mare porrigitur, ad mensuram declarare aggredior. Protinus ab Istro hæc est vetus Scythia, versus meridiem sita, usque ad oppidum cui Carcinitis nomen. (3) Tum contiguam hinc regionem, ad idem mare pertinentem, quæ montana est et in Pontum prominens, incolit Taurica gens, ad Chersonesum usque Asperam quæ vocatur. Hæc vero ad illud mare pertinet quod est orientem versus. (4) Scythiæ enim fines duabus a partibus ad mare pertinent, tam a meridie, quam ab oriente, quemadmodum Atticæ regionis fines. Et similiter hanc Scythiæ partem Tauri incolunt, ac si Atticæ angulum Suniacum, promontorium illud magis in mare excurrens a Thorico usque ad Anaphlystum pagum, alius incoleret populus, non Athenienses. Dico autem autem hoc, prout parva hæc cum magnis conferri possunt. (5) Talis igitur Taurica est. Quodsi quis hanc Atticæ partem non præternavigavit, huic ego alia ratione rem declarabo : perinde est ac si Iapygiæ promontorium non Iapyges habitarent, sed alius populus, a Brundusio portu incipiens, et usque ad Tarentum ab illis præcisus. Atque hæc duo quum dico, multa alia similia dico, quibuscum conferri Taurica potest. | Now in front of Scythia in the direction towards the sea lies Thrace; and where a bay is formed in this land, there begins Scythia, into which the Ister flows out, the mouth of the river being turned towards the South-East Wind. Beginning at the Ister then I am about to describe the coast land of the true Scythia, with regard to measurement. At once from the Ister begins this original land of Scythia, and it lies towards the midday and the South Wind, extending as far as the city called Carkinitis. After this the part which lies on the coast of the same sea still, a country which is mountainous and runs out in the direction of the Pontus, is occupied by the Tauric race, as far as the peninsula which is called the “Rugged Chersonese”; and this extends to the sea which lies towards the East Wind: for two sides of the Scythian boundaries lie along by the sea, one by the sea on the South, and the other by that on the East, just as it is with Attica: and in truth the Tauroi occupy a part of Scythia which has much resemblance to Attica; it is as if in Attica another race and not the Athenians occupied the hill region of Sunion, supposing it to project more at the point into the sea, that region namely which is cut off by a line from Thoricos to Anaphlystos. Such I say, if we may be allowed to compare small things such as this with great, is the form of the Tauric land. For him however who has not sailed along this part of the coast of Attica I will make it clear by another comparison — it is as if in Iapygia another race and not the Iapygians had cut off for themselves and were holding that extremity of the land which is bounded by a line beginning at the harbor of Brentesion and running to Taras. And in mentioning these two similar cases I am suggesting many other things also to which the Tauric land has resemblance. |
| 4.100 | Jam inde a Taurica terra, quæ sunt supra Tauros, et quæ ad mare quod ad orientem est pertinent, ea rursus Scythæ incolunt, quæ ab occidente Bospori Cimmerii et Paludis Mæotidis sunt usque ad Tanaim fluvium, qui in intimum Mæotidis hujus recessum se exonerat. (2) Jam igitur inde ab Istro [usque ad Tanain] superne mediterranea versus disterminatur Scythia primum ab Agathyrsis, deinde a Neuris, post hos ab Anadrophagis, postremo a Melanchlænis. | After the Tauric land immediately come Scythians again, occupying the parts above the Tauroi and the coasts of the Eastern sea, that is to say the parts to the West of the Kimmerian Bosphorus and of the Maiotian lake, as far as the river Tanaïs, which runs into the corner of this lake. In the upper parts which tend inland Scythia is bounded (as we know) by the Agathyrsians first, beginning from the Ister, and then by the Neuroi, afterwards by the Androphagoi, and lastly by the Melanchlainoi. |
| 4.101 | Scythiæ igitur, formam fere quadratam habentis, duæ sunt partes ad mare pertinentes ; quarum utraque alteri quaquaversum æqualis est, tum quia in mediterranea porrigitur, tum secundum mare. (2) Etenim ab Istro ad Borysthenem iter est decem dierum, rursusque a Borysthene ad Mæotin paludem aliorum decem dierum iter : a mari vero versus mediterranea ad Melanchlænos, qui supra Scythas incolunt, iter est viginti dierum. Iter autem diurnum mihi æquiparatur ducenis stadiis. (3) Ita Scythica terra, in transversum, patebit quater mille stadia ; in rectum vero, mediterranea versus, totidem alia stadia. Hæc igitur hujus terræ amplitudo est. | Scythia then being looked upon as a four-sided figure with two of its sides bordered by the sea, has its border lines equal to one another in each direction, that which tends inland and that which runs along by the sea: for from Ister to the Borysthenes is ten days’ journey, and from the Borysthenes to the Maiotian lake ten days’ more; and the distance inland to the Melanchlainoi, who are settled above the Scythians, is a journey of twenty days. Now I have reckoned the day’s journey at two hundred furlongs: and by this reckoning the cross lines of Scythia would be four thousand furlongs in length, and the perpendiculars which tend inland would be the same number of furlongs. Such is the size of this land. |
| 4.102 | Scythæ secum reputantes, solos se impares esse Darii copiis justo prœlio repellendis, nuntios miserunt ad finitimos : quorum reges etiam convenere deliberaturi, utpote ingenti invadente exercitu. (2) Erant autem reges, qui convenere, Taurorum, et Agathyrsorum, et Neurorum, et Androphagorum, et Melanchlænorum, et Gelonorum, et Budinorum, et Sauromatarum. | The Scythians meanwhile having considered with themselves that they were not able to repel the army of Dareios alone by a pitched battle, proceeded to send messengers to those who dwelt near them: and already the kings of these nations had come together and were taking counsel with one another, since so great an army was marching towards them. Now those who had come together were the kings of the Tauroi, Agathyrsians, Neuroi, Androphagoi, Melanchlainoi, Gelonians, Budinoi and Sauromatai. |
| 4.103 | Ex his Tauri institutis utuntur hujusmodi. Naufragos, et quoscunque ceperunt Græcos illuc delatos, immolant Virgini hoc modo : postquam sacra auspicati sunt, clava feriunt hominis caput : (2) et corpus quidem, ut alii dicunt, de præcipitio dejiciunt (in prærupta enim rupe exstructum templum est), caput vero in cruce erigunt : rursus alii de capite quidem consentiunt, corpus autem non de præcipitio dejici ajunt, sed terra condi. (3) Deam autem, cui has victimas immolant, ipsi Tauri ajunt Iphigeniam esse, Agamemnonis filiam. Hostibus, quos bello ceperunt, hoc faciunt : (4) qui captivum fecit, is ei caput præcidit, domumque suam relatum, præalto infixum palo, erigit ita ut multo supra domum, atque adeo supra fumarium, emineat ; dicuntque, hos tanquam custodes totarum ædium ita sublime eminere. Vivunt autem e præda et bello. | Of these the Tauroi have the following customs — they sacrifice to the “Maiden” both ship-wrecked persons and also those Hellenes whom they can capture by putting out to sea against them; and their manner of sacrifice is this — when they have made the first offering from the victim they strike his head with a club: and some say that they push the body down from the top of the cliff (for it is upon a cliff that the temple is placed) and set the head up on a stake; but others, while agreeing as to the heads, say nevertheless that the body is not pushed down from the top of the cliff, but buried in the earth. This divinity to whom they sacrifice, the Tauroi themselves say is Iphigeneia the daughter of Agamemnon. Whatsoever enemies they have conquered they treat in this fashion — each man cuts off a head and bears it away to his house; then he impales it on a long stake and sets it up above his house raised to a great height, generally above the chimney; and they say that these are suspended above as guards to preserve the whole house. This people has its living by plunder and war. |
| 4.104 | Agathyrsi lautissimi et mollissimi homines sunt, maximamque partem aurum gestant. Cum mulieribus in commune consuetudinem habent, quo sint inter se fratres et consanguinei, eoque nec invidiam nec inimicitias invicem exerceant. Quod ad alia attinet instituta, ad Thraces accedunt. | The Agathyrsians are the most luxurious of men and wear gold ornaments for the most part: also they have promiscuous intercourse with their women, in order that they may be brethren to one another and being all nearly related may not feel envy or malice one against another. In their other customs they have come to resemble the Thracians. |
| 4.105 | Neuri Scythicis utuntur institutis. Proxima autem ante Darii expeditionem generatione accidit his, ut terram suam desererent totam propter serpentes. Ingentem enim ipsis serpentum multitudinem ediderat hæc regio, quorum quidem major pars e superioribus regionibus, quæ desertæ sunt, invaserant. Ad extremum, malis pressi, relicta sua terra, cum Budinis habitatum concesserunt. (2) Videntur autem præstigiatores esse hi homines : narrant certe Scythæ et Græci Scythiam incolentes, semel quotannis Neurorum quemque per aliquot dies in lupum mutari, deinde vero rursus formæ suæ reddi. Mihi quidem hæc narrantes non persuadent ; narrant vero nihilo minus, atque etiam interposito jurejurando affirmant. | The Neuroi practise the Scythian customs: and one generation before the expedition of Dareios it so befell them that they were forced to quit their land altogether by reason of serpents: for their land produced serpents in vast numbers, and they fell upon them in still larger numbers from the desert country above their borders; until at last being hard pressed they left their own land and settled among the Budinoi. These men it would seem are wizards; for it is said of them by the Scythians and by the Hellenes who are settled in the Scythian land that once in every year each of the Neuroi becomes a wolf for a few days and then returns again to his original form. For my part I do not believe them when they say this, but they say it nevertheless, and swear it moreover. |
| 4.106 | Androphagi ferocissimos omnium hominum mores habent ; neque jus colentes ullum, neque lege ulla utentes. Nomades sunt : vestem gestant Scythicæ similem, lingua vero utuntur propria. Soli autem ex illis populis humana carne vescuntur. | The Androphagoi have the most savage manners of all human beings, and they neither acknowledge any rule of right nor observe any customary law. They are nomads and wear clothing like that of the Scythians, but have a language of their own; and alone of all these nations they are man-eaters. |
| 4.107 | Melanchlæni vestimenta nigra gestant ; a quibus etiam nomen est eis impositum : institutis autem utuntur Scythicis. | The Melanchlainoi wear all of them black clothing, whence also they have their name; and they practise the customs of the Scythians. |
| 4.108 | Budini, magnus populus et numerosus, glauci admodum sunt omnes, et rubicundi. Urbem hi in sua ditione conditam habent ligneam : Gelonus oppido nomen est : cujus muri latus quodque triginta stadia in longitudinem patet, altus vero murus, totusque ligneus : ædes item et templa lignea sunt. (2) Sunt enim ibi Græcanicorum deorum templa, Græco more instructa imaginibus et aris et delubris ligneis. Iidem Baccho triennalia festa agunt, et bacchanalia celebrant. (3) Sunt enim Geloni origine Græci : qui ex emporiis suis pulsi, in Budinos habitatum concesserunt : linguaque utuntur partim Scythica, partim vero Græca. | The Budinoi are a very great and numerous race, and are all very blue-eyed and fair of skin: and in their land is built a city of wood, the name of which is Gelonos, and each side of the wall is thirty furlongs in length and lofty at the same time, all being of wood; and the houses are of wood also and the temples; for there are in it temples of Hellenic gods furnished after Hellenic fashion with sacred images and altars and cells, all of wood; and they keep festivals every other year to Dionysos and celebrate the rites of Bacchus: for the Gelonians are originally Hellenes, and they removed from the trading stations on the coast and settled among the Budinoi; and they use partly the Scythian language and partly the Hellenic. The Budinoi however do not use the same language as the Gelonians, nor is their manner of living the same. |
| 4.109 | Budini vero non eadem lingua, atque Geloni, utuntur : nec eadem utrisque vitæ ratio est. Budini enim, indigena gens, nomades (pastores) sunt, solique hi ex omnibus istarum regionum incolis pediculos comedunt : Geloni vero terram colunt, panem comedunt, hortos habent ; nihil istis nec forma similes, nec colore. Verumtamen a Græcis Budini etiam Geloni nominantur ; parum recte id quidem. (2) Est autem universa illorum terra silvis frequens, omni genere arborum refertis. In vastissima silva lacus est magnus et amplus, et circumcirca palus arundine frequens. In eo lacu lutræ capiuntur, et castores, et aliæ quadrato fronte feræ, quarum pelles penulis prætexuntur, testiculi vero ad uterorum curationem sunt utiles. | For the Budinoi are natives of the soil and a nomad people, and alone of the nations in these parts feed on fir-cones; but the Gelonians are tillers of the ground and feed on corn and have gardens, and resemble them not at all either in appearance or in complexion of skin. However by the Hellenes the Budinoi also are called Gelonians, not being rightly so called. Their land is all thickly overgrown with forests of all kinds of trees, and in the thickest forest there is a large and deep lake, and round it marshy ground and reeds. In this are caught otters and beavers and certainly other wild animals with square-shaped faces. The fur of these is sewn as a fringe round their coats of skin, and the testicles are made use of by them for curing diseases of the womb. |
| 4.110 | De Sauromatis hæc fama est. Postquam Græci cum Amazonibus pugnarunt, (Amazonas autem Scythæ Oiorpata nominant, quod vocabulum Græco sermone viricidas significat : oior enim virum dicunt ; pata vero, occidere:) tunc igitur Græci perhibentur, victoria apud Thermodontem relata, tribus navibus domum repetiisse ; tot Amazonas, quot vivas capere potuerant, secum vehentes. At illas in medio mari invasisse viros, cunctosque interfecisse. (2) Easdem vero, quum navigandi essent imperitæ, et nec gubernaculorum usum nossent, nec velorum, nec remorum, occisis viris, delatas quo fluctus ventique pellerent, Cremnos ad Mæotidem paludem pervenisse : sunt autem Cremni locus, in Liberorum Scytharum regione. (3) Ibi postquam e navibus escenderunt Amazones, pedibus in habitata loca profectæ, quod primum offenderunt equorum armentum, hoc direpto obequitantes, res Scytharum prædabantur. | About the Sauromatai the following tale is told — When the Hellenes had fought with the Amazons — now the Amazons are called by the Scythians Oiorpata, which name means in the Hellenic tongue “slayers of men,” for “man” they call oior, and pata means “to slay,” — then, as the story goes, the Hellenes, having conquered them in the battle at the Thermodon, were sailing away and conveying with them in three ships as many Amazons as they were able to take prisoners. These in the open sea set upon the men and cast them out of the ships; but they knew nothing about ships, nor how to use rudders or sails or oars, and after they had cast out the men they were driven about by wave and wind and came to that part of the Maiotian lake where Cremnoi stands; now Cremnoi is in the land of the free Scythians. There the Amazons disembarked from their ships and made their way into the country, and having met first with a troop of horses feeding they seized them, and mounted upon these they plundered the property of the Scythians. |
| 4.111 | Scythæ vero, quum nec linguam earum, nec vestimentum, neque gentem nossent, conjectare non potuerant quid hoc rei esset, demirabanturque unde adessent. Quum vero viros ejusdem staturæ ætatisque existimarent, prœlium cum illis commiserunt : (2) e pugna autem potiti mortuis, cognoverunt feminas esse. Deliberantibus igitur visum est, neutiquam illas dehinc occidere, sed e suis qui maxime juvenes essent adversus eas mittere, numero, quantum conjicere poterant, pares illarum numero. (3) Hos jusserunt in earumdem vicinia habere castra, facereque eadem quæ illas viderent facientes : sin illæ ipsos persequerentur, non pugnam cum eis inire, sed sese recipere ; quando vero persequi desinerent illæ, tum rursus appropinquare eisdem et castra propius ponere. (4) Hoc consilium Scythæ ceperunt, cupientes ex illis liberos sibi progigni. | The Scythians meanwhile were not able to understand the matter, for they did not know either their speech or their dress or the race to which they belonged, but were in wonder as to whence they had come and thought that they were men, of an age corresponding to their appearance: and finally they fought a battle against them, and after the battle the Scythians got possession of the bodies of the dead, and thus they discovered that they were women. They took counsel therefore and resolved by no means to go on trying to kill them, but to send against them the youngest men from among themselves, making conjecture of the number so as to send just as many men as there were women. These were told to encamp near them, and do whatsoever they should do; if however the women should come after them, they were not to fight but to retire before them, and when the women stopped, they were to approach near and encamp. This plan was adopted by the Scythians because they desired to have children born from them. |
| 4.112 | Missi juvenes mandata sunt exsecuti. Quos ubi viderunt Amazones non lædendi consilio advenisse, valere sinebant : et quotidie propius castra castris admovebantur. (2) Nihil autem aliud habebant hi juvenes, quemadmodum etiam Amazones, nisi arma et equos : vitam autem sustentabant perinde atque illæ, venando et prædam agendo. | The young men accordingly were sent out and did that which had been commanded them: and when the Amazons perceived that they had not come to do them any harm, they let them alone; and the two camps approached nearer to one another every day: and the young men, like the Amazons, had nothing except their arms and their horses, and got their living, as the Amazons did, by hunting and by taking booty. |
| 4.113 | Sub meridiem hoc agere Amazones consueverant : sparsim singulæ aut binæ, seorsum ab invicem, levandi ventris causa vagabantur. Qua re animadversa, Scythæ perinde fecerunt : et eorum unus ad aliquam ex illis, quæ longius a ceteris sola versabatur, proprius accessit : nec illa eum repudiavit, sed sese frui passa est. (2) Et colloqui quidem cum illo non potuit (nec enim sermonem suum invicem intelligebant), sed signo manu dato invitavit eum, ut postridie eundem in locum adducto comite veniret ; significans, duas affuturas ; se nempe adducturam aliam. (3) Juvenis, ad suos reversus, sociis hæc nuntiavit : et insequente die rediit et ipse in constitutum locum, et alterum secum adduxit ; reperitque Amazonem, cum socia sese exspectantem. Id ubi compererunt reliqui juvenes, etiam ipsi reliquas Amazonas cicurarunt. | Now the Amazons at midday used to scatter abroad either one by one or by two together, dispersing to a distance from one another to ease themselves; and the Scythians also having perceived this did the same thing: and one of the Scythians came near to one of those Amazons who were apart by themselves, and she did not repulse him but allowed him to lie with her: and she could not speak to him, for they did not understand one another’s speech, but she made signs to him with her hand to come on the following day to the same place and to bring another with him, signifying to him that there should be two of them, and that she would bring another with her. The young man therefore, when he returned, reported this to the others; and on the next day he came himself to the place and also brought another, and he found the Amazon awaiting him with another in her company. Then hearing this the rest of the young men also in their turn tamed for themselves the remainder of the Amazons. |
| 4.114 | Posthæc junctis castris una habitarunt : et quisque eam habuit uxorem, cum qua primum consuetudinem habuerat. Et linguam quidem mulierum addiscere viri non potuerunt, sed virorum sermonem didicerunt mulieres. (2) Ubi se invicem intelligebant, Amazonas his verbis compellarunt viri : « Sunt nobis parentes, sunt etiam possessiones. Nunc igitur non amplius talem vivamus vitam ; sed ad nostros redeamus, cum illisque vitam agamus. Et vos habebimus uxores, nec ullas alias. » (3) At illæ ad hæc responderunt : « Nos vero non poterimus cum vestris vivere mulieribus : nec enim eadem nobis atque illis instituta sunt. (4) Nos arcu utimur, et sagittis, et equis ; muliebria vero non didicimus opera. Vestræ autem mulieres nihil horum, quæ diximus, agunt ; opera vero faciunt muliebria, in plaustris desidentes, nec venatum exeuntes, neque alio usquam. Itaque cum illis non poterimus consuescere. (5) Sed si nos habere vultis uxores, et videri vultis æquissime agere ; abite ad parentes vestros, et facultatum partem ab eis sortiti, ad nos redite ; ac deinde seorsum ab illis habitemus. » | And after this they joined their camps and lived together, each man having for his wife her with whom he had had dealings at first; and the men were not able to learn the speech of the women, but the women came to comprehend that of the men. So when they understood one another, the men spoke to the Amazons as follows: “We have parents and we have possessions; now therefore let us no longer lead a life of this kind, but let us go away to the main body of our people and dwell with them; and we will have you for wives and no others.” They however spoke thus in reply: “We should not be able to live with your women, for we and they have not the same customs. We shoot with bows and hurl javelins and ride horses, but the works of women we never learnt; whereas your women do none of these things which we said, but stay in the waggons and work at the works of women, neither going out to the chase nor anywhither else. We therefore should not be able to live in agreement with them: but if ye desire to keep us for your wives and to be thought honest men, go to your parents and obtain from them your share of the goods, and then let us go and dwell by ourselves.” |
| 4.115 | Paruerunt juvenes, et, quod illæ postulaverant, fecerunt. Postquam vero facultatum ratam partem acceperunt, et ad Amazonas sunt reversi, hæc eis dixere uxores : « Timor nos atque metus tenet, quo pacto hoc in loco habitare possimus ; quum et patribus vos privaverimus, et terram vexaverimus vestram. (2) Sed, si cupitis porro nos habere uxores, hæcce facite nobiscum : agite, hac e terra excedamus ; et trajecto Tanai fluvio, ibi habitemus. » | The young men agreed and did this; and when they had obtained the share of the goods which belonged to them and had returned back to the Amazons, the women spoke to them as follows: “We are possessed by fear and trembling to think that we must dwell in this place, having not only separated you from your fathers, but also done great damage to your land. Since then ye think it right to have us as your wives, do this together with us — come and let us remove from this land and pass over the river Tanaïs and there dwell.” |
| 4.116 | In hanc quoque conditionem consensere juvenes. Trajecto Tanai, tridui viam a Tanai versus orientem progressi sunt, et tridui item viam a Mæotide palude versus septentrionem ; et postquam in eum locum venerunt, ubi etiam nunc habitant, ibi sedes ceperunt. (2) Atque ab illo tempore vetustam vitæ rationem mulieres Sauromatarum conservarunt venatum exeuntes, vectæ equis una cum maritis aut sine maritis, et in bellum proficiscentes, eandemque cum viris vestem gestantes. | The young men agreed to this also, and they crossed over the Tanaïs and made their way towards the rising sun for three days’ journey from Tanaïs, and also towards the North Wind for three days’ journey from the Maiotian lake: and having arrived at the place where they are now settled, they took up their abode there: and from thenceforward the women of the Sauromatai practise their ancient way of living, going out regularly on horseback to the chase both in company with the men and apart from them, and going regularly to war, and wearing the same dress as the men. |
| 4.117 | Sermone Sauromatæ utuntur Scythico, solœce quidem illo utentes inde ab antiquis temporibus, quoniam eum non recte didicerant Amazones. (2) Quod ad nuptias spectat, hoc apud illos institutum obtinet : nulla virgo viro nubit, quin prius ex hostibus virum quempiam occiderit : suntque apud eos quæ vetulæ moriantur priusquam nupserint, quoniam satisfacere legi non potuerunt. | And the Sauromatai make use of the Scythian tongue, speaking it barbarously however from the first, since the Amazons did not learn it thoroughly well. As regards marriages their rule is this, that no maiden is married until she has slain a man of their enemies; and some of them even grow old and die before they are married, because they are not able to fulfil the requirement of the law. |
| 4.118 | Ad horum igitur, quos commemoravi, populorum congregatos reges ubi venere Scytharum legati, edocuerunt eos, Persarum regem, postquam in altera continente omnia armis suis subjecisset, ponte in collo Bospori posito in hanc trajecisse continentem ; et, subactis Thracibus, Istrum fluvium ponte jungere, hoc consilio ut et hæc omnia suam sub potestatem redigat. « Vos igitur nequaquam, res vestras a nostris rebus separantes, disperdi nos sinite ; sed communi consilio obviam eamus invadenti ! (2) Id nisi feceritis ; nos, ab illis pressi, aut regione excedemus ; aut, manentes, deditionem faciemus. Quid enim aliud facere possimus, si vos opem nobis ferre nolueritis ? At non idcirco melius vobiscum agetur : venit enim Persa non magis contra nos, quam contra vos ; nec nobis subactis contentus, a vobis abstinebit. (3) Magnum vero hujus rei testimonium proferimus : nam, si adversus nos solos arma movisset Persa, ulciscendæ superioris servitutis causa, oportebat illum ita nostram invadere terram, ut ab aliis populis omnibus abstineret ; cunctisque declaraturus erat, adversus Scythas se ducere exercitum, non adversus alios. (4) Nunc vero, e quo in hanc continentem trajecit, continuo, quoscunque obviam habet, perdomat omnes. Sane quidem quum reliquos suæ potestati subjecit Thracas, tum nostros quoque finitimos Getas. » | To the kings of these nations then, which have been mentioned in order, the messengers of the Scythians came, finding them gathered together, and spoke declaring to them how the Persian king, after having subdued all things to himself in the other continent, had laid a bridge over the neck of the Bosphorus and had crossed over to that continent, and having crossed over and subdued the Thracians, was making a bridge over the river Ister, desiring to bring under his power all these regions also. “Do ye therefore,” they said, “by no means stand aloof and allow us to be destroyed, but let us become all of one mind and oppose him who is coming against us. If ye shall not do so, we on our part shall either be forced by necessity to leave our land, or we shall stay in it and make a treaty with the invader; for what else can we do if ye are not willing to help us? and for you after this it will be in no respect easier; for the Persian has come not at all less against you than against us, nor will it content him to subdue us and abstain from you. And of the truth of that which we say we will mention a strong evidence: if the Persian had been making his expedition against us alone, because he desired to take vengeance for the former servitude, he ought to have abstained from all the rest and to have come at once to invade our land, and he would thus have made it clear to all that he was marching to fight against the Scythians and not against the rest. In fact however, ever since he crossed over to this continent, he has compelled all who came in his way to submit to him, and he holds under him now not only the other Thracians but also the Getai, who are our nearest neighbors.” |
| 4.119 | Hæc quum Scythæ exposuissent, deliberarunt reges qui e prædictis populis convenerant. Divisæ autem fuerunt eorum sententiæ: nam Gelonus quidem, et Budinus, et Sauromata, idem sentientes, opem ferendam Scythis receperunt ; (2) Agathyrsus vero, et Neurus, et Androphagus, et Melanchlænorum Taurorumque reges, hæcce Scythis responderunt : « Nisi vos priores injuria affecissetis Persas, bellique fecissetis initium, recte utique videremini nobis precari quæ precamini, dicereque quæ dixistis ; et nos precibus vestris morem gerentes, eadem (quæ hi vobis recipiunt) præstituri vobis eramus. (3) Nunc vero vos, absque nobis, illorum terram invasistis, et imperium in Persas, quamdiu deus vobis permisit, obtinuistis : et illi nunc, ab eodem deo excitati, paria vobis reddunt. At nos neque tunc injuria ulla affecimus hos viros, neque nunc priores injuria illos lacessere conabimur. (4) Quodsi tamen nostram etiam terram invadere hostis voluerit, et injuriarum fecerit initium, nos quoque ipsi non tolerabimus : donec autem hoc viderimus, domi manebimus ; nec enim contra nos venisse Persas existimamus, sed contra eos qui injuriarum fuerunt auctores. » | When the Scythians proposed this, the kings who had come from the various nations took counsel together, and their opinions were divided. The kings of the Gelonians, of the Budinoi and of the Sauromatai agreed together and accepted the proposal that they should help the Scythians, but those of the Agathyrsians, Neuroi, Androphagoi, Melanchlainoi and Tauroi returned answer to the Scythians as follows: “If ye had not been the first to do wrong to the Persians and to begin war, then we should have surely thought that ye were speaking justly in asking for those things for which ye now ask, and we should have yielded to your request and shared your fortunes. As it is however, ye on the one hand made invasion without us into their land, and bare rule over the Persians for so long a time as God permitted you; and they in their turn, since the same God stirs them up, are repaying you with the like. As for us however, neither at that time did we do any wrong to these men nor now shall we attempt to do any wrong to them unprovoked: if however the Persians shall come against our land also, and do wrong first to us, we also shall refuse to submit: but until we shall see this, we shall remain by ourselves, for we are of opinion that the Persians have come not against us, but against those who were the authors of the wrong.” |
| 4.120 | Hæc ubi ad se relata Scythæ audiere, decreverunt justam quidem ex aperto pugnam nullam conserere, quoniam hi sibi armorum socii non accederent ; sed, recedentes et armenta retro agentes, puteos qua præterirent et fontes obstruere, herbamque e terra natam atterere, bifariam sese partientes. (2) Et alteram quidem harum partium, quam duceret rex Scopasis, junctis Sauromatis, recta versus Tanain fluvium secundum Mæotin paludem, si huc se converteret Persa, debere regredi ; et, quando retro duceret rex, illum persequi atque invadere. (3) Hæc igitur una pars Regni [id est, Regiorum Scytharum] hac via, qua dixi, collocata erat. Duas autem reliquas Scytharum Regiorum partes, majorem, cui Idanthyrsus imperabat, tertiamque cui præerat rex Taxacis, collectas inter se et junctas cum Gelonis atque Budinis, similiter, unius diei itinere inter se et Persas sectantes interjecto, debere regredi, et ea facere quæ decreta essent. (4) Hos igitur primum recta versus eorum ditionem recipere sese debere, qui societatem ipsis negassent, quo hos etiam bello implicarent ; (ut, qui noluissent sponte fortunam belli Persici subire, inviti tamen bella recogerentur:) deinde vero in suam ditionem sese convertere, et aggredi hostem, si deliberantibus ita videretur. | When the Scythians heard this answer reported, they planned not to fight a pitched battle openly, since these did not join them as allies, but to retire before the Persians and to drive away their cattle from before them, choking up with earth the wells and the springs of water by which they passed and destroying the grass from off the ground, having parted themselves for this into two bodies; and they resolved that the Sauromatai should be added to one of their divisions, namely that over which Scopasis was king, and that these should move on, if the Persians turned in that direction, straight towards the river Tanaïs, retreating before him by the shore of the Maiotian lake; and when the Persian marched back again, they should come after and pursue him. This was one division of their kingdom, appointed to go by the way which has been said; and the other two of the kingdoms, the large one over which Idanthyrsos was king, and the third of which Taxakis was king, were to join together in one, with the Gelonians and the Budinoi added to them, and they also were to retire before the Persians one day’s march in front of them, going on out of their way and doing that which had been planned. First they were to move on straight for the countries which had refused to give their alliance, in order that they might involve these also in the war, and though these had not voluntarily undertaken the war with the Persians, they were to involve them in it nevertheless against their will; and after that they were to return to their own land and attack the enemy, if it should seem good to them in council so to do. |
| 4.121 | His ita deliberatis, Scythæ exercitui Darii obviam sunt progressi, præcursoribus præmissis equitibus præstantissimis. Plaustra vero, in quibus vitam agebant liberi eorum uxoresque omnes, et pecora omnia, præterquam quot ad victum sufficiebant, tot relictis, cetera simul cum plaustris dimiserunt, dato mandato, ut versus septentrionem continuo agerent. Hæc igitur ita in tuto collocabant. | Having formed this plan the Scythians went to meet the army of Dareios, sending off the best of their horsemen before them as scouts; but all the waggons in which their children and their women lived they sent on, and with them all their cattle (leaving only so much as was sufficient to supply them with food), and charged them that they should proceed continually towards the North Wind. These, I say, were being carried on before. |
| 4.122 | Antecursores Scytharum postquam Persas repererunt tridui itinere ab Istro progressos, unius diei itinere ab illis distantes castra posuerunt ; et, quidquid progignit terra, id omne contriverunt. (2) Persæ vero, ut Scytharum equitatum viderunt sibi comparentem, vestigia eorum legentes progressi sunt, quum quidem illi continuo retro cederent. Erant autem hi, contra quos iter suum Persæ dirigebant, una illa Scytharum pars, quam supra commemoravi ; itaque eosdem deinde orientem versus, et versus Tanain, sunt persecuti. (3) Et postquam Tanain fluvium hi trajecerunt, Persæ item trajecto fluvio eos sunt persecuti ; donec, peragrata Sauromatarum ditione, in Budinorum regionem pervenerunt. | But when the scouts who went in front of the Scythians discovered the Persians distant about three days’ march from Ister, then the Scythians having discovered them continued to pitch their camp one day’s march in front, destroying utterly that which grew from the ground: and when the Persians saw that the horsemen of the Scythians had made their appearance, they came after them following in their track, while the Scythians continually moved on. After this, since they had directed their march towards the first of the divisions, the Persians continued to pursue towards the East and the river Tanaïs; and when the Scythians crossed over the river Tanaïs, the Persians crossed over after them and continued still to pursue, until they had passed quite through the land of the Sauromatai and had come to that of the Budinoi. |
| 4.123 | Quamdiu igitur per Scythicam et Sauromatidem terram iter Persæ faciebant ; nihil quod vastare possent repererunt, quippe in arida et inculta terra. Postquam vero Budinorum ingressi sunt regionem, ligneam ibi urbem offendentes, a Budinis desertam, et omnibus rebus vacuam, incenderunt. (2) Dum hoc agebant, continuo per tritam viam ulterius progrediebantur, donec in terram prorsus desertam pervenerunt. Situm est autem hoc desertum, a nullis prorsus hominibus habitatum, supra Budinorum regionem, patetque in septem dierum iter. (3) Super eo deserto habitant Thyssagetæ: quorum e terra quattuor exeunt magna flumina, quæ postquam per Mæotas fluxere, in Mæotin paludem, quæ vocatur, sese exonerant : nomina his fluminibus imposita sunt Lycus, Oarus, Tanais, Hyrgis. | Now so long as the Persians were passing through Scythia and the land of the Sauromatai, they had nothing to destroy, seeing that the land was bare, but when they invaded the land of the Budinoi, then they fell in with the wooden wall, which had been deserted by the Budinoi and left wholly unoccupied, and this they destroyed by fire. Having done so they continued to follow on further in the tracks of the enemy, until they had passed through the whole of this land and had arrived at the desert. This desert region is occupied by no men, and it lies above the land of the Budinoi, extending for a seven days’ journey; and above this desert dwell the Thyssagetai, and four large rivers flow from them through the land of the Maiotians and run into that which is called the Maiotian lake, their names being as follows — Lycos, Oaros, Tanaïs, Syrgis. |
| 4.124 | Darius, postquam in desertum pervenit, omisso cursu, ad flumen Oarum stativa habuit : ac per id tempus octo magna castella munivit, paribus intervallis a se invicem distantia, sexaginta circiter stadia ; quorum mea etiam nunc ætate superfuerunt ruinæ. (2) Dum ille in his erat occupatus, interim Scythæ, quos erat persecutus, circumitis locis superioribus, in Scythiam sunt reversi. (3) Qui quum prorsus e conspectu essent remoti, nec usquam amplius comparerent, ita Darius, castellis illis imperfectis relictis, retrogressus est, itinere ad occidentem converso. Putabat enim, hos esse universos Scythas, et occidentem versus profugere. | When therefore Dareios came to the desert region, he ceased from his course and halted his army upon the river Oaros. Having so done he began to build eight large fortifications at equal distances from one another, that is to say about sixty furlongs, of which the ruins still existed down to my time; and while he was occupied in this, the Scythians whom he was pursuing came round by the upper parts and returned back to Scythia. Accordingly, since these had altogether disappeared and were no longer seen by the Persians at all, Dareios left those fortifications half finished, and turning back himself began to go towards the West, supposing that these were the whole body of the Scythians and that they were flying towards the West. |
| 4.125 | Magnis itineribus cum exercitu profectus Darius, ut in Scythicam terram pervenit, incidit in junctas duas alteras Scytharum partes : quas ibi nactus, persecutus est ita, ut illi, sese recipientes, semper unius diei itinere ipsum antecederent. (2) Quumque instare eis Darius non intermitteret, Scythæ, ut initio decreverant, in illorum regum ditionem se receperunt, qui armorum societatem illis negaverant ; et primum quidem in Melanchlænorum terram. (3) Quos quum tumultu replessent et Scythæ et Persæ, terram illorum ingressi ; mox in Androphagorum regionem Scythæ illis præiverunt : et horum quoque rebus perturbatis, in Neuridem terram se receperunt : denique, his etiam concussis, Agathyrsos Scythæ subterfugientes petivere. (4) Agathyrsi, finitimos fugere videntes et exagitatos a Scythis, præcone misso, priusquam suam ditionem Scythæ invaderent, edixerunt illis, intra fines suos ne pedem ponerent : prædixeruntque, si invadere conarentur, secum prius fore armis decertandum. (5) His per præconem prædictis, Agathyrsi ad fines suæ ditionis præsto fuerunt, constitutum habentes prohibere invadentes. Melanchlæni vero et Androphagi et Neuri, Persis simul cum Scythis irrumpentibus, ne fortuna quidem armorum temptata, obliti minarum, continuo ulterius septentrionem versus in desertum territi turbatique profugerant. (6) Scythæ vero, ab Agathyrsis prohibiti, horum ditionem jam non sunt ingressi, sed e Neuride terra in suam Persis præiverunt. | And marching his army as quickly as possible, when he came to Scythia he met with the two divisions of the Scythians together, and having fallen in with these he continued to pursue them, while they retired out of his way one day’s journey in advance: and as Dareios did not cease to come after them, the Scythians according to the plan which they had made continued to retire before him towards the land of those who had refused to give their alliance, and first towards that of the Melanchlainoi; and when Scythians and Persians both together had invaded and disturbed these, the Scythians led the way to the country of the Androphagoi; and when these had also been disturbed, they proceeded to the land of the Neuroi; and while these too were being disturbed, the Scythians went on retiring before the enemy to the Agathyrsians. The Agathyrsians however, seeing that their next neighbors also were flying from the Scythians and had been disturbed, sent a herald before the Scythians invaded their land and proclaimed to the Scythians not to set foot upon their confines, warning them that if they should attempt to invade the country, they would first have to fight with them. The Agathyrsians then having given this warning came out in arms to their borders, meaning to drive off those who were coming upon them; but the Melanchlainoi and Androphagoi and Neuroi, when the Persians and Scythians together invaded them, did not betake themselves to brave defence but forgot their former threat and fled in confusion ever further towards the North to the desert region. The Scythians however, when the Agathyrsians had warned them off, did not attempt any more to come to these, but led the Persians from the country of the Neuroi back to their own land. |
| 4.126 | Ita quum tempus extraheretur, neque finis ullus appareret, Darius, misso ad Idanthyrsum Scytharum regem equite, hæc ei dixit : « Male feriate homo, cur fugis semper, quum tibi liceat duorum utrum libuerit facere ? quodsi enim satis virium tibi videris habere ad resistendum meis rebus, siste gradum, et desinens vagari pugnam committe : sin tibi conscius es esse inferior, etiam sic vagari desine ; et domino tuo dona ferens terram et aquam, in colloquium veni. » | Now as this went on for a long time and did not cease, Dareios sent a horseman to Idanthyrsos king of the Scythians and said as follows: “Thou most wondrous man, why dost thou fly for ever, when thou mightest do of these two things one? — if thou thinkest thyself able to make opposition to my power, stand thou still and cease from wandering abroad, and fight; but if thou dost acknowledge thyself too weak, cease then in that case also from thy course, and come to speech with thy master, bringing to him gifts of earth and water.” |
| 4.127 | Ad hæc Scytharum rex Idanthyrsus hæc respondit : « Ita mihi res habet, Persa : equidem nullum unquam hominem metuens fugi, neque ante hoc tempus, nec nunc te fugio. Neque nunc novum quidpiam facio, aut aliud, quam quod in pace facere assuevi. (2) Quid sit vero quod non continuo pugnam tecum committam, id quoque tibi declarabo. Neque oppida sunt nobis, nec culta arva, quibus metuentes ne capiantur aut vastentur, properemus pugnam vobiscum conserere. Sin cupis quamprimum eo venire ; sunt nobis patria sepulcra : (3) agite, hæc indagate, et reperta disturbare temptate ; tunc cognoscetis, utrum pro sepulcris pugnaturi simus vobiscum, an non pugnaturi. Prius vero, quam nobis ratio suaserit, pugnam tecum non conseremus. (4) Et hæc quidem de pugna dicta sunto. Dominos autem meos solos duco esse Jovem, meum progenitorem, et Vestam, Scytharum reginam. Tibi autem, loco terræ et aquæ quæ tu dona postulas, ea dona mittam quæ ad te mitti decet : pro eo vero, quod dominum te meum esse dixisti, in malam rem te jubeo abire. » (Hoc est, quod vulgo dicunt, Scythicum dictum.) Istud igitur responsum præco ad Darium rettulit. | To this the king of the Scythians Idanthyrsos made answer thus: “My case, O Persian, stands thus — Never yet did I fly because I was afraid, either before this time from any other man, or now from thee; nor have I done anything different now from that which I was wont to do also in time of peace: and as to the cause why I do not fight with thee at once, this also I will declare to thee. We have neither cities nor land sown with crops, about which we should fear lest they should be captured or laid waste, and so join battle more speedily with you; but if it be necessary by all means to come to this speedily, know that we have sepulchres in which our fathers are buried; therefore come now, find out these and attempt to destroy them, and ye shall know then whether we shall fight with you for the sepulchres or whether we shall not fight. Before that however, unless the motion comes upon us, we shall not join battle with thee. About fighting let so much as has been said suffice; but as to masters, I acknowledge none over me but Zeus my ancestor and Hestia the queen of the Scythians. To thee then in place of gifts of earth and water I shall send such things as it is fitting that thou shouldest receive; and in return for thy saying that thou art my master, for that I say, woe betide thee.” This is the proverbial “saying of the Scythians.” |
| 4.128 | Reges vero Scytharum, audito servitutis nomine, iram non tenuere. Igitur illud suorum agmen, cui juncti Sauromatæ erant, quod sub Scopasis erat imperio, ad Istrum mittunt, dato mandato ut Ionibus in colloquium veniant, illis qui pontem in Istro positum custodiebant. Eis vero qui relinquebantur placuit, non amplius circumducere Persas ; sed, quoties cibum caperent, de improviso in eos impetum facere. (2) Observantes igitur illos cibum capientes, quæ decreverant, exsequebantur. Et equitatum quidem constanter in fugam vertebat Scytharum equitatus ; et Persarum equites fuga in pedites incidebant. Tum vero suppetias veniebat peditatus : (3) et Scythæ, postquam equites hostium in pedites rejecerant, recedebant, peditatum metuentes. Similes vero impressiones noctu etiam Scythæ faciebant. | The herald then had departed to report this to Dareios; and the kings of the Scythians, having heard mention of subjection to a master, were filled with wrath. They sent accordingly the division which was appointed to be joined with the Sauromatai, that division of which Scopasis was in command, bidding them come to speech with the Ionians, namely those who were guarding the bridge of the Ister, and meanwhile they who were left behind resolved not to lead the Persians wandering about any more, but to attack them constantly as they were getting provisions. Therefore they observed the soldiers of Dareios as they got provisions, and did that which they had determined: and the cavalry of the Scythians always routed that of the enemy, but the Persian horsemen as they fled fell back upon the men on foot, and these would come up to their assistance; and meanwhile the Scythians when they had driven in the cavalry turned back, fearing the men on foot. Also by night the Scythians used to make similar attacks. |
| 4.129 | Erat tunc Persis utilis, Scythis vero inimica, Darii castra aggredientibus, res dictu mira admodum ; nimirum vox asinorum, et mulorum species. (2) Etenim nec asinum nec mulum fert Scythica terra, quemadmodum supra etiam demonstratum a me est : neque est omnino in universa Scythica regione aut asinus aut mulus, propter frigora. (3) Igitur lascivientes asini territabant equitatum Scytharum : sæpeque, dum in Persas impetum faciebant Scythæ, equi audientes interim voces asinorum, consternati avertebantur, et mirabundi erigebant aures, ut qui nunquam antea vel vocem talem audivissent, vel speciem vidissent. Atque hoc, leve quidem, sed aliquid tamen ad belli successum Persæ adepti sunt. | And the thing which, strange to say, most helped the Persians and hindered the Scythians in their attacks upon the camp of Dareios, I will mention, namely the voice of the asses and the appearance of the mules; for Scythia produces neither ass nor mule, as I have declared before, nor is there at all in the Scythian country either ass or mule on account of the cold. The asses accordingly by riotously braying used to throw into confusion the cavalry of the Scythians; and often, as they were in the middle of riding against the Persians, when the horses heard the voice of the asses they turned back in confusion and were possessed with wonder, pricking up their ears, because they had never heard such a voice nor seen the form of the creature before. |
| 4.130 | Scythæ quum subinde magnos motus fieri in castris Persarum [veluti reditum parantium] observarent ; quo illi diutius in Scythia manerent, ibique manentes penuria rerum omnium premerentur, hocce fecerunt. (2) De pecoribus suis idemtidem nonnulla cum pastoribus relinquebant, et ipsi se retro in alium locum paulisper recipiebant. Tum Persæ, impetu facto, capiebant pecora, et præda facta exsultabant. | So far then the Persians had the advantage for a small part of the war. But the Scythians, whenever they saw that the Persians were disquieted, then in order that they might remain a longer time in Scythia and in remaining might suffer by being in want of everything, would leave some of their own cattle behind with the herdsmen, while they themselves rode out of the way to another place, and the Persians would come upon the cattle and take them, and having taken them they were elated at what they had done. |
| 4.131 | Id quum sæpius fieret, ad extremum Darius, quid consilii caperet, incertus hærebat. Quod ubi animadverterunt Scytharum reges, præconem ad eum miserunt dona ferentem, avem et murem et ranam et quinque sagittas. (2) Hæc afferentem dona interrogarunt Persæ, quænam esset mens datorum ; et ille respondit, nihil aliud sibi mandatum fuisse, nisi ut his datis quamprimum abiret : ipsos autem Persas, si sapientes essent, cognoscere jussit, quidnam ista dona significarent. Quo audito responso, consultabant inter se Persæ. | As this happened often, at length Dareios began to be in straits; and the kings of the Scythians perceiving this sent a herald bearing as gifts to Dareios a bird and a mouse and a frog and five arrows. The Persians accordingly asked the bearer of the gifts as to the meaning of the gifts which were offered; but he said that nothing more had been commanded to him but to give them and get away as speedily as possible; and he bade the Persians find out for themselves, if they had wisdom, that which the gifts were meant to express. |
| 4.132 | Et Darii quidem sententia erat, Scythas sese et terram et aquam ipsi tradere : id quod inde colligebat, quod mus in terra viveret, eodem fructu atque homo vescens, rana vero in aqua viveret, avis autem similis admodum esset equo ; denique tela illos tradere, tanquam suam fortitudinem. (2) Hanc Darius sententiam dixerat. Cui opposita erat Gobryæ sententia, unius e septem viris qui Magum oppresserant. Is conjectabat, dona illa hæc significare : « Nisi aves facti, o Persæ, in cœlum evolaveritis, aut in mures conversi subeatis terram, aut ut ranæ in paludes insilieritis, salvi hinc non revertemini, hisce sagittis confixi. » | Having heard this the Persians took counsel with one another; and the opinion of Dareios was that the Scythians were giving to him both themselves and also earth and water, making his conjecture by this, namely that a mouse is produced in the earth and feeds on the same produce of the earth as man, and a frog in the water, while a bird has great resemblance to a horse; and moreover that in giving the arrows they were delivering up their own might in battle. This was the opinion expressed by Dareios; but the opinion of Gobryas, one of the seven men who killed the Magian, was at variance with it, for he conjectured that the gifts expressed this: “Unless ye become birds and fly up into the heaven, O Persians, or become mice and sink down under the earth, or become frogs and leap into the lakes, ye shall not return back home, but shall be smitten by these arrows.” |
| 4.133 | In hunc igitur modum dona illa Persæ interpretabantur. Interim una illa Scytharum pars, cui antea mandatum fuerat, ut ad Mæotidem paludem custodiam agerent, tum vero, ut Ionibus ad Istrum in colloquium venirent, ubi ad pontem pervenere, hæc ad eos verba fecerunt : « Viri Iones, venimus libertatem vobis afferentes, si quidem audire nos volueritis. (2) Cognovimus enim, mandasse vobis Darium, nonnisi sexaginta dies custodire pontem, hisque elapsis, si intra id tempus ille non affuerit, in patriam vestram abire. (3) Nunc igitur, si hoc quod vobis edicimus feceritis, extra culpam et apud illum eritis, et apud nos : ad constitutum diem manete, eoque elapso discedite. » Hæc quum se facturos Iones essent polliciti, ocyus illi retro se proripuerunt. | The Persians then, I say, were making conjecture of the gifts: and meanwhile the single division of the Scythians, that which had been appointed at first to keep guard along the Maiotian lake and then to go to the Ister and come to speech with the Ionians, when they arrived at the bridge spoke as follows: “Ionians, we have come bringing you freedom, if at least ye are willing to listen to us; for we are informed that Dareios gave you command to guard the bridge for sixty days only, and then, if he had not arrived within that time, to get you away to your own land. Now therefore, if ye do as we say, ye will be without blame from his part and without blame also from ours: stay the appointed days and then after that get you away.” They then, when the Ionians had engaged themselves to do this, hastened back again by the quickest way. |
| 4.134 | Reliqui Scythæ, postquam dona, quæ diximus, ad Darium miserant, instructis peditibus equitibusque in aciem sunt progressi, tanquam prœlium commissuri. Quibus jam in acie stantibus, quum forte lepus in medium prosiluisset, ut quisque leporem conspexit, ita eum persequi cœpit. (2) Turbatis itaque illorum ordinibus, et orto clamore, causam Darius quæsivit hujus tumultus, qui apud hostes ortus esset. Quos ubi comperit leporem persequi, dixit ad hos cum quibus et alias communicare sermones consueverat : « Nimium nos hi viri contemnunt : ac mihi nunc plane videtur, de Scythicis donis recte Gobryas judicasse. (3) Quoniam igitur me quoque judice hæc ita se habent, bono consilio opus est, quo tutus nobis hinc sit receptus. » Ad hæc Gobryas : « Rex, inquit, mihi quidem satis etiam auditu cognita erat horum hominum paupertas : nunc vero, postquam in eorum terram adveni, magis etiam cognovi, videns quo pacto nos ludibrio habeant. (4) Itaque mihi sic faciendum videtur : quamprimum nox aderit, incensis ignibus sicut alias facere consuevimus, deceptis eis e militibus qui ad tolerandos labores nimis infirmi sunt, et alligatis asinis omnibus, hinc abeundum, priusquam aut Scythæ ad Istrum pergant pontem rescissuri, aut Iones etiam consilium aliquod, quod nos perdat, capiant. » Hæc Gobryas suasit. | And meanwhile, after the coming of the gifts to Dareios, the Scythians who were left had arrayed themselves against the Persians with both foot and horse, meaning to engage battle. Now when the Scythians had been placed in battle-array, a hare darted through them into the space between the two armies, and each company of them, as they saw the hare, began to run after it. When the Scythians were thus thrown into disorder and were raising loud cries, Dareios asked what was this clamour arising from the enemy; and hearing that they were running after the hare, he said to those men to whom he was wont to say things at other times: “These men have very slight regard for us, and I perceive now that Gobryas spoke rightly about the Scythian gifts. Seeing then that now I myself too think that things are so, we have need of good counsel, in order that our retreat homewards may be safely made.” To this replied Gobryas and said: “O king, even by report I was almost assured of the difficulty of dealing with these men; and when I came I learnt it still more thoroughly, since I saw that they were mocking us. Now therefore my opinion is, that as soon as night comes on, we kindle the camp-fires as we are wont to do at other times also, and deceive with a false tale those of our men who are weakest to endure hardships, and tie up all the asses and get us away, before either the Scythians make for the Ister to destroy the bridge or something be resolved by the Ionians which may be our ruin.” Thus Gobryas advised. |
| 4.135 | Deinde, ut nox affuit, eo consilio Darius usus est. Morbosos e militibus, et quorum jacturam minimi faciebat, asinos item omnes religatos, in castris quo loco erant reliquit. (2) Reliquit autem et asinos et infirmos milites hac causa, ut asini clamorem tollerent : homines autem, infirmitatis quidem causa relinquebantur ; sed species nempe prætendebatur, regem cum flore exercitus de improviso aggressurum esse Scythas, et hos interim debere castra tueri. (3) Hoc postquam iis qui relinquebantur significaverat Darius, incensis ignibus, quamprimum ad Istrum redire properavit. Tum vero asini, procul a cœtu cui assueverant relicti, multo tumultuosiorem etiam ruditum edebant ; asinos autem audientes Scythæ prorsus existimarunt, suo loco mansisse Persas. | And after this, when night came on, Dareios acted on this opinion. Those of his men who were weakened by fatigue and whose loss was of least account, these he left behind in the camp, and the asses also tied up: and for the following reasons he left behind the asses and the weaker men of his army — the asses in order that they might make a noise which should be heard, and the men really because of their weakness, but on a pretence stated openly that he was about to attack the Scythians with the effective part of the army, and that they meanwhile were to be defenders of the camp. Having thus instructed those who were left behind, and having kindled camp-fires, Dareios hastened by the quickest way towards the Ister: and the asses, having no longer about them the usual throng, very much more for that reason caused their voice to be heard; so the Scythians, hearing the asses, supposed surely that the Persians were remaining in their former place. |
| 4.136 | Orta luce, qui relicti erant, proditos se esse intelligentes a Dario, manus ad Scythas tendebant, ea quæ par erat dicentes. Quibus illi auditis, propere collectis copiis omnibus, et duo illa quæ diximus juncta Scytharum agmina, et unum tertium cum Sauromatis, et Budini et Geloni, simul omnes persecuti sunt Persas, recta versus Istrum directo itinere. (2) At, quum major pars Persici exercitus pedestris esset, nec itinerum esset peritus, utpote viis non tritis, Scythicus autem exercitus esset equestris, et compendiorum itineris gnarus ; accidit, ut a se invicem aberrarent, et multo prius Scythæ, quam Persæ, ad pontem pervenirent. (3) Qui ubi cognoverunt, nondum advenisse Persas, Ionibus, qui in navibus erant, hæcce dixere : « Viri Iones, dierum numerus vobis præteriit : itaque male facitis, quod adhuc manetis. (4) At, quoniam huc usque metu mansistis, nunc quidem solvite pontem, et ocyus abite, recuperata libertate gaudentes, et diis atque Scythis habentes gratiam. Cum illo autem, qui adhuc vester fuit dominus, ita nos agemus, ut adversus nullum populum posthac arma sit moturus. » | But when it was day, those who were left behind perceived that they had been betrayed by Dareios, and they held out their hands in submission to the Scythians, telling them what their case was; and the Scythians, when they heard this, joined together as quickly as possible, that is to say the two combined divisions of the Scythians and the single division, and also the Sauromatai, Budinoi, and Gelonians, and began to pursue the Persians, making straight for the Ister: but as the Persian army for the most part consisted of men on foot, and was not acquainted with the roads (the roads not being marked with tracks), while the Scythian army consisted of horsemen and was acquainted with the shortest cuts along the way, they missed one another and the Scythians arrived at the bridge much before the Persians. Then having learnt that the Persians had not yet arrived, they said to the Ionians who were in the ships: “Ionians, the days of your number are past, and ye are not acting uprightly in that ye yet remain waiting: but as ye stayed before from fear, so now break up the passage as quickly as ye may, and depart free and unhurt, feeling thankfulness both to the gods and to the Scythians: and him who was formerly your master we will so convince, that he shall never again march with an army upon any nation.” |
| 4.137 | Super his itaque deliberarunt Iones. Et Miltiadis quidem Atheniensis, qui dux et tyrannus erat Chersonesitarum ad Hellespontum, hæc erat sententia, parerent Scythis, et Ioniam liberarent. Cui opposita erat Histiæi sententia Milesii, dicentis, nunc quidem unumquemque ipsorum in sua civitate regnare ; Darii vero eversa potentia, nec se Mileti, neque alium quemquam ullius civitatis imperium porro posse obtinere : fore enim ut quæque civitas populari uti imperio malit, quam uni parere. (2) Hanc sententiam postquam Histiæus dixit, protinus omnes huic sunt assensi, quum prius Miltiadis probassent consilium. | Upon this the Ionians took counsel together; and Miltiades the Athenian on the one hand, who was commander and despot of the men of the Chersonese in Hellespont, was of opinion that they should follow the advice of the Scythians and set Ionia free: but Histiaios the Milesian was of the opposite opinion to this; for he said that at the present time it was by means of Dareios that each one of them was ruling as despot over a city; and if the power of Dareios should be destroyed, neither he himself would be able to bear rule over the Milesians, nor would any other of them be able to bear rule over any other city; for each of the cities would choose to have popular rather than despotic rule. When Histiaios declared his opinion thus, forthwith all turned to this opinion, whereas at the first they were adopting that of Miltiades. |
| 4.138 | Fuere autem hi, qui in illa deliberatione suffragia ferebant, et gratia valebant apud regem : Hellespontiorum quidem tyranni, Daphnis, Abydenus ; Hippoclus, Lampsacenus ; Herophantus, Parienus ; Metrodorus, Proconnesius ; Aristagoras, Cyzicenus ; et Ariston, Byzantius : (2) hi ex Hellesponto affuere. Ex Ionia vero : Strattis, Chius ; Æaces, Samius ; Laodamas, Phocæensis ; et Histiæus, Milesius, cujus erat in medium proposita sententia, Miltiadi contraria. Ex Æolensibus unus aderat vir nobilis, Aristagoras Cymæus. | Now these were they who gave the vote between the two opinions, and were men of consequence in the eyes of the king — first the despots of the Hellespontians, Daphnis of Abydos, Hippoclos of Lampsacos, Herophantos of Parion, Metrodoros of Proconnesos, Aristagoras of Kyzicos, and Ariston of Byzantion, these were those from the Hellespont; and from Ionia, Strattis of Chios, Aiakes of Samos, Laodamas of Phocaia, and Histiaios of Miletos, whose opinion had been proposed in opposition to that of Miltiades; and of the Aiolians the only man of consequence there present was Aristagoras of Kyme. |
| 4.139 | Hi igitur postquam Histiæi probaverant sententiam, hæc præterea et facienda et dicenda decreverunt : pontis quidem partem solvendam, quæ Scytharum ripam spectaret, solvendam autem ad teli jactum ; quo et facere aliquid viderentur, nihil licet facientes, et ne Scythæ temptarent vim afferre et Istrum ponte transire : dicendumque, dum pontis partem ad Scythas spectantem solverent, se omnia facturos quæ Scythis grata essent futura. (2) Has conditiones Histiæi sententiæ adjecerunt. Deinde nomine omnium Histiæus Scythis hæc respondit : « Viri Scythæ, utilia et benigna attulistis, et opportune properastis. Ut autem, quæ a vobis proficiscuntur, benigne fiunt in nostrum commodum ; sic et nos vobis studiose morem gerimus. (3) Ut enim videtis, solvimus pontem ; et omne studium adhibebimus, quo libertatem recuperemus. Dum vero nos in hoc solvendo occupamur, interim commodum fuerit, ut vos istos quæratis ; et, postquam repereritis, eam ab illis, quam par est, pœnam et vestro et nostro nomine sumatis. » | When these adopted the opinion of Histiaios, they resolved to add to it deeds and words as follows, namely to break up that part of the bridge which was on the side towards the Scythians, to break it up, I say, for a distance equal to the range of an arrow, both in order that they might be thought to be doing something, though in fact they were doing nothing, and for fear that the Scythians might make an attempt using force and desiring to cross the Ister by the bridge: and in breaking up that part of the bridge which was towards Scythia they resolved to say that they would do all that which the Scythians desired. This they added to the opinion proposed, and then Histiaios coming forth from among them made answer to the Scythians as follows: “Scythians, ye are come bringing good news, and it is a timely haste that ye make to bring it; and ye on your part give us good guidance, while we on ours render to you suitable service. For, as ye see, we are breaking up the passage, and we shall show all zeal in our desire to be free: and while we are breaking up the bridge, it is fitting that ye should be seeking for those of whom ye speak, and when ye have found them, that ye should take vengeance on them on behalf of us as well as of yourselves in such manner as they deserve.” |
| 4.140 | Tum Scythæ, fidem iterum adhibentes Ionibus, vera eos dicere sibi persuadentes, reversi sunt, Persas inquisituri ; sed iterum tota via, qua illi transiere, aberrarunt. Cujus erroris ipsi Scythæ causa fuere, eo quod pascua omnia in illa regione corruperant, aquasque obstruxerant. (2) Id enim ni fecissent ; facile, si voluissent, Persas inventuri erant : nunc per id ipsum consilium, quod optime a se initum putabant, decepti sunt. (3) Scythæ igitur per ea terræ suæ loca proficiscentes quærebant Persas, ubi et pabulum erat equis et aqua, rati per eadem loca Persas quoque se recipere : at illi eandem viam tenentes retrogressi sunt, qua prius erant profecti ; atque ita ægre tandem locum trajectus repererunt. (4) Quum vero noctu advenirent solutumque offenderent pontem ; gravis eos metus incessit, ne Iones sese deseruissent. | The Scythians then, believing for the second time that the Ionians were speaking the truth, turned back to make search for the Persians, but they missed altogether their line of march through the land. Of this the Scythians themselves were the cause, since they had destroyed the pastures for horses in that region and had choked up with earth the springs of water; for if they had not done this, it would have been possible for them easily, if they desired it, to discover the Persians: but as it was, by those things wherein they thought they had taken their measures best, they failed of success. The Scythians then on their part were passing through those regions of their own land where there was grass for the horses and springs of water, and were seeking for the enemy there, thinking that they too were taking a course in their retreat through such country as this; while the Persians in fact marched keeping carefully to the track which they had made before, and so they found the passage of the river, though with difficulty: and as they arrived by night and found the bridge broken up, they were brought to the extreme of fear, lest the Ionians should have deserted them. |
| 4.141 | Erat tunc apud Darium vir Ægyptius, omnium hominum vocalissimus. Hunc Darius jussit, in ripa Istri stantem, vocare Histiæum Milesium. Quod ubi ille fecit, exaudita prima compellatione Histiæus naves omnes ad trajiciendum exercitum expedivit, pontemque junxit. | Now there was with Dareios an Egyptian who had a voice louder than that of any other man on earth, and this man Dareios ordered to take his stand upon the bank of the Ister and to call Histiaios of Miletos. He accordingly proceeded to do so; and Histiaios, hearing the first hail, produced all the ships to carry the army over and also put together the bridge. |
| 4.142 | Atque ita Persæ effugerunt : Scythæ vero, illos inquirentes, iterum ab eis aberrarunt. Et exinde Scythæ Ionas, quatenus liberi sunt, mollissimos et effœminatissimos omnium hominum esse judicant ; quatenus vero de eisdem ut servis verba faciunt, mancipia ajunt esse dominis quam maxime dedita et fidelissima. Hæc dicteria in Ionas jactant Scythæ. | Thus the Persians escaped, and the Scythians in their search missed the Persians the second time also: and their judgment of the Ionians is that on the one hand, if they be regarded as free men, they are the most worthless and cowardly of all men, but on the other hand, if regarded as slaves, they are the most attached to their master and the least disposed to run away of all slaves. This is the reproach which is cast against the Ionians by the Scythians. |
| 4.143 | Darius, per Thraciam profectus, Sestum in Chersonneso pervenit : unde ipse quidem navibus in Asiam trajecit, ducem vero exercitus in Europa reliquit Megabazum, virum Persam : cui Darius olim singularem habuerat honorem, hoc in eum verbo coram Persis dicto. (2) Mala Punica comedere cupiverat Darius : qui postquam primum aperuit malum, quæsivit ex eo frater Artabanus, quidnam esset, cujus tantum sibi numerum esse cuperet, quantus numerus granorum in Punico malo ? Cui Darius respondit : malle se tot numero Megabazos habere, quam Græciam suæ potestati subjectam. (3) Hæc in Persis dicens, illum honoraverat : tunc vero eundem imperatorem reliquit cum octo myriadibus de suo exercitu. | Dareios then marching through Thrace arrived at Sestos in the Chersonese; and from that place, he passed over himself in his ships to Asia, but to command his army in Europe he left Megabazos a Persian, to whom Dareios once gave honor by uttering in the land of Persia this saying — Dareios was beginning to eat pomegranates, and at once when he opened the first of them, Artabanos his brother asked him of what he would desire to have as many as there were seeds in the pomegranate: and Dareios said that he would desire to have men like Megabazos as many as that in number, rather than to have Hellas subject to him. In Persia, I say, he honored him by saying these words, and at this time he left him in command with eight myriads of his army. |
| 4.144 | Idem Megabazus hoc dicto, quod jam relaturus sum, immortalem sui memoriam apud Hellespontios reliquit : nam quum Byzantii agens audiret, Calchedonios septemdecim annis ante Byzantios urbem suam in ea regione, ubi sita est, condidisse ; hoc igitur audito de Calchedoniis dixit, eos cæcos illo tempore fuisse : etenim, quum pulcrior fuisset locus condendæ urbi, turpiorem non fuisse electuros, ni cæci fuissent. (2) Ille igitur Megabazus, imperator tunc relictus in Hellespontiorum regione, armis subegit civitates, quæ cum Medis non sentiebant. | This Megabazos uttered one saying whereby he left of himself an imperishable memory with the peoples of Hellespont: for being once at Byzantion he heard that the men of Calchedon had settled in that region seventeen years before the Byzantians, and having heard it he said that those of Calchedon at that time chanced to be blind; for assuredly they would not have chosen the worse place, when they might have settled in that which was better, if they had not been blind. This Megabazos it was who was left in command at that time in the land of the Hellespontians, and he proceeded to subdue all who did not take the side of the Medes. |
| 4.145 | Dum hæc ille agebat, per idem tempus alia ingens expeditio militaris in Libyam suscepta est ; cujus causam ego exponam, postquam hæcce prius commemoravero. (2) Argonautarum nepotes, a Pelasgis eis, qui Atheniensium mulieres Braurone rapuerant, Lemno ejecti, navigarant Lacedæmonem ; et sedibus in Taygeto captis, ignem incenderant. (3) Id conspicati Lacedæmonii, misso nuntio sciscitabantur, quinam essent, et unde. Nuncio hi respondent, Minyas se esse, heroum illorum filios, qui in Argo navi navigassent : ab illis, postquam Lemnum appulissent, esse se procreatos. (4) Lacedæmonii, audita hac narratione de genere Minyarum, iterum miserunt qui ex illis quærerent, quo consilio in ipsorum venissent terram, et ignem accenderent. (5) Dixerunt, a Pelasgis ejectos se ad parentes venire : æquissimum enim esse ita fieri : cupereque cum illis habitare, honorum participes, et terræ portionem sortitos. (6) Placuit tunc Lacedæmoniis, Minyas recipere eis conditionibus, quas ipsi proposuerant : maxime vero, ut hoc facerent, movit eos hoc, quod Tyndaridæ participes fuerant expeditionis Argonautarum. Itaque receptis Minyis et terræ portionem assignarunt, et per tribus eosdem distribuerunt. Et illi statim matrimonia contraxerunt ; uxoresque suas, quas Lemni duxerant, aliis elocarunt. | He then was doing thus; and at this very same time a great expedition was being made also against Libya, on an occasion which I shall relate when I have first related this which follows. — The children’s children of those who voyaged in the Argo, having been driven forth by those Pelasgians who carried away at Brauron the women of the Athenians — having been driven forth I say by these from Lemnos, had departed and sailed to Lacedemon, and sitting down on Mount Taÿgetos they kindled a fire. The Lacedemonians seeing this sent a messenger to inquire who they were and from whence; and they answered the question of the messenger saying that they were Minyai and children of heroes who sailed in the Argo, for these, they said, had put in to Lemnos and propagated the race of which they sprang. The Lacedemonians having heard the story of the descent of the Minyai, sent a second time and asked for what purpose they had come into the country and were causing a fire to blaze. They said that they had been cast out by the Pelasgians, and were come now to the land of their fathers, for most just it was that this should so be done; and they said that their request was to be permitted to dwell with these, having a share of civil rights and a portion allotted to them of the land. And the Lacedemonians were content to receive the Minyai upon the terms which they themselves desired, being most of all impelled to do this by the fact that the sons of Tyndareus were voyagers in the Argo. So having received the Minyai they gave them a share of land and distributed them in the tribes; and they forthwith made marriages, and gave in marriage to others the women whom they brought with them from Lemnos. |
| 4.146 | Haud multo vero interjecto tempore, jam insolescere Minyæ cœperunt, regni participes fieri postulantes, et alia patrantes nefaria. (2) Itaque interimere eos decrevere Lacedæmonii ; et prehensos in custodiam misere. Supplicio autem afficiunt Lacedæmonii, quoscunque morte plectunt, nocturno tempore, interdiu vero neminem. (3) Quum igitur in eo essent ut supplicio eos afficerent, uxores Minyarum, quæ cives erant, et primariorum Spartanorum filiæ, precatæ sunt ut ipsis liceret in carcerem intrare, et cum suo cujusque marito colloqui. Et hi illas introire passi sunt, nullum inde dolum suspicati : quidquid habebant vestium, id maritis dabant ; ipsæ maritorum vestes induebant. Ita Minyæ, muliebri vestitu induti, quasi mulieres, egrediebantur : eoque modo postquam evasere, iterum in Taygeto sedes ceperunt. | However, when no very long time had passed, the Minyai forthwith broke out into insolence, asking for a share of the royal power and also doing other impious things: therefore the Lacedemonians resolved to put them to death; and having seized them they cast them into a prison. Now the Lacedemonians put to death by night all those whom they put to death, but no man by day. When therefore they were just about to kill them, the wives of the Minyai, being native Spartans and daughters of the first citizens of Sparta, entreated to be allowed to enter the prison and come to speech every one with her own husband: and they let them pass in, not supposing that any craft would be practised by them. They however, when they had entered, delivered to their husbands all the garments which they were wearing, and themselves received those of their husbands: thus the Minyai having put on the women’s clothes went forth out of prison as women, and having escaped in this manner they went again to Taÿgetos and sat down there. |
| 4.147 | Per idem vero tempus Theras, filius Autesionis, Tisameni nepos, Thersandri pronepos, Polynicis abnepos, colonos duxit Lacedæmone. Erat hic Theras, genere Cadmeus, avunculus filiorum Aristodemi, Eurysthenis et Proclis : qui quoad minores fuerant ætate, Theras tutor illorum nomine regnum Spartæ administraverat. (2) Postquam autem adoleverunt sororis filii, regnumque capessiverunt, graviter ferens Theras ab aliis regi, qui regnum ipse gustasset ; negavit Lacedæmone se mansurum, sed ad cognatos suos ait navigaturum. (3) Erant autem in insula, quæ Thera nunc vocatur, cui olim Calliste nomen fuerat, Membliari posteri, Pœcilis filii, natione Phœnicis. (4) Cadmus enim, Agenoris filius, Europam quærens, ad Theram quæ nunc vocatur appulerat ; ibi quum appulisset, tum, sive quod ei placeret illa regio, sive alia quapiam causa permotus, reliquit in ea insula quum alios Phœnices, tum e cognatis suis Membliarum : (5) itaque hi Callistam quæ tunc vocabatur habitabant per octo hominum generationes, priusquam Theras Lacedæmone eo advenisset. | Now at this very same time Theras the son of Autesion, the son of Tisamenos, the son of Thersander, the son of Polyneikes, was preparing to set forth from Lacedemon to found a settlement. This Theras, who was of the race of Cadmos, was mother’s brother to the sons of Aristodemos, Eurysthenes and Procles; and while these sons were yet children, Theras as their guardian held the royal power in Sparta. When however his nephews were grown and had taken the power into their hands, then Theras, being grieved that he should be ruled by others after he had tasted of rule himself, said that he would not remain in Lacedemon, but would sail away to his kinsmen. Now there were in the island which is now called Thera, but formerly was called Callista, descendants of Membliaros the son of Poikiles, a Phenician: for Cadmos the son of Agenor in his search for Europa put in to land at the island which is now called Thera; and, whether it was that the country pleased him when he had put to land, or whether he chose to do so for any other reason, he left in this island, besides other Phenicians, Membliaros also, of his own kinsmen. These occupied the island called Callista for eight generations of men, before Theras came from Lacedemon. |
| 4.148 | Ad hos igitur Theras cum multitudine quadam e Spartanorum tribubus profectus est, una cum illis habitaturus, et neutiquam insula eos ejecturus, sed admodum sibi eorum animos concilians. (2) Jam, quum Minyæ e carcere profugi in Taygeto consedissent, et de eis interficiendis deliberarent Lacedæmonii, deprecatus est Theras ne fieret cædes, pollicitus se illos ex ipsorum finibus educturum. (3) Cui sententiæ quum cessissent Lacedæmonii, tribus navibus triginta remorum Theras ad Membliari posteros navigavit ; non utique omnes secum Minyas ducens, sed exiguum eorum numerum. (4) Nam major pars in Paroreatarum et Cauconum fines se contulit : hisque terra sua ejectis, in sex partes sese partiti sunt, et deinde in eadem regione hæcce oppida condiderunt, Lepreum, Macistum, Phrixas, Pyrgum, Epium, Nudium ; quorum quidem pleraque ab Eleis mea ætate eversa sunt. Insula autem, quam dixi, a conditoris nomine Thera est appellata. | To these then, I say, Theras was preparing to set forth, taking with him people from the tribes, and intending to settle together with those who have been mentioned, not with any design to drive them out, but on the contrary claiming them very strongly as kinfolk. And when the Minyai after having escaped from the prison went and sat down on Taÿgetos, Theras entreated of the Lacedemonians, as they were proposing to put them to death, that no slaughter might take place, and at the same time he engaged himself to take them forth out of the land. The Lacedemonians having agreed to this proposal, he sailed away with three thirty-oared galleys to the descendants of Membliaros, not taking with him by any means all the Minyai, but a few only; for the greater number of them turned towards the land of the Paroreatai and Caucones, and having driven these out of their country, they parted themselves into six divisions and founded in their territory the following towns — Lepreon, Makistos, Phrixai, Pyrgos, Epion, Nudion; of these the Eleians sacked the greater number within my own lifetime. The island meanwhile got its name of Thera after Theras who led the settlement. |
| 4.149 | Filius autem Theræ enavigare cum patre noluerat : itaque dixerat pater, se eum relinquere tanquam ovem inter lupos : (græce ὄϊν [vel οἶν] ἐν λύκοις) : a quo dicto nomen huic adolescenti « Œolycus » (Ovilupus) inditum est, idque nomen dein invaluit. (2) Hujus Œolyci filius fuit Ægeus ; a quo Ægidæ nomen habent, magna tribus Spartæ. Qua e tribu viris quum in vita non manerent liberi, ex oraculi edicto statuerunt templum Furiis Laii et Œdipodis dedicatum : et ex eo tempore mansere illis liberi, itemque in Thera insula eis qui ex his viris progeniti sunt. | And since his son said that he would not sail with him, therefore he said that he would leave him behind as a sheep among wolves; and in accordance with that saying this young man got the name of Oiolycos, and it chanced that this name prevailed over his former name: then from Oiolycos was begotten Aigeus, after whom are called the Aigeidai, a powerful clan in Sparta: and the men of this tribe, since their children did not live to grow up, established by the suggestion of an oracle a temple to the Avenging Deities of Laïos and Œdipus, and after this the same thing was continued in Thera by the descendants of these men. |
| 4.150 | Hactenus Lacedæmoniorum narratio et Theræorum consentit : quæ his subjungam, ea soli Theræi memorant ita accidisse. (2) Grinus, Æsanii filius, unus e posteris hujus Theræ, quum rex Theræorum esset, Delphos venit, hecatomben offerens nomine civitatis : sequebanturque eum et alii e civibus, atque etiam Battus, Polymnesti filius, de Euphemi genere, unius e Minyis. (3) Grino vero, regi Theræorum, quum de aliis rebus consuleret oraculum, edixit Pythia, civitatem debere eum in Libya condere. Tum ille respondit : « At equidem, o Rex, ætate jam sum provectior, et gravis ad majus quidpiam moliendum. Quin tu aliquem e junioribus hisce id facere jube. » Ista dicens, Battum digito monstravit. (4) Et hæc quidem tunc. Deinde vero, postquam abierant, neglexerunt oraculi effatum ; quum nec Libya ubi esset nossent, nec auderent coloniam mittere obscuram in rem. | Up to this point of the story the Lacedemonians agree in their report with the men of Thera; but in what is to come it is those of Thera alone who report that it happened as follows. Grinnos the son of Aisanios, a descendant of the Theras who has been mentioned, and king of the island of Thera, came to Delphi bringing the offering of a hecatomb from his State; and there were accompanying him, besides others of the citizens, also Battos the son of Polymnestos, who was by descent of the family of Euphemos of the race of the Minyai. Now when Grinnos the king of the Theraians was consulting the Oracle about other matters, the Pythian prophetess gave answer bidding him found a city in Libya; and he made reply saying: “Lord, I am by this time somewhat old and heavy to stir, but do thou bid some one of these younger ones do this.” As he thus said he pointed towards Battos. So far at that time: but afterwards when he had come away they were in difficulty about the saying of the Oracle, neither having any knowledge of Libya, in what part of the earth it was, nor venturing to send a colony to the unknown. |
| 4.151 | Post hæc vero per septem annos non pluit Theræ; arboresque ipsis in insula omnes, una excepta, exaruerant. Consulentibus igitur oraculum Theræis, objecit Pythia coloniam in Libyam deducendam. (2) Itaque, quum nullum aliud ipsis esset mali remedium, in Cretam nuntios mittunt, qui quærerent, an Cretensium aliquis, aut inquilinorum, in Libyam unquam pervenisset. (3) Nuncii per Cretam oberrantes, quum in alia oppida, tum Itanum venerunt ; ubi cum purpurario quodam, cui nomen erat Corobius, sermones miscent, qui eis ait, ventis se in Libyam fuisse delatum, et quidem in Plateam insulam Libyæ venisse. (4) Hunc igitur hominem, proposita mercede, Theram ducunt. Et e Thera mittuntur primum exploratores, haud multi numero : quibus quum viam in Plateam hanc insulam Corobius monstrasset, relinquunt ibi Corobium cum nescio quot mensium cibariis, et ipsi ocyus domum navigarunt, nuntium Theræis de illa insula relaturi. | Then after this for seven years there was no rain in Thera, and in these years all the trees in their island were withered up excepting one: and when the Theraians consulted the Oracle, the Pythian prophetess alleged this matter of colonising Libya to be the cause. As then they had no remedy for their evil, they sent messengers to Crete, to find out whether any of the Cretans or of the sojourners in Crete had ever come to Libya. These as they wandered round about the country came also the city of Itanos, and there they met with a fisher for purple named Corobios, who said that he had been carried away by winds and had come to Libya, and in Libya to the island of Platea. This man they persuaded by payment of money and took him to Thera, and from Thera there set sail men to explore, at first not many in number; and Corobios having guided them to this same island of Platea, they left Corobios there, leaving behind with him provisions for a certain number of months, and sailed themselves as quickly as possible to make report about the island to the men of Thera. |
| 4.152 | Quibus ultra constitutum tempus redire differentibus, Corobium omnia defecerunt. (2) Deinde vero Samia navis, Ægyptum petens, cujus nauclerus Colæus erat, ad Plateam hanc delata est : et Samii, postquam a Corobio rem omnem cognoverunt, unius anni cibaria ei reliquerunt. (3) Tum hi, ex insula profecti, quum Ægyptum petentes navigarent, subsolano vento sunt abrepti, et, non intermittente vi venti, per Herculis columnas transvecti, Tartessum pervenere, divino quodam numine eos deducente. (4) Erat ea tempestate integrum hoc emporium : itaque iidem inde redeuntes, maximum Græcorum omnium, quorum certior quædam ad nos notitia pervenit, e mercibus lucrum fecerunt, post Sostratum utique, Laodamantis filium, Æginetam : cum hoc enim nemo alius contendere potest. (5) Samii vero decimam lucri partem eximentes, sex talenta, ahenum faciendum curarunt, ad crateris Argolici modum, circa quod sunt grypum capita prominentia : atque in Junonis templo hoc ahenum dedicarunt, impositum tribus æneis colossis septenorum cubitorum, qui genubus innituntur. (6) Ab hoc autem facto primum ingens amicitia Cyrenæis Theræisque cum Samiis contracta est. | Since however these stayed away longer than the time appointed, Corobios found himself destitute; and after this a ship of Samos, of which the master was Colaios, while sailing to Egypt was carried out of its course and came to this island of Platea; and the Samians hearing from Corobios the whole story left him provisions for a year. They themselves then put out to sea from the island and sailed on, endeavoring to reach Egypt but carried away continually by the East Wind; and as the wind did not cease to blow, they passed through the Pillars of Heracles and came to Tartessos, guided by divine providence. Now this trading-place was at that time untouched by any, so that when these returned back home they made profit from their cargo greater than any other Hellenes of whom we have certain knowledge, with the exception at least of Sostratos the son of Laodamas the Eginetan, for with him it is not possible for any other man to contend. And the Samians set apart six talents, the tenth part of their gains, and had a bronze vessel made like an Argolic mixing-bowl with round it heads of griffins projecting in a row; and this they dedicated as an offering in the temple of Hera, setting as supports under it three colossal statues of bronze seven cubits in height, resting upon their knees. By reason first of this deed great friendship was formed by those of Kyrene and Thera with the Samians. |
| 4.153 | Theræi vero, postquam, relicto in insula Corobio, Theram redierant, renuntiarunt, esse a se insulam in Libyæ ora conditam. (2) Placuit igitur Theræis, ut e singulis ditionis suæ locis, quæ numero septem erant, viri mitterentur, ita quidem ut frater cum fratre sorte contenderet uter in coloniam abiret : ducemque eorum atque regem Battum designarunt. Ita igitur duas naves quinquaginta remorum in Plateam miserunt. | The Theraians meanwhile, when they arrived at Thera after having left Corobios in the island, reported that they had colonised an island on the coast of Libya: and the men of Thera resolved to send one of every two brothers selected by lot and men besides taken from all the regions of the island, which are seven in number; and further that Battos should be both their leader and their king. Thus then they sent forth two fifty-oared galleys to Platea. |
| 4.154 | Hæc Theræi memorant : in reliqua narratione Theræis cum Cyrenæis convenit. Nam quod ad Battum spectat, neutiquam cum Theræis Cyrenæi consentiunt. Rem enim hi ita narrant. (2) Est Cretæ urbs Axus, cujus rex fuit Etearchus. Is quum filiam haberet matre orbam, nomine Phronimam, aliam duxit uxorem. Hæc post illius matrem domum ducta, voluit etiam re ipsa noverca esse Phronimæ, multis eam malis afficiendo, et quidlibet adversus eam moliendo : ad extremum, impudicitiæ crimen ei inferens, persuasit marito rem ita esse. (3) Et ille, persuasus ab uxore, nefarium in filiam facinus machinatur. Aderat tunc Axi Themison, civis Theræus, mercaturam faciens. Hunc, hospitio exceptum, jurejurando astringit ad operam sibi in ea re, quam ab illo petiturus esset, navandam. (4) Qui quum interposito juramento fidem suam dedisset, adductam ei tradidit filiam suam, jubens ut abductam in alto mari demergeret. Themison, fraudem jurisjurandi indigne ferens, soluto hospitio, hæcce fecit : (5) accepta puella, navi profectus est : ubi vero in alto fuit, quo se exsolveret jurisjurandi religione ab Etearcho sibi oblata, funibus religatam puellam in mare demisit, rursusque extractam secum Theram duxit. | This is the report of the Theraians; and for the remainder of the account from this point onwards the Theraians are in agreement with the men of Kyrene: from this point onwards, I say, since in what concerns Battos the Kyrenians tell by no means the same tale as those of Thera; for their account is this — There is in Crete a city called Axos in which one Etearchos became king, who when he had a daughter, whose mother was dead, named Phronime, took to wife another woman notwithstanding. She having come in afterwards, thought fit to be a stepmother to Phronime in deed as well as in name, giving her evil treatment and devising everything possible to her hurt; and at last she brings against her a charge of lewdness and persuades her husband that the truth is so. He then being convinced by his wife, devised an unholy deed against the daughter: for there was in Oäxos one Themison, a merchant of Thera, whom Etearchos took to himself as a guest-friend and caused him to swear that he would surely serve him in whatsoever he should require: and when he had caused him to swear this, he brought and delivered to him his daughter and bade him take her away and cast her into the sea. Themison then was very greatly vexed at the deceit practised in the matter of the oath, and he dissolved his guest-friendship and did as follows, that is to say, he received the girl and sailed away, and when he got out into the open sea, to free himself from blame as regards the oath which Etearchos had made him swear, he tied her on each side with ropes and let her down into the sea, and then drew her up and came to Thera. |
| 4.155 | Inde Phronimam domum suam sumpsit Polymnestus, spectatus vir apud Theræos, eaque pro pellice usus est. Circumacto tempore natus est huic ex illa filius, hæsitante voce et balbutiente ; cui nomen impositum est Battus, ut quidem Theræi et Cyrenæi aiunt : ut vero mihi videtur, aliud statim impositum ei nomen erat ; Battus vero deinde demum, postquam in Libyam pervenit, nominatus est, nomine sumpto ab oraculo quod ei Delphis editum erat, et a dignitate quam inter suos habuit : (2) regem enim Libyes Battum vocant ; eaque de causa puto Pythiam, oraculum edentem, Libyca illum lingua appellasse, quum sciret regem eum fore in Libya. Nam postquam ille ad virilem pervenit ætatem, Delphos profectus est, de voce sua consulturus ; (3) consulenti autem hæc respondit Pythia:
in Libyam mittit ovibus divitem, coloniæ conditorem. » |
After that, Polymnestos, a man of repute among the Theraians, received Phronime from him and kept her as his concubine; and in course of time there was born to him from her a son with an impediment in his voice and lisping, to whom, as both Theraians and Kyrenians say, was given the name Battos, but I think that some other name was then given, and he was named Battos instead of this after he came to Libya, taking for himself this surname from the oracle which was given to him at Delphi and from the rank which he had obtained; for the Libyans call a king battos: and for this reason, I think, the Pythian prophetess in her prophesying called him so, using the Libyan tongue, because she knew that he would be a king in Libya. For when he had grown to be a man, he came to Delphi to inquire about his voice; and when he asked, the prophetess thus answered him:
Sendeth as settler forth to the Libyan land sheep-abounding,” |
| 4.156 | Post hæc et in hunc ipsum et in reliquos Theræos denuo ira dei incubuit. Et Theræi causam ignorantes calamitatum, Delphos misere qui de præsentibus malis consulerent. Quibus Pythia respondit, si cum Batto Cyrenen in Libya coloniam conderent, melius cum ipsis actum iri. (2) Miserunt posthæc Theræi Battum cum duabus navibus quinquaginta remorum : sed hi, postquam in Libyam navigarunt, quoniam ceteroquin quod agerent non habebant, Theram sunt reversi. (3) At redeuntes telis repelerunt Theræi, nec appellere ad terram passi sunt, sed retro navigare jusserunt. Illi igitur, necessitate coacti, navibus retro abierunt : et insulam condiderunt ad oram Libyæ sitam, cui nomen (ut supra dictum) Platea. Dicitur autem hæc insula pari esse magnitudine, atque nunc est urbs Cyrenæorum. | After this there came evil fortune both to himself and to the other men of Thera; and the Theraians, not understanding that which befell them, sent to Delphi to inquire about the evils which they were suffering: and the Pythian prophetess gave them reply that if they joined with Battos in founding Kyrene in Libya, they would fare the better. After this the Theraians sent Battos with two fifty-oared galleys; and these sailed to Libya, and then came away back to Thera, for they did not know what else to do: and the Theraians pelted them with missiles when they endeavored to land, and would not allow them to put to shore, but bade them sail back again. They accordingly being compelled sailed away back, and they made a settlement in an island lying near the coast of Libya, called, as was said before, Platea. This island is said to be of the same size as the now existing city of Kyrene. |
| 4.157 | Hanc insulam postquam per biennium habitarant, quum nihil illis prospere cederet, uno suorum ibi relicto, reliqui omnes Delphos navigarunt : oraculumque adeuntes, responsum petiere, dicentes, Libyam se habitare, nec idcirco melius secum agi. (2) Ad hæc illis tale responsum Pythia dedit:
qui non adiisti, quam ego qui adii ; valde miror tuam sapientiam. » |
In this they continued to dwell two years; but as they had no prosperity, they left one of their number behind and all the rest sailed away to Delphi, and having come to the Oracle they consulted it, saying that they were dwelling in Libya and that, though they were dwelling there, they fared none the better: and the Pythian prophetess made answer to them thus:
Not having been there than I who have been, at thy wisdom I wonder.” |
| 4.158 | Hunc locum quum per sex annos incoluissent, septimo anno, precantibus indigenis, et meliorem in locum sese illos perducturos esse pollicentibus, persuasi sunt hunc relinquere. (2) Duxeruntque eos Libyes inde moventes occidentem versus : per pulcherrimam autem regionem, ne eam transeuntes Græci viderent noctu eos transduxerunt, diei horam ita commensi : nomen huic regioni Irasa est. (3) Deinde eos ad fontem duxerunt, qui Apollini sacer perhibetur, dixeruntque : « Viri Græci, hic vobis commodum est habitare : hic enim perforatum est cœlum. » | In this spot they dwelt for six years; and in the seventh year the Libyans persuaded them to leave it, making request and saying that they would conduct them to a better region. So the Libyans led them from that place making them start towards evening; and in order that the Hellenes might not see the fairest of all the regions as they passed through it, they led them past it by night, having calculated the time of daylight: and this region is called Irasa. Then having conducted them to the so-called spring of Apollo, they said, “Hellenes, here is a fit place for you to dwell, for here the heaven is pierced with holes.” |
| 4.159 | Jam, quousque et Battus vixit, coloniæ conditor, qui annos regnavit quadraginta, et hujus filius Arcesilaus, qui sedecim annos regnavit, habitarunt hanc regionem Cyrenæi tot numero, quot initio in coloniam fuerant missi. Tertio vero regnante, Batto cognomine Felice, Græcos omnes Pythia edito oraculo induxit, ut in Africam navigarent, cum Cyrenæis eam frequentaturi : invitaverant enim illos Cyrenæi, agrorum partitionem polliciti. (2) Oraculum Pythiæ tale erat:
post dicretum agrum, mox hunc, affirmo, pigebit. » |
Now during the lifetime of the first settler Battos, who reigned forty years, and of his son Arkesilaos, who reigned sixteen years, the Kyrenians continued to dwell there with the same number as when they first set forth to the colony; but in the time of the third king, called Battos the Prosperous, the Pythian prophetess gave an oracle wherein she urged the Hellenes in general to sail and join with the Kyrenians in colonising Libya. For the Kyrenians invited them, giving promise of a division of land; and the oracle which she uttered was as follows:
After the land be divided, I say he shall some day repent it.” |
| 4.160 | Batti hujus filius fuit Arcesilaus ; qui postquam regnum suscepit, primum cum fratribus suis discordias exercuit ; donec hi, illo relicto, in alium Libyæ locum concesserunt, inter seque inito consilio urbem hanc condiderunt, cui nomen inditum, quod etiam nunc obtinet, Barca ; simulque Afris, ut a Cyrenæis deficerent, persuaserunt. (2) Post hæc Arcesilaus adversus hos Afros, qui fratres suos receperant, et ab ipso defecerant, arma movit. Afri vero, illum metuentes, ad Libyes versus orientem incolentes confugerunt : (3) et Arciselaus, fugientes secutus, et Leuconem usque, Libyæ oppidum, persecutus est : ibi aggredi eum Libyes statuerunt. Qui prœlio commisso tam insignem victoriam reportarunt de Cyrenæis, ut ex iis septem milia armatorum in illo loco ceciderint. (4) Post eam cladem ægrotans Arcesilaus, quum medicamentum sumpsisset, a fratre Learcho strangulatus est. Learchum vero uxor Arcesilæ, cui nomen erat Eryxo, per dolum occidit. | This Battos had a son called Arkesilaos, who first when he became king made a quarrel with his own brothers, until they finally departed to another region of Libya, and making the venture for themselves founded that city which was then and is now called Barca; and at the same time as they founded this, they induced the Libyans to revolt from the Kyrenians. After this, Arkesilaos made an expedition against those Libyans who had received them and who had also revolted from Kyrene, and the Libyans fearing him departed and fled towards the Eastern tribes of Libyans: and Arkesilaos followed after them as they fled, until he arrived in his pursuit at Leucon in Libya, and there the Libyans resolved to attack him. Accordingly they engaged battle and defeated the Kyrenians so utterly that seven thousand hoplites of the Kyrenians fell there. After this disaster Arkesilaos, being sick and having swallowed a potion, was strangled by his brother Haliarchos, and Haliarchos was killed treacherously by the wife of Arkesilaos, whose name was Eryxo. |
| 4.161 | Arcesilao in regnum successit filius Battus, pede claudus neque integer. Cyrenæi vero ob tristem rerum suarum statum Delphos miserunt qui deum consulerent, qua inita ratione optime res suas administrarent. (2) Quos Pythia jussit e Mantinea Arcadiæ moderatorem arcessere. Petierunt igitur Cyrenæi a Mantinensibus : hique illis dederunt virum inter cives probatissimum, cui nomen erat Demonax. Hic vir igitur postquam Cyrenen pervenit, cognitis rebus singulis, primum in tres tribus distribuit Cyrenæos, partitione in hunc modum instituta : (3) Theræorum et eorum qui in vicinia habitabant [sive periœcorum], unam partem constituit ; alteram partem Lacedæmoniorum et Cretensium ; tertiam reliquorum insularium. Deinde, regi Batto eximios tribuens agros et sacerdotia, reliqua omnia, quæ antea regum fuerant, populo in medium posuit. | Then Battos the son of Arkesilaos succeeded to the kingdom, who was lame and not sound in his feet: and the Kyrenians with a view to the misfortune which had befallen them sent men to Delphi to ask what form of rule they should adopt, in order to live in the best way possible; and the Pythian prophetess bade them take to themselves a reformer of their State from Mantineia of the Arcadians. The men of Kyrene accordingly made request, and those of Mantineia gave them the man of most repute among their citizens, whose name was Demonax. This man therefore having come to Kyrene and having ascertained all things exactly, in the first place caused them to have three tribes, distributing them thus — one division he made of the Theraians and their dependants, another of the Peloponnesians and Cretans, and a third of all the islanders. Then secondly for the king Battos he set apart domains of land and priesthoods, but all the other powers which the kings used to possess before, he assigned as of public right to the people. |
| 4.162 | Jam, regnante quidem hoc Batto, iste rerum status duravit. Sub hujus autem filio Arcesilao multæ turbæ de honoribus sunt exortæ. Arcesilaus enim, Batti claudi filius et Pheretimæ, negavit se toleraturum rerum statum a Mantinensi Demonacte ordinatum, verum honores et privilegia repetiit suorum majorum. (2) Inde excitata seditione victus, Samum profugit : mater vero Pheretima, et ipsa fugiens, Salaminem Cypri se recepit. (3) Salaminem per id tempus tenuit Euelthon, is qui thuribulum illud spectatu dignum Delphis dedicavit, quod est in Corinthiorum thesauro repositum. (4) Hunc adiens Pheretima, exercitum ab eo petiit, qui se et filium Cyrenen reduceret. At ei Euelthon quidlibet magis, quam exercitum, dedit. Et illa accipiens dona, bonum quidem, ait, et hoc esse ; melius vero illud fore, si petenti sibi daret exercitum. His verbis, quoties donum aliquod accepit, usa est. (5) Postremo Euelthon dono ei misit fusum aureum et colum, cui lana etiam circumdata. Quumque idem dictum Pheretima repeteret, respondit Euelthon, talia munera dari mulieribus, non exercitum. | During the reign of this Battos things continued to be thus, but in the reign of his son Arkesilaos there arose much disturbance about the offices of the State: for Arkesilaos son of Battos the Lame and of Pheretime said that he would not suffer it to be according as the Mantineian Demonax had arranged, but asked to have back the royal rights of his forefathers. After this, stirring up strife he was worsted and went as an exile to Samos, and his mother to Salamis in Cyprus. Now at that time the ruler of Salamis was Euelthon, the same who dedicated as an offering the censer at Delphi, a work well worth seeing, which is placed in the treasury of the Corinthians. To him having come, Pheretime asked him for an army to restore herself and her son to Kyrene. Euelthon however was ready to give her anything else rather than that; and she when she received that which he gave her said that this too was a fair gift, but fairer still would be that other gift of an army for which she was asking. As she kept saying this to every thing which was given, at last Euelthon sent out to her a present of a golden spindle and distaff, with wool also upon it: and when Pheretime uttered again the same saying about this present, Euelthon said that such things as this were given as gifts to women and not an army. |
| 4.163 | Per idem tempus Arcesilaus, Sami moratus, unumquemque excitabat spe dividendorum agrorum proposita. Quumque jam magnam manum contraxisset, Delphos est profectus, de reditu consulturus oraculum ; (2) cui Pythia hoc dedit responsum : « Quattuor Battis et quattuor Arcesilais, per octo hominum generationes, dat Loxias regnum obtinere Cyrenæ: ulterius vero ut ne conemini quidem hortatur. (3) Tu tamen, quum domum redieris, quietus esto : et quando fornacem repereris plenum amphoris, ne excoque amphoras, sed ad auram illas emitte. Sin excoxeris fornacem, ne in circumfluum intres : alioqui peribis tu et pulcherrimus taurus. » | Arkesilaos meanwhile, being in Samos, was gathering every one together by a promise of dividing land; and while a great host was being collected, Arkesilaos set out to Delphi to inquire of the Oracle about returning from exile: and the Pythian prophetess gave him this answer: “For four named Battos and four named Arkesilaos, eight generations of men, Loxias grants to you to be kings of Kyrene, but beyond this he counsels you not even to attempt it. Thou however must keep quiet when thou hast come back to thy land; and if thou findest the furnace full of jars, heat not the jars fiercely, but let them go with a fair wind: if however thou heat the furnace fiercely, enter not thou into the place flowed round by water; for if thou dost thou shalt die, both thou and the bull which is fairer than all the rest.” |
| 4.164 | Hoc a Pythia accepto responso Arcesilaus, sumptis secum Samiis, Cyrenen rediit. Et ibi rerum potitus, editi oraculi non erat memor, sed pœnas repetivit exilii sui ab adversariis. (2) Horum autem alii regione prorsus excesserunt : alios vero, in potestatem suam redactos, Arcesilaus Cyprum misit, ibi interficiendos. At hos quidem Cnidii, suam ad oram delatos, servarunt, et Theram miserunt. Alios vero Cyrenæorum nonnullos, qui in privatam Aglomachi magnam turrim confugerant, circumdata materia Arcesilaus cremavit. (3) Quo patrato facinore animadvertens hanc esse oraculi sententiam, quod noluisset Pythia ut repertas in fornace amphoras excoqueret, Cyrenæorum urbe ultro abstinuit, mortem timens oraculo significatam, et circumfluam illam existimans esse Cyrenen. (4) Habuit uxorem, cognatam sui, filiam regis Barcæorum, cui nomen erat Alazir : ad hunc se recepit. At ibi conspicati eum cives Barcæi et Cyrenæorum exsulum nonnulli in foro versantem interfecerunt, simulque cum illo socerum Alazirem. Ita Arcesilaus, oraculi responso sive volens sive præter suam voluntatem non obsecutus, fatum suum implevit. | Thus the Pythian prophetess gave answer to Arkesilaos; and he, having taken to him those in Samos, made his return to Kyrene; and when he had got possession of the power, he did not remember the saying of the Oracle but endeavored to exact penalties from those of the opposite faction for having driven him out. Of these some escaped out of the country altogether, but some Arkesilaos got into his power and sent them away to Cyprus to be put to death. These were driven out of their course to Cnidos, and the men of Cnidos rescued them and sent them away to Thera. Some others however of the Kyrenians fled to a great tower belonging to Aglomachos a private citizen, and Arkesilaos burnt them by piling up brushwood round. Then after he had done the deed he perceived that the Oracle meant this, in that the Pythian prophetess forbade him, if he found the jars in the furnace, to heat them fiercely; and he voluntarily kept away from the city of the Kyrenians, fearing the death which had been prophesied by the Oracle and supposing that Kyrene was flowed round by water. Now he had to wife a kinswoman of his own, the daughter of the king of Barca whose name was Alazeir: to him he came, and men of Barca together with certain of the exiles from Kyrene, perceiving him going about in the market-place, killed him, and also besides him his father-in-law Alazeir. Arkesilaos accordingly, having missed the meaning of the oracle, whether with his will or against his will, fulfilled his own destiny. |
| 4.165 | Dum Arcesilaus, mali sui sibi auctor, Barcæ versabatur, interim mater ejus Pheretima honoribus filii Cyrenæ fungebatur, quum cetera administrans, tum in senatu assidens : postquam vero filium cognovit Barcæ periisse, relicta Cyrene in Ægyptum profugit. (2) Exstabant enim merita ab Arcesilao in Cambysen Cyri filium collata : erat quippe hic Arcesilaus, qui Cyrenen Cambysi tradiderat, et tributum ei pactus erat pendendum. In Ægyptum ubi pervenit Pheretima, supplex adiit Aryanden, suppetias sibi ferre rogans ; causam interserens, periisse filium suum eo quod Medorum favisset partibus. | His mother Pheretime meanwhile, so long as Arkesilaos having worked evil for himself dwelt at Barca, herself held the royal power of her son at Kyrene, both exercising his other rights and also sitting in council: but when she heard that her son had been slain in Barca, she departed and fled to Egypt: for she had on her side services done for Cambyses the son of Cyrus by Arkesilaos, since this was the Arkesilaos who had given over Kyrene to Cambyses and had laid a tribute upon himself. Pheretime then having come to Egypt sat down as a suppliant of Aryandes, bidding him help her, and alleging as a reason that it was on account of his inclination to the side of the Medes that her son had been slain. |
| 4.166 | Erat hic Aryandes præfectus Ægypti, a Cambyse constitutus ; idem qui postea, quum se parem gereret Dario, interfectus est. Postquam enim cognovit viditque Darium cupere monumentum relinquere sui, quale nemo ante illum rex effecisset, æmulatus est eum, donec tandem mercedem rettulit. (2) Etenim Darius aurum ita excoquendum curaverat, ut, quoad maxime fieri posset, esset purgatissimum ; quo ex auro monetam procudit. Aryandes vero, Ægypti præfectus, idem ipsum argento fecit : atque etiam nunc purgatissimum argentum est Aryandicum. Id ubi eum facere cognovit Darius, alia in eum culpa collata, quasi adversus ipsum rebelasset, interficiendum curavit. | Now this Aryandes had been appointed ruler of the province of Egypt by Cambyses; and after the time of these events he lost his life because he would measure himself with Dareios. For having heard and seen that Dareios desired to leave behind him as a memorial of himself a thing which had not been made by any other king, he imitated him, until at last he received his reward: for whereas Dareios refined gold and made it as pure as possible, and of this caused coins to be struck, Aryandes, being ruler of Egypt, did the same thing with silver; and even now the purest silver is that which is called Aryandic. Dareios then having learnt that he was doing this put him to death, bringing against him another charge of attempting rebellion. |
| 4.167 | Tunc vero Aryandes hic, miseratus Pheretimam, pollicetur et universum qui in Ægypto erat exercitum, pedestrem et classiarium : duce nominato pedestrium copiarum Amasi, de Maraphiorum genere ; navalium vero Badra, de genere Pasargadarum. (2) Priusquam autem mitteret exercitum, præconem in urbem Barcam misit, quæsiturum quis esset qui Arcesilaum interfecisset. Barcæi vero universi in se culpam receperunt, multa ab illo mala passos se esse dicentes. (3) Qua re cognita, tum demum exercitum cum Pheretima misit. Et hæc quidem causa verbo tenus prætendebatur : missus autem, ut mihi quidem videtur, est exercitus hoc consilio, ut Libyes sub Persarum redigerentur potestatem. Sunt enim Libyum (sive Afrorum) multi atque varii populi : quorum pauci nonnulli regis imperio parebant, plerique autem nullam Darii habebant rationem. | Now at the time of which I speak this Aryandes had compassion on Pheretime and gave her all the troops that were in Egypt, both the land and the sea forces, appointing Amasis a Maraphian to command the land-army and Badres, of the race of the Pasargadai, to command the fleet: but before he sent away the army, Aryandes despatched a herald to Barca and asked who it was who had killed Arkesilaos; and the men of Barca all took it upon themselves, for they said they suffered formerly many great evils at his hands. Having heard this, Aryandes at last sent away the army together with Pheretime. This charge then was the pretext alleged; but in fact the army was being sent out (as I believe) for the purpose of subduing Libya: for of the Libyans there are many nations of nations of various kinds, and but few of them are subject to the king, while the greater number paid no regard to Dareios. |
| 4.168 | Habitant autem Libyes hoc modo, incipiendo ab Ægypto, primi Afrorum sedes habent Adyrmachidæ qui institutis quidem maximam partem utuntur Ægyptiis, vestem vero gestant, qualem ceteri fere Libyes. (2) Mulieres eorum in utraque tibia armillam gestant æneam : comam alunt ; et pediculos, quos quæque capit, vicissim mordet, atque ita abjicit. (3) Hi soli e cunctis Afris hoc faciunt : iidemque soli virgines, quum in eo sunt ut nubant, regi ostendunt ; quarum quæcunque illi placet, eam rex devirginat. (4) Pertinent hi Adyrmachidæ ab Ægypto usque ad portum cui nomen est Plynus. | Now the Libyans have their dwelling as follows — Beginning from Egypt, first of the Libyans are settled the Adyrmachidai, who practise for the most part the same customs as the Egyptians, but wear clothing similar to that of the other Libyans. Their women wear a bronze ring upon each leg, and they have long hair on their heads, and when they catch their lice, each one bites her own in retaliation and then throws them away. These are the only people of the Lybians who do this; and they alone display to the king their maidens when they are about to be married, and whosoever of them proves to be pleasing to the king is deflowered by him. These Adyrmachidai extend along the coast from Egypt as far as the port which is called Plynos. |
| 4.169 | His contigui sunt Giligammæ, terram incolentes occidentem versus, usque ad Aphrodisiadem insulam. In hujus regionis medio ad oram sita est Platea insula, in quam Cyrenæi duxerant coloniam ; in continente vero est Menelaius portus, et Aziris oppidum, quod incolebant Cyrenæi; (2) unde incipit silphium ; pertinet autem silphium a Platea insula usque ad ostium Syrtis. Institutis hi utuntur iisdem fere atque ii de quibus ante dictum. | Next after these come the Giligamai, occupying the country towards the West as far as the island of Aphrodisias. In the space within this limit lies off the coast the island of Platea, where the Kyrenians made their settlement; and on the coast of the mainland there is Port Menelaos, and Aziris, where the Kyrenians used to dwell. From this point begins the silphion and it extends along the coast from the island of Platea as far as the entrance of the Syrtis. This nation practises customs nearly resembling those of the rest. |
| 4.170 | Giligammarum, occidentem versus, finitimi sunt Asbystæ. Hi supra Cyrenen habitant : nec ad mare pertinent ; oram enim maritimam Cyrenæi incolunt. (2) In regendis quadrigis non postremi sunt, sed vel maxime inter Afros omnes eminent. Instituta autem pleraque æmulantur Cyrenæorum. | Next to the Giligamai on the West are the Asbystai: these dwell above Kyrene, and the Asbystai do not reach down the sea, for the region along the sea is occupied by Kyrenians. These most of all the Libyans are drivers of four-horse chariots, and in the greater number of their customs they endeavor to imitate the Kyrenians. |
| 4.171 | Asbystis ab occidente contermini sunt Auschisæ. Hi super Barcam habitant, pertinentque ad mare circa Euesperidas. (2) In media Auschisarum ditione habitant Bacales, exiguus populus, ad mare pertinentes prope Tauchira, oppidum ditionis Barcææ. Iisdem institutis hi utuntur atque illi qui supra Cyrenen habitant. | Next after the Asbystai on the West come the Auchisai: these dwell above Barca and reach down to the sea by Euesperides: and in the middle of the country of the Auchisai dwell the Bacales, a small tribe, who reach down to the sea by the city of Taucheira in the territory of Barca: these practise the same customs as those above Kyrene. |
| 4.172 | Auschisarum horum, versus occidentem, finitimi sunt Nasamones, numerosus populus ; qui æstate, relictis ad mare pecoribus, ad locum cui Augila nomen, ascendunt, palmulas collecturi : nascuntur enim ibi frequentes palmæ arbores, insigni magnitudine, et frugiferæ omnes. (2) Iidem locustas venantur, quas ad solem siccatas molunt, et deinde lacti inspersas una cum lacte bibunt. Uxores quidem quisque complures solet habere, sed promiscue cum quibuslibet coeunt : simili modo, atque Massagetæ, scipione prius in terram defixo concumbunt. (3) Quando primum uxorem ducit vir Nasamon, moris est ut prima nocte sponsa cum singulis deinceps convivis concumbat : et quilibet, postquam coiit, donum dat quod domo secum attulit. (4) Jurisjurandi et divinationis apud eos hi ritus sunt : jurant per viros qui inter ipsos justissimi et fortissimi dicuntur fuisse ; per hos jurant, sepulcra eorum tangentes. Divinaturi, ad sepulcra accedunt majorum, et peractis precibus ibidem indormiunt : quodcunque dein visum quisque per somnum vidit, eo utitur. (5) Fidem sibi mutuo dant hoc modo : alter alteri e sua manu præbet bibendum, vicissimque ex alterius bibit manu : quodsi liquoris nihil adest, pulverem humo sublatam lingunt. | Next after these Auschisai towards the West come the Nasamonians, a numerous race, who in the summer leave their flocks behind by the sea and go up to the region of Augila to gather the fruit of the date-palms, which grow in great numbers and very large and are all fruit-bearing: these hunt the wingless locusts, and they dry them in the sun and then pound them up, and after that they sprinkle them upon milk and drink them. Their custom is for each man to have many wives, and they make their intercourse with them common in nearly the same manner as the Massagetai, that is they set up a staff in front of the door and so have intercourse. When a Nasamonian man marries his first wife, the custom is for the bride on the first night to go through the whole number of the guests having intercourse with them, and each man when he has lain with her gives a gift, whatsoever he has brought with him from his house. The forms of oath and of divination which they use are as follows — they swear by the men among themselves who are reported to have been the most righteous and brave, by these, I say, laying hands upon their tombs; and they divine by visiting the sepulchral mounds of their ancestors and lying down to sleep upon them after having prayed; and whatsoever thing the man sees in his dream, this he accepts. They practise also the exchange of pledges in the following manner, that is to say, one gives the other to drink from his hand, and drinks himself from the hand of the other; and if they have no liquid, they take of the dust from the ground and lick it. |
| 4.173 | Nasamonibus contermini sunt Psylli. Hi tali modo interierunt : Notus ventus exsiccaverat receptacula, quæ habuerant, aquarum : est enim regio intra Syrtin omnis aquarum inops. Tum illi, re deliberata, communi consilio adversus Notum expeditionem susceperunt : (refero autem hæc, quæ Libyes narrant:) et, postquam in arenas pervenerunt, coortus Notus eos obruit. Quibus exstinctis, regionem eorum Nasamones occuparunt. | Adjoining the Nasamonians is the country of the Psylloi. These have perished utterly in the following manner — The South Wind blowing upon them dried up all their cisterns of water, and their land was waterless, lying all within the Syrtis. They then having taken a resolve by common consent, marched in arms against the South Wind (I report that which is reported by the Libyans), and when they had arrived at the sandy tract, the South Wind blew and buried them in the sand. These then having utterly perished, the Nasamonians from that time forward possess their land. |
| 4.174 | Supra hos, meridiem versus, in regione feris frequente, habitant Garamantes ; qui quemcunque hominem fugiunt ; et cujuscunque commercium : nec arma ulla ad belli usum hi habent, nec pugnare norunt. | Above these towards the South Wind in the region of wild beasts dwell the Garamantians, who fly from every man and avoid the company of all; and they neither possess any weapon of war, nor know how to defend themselves against enemies. |
| 4.175 | Hi igitur supra Nasamones habitant : juxta mare vero, et ab occidente, finitimi eorumdem Macæ sunt. Hi in medio capillos crescere sinentes, hinc vero atque illinc in cute tondentes, per hanc tonsuram cristas gerunt. In bellum proficiscentes, struthionum terrestrium pelles pro scutis gestant. (2) Per eorumdem ditionem Cinyps fluvius, e colle profluens cui nomen Charitôn, (id est, Gratiarum collis) in mare provolvitur. Hic collis Charitôn nemoribus frequens est, quum reliqua Libya, quam adhuc commemoravi, arboribus nuda sit. A mari ad illum stadia sunt ducenta. | These dwell above the Nasamonians; and next to the Nasamonians along the sea coast towards the West come the Macai, who shave their hair so as to leave tufts, letting the middle of their hair grow long, but round this on all sides shaving it close to the skin; and for fighting they carry shields made of ostrich skins. Through their land the river Kinyps runs out into the sea, flowing from a hill called the “Hill of the Charites.” This Hill of the Charites is overgrown thickly with wood, while the rest of Libya which has been spoken of before is bare of trees; and the distance from the sea to this hill is two hundred furlongs. |
| 4.176 | Macis his proximi sunt Gindanes : quorum mulieres fascias e pellibus ad pedum malleolos gestant unaquæque multas ; idque hac de causa fieri aiunt : ut cum quoque viro concubuit mulier, ita fasciam circumligat ; et, quæ plurimas gestat, ea præstantissima esse judicatur, quippe a plurimis viris amata. | Next to these Macai are the Gindanes, whose women wear each of them a number of anklets made of the skins of animals, for the following reason, as it is said — for every man who has commerce with her she binds on an anklet, and the woman who has most is esteemed the best, since she has been loved by the greatest number of men. |
| 4.177 | Oram horum Gindanum, quæ in mare prominet, Lotophagi habitant ; qui nullo alio cibo, nisi loti fructu, vitam sustentant. (2) Est autem loti fructus magnitudine baccæ lentisci, dulcedine vero similis fructui palmæ arboris. Parant vero Lotophagi etiam vinum ex eodem fructu. | In a peninsula which stands out into the sea from the land of these Gindanes dwell the Lotophagoi, who live by eating the fruit of the lotos only. Now the fruit of the lotos is in size like that of the mastich-tree, and in flavor it resembles that of the date-palm. Of this fruit the Lotophagoi even make for themselves wine. |
| 4.178 | Lotophages, secundum mare, excipiunt Machlyes ; qui et ipsi quidem loto utuntur, verumtamen minus quam prædicti. (2) Pertinent hi ad flumen magnum, cui nomen Triton : infunditurque is fluvius in magnum lacum Tritonidem, in quo est insula cui nomen Phla. Hanc insulam, ajunt, Lacedæmonios ex oraculi effato colonis debuisse frequentare. | Next after the Lotophagoi along the sea-coast are the Machlyans, who also make use of the lotos, but less than those above mentioned. These extend to a great river named the river Triton, and this runs out into a great lake called Tritonis, in which there is an island named Phla. About this island they say there was an oracle given to the Lacedemonians that they should make a settlement in it. |
| 4.179 | Narratur vero etiam hæc historia : Iasonem, postquam sub Pelio navem Argo construxisset, quum alia hecatombe, tunc et tripode æneo in navem imposito, Peloponnesum esse circumvectum, Delphos profecturum, sed quum circa Maleam navigaret, vento borea abreptum et ad Libyam fuisse appulsum ; priusquam autem terram conspexisset, hæsisse in brevibus Tritonidis lacus. (2) Ibi tunc inopi consilii, nescientique quo pacto educeret navem, apparuisse ajunt Tritonem, jussisseque Iasonem, ut sibi daret tripodem illum ; dicentem, se illis monstraturum exitum, et incolumes emissurum. (3) Cui postquam morem gessisset Iason, tum Tritonem illis tutum per brevia exitum monstrasse, et tripodem in suo templo deposuisse ; ex eodem vero tripode oraculo edito rem omnem Iasoni ejusque sociisque prædixisse ; nempe, si quis ex Argonautarum posteris tripodem illum abstulisset, tunc inevitabili necessitate centum urbes Græcas circa Tritonidem lacum esse condendas. Quæ ubi cognovissent Libyes hanc regionem incolentes, tripodem illos occultasse. | The following moreover is also told, namely that Jason, when the Argo had been completed by him under Mount Pelion, put into it a hecatomb and with it also a tripod of bronze, and sailed round Pelopponese, desiring to come to Delphi; and when in sailing he got near Malea, a North Wind seized his ship and carried it off to Libya, and before he caught sight of land he had come to be in the shoals of the lake Tritonis. Then as he was at a loss how he should bring his ship forth, the story goes that Triton appeared to him and bade Jason give him the tripod, saying that he would show them the right course and let them go away without hurt: and when Jason consented to it, then Triton showed them the passage out between the shoals and set the tripod in his own temple, after having first uttered a prophecy over the tripod and having declared to Jason and his company the whole matter, namely that whensoever one of the descendants of those who sailed with him in the Argo should carry away this tripod, then it was determined by fate that a hundred cities of Hellenes should be established about the lake Tritonis. Having heard this the native Libyans concealed the tripod. |
| 4.180 | Machlyum horum finitimi sunt Ausenses ; qui pariter atque illi Tritonidem lacum accolunt, sed interfluente Tritone ab illis dirimuntur. Et Machlyes quidem in postica capitis parte comam alunt ; Ausenses vero in anteriore. (2) Annuo Minervæ festo virgines horum duabus a partibus stantes pugnant invicem lapidibus atque fustibus, dicentes, indigenæ deo (quam Minervam nos vocamus) se patrio ritu officium præstare. Si quæ virgines e vulneribus moriuntur, has falso nominatas virgines dicunt. (3) Priusquam vero illas ad pugnandum committant, hoc faciunt : pulcherrimam virginum publice exornant galea Corinthia reliquaque armatura Græcanica, et currui impositam circa lacum circumvehunt. (4) Quonam vero cultu virgines ornaverint priusquam Græci in eorum vicinia habitarunt, non habeo dicere : videntur mihi autem Ægyptiis armis eas instruxisse. Nam ab Ægypto et scutum et galeam autumo ad Græcos pervenisse. (5) Minervam autem perhibent esse Neptuni filiam et Tritonidis paludis ; dedisse autem se ipsam Jovi, quum nescio quid haberet quod de patre conquereretur : Jovemque eam pro filia adoptasse. (6) Hæc quidem ita narrant. Ceterum promiscue cum mulieribus pecudum more coeunt, non una habitantes. Tertio quoque mense conveniunt viri : quo in conventu, postquam adultus est puer quem mulier peperit, cui viro similis reperitur puer, is ejus pater esse censetur. | Next to these Machlyans are the Auseans. These and the Machlyans dwell round the lake Tritonis, and the river Triton is the boundary between them: and while the Machlyans grow their hair long at the back of the head, the Auseans do so in front. At a yearly festival of Athene their maidens take their stand in two parties and fight against one another with stones and staves, and they say that in doing so they are fulfilling the rites handed down by their fathers for the divinity who was sprung from that land, whom we call Athene: and those of the maidens who die of the wounds received they call “false-maidens.” But before they let them begin the fight they do this — all join together and equip the maiden who is judged to be the fairest on each occasion, with a Corinthian helmet and with full Hellenic armor, and then causing her to go up into a chariot they conduct her round the lake. Now I cannot tell with what they equipped the maidens in old time, before the Hellenes were settled near them; but I suppose that they used to be equipped with Egyptian armor, for it is from Egypt that both the shield and the helmet have come to the Hellenes, as I affirm. They say moreover that Athene is the daughter of Poseidon and of the lake Tritonis, and that she had some cause of complaint against her father and therefore gave herself to Zeus, and Zeus made her his own daughter. Such is the story which these tell; and they have their intercourse with women in common, not marrying but having intercourse like cattle: and when the child of any woman has grown big, he is brought before a meeting of the men held within three months of that time, and whomsoever of the men the child resembles, his son he is accounted to be. |
| 4.181 | Quos adhuc recensui, hi sunt Nomades Libyes, mare accolentes. Supra hos vero, mediterranea versus, feris frequens Libya est. Tum supra hanc Ferinam Libyam supercilium porrigitur arenosum, a Thebis Ægyptiis usque versus Herculeas pertinens columnas. (2) In eo supercilio per decem fere dierum iter sunt in collibus frusta salis, ingentibus grumis ; et in cujuslibet collis vertice e medio sale exsilit aqua frigida ac dulcis : circaque illas aquas habitant extremi homines versus Desertam Libyam et ultra Ferinam. Et primi quidem, a Thebis decem dierum itinere distantes habitant Ammonii, qui templum Jovis habent, a Thebæi Jovis templo derivatum : nam etiam Thebis, ut ante dictum est, arietina facie est Jovis simulacrum. (3) Est autem ibi alia etiam aqua fontana : quæ mane tepida est, versus meridiem autem frigidior, ipso vero medio die admodum fit frigida, quo tempore hortos illi irrigant : (4) tum inclinante die minuitur paulatim frigus usque ad solem occidentem, ubi rursus tepida fit aqua : dein paulatim calescit magis, donec media nox adest ; tunc vero fervens exæstuat : post mediam noctem rursus refrigescit usque ad auroram. Nomen fontis est Solis fons. | Thus then have been mentioned those nomad Libyans who live along the sea-coast: and above these inland is the region of Libya which has wild beasts; and above the wild-beast region there stretches a raised belt of sand, extending from Thebes of the Egyptians to the Pillars of Heracles. In this belt at intervals of about ten days’ journey there are fragments of salt in great lumps forming hills, and at the top of each hill there shoots up from the middle of the salt a spring of water cold and sweet; and about the spring dwell men, at the furthest limit towards the desert, and above the wild-beast region. First, at a distance of ten days’ journey from Thebes, are the Ammonians, whose temple is derived from that of the Theban Zeus, for the image of Zeus in Thebes also, as I have said before, has the head of a ram. These, as it chances, have also other water of a spring, which in the early morning is warm; at the time when the market fills, cooler; when midday comes, it is quite cold, and then they water their gardens; but as the day declines, it abates from its coldness, until at last, when the sun sets, the water is warm; and it continues to increase in heat still more until it reaches midnight, when it boils and throws up bubbles; and when midnight passes, it becomes cooler gradually till dawn of day. This spring is called the fountain of the Sun. |
| 4.182 | Post Ammonios in eodem arenoso supercilio, post decem iterum dierum iter, tumulus salis est, similis Ammonio, item aqua ; ibique rursus homines habitant : nomen ejus loci Augila est. Hic est locus, quo proficisci consueverunt Nasamones, palmulas collecturi. | After the Ammonians, as you go on along the belt of sand, at an interval again of ten days’ journey there is a hill of salt like that of the Ammonians, and a spring of water, with men dwelling about it; and the name of this place is Augila. To this the Nasamonians come year by year to gather the fruit of the date-palms. |
| 4.183 | Ab Augilis, rursus post decem dierum iter, alius est salis tumulus, et aqua, et frequentes palmæ arbores frugiferæ, quemadmodum et in ceteris tumulis. Ibi inhabitant homines, quibus nomen Garamantes, magnus admodum populus : qui humum in salem ingerunt, atque ita sementem faciunt. (2) Brevissima ab his via ad Lotophagos, a quibus iter est triginta dierum ad illos. In horum terra nascuntur etiam boves qui opisthonomi (retro pascentes) vocantur. Sunt autem opisthonomi hanc ob causam, quod cornua habent antrorsum curvata ; (3) qua de causa retro gradientes pascuntur : nam antrorsum progredientes pasci non possunt, quoniam, priusquam progredi possint, cornua in terram impinguntur. Ceterum ab aliis bobus nil differunt, nisi hoc ipso, et corii crassitie duritieque. (4) Iidem Garamantes quadrigis venantur Troglodytas Æthiopas. Sunt enim hi Troglodytæ Æthiopes pedibus pernicissimi omnium hominum, de quibus fando relatum audivimus. (5) Vescuntur autem Troglodytæ serpentibus atque lacertis, et id genus reptilibus : sermone vero utuntur nulli alii simili ; sed strident veluti noctuæ. | From Augila at a distance again of ten days’ journey there is another hill of salt and spring of water and a great number of fruit-bearing date-palms, as there are also in the other places: and men dwell here who are called the Garmantians, a very great nation, who carry earth to lay over the salt and then sow crops. From this point is the shortest way to the Lotophagoi, for from these it is a journey of thirty days to the country of the Garmantians. Among them also are produced the cattle which feed backwards; and they feed backwards for this reason, because they have their horns bent down forwards, and therefore they walk backwards as they feed; for forwards they cannot go, because the horns run into the ground in front of them; but in nothing else do they differ from other cattle except in this and in the thickness and firmness to the touch of their hide. These Garamantians of whom I speak hunt the “Cave-dwelling” Ethiopians with their four-horse chariots, for the Cave-dwelling Ethiopians are the swiftest of foot of all men about whom we hear report made: and the Cave-dwellers feed upon serpents and lizards and such creeping things, and they use a language which resembles no other, for in it they squeak just like bats. |
| 4.184 | Post Garamantes, interjecto iterum dierum decem itinere, alius est salis tumulus, et aqua : quo loco homines habitant, qui Atarantes vocantur. Hi soli omnium, quos novimus, hominum innominati sunt : nam cuncti quidem in universum Atarantes nominantur, unicuique autem per se nullum nomen impositum est. (2) Iidem solem capitibus ipsorum imminentem exsecrantur et fœdis quibusque conviciis incessunt, eo quod et ipsos homines et ipsorum terram urendo vexet et consumat. (3) Deinde, post aliorum decem dierum iter, est alius salis tumulus, et aqua et circùm habitantes homines : cui salis tumulo proximus est mons, cui nomen Atlas ; (4) angustus est, et circumcirca rotundus ; idem ea esse altitudine perhibetur, ut vertices ejus conspici non possint ; nunquam enim nubibus vacare, nec æstate, nec hieme. Hunc montem cœli fulcrum esse ajunt indigenæ. (5) Ab hoc monte homines isti nomen invenere : Atlantes enim vocantur. Dicuntur autem hi nec animatum quidquam comedere, nec insomnia videre. | From the Garmantians at a distance again of ten days’ journey there is another hill of salt and spring of water, and men dwell round it called Atarantians, who alone of all men about whom we know are nameless; for while all taken together have the name Atarantians, each separate man of them has no name given to him. These utter curses against the Sun when he is at his height, and moreover revile him with all manner of foul terms, because he oppresses them by his burning heat, both themselves and their land. After this at a distance of ten days’ journey there is another hill of salt and spring of water, and men dwell round it. Near this salt hill is a mountain named Atlas, which is small in circuit and rounded on every side; and so exceedingly lofty is it said to be, that it is not possible to see its summits, for clouds never leave them either in the summer or in the winter. This the natives say is the pillar of the heaven. After this mountain these men got their name, for they are called Atlantians; and it is said that they neither eat anything that has life nor have any dreams. |
| 4.185 | Ad hos igitur usque Atlantes nomina edere possum populorum, supercilium illud habitantium ; ulterius vero non possum. Porrigitur autem idem supercilium usque ad Herculeas columnas, atque etiam extra eas. (2) Suntque in illo e denorum dierum itineris intervallo salis fodinæ, et homines ibi habitantes, quorum omnium domus e salis grumis sunt exstructæ: nam iste jam Libyæ tractus pluvia caret ; nec vero durare muri ædium illi possent, si plueret. (3) Effoditur autem ibi sal et albus colore, et purpureus. Ultra istud vero supercilium, versus meridiem et mediterranea Libyæ, deserta est terra, et aquis, feris, pluvia, lignis vacua, omnique humore prorsus destituta. | As far as these Atlantians I am able to mention in order the names of those who are settled in the belt of sand; but for the parts beyond these I can do so no more. However, the belt extends as far as the Pillars of Heracles and also in the parts outside them: and there is a mine of salt in it at a distance of ten days’ journey from the Atlantians, and men dwelling there; and these all have their houses built of the lumps of salt, since these parts of Libya which we have now reached are without rain; for if it rained, the walls being made of salt would not be able to last: and the salt is dug up there both white and purple in color. Above the sand-belt, in the parts which are in the direction of the South Wind and towards the interior of Libya, the country is uninhabited, without water and without wild beasts, rainless and treeless, and there is no trace of moisture in it. |
| 4.186 | Itaque inde ab Ægypto usque ad Tritonidem quidem lacum sunt Nomades Libyes, carnium esu et lactis potu viventes. Vaccarum vero carnem hi non gustant, eandem ob causam propter quam nec Ægyptii : neque vero porcos alunt. (2) Vaccarum carne vesci Cyrenæorum etiam mulieres nefas ducunt propter Ægyptiam Isin, cujus in honorem etiam jejunia agunt et festos dies celebrant : Barcæorum vero mulieres non modo vaccas, sed ne porcos quidem gustant. Et hæc quidem ita se habent. | I have said that from Egypt as far as the lake Tritonis Libyans dwell who are nomads, eating flesh and drinking milk; and these do not taste at all of the flesh of cows, for the same reason as the Egyptians also abstain from it, nor do they keep swine. Moreover the women of the Kyrenians too think it not right to eat cows’ flesh, because of the Egyptian Isis, and they even keep fasts and celebrate festivals for her; and the women of Barca, in addition from cows’ flesh, do not taste of swine either. |
| 4.187 | Qui vero ab occidente Tritonidis lacus habitant Libyes, hi non jam nomades sunt, neque eisdem utuntur institutis, nec pueris faciunt simile quiddam quod Nomades facere consuerunt. (2) Nomades enim Libyæ, haud satis scio an omnes, multi certe eorum hoc faciunt : quando pueri eorum quartum annum compleverunt, tunc illis venas in vertice capitis lana ovium succida urunt, nonnulli etiam venas temporum ; idque hac causa faciunt, ne insequente tempore unquam e pituita laborent e capite defluente : et hanc ob causam ajunt optima se frui valetudine. (3) Revera enim Libyes præ omnibus hominibus, quos novimus, firmissima utuntur valetudine ; an hac ipsa de causa, equidem pro certo haud dixerim : sunt autem utique firmissima valetudine. (4) Quodsi pueros, dum inuruntur, convulsio corripit, inventa est ab eis medicina : inspersa hirci urina eis medentur. Refero autem quæ ab ipsis Afris narrantur. | Thus it is with these matters: but in the region to the West of lake Tritonis the Libyans cease to be nomads, and they do not practise the same customs, nor do to their children anything like that which the nomads are wont to do; for the nomad Libyans, whether all of them I cannot say for certain, but many of them, do as follows — when their children are four years old, they burn with a greasy piece of sheep’s wool the veins in the crowns of their heads, and some of them burn the veins of the temples, so that for all their lives to come the cold humour may not run down from their heads and do them hurt: and for this reason it is (they say) that they are so healthy; for the Libyans are in truth the most healthy of all races concerning which we have knowledge, whether for this reason or not I cannot say for certain, but the most healthy they certainly are: and if, when they burn the children, a convulsion comes on, they have found out a remedy for this; for they pour upon them the water of a he-goat and so save them. I report that which is reported by the Libyans themselves. |
| 4.188 | Sacrificiorum ritus apud Nomades hi sunt : ab aure pecudis auspiciantur, quam præcisam super humerum projiciunt : hoc facto, cervicem victimæ retro vertunt. Non autem immolant nisi Soli et Lunæ. (2) His Libyes cuncti sacra faciunt : sed, qui circa Tritonidem lacum sedes habent, hi Minervæ maxime, et post hanc Tritoni et Neptuno sacrificant. | The following is the manner of sacrifice which the nomads have — they cut off a part of the animal’s ear as a first offering and throw it over the house, and having done this they twist its neck. They sacrifice only to the Sun and the Moon; that is to say, to these all the Libyans sacrifice, but those who dwell round the lake Tritonis sacrifice most of all to Athene, and next to Triton and Poseidon. |
| 4.189 | Vestem vero et ægides, quibus instruuntur Minervæ imagines, a Libyssis adoptarunt Græci : præterquam enim quod pellicea est Libyssarum vestis, et quod fimbriæ, ex illarum ægidibus (thoracibus caprinis) pendentes, non serpentes sunt, sed e loris factæ, reliqua omnia eodem modo instructa sunt. (2) Atque etiam nomen declarat, e Libya venisse cultum quo instruuntur Palladia : quippe Libyssæ mulieres vesti suæ circumjiciunt nudas ægeas (thoraces e pelle caprina) fimbriatas, rubia tinctas : ex his vero ægeis Græci ægidas denominarunt. (3) Videturque mihi etiam ululatus in sacris hic primum exstitisse : utuntur hoc enim maxime mulieres Libyssæ, et belle utuntur. Etiam quadrijugos equos jungere ab Afris didicerunt Græci. | It would appear also that the Hellenes made the dress and the aigis of the images of Athene after the model of the Libyan women; for except that the dress of the Libyan women is of leather, and the tassels which hang from their aigis (αἰγίς) are not formed of serpents but of leather thongs, in all other respects Athene is dressed like them. Moreover the name too declares that the dress of the figures of Pallas has come from Libya, for the Libyan women wear over their other garments bare goat-skins (aigeas, αἴγεας) with tasselled fringes and colored over with red madder, and from the name of these goat-skins the Hellenes formed the name aigis. I think also that in these regions first arose the practice of crying aloud during the performance of sacred rites, for the Libyan women do this very well. The Hellenes learnt from the Libyans also the yoking together of four horses. |
| 4.190 | Mortuos sepeliunt Nomades eodem modo atque Græci, exceptis Nasamonibus. Hi enim sedentes sepeliunt : eoque curant, ut æger, quum in eo est ut animum efflet, sedeat, nec supinus moriatur. (2) Domus illorum ex asphodelorum caulibus compactæ sunt, intertextis juncis ; suntque portatiles. Hujusmodi istorum sunt instituta. | The nomads bury those who die just in the same manner as the Hellenes, except only the Nasamonians: these bury bodies in a sitting posture, taking care at the moment when the man expires to place him sitting and not to let him die lying down on his back. They have dwellings composed of the stems of asphodel entwined with rushes, and so made that they can be carried about. Such are the customs followed by these tribes. |
| 4.191 | Ab occasu Tritonis fluvii Ausensibus jam finitimi sunt Agricolæ Libyes, et stabilibus domibus utentes ; quorum nomen est Maxyes. Hi in dextra capitis parte comam alunt, sinistram tondent : corpus vero minio tingunt. (2) Aiuntque se hi e Trojanis viris esse oriundos. Regio hæc autem, et reliqua pars Libyæ occidentem spectans, multo frequentior est feris silvisque quam Nomadum regio. (3) Nam orientalis Libyæ tractus, quem Nomades incolunt, humilis est et arenosus, usque ad Tritonem fluvium : qui vero hinc ad occidentem vergit, qui Agricolarum est, is montanus admodum, et nemorosus, et feris bestiis frequens. (4) Sunt enim ibi immani magnitudine serpentes, sunt ibidem leones, et elephanti, et ursi, et aspides, et asini cornuti : sunt item cynocephali (canicipites), et acephali (sine capite homines) oculos in pectore habentes, ut quidem Libyes perhibent, et feri viri, feminæque feræ; denique alia multa numero monstra ficta et ementita. | On the West of the river Triton next after the Auseans come Libyans who are tillers of the soil, and whose custom it is to possess fixed habitations; and they are called Maxyans. They grow their hair long on the right side of their heads and cut it short upon the left, and smear their bodies over with red ochre. These say that they are of the men who came from Troy. This country and the rest of Libya which is towards the West is both much more frequented by wild beasts and much more thickly wooded than the country of the nomads: for whereas the part of Libya which is situated towards the East, where the nomads dwell, is low-lying and sandy up to the river Triton, that which succeeds it towards the West, the country of those who till the soil, is exceedingly mountainous and thickly-wooded and full of wild beasts: for in the land of these are found both the monstrous serpent and the lion and the elephant, and bears and venomous snakes and horned asses, besides the dog-headed men, and the headless men with their eyes set in their breasts (at least so say the Libyans about them), and the wild men and wild women, and a great multitude of other beasts which are not fabulous like these. |
| 4.192 | In Nomadum vero regione nihil horum, sed alia bestiarum genera hæcce : pygargi (de genere antiloparum), dorcades, bubali, asini, non cornuti illi, sed alii impoti, nempe qui non bibunt : tum oryes (sive oryges, antiloparum species), quorum e cornibus conficiuntur Punicarum cithararum brachia (ad verticillos inserendos), bovis fere magnitudine bestia ; sunt item bassaria, (de vulpium genere), hyænæ, hystrices, feri arietes, dictyes, thoes, pantheres, boryes, crocodili terrestres tricubitales, lacertis simillimi, struthiones terrestres, serpentes pusilli singulis cornibus instructi. (2) Et hæ ibi bestiæ sunt, et aliæ quæ item alibi, cervo et apro exceptis : cervus enim et aper in Africa omnino nullus reperitur. (3) Sunt autem ibidem murium tria genera ; unum eorum qui bipedes vocantur : alii zegeries, Libyco nomine, quod Græca lingua colles significat : tertium genus, echinees. (4) Sunt etiam mustelæ, quæ in silphio nascuntur, Tartessiis simillimæ. Tot bestiarum genera habet hæc Nomadum Libycorum regio, quoad nos longissime percunctando comperire potuimus. | In the land of the nomads however there exist none of these, but other animals as follows — white-rump antelopes, gazelles, buffaloes, asses, not the horned kind but others which go without water (for in fact these never drink), oryes, whose horns are made into the sides of the Phenician lyre (this animal is in size about equal to an ox), small foxes, hyenas, porcupines, wild rams, wolves, jackals, panthers, boryes, land-crocodiles about three cubits in length and very much resembling lizards, ostriches, and small snakes, each with one horn: these wild animals there are in this country, as well as those which exist elsewhere, except the stag and the wild-boar; but Libya has no stags nor wild boars at all. Also there are in this country three kinds of mice, one is called the “two-legged” mouse, another the zegeris (a name which is Libyan and signifies in the Hellenic tongue a “hill"), and a third the “prickly” mouse. There are also weasels produced in the silphion, which are very like those of Tartessos. Such are the wild animals which the land of the Libyans possesses, so far as we were able to discover by inquiries extended as much as possible. |
| 4.193 | Maxyum Afrorum finitimi Zaueces sunt ; quibus mulieres plaustra aurigantur, in bellum proficiscentibus. | Next to the Maxyan Libyans are the Zauekes, whose women drive their chariots for them to war. |
| 4.194 | His contigui sunt Gyzantes : apud quos plurimum mellis parant apes : multo vero major copia paratur hominum artificio. Hi omnes minio pinguntur ; vescunturque simiis, quarum incredibilis copia in eorum montibus nascitur. | Next to these are the Gyzantes, among whom honey is made in great quantity by bees, but in much greater quantity still it is said to be made by men, who work at it as a trade. However that may be, these all smear themselves over with red ochre and eat monkeys, which are produced in very great numbers upon their mountains. |
| 4.195 | Prope horum regionem, ajunt Carthaginienses, insulam esse, cui nomen Cyraunis, ducentorum stadiorum longitudine, latitudine arctam, in quam transiri e continenti possit : esse autem eam oleis et vitibus refertam. (2) Esse in eadem lacum, e quo virgines indigenæ pennis volucrium pice illitis ramenta auri e limo referant. Hoc quidem an vere ita habeat nescio : scribo autem quæ narrantur. Fuerit autem omnino verum ; quandoquidem etiam Zacynthi e lacu et ex aqua colligi picem ipse vidi. (3) Sunt ibi lacus quidem plures, quorum maximus est septuaginta pedum quaquaversum, duodecim pedum altitudine : in hunc demittunt contum, cujus in extremo myrtus alligata est ; hac myrto educunt picem, quæ odorem habet asphalti, ceterum Piericæ præstat pici. (4) Hanc infundunt in scrobem prope lacum effossam : et postquam probabilem picis copiam collegerunt, e fovea illam in amphoras infundunt. Quidquid in lacum incidit, id terram subit, et in mari rursus comparet ; abest autem mare a lacu fere quattuor stadia. Ita igitur etiam, quæ de insula illa narrantur ad Africam sita, non dissimilia vero sunt. | Opposite these, as the Carthaginians say, there lies an island called Kyrauis, two hundred furlongs in length but narrow, to which one may walk over from the mainland; and it is full of olives and vines. In it they say there is a pool, from which the native girls with birds’ feathers smeared over with pitch bring up gold-dust out of the mud. Whether this is really so I do not know, but I write that which is reported; and nothing is impossible, for even in Zakynthos I saw myself pitch brought up out of a pool of water. There are there several pools, and the largest of them measures seventy feet each way and is two fathoms in depth. Into this they plunge a pole with a myrtle-branch bound to it, and then with the branch of the myrtle they bring up pitch, which has the smell of asphalt, but in other respects it is superior to the pitch of Pieria. This they pour into a pit dug near the pool; and when they have collected a large quantity, then they pour it into the jars from the pit: and whatever thing falls into the pool goes under ground and reappears in the sea, which is distant about four furlongs from the pool. Thus then the report about the island lying near the coast of Libya is also probably enough true. |
| 4.196 | Narrant iidem Carthaginienses hæcce : esse locum Libyæ extra Herculeas columnas, hominesque ibi habitantes, quos quando ipsi mercandi causa adeant, expositas e navi merces in ipso litoris crepidine a se ordine disponi : tunc se, conscensis rursus navibus, excitare fumum. Indigenas, conspecto fumo, accedere ad mare, et deposito pro mercibus auro, rursus procul a mercibus discedere. (2) Tum Carthaginienses, navibus egressos, rem inspicere : et, si æquivalentem mercibus auri copiam repererint, ablato auro abire ; sin minus, redire itidem in naves, ibique residere. Tum denuo accedentes illos aliud aurum ad prius adjicere, donec ipsis ut satis habeant persuaserint. (3) Nec vero alteros alteris facere injuriam : nam nec sese aurum tangere priusquam sibi pretium æquivalens mercibus fuerit visum ; nec illos mercibus prius imponere manus quam ipsi accepissent aurum. | The Carthaginians say also this, namely that there is a place in Libya and men dwelling there, outside the Pillars of Heracles, to whom when they have come and have taken the merchandise forth from their ships, they set it in order along the beach and embark again in their ships, and after that they raise a smoke; and the natives of the country seeing the smoke come to the sea, and then they lay down gold as an equivalent for the merchandise and retire to a distance away from the merchandise. The Carthaginians upon that disembark and examine it, and if the gold is in their opinion sufficient for the value of the merchandise, they take it up and go their way; but if not, they embark again in their ships and sit there; and the others approach and straightway add more gold to the former, until they satisfy them: and they say that neither party wrongs the other; for neither do the Carthaginians lay hands on the gold until it is made equal to the value of their merchandise, nor do the others lay hands on the merchandise until the Carthaginians have taken the gold. |
| 4.197 | Hi sunt Africæ populi, quos potui commemorare : et horum quidem plerique Medorum regem neque nunc curant, neque tunc ullam ejus habuerunt rationem. Hoc vero solum adhuc de hac terra dicendum habeo, quattuor nationes illam incolere, nec plures, quoad nos novimus : quarum nationum duæ indigenæ sunt ; duæ vero non sunt : Libyes et Æthiopes, indigenæ; illi ad septentrionem, hi ad meridiem Libyæ habitantes : Phœnices vero et Græci, advenæ sunt. | These are the Libyan tribes whom we are able to name; and of these the greater number neither now pay any regard to the king of the Medes nor did they then. Thus much also I have to say about this land, namely that it is occupied by four races and no more, so far as we know; and of these races two are natives of the soil and the other two not so; for the Libyans and the Ethiopians are natives, the one race dwelling in the Northern parts of Libya and the other in the Southern, while the Phenicians and the Hellenes are strangers. |
| 4.198 | Videtur mihi autem bonitate soli neutiquam præstare Libya, ut cum Asia aut cum Europa possit conferri ; excepta sola Cinype ; nam idem regioni nomen est atque fluvio. (2) Hæc vero regio fructuum cerealium proventu par est optimæ terrarum omnium ; et reliquæ Libyæ prorsus dissimilis. Habet enim nigrum solum ; frequentibus rigatur fontibus : et nec siccitatem timet, nec a nimiis imbribus inundata læditur ; pluit enim in hac Libyæ parte. (3) Proventuum frumenti eadem ratio et mensura est, atque in Babylonica terra. Est vero etiam bona terra quam Euesperitæ colunt ; nam, quando ubertate præstat messis, fert terra horum centuplum ; sed Cinyps trecentuplum. | I think moreover that (besides other things) in goodness of soil Libya does not very greatly excel as compared with Asia or Europe, except only the region of Kinyps, for the same name is given to the land as to the river. This region is equal to the best of lands in bringing forth the fruit of Demeter, nor does it at all resemble the rest of Libya; for it has black soil and is watered by springs, and neither has it fear of drought nor is it hurt by drinking too abundantly of rain; for rain there is in this part of Libya. Of the produce of the crops the same measures hold good here as for the Babylonian land. And that is good land also which the Euesperites occupy, for when it bears best it produces a hundred-fold, but the land in the region of Kinyps produces sometimes as much as three-hundred-fold. |
| 4.199 | Cyrenaica regio, quæ altissima est hujus tractus Libyæ, quem Nomades tenent, tres in se tempestates continet, miratu dignas. (2) Primum maritimus tractus fructibus turget et ad messem vindemiamque maturus est. His collectis fructibus, medius tractus, supra maritimum porrectus, quem colles vocant, ad messem maturescit. Denique comportatis ex hoc medio tractu fructibus, turgescunt etiam et ad maturitatem pervenerunt illi, qui in altissimo terræ tractu nascuntur. Ita quando epotus comestusque est primus fructus, tunc opportune adest extremus : adeoque per octo menses collectio fructuum Cyrenæos occupat. Sed hæc quidem hactenus dicta sunto. | Moreover the land of Kyrene, which is the highest land of the part of Libya which is occupied by nomads, has within its confines three seasons of harvest, at which we may marvel: for the parts by the sea-coasts first have their fruits ripe for reaping and for gathering the vintage; and when these have been gathered in, the parts which lie above the sea-side places, those situated in the middle, which they call the hills, are ripe for the gathering in; and as soon as this middle crop has been gathered in, that in the highest part of the land comes to perfection and is ripe; so that by the time the first crop has been eaten and drunk up, the last is just coming in. Thus the harvest for the Kyrenians lasts eight months. Let so much as has been said suffice for these things. |
| 4.200 | Persæ ab Aryande ex Ægypto auxilio missi Pheretimæ, postquam Barcam venere, obsidione cinxerunt urbem, postulantes ut traderentur cædis Arcesilai auctores. Sed conditionem non accepere oppidani, quippe quorum universa multitudo particeps erat culpæ. (2) Itaque oppugnarunt Barcam Persæ novem continuos menses, et cuniculos agentes quibus in urbem intrarent, et validas in murum impressiones facientes. Sed cuniculos indagavit reperitque faber ærarius æneo scuto. Re enim secum perpensa, circumtulit scutum intra murum, et pavimento urbis admovit. (3) Jam alia loca, ubi illud admovebat, surda erant ; qua parte vero erant cuniculi, ibi sonum edebat æs scuti. Itaque ibidem ex adverso cuniculum agentes Barcæi interficiebant Persas terram fodientes. Ita indagati cuniculi sunt : impressiones vero in murum factas valide repellebant Barcæi. | Now when the Persian helpers of Pheretime, having been sent from Egypt by Aryandes, had arrived at Barca, they laid siege to the city, proposing to the inhabitants that they should give up those who were guilty of the murder of Arkesilaos: but as all their people had taken a share in the guilt, they did not accept the proposals. Then they besieged Barca for nine months, both digging underground passages which led to the wall and making vigorous attacks upon it. Now the passages dug were discovered by a worker of bronze with a shield covered over with bronze, who had thought of a plan as follows — carrying it round within the wall he applied it to the ground in the city, and whereas the other places to which he applied it were noiseless, at those places where digging was going on the bronze of the shield gave a sound; and the men of Barca would make a countermine there and slay the Persians who were digging mines. This then was discovered as I have said, and the attacks were repulsed by the men of Barca. |
| 4.201 | His rebus quum in multum temporis duceretur, multique ex utrisque caderent, ac minime pauciores e Persarum numero, dux pedestrium copiarum Amasis hoc consilium capit. (2) Intelligens vi capi Barcæos non posse, dolo vere posse, hæc facere instituit : noctu latam fodit fossam, cui ligna parum valida instravit, superque ligna humum ingessit, ita ut superficies reliquæ terræ esset æqualis. Ut illuxit, Barcæos ad colloquium invitavit ; cui lubentes illi morem gesserunt : et ad extremum placuit compositionem invicem inire. (3) Compositionem autem fecerunt, super occulta fossa sacrificantes, in has conditiones : quousque hæc terra ita maneret, firmum manere jusjurandum : et Barcæos promittere mulctam se regi soluturos ; Persas vero, nihil porro se contra Barcæos novaturos. (4) Peracto fœdere, Barcæi his fidem adhibentes, et ipsi egrediebantur urbe, et hostium quisquis vellet intra muros ingredi patiebantur, omnibus apertis portis. At Persæ, disrupto occulto ponte, in urbem irruebant. (5) Pontem autem, quem fecerant, hac causa ruperunt, ut starent juramento quo pacti erant cum Barcæis, tamdiu ratum fore fœdus, quamdiu terra hæc in eo statu, quo tunc esset, maneret. Rupto autem ponte, non amplius firmum manebat fœdus. | Then as they were suffering hardship for a long time and many were falling on both sides, and especially on that of the Persians, Amasis the commander of the land-army contrived as follows — perceiving that the Barcaians were not to be conquered by force but might be conquered by guile, he dug by night a broad trench and over it he laid timber of no great strength, and brought earth and laid it above on the top of the timber, making it level with the rest of the ground: then at daybreak he invited the men of Barca to a parley; and they gladly consented, and at last they agreed to make a treaty: and the treaty they made with one another was taken over the hidden trench, namely that so long as this earth should continue to be as it was, so long the oath should remain firm, and that the men of Barca should promise to pay tribute of due amount to the king, and the Persians should do no further violence to the men of Barca. After the oath the men of Barca trusting to these engagements both went forth themselves from their city and let any who desired it of the enemy pass within their walls, having opened all the gates; but the Persians first broke down the concealed bridge and then began to run inside the city wall. And the reason why they broke down the bridge which they had made was that they might keep their oaths, since they had sworn to the men of Barca that the oath should remain firm continually for so long time as the earth should remain as it then was, but after that they had broken it down, the oath no longer remained firm. |
| 4.202 | Jam igitur Pheretima Barcæorum eos, qui cædis faciendæ maxime fuerant auctores, deditos sibi a Persis, circa murum crucibus suffixit, et uxorum eorumdem præsectas mammas pariter circa murum in seriem suspendi. (2) Reliquos vero Barcæos Persis prædæ loco permisit, exceptis Battiadis et eis qui cædis non fuissent participes : his vero urbem Pheretima tradidit. | Now the most guilty of the Barcaians, when they were delivered to her by the Persians, Pheretime impaled in a ring round about the wall; and she cut off the breasts of their wives and set the wall round with these also in order: but the rest of the men of Barca she bade the Persians carry off as spoil, except so many of them as were of the house of Battos and not sharers in the guilt of the murder; and to these Pheretime gave the city in charge. |
| 4.203 | Reliquos igitur Barcæos captivos abducentes Persæ redierunt : qui quum ad Cyrenæorum urbem accesserunt, Cyrenæi, oraculi cujusdam religione se soluturi, per ipsam urbem illos passi sunt transire. (2) Per quam dum transivit exercitus, Bares, navalibus copiis præfectus, capi urbem jussit : at Amasis, pedestris dux exercitus, ne id fieret prohibuit ; contra solam Barcam, dicens, nec contra aliam Græcam urbem se esse missum. Deinde vero, postquam transierant et in colle resederant Jovis Lycæi, pænituit eos Cyrenen non tenuisse ; iterumque ingredi urbem temptarunt : sed Cyrenæi non admiserunt. (3) Tum Persas, nemine licet repugnante, metus incessit : et cursu se inde ad sexaginta fere stadia receperunt, ibique resederunt. Ubi dum stativa habuit exercitus, advenit ab Aryande nuntius, qui illos revocaret. Et Persæ, commeatum sibi præberi precati a Cyrenæis, accepto ab eisdem commeatu in Ægyptum abierunt. (4) At inde excipientes illos Libyes, ut quisque tardabat morabaturque, ita eum interficiebant, quo vestitu ejus reliquoque apparatu potirentur : donec reliqui in Ægyptum pervenerunt. | So the Persians having made slaves of the rest of the Barcaians departed to go back: and when they appeared at the gates of the city of Kyrene, the Kyrenians let them go through their town in order to avoid neglect of some oracle. Then as the army was going through, Badres the commander of the fleet urged that they should capture the city, but Amasis the commander of the land-army would not consent to it; for he said that they had been sent against no other city of the Hellenes except Barca. When however they had passed through and were encamping on the hill of Zeus Lycaios, they repented of not having taken possession of Kyrene; and they endeavored again to pass into it, but the men of Kyrene would not allow them. Then upon the Persians, although no one fought against them, there fell a sudden panic, and they ran away for about sixty furlongs and then encamped. And when the camp had been placed here, there came to it a messenger from Aryandes summoning them back; so the Persians asked the Kyrenians to give them provisions for their march and obtained their request; and having received these, they departed to go to Egypt. After this the Libyans took them up, and killed for the sake of their clothes and equipment those of them who at any time were left or straggled behind, until at last they came to Egypt. |
| 4.204 | Hic Persarum exercitus longissime in Africa usque ad Euesperidas pervenerat. Quos vero e Barcæis captivos abduxerant, hos ex Ægypto procul a patria amandatos ad regem miserunt : rexque Darius vicum illis Bactrianæ regionis habitandum concessit. Et illi vico huic nomen imposuere Barcam, quæ Barca ad meam usque ætatem in Bactriana habitata erat. | This army of the Persians reached Euesperides, and this was their furthest point in Libya: and those of the Barcaians whom they had reduced to slavery they removed again from Egypt and brought them to the king, and king Dareios gave them a village in the land of Bactria in which to make a settlement. To this village they gave the name of Barca, and it still continued to be inhabited by them even down to my own time, in the land of Bactria. |
| 4.205 | Nec vero Pheretima bono vitæ fine usa est. Etenim simul atque, capta de Barcæis ultione, e Libya in Ægyptum redierat, misere obiit : vivens quippe vermibus scatuit e cute enatis. Ita nempe hominibus vindictæ nimis atroces invidiosæ sunt apud deos. Talis igitur et tanta vindicta fuit, quam de Barcæis cepit Pheretima, Batti filia [sive uxor]. | Pheretime however did not bring her life happily to an end any more than they: for as soon as she had returned from Libya to Egypt after having avenged herself on the Barcaians, she died an evil death, having become suddenly full of worms while yet alive: for, as it seems, too severe punishments inflicted by men prove displeasing to the gods. Such and so great was the punishment inflicted by Pheretime the wife of Battos on the men of Barca. |
Book V
Terpsichore
| 5.1 | Persæ, quos in Europa Darius reliquerat, quibus præerat Megabazus, primos ex Hellespontiis Perinthios, parere nolentes regis imperio, subegerunt. Iidem Perinthii superiori tempore a Pæonibus quoque male fuerant mulctati. (2) Pæones, Strymonem accolentes, oraculi responso moniti erant ut arma adversus Perinthios moverent, et, si quidem Perinthii oppositis castris ipsis invocassent, nominatim compellantes, tum hos invaderent ; sin non inclamassent, non invaderent. Idque fecerunt Pæones. (3) Quibus quum castra Perinthii opposuissent in suburbio, e provocatione triplex instituebatur certamen singulare ; etenim virum cum viro, et equum cum equo committebant, et canem cum cane : (4) et duobus certaminibus vicerunt Perinthii. Qui quum præ gaudio pæanem canerent (επαιώνιζον), tum conjectantes Pæones hoc esse quod significasset oraculum, dixerunt inter se : « Nunc impletum nobis oraculum fuerit, nunc nostrum opus est. » Et cantantes Perinthios aggressi Pæones, ingentem reportarunt victoriam paucosque ex illis reliquos fecerunt. | In the meantime those of the Persians who had been left behind in Europe by Dareios, of whom Megabazos was the commander, had subdued the people of Perinthos first of the Hellespontians, since they refused to be subject to Dareios. These had in former times also been hardly dealt with by the Paionians: for the Paionians from the Strymon had been commanded by an oracle of their god to march against the Perinthians; and if the Perinthians, when encamped opposite to them, should shout aloud and call to them by their name, they were to attack them; but if they should not shout to them, they were not to attack them: and thus the Paionians proceeded to do. Now when the Perinthians were encamped opposite to them in the suburb of their city, a challenge was made and a single combat took place in three different forms; for they matched a man against a man, and a horse against a horse, and a dog against a dog. Then, as the Perinthians were getting the better in two of the three, in their exultation they raised a shout of « paion! », and the Paionians conjectured that this was the very thing which was spoken of in the oracle, and said doubtless to one another, “Now surely the oracle is being accomplished for us, now it is time for us to act.” So the Paionians attacked the Perinthians when they had raised the shout of paion, and they had much the better in the fight, and left but few of them alive. |
| 5.2 | Hæc olim a Pæonibus in hunc modum gesta erant. At tunc fortiter pro libertate pugnantes Perinthii, jam multitudine victi sunt a Persis et Megabazo. (2) Subacta Perintho, per Thraciam exercitum circumducens Megabazus, cuncta oppida, cunctosque populos ibi habitantes, sub regis imperium redegit : hoc enim illi mandatum erat, a Dario, subigere Thraciam. | Thus it happened with respect to those things which had been done to them in former times by the Paionians; and at this time, although the Perinthians proved themselves brave men in defence of their freedom, the Persians and Megabazos got the better of them by numbers. Then after Perinthos had been conquered, Megabazos marched his army through the length of Thracia, forcing every city and every race of those who dwell there to submit to the king, for so it had been commanded him by Dareios, to subdue Thracia. |
| 5.3 | Thracum natio, post Indos utique, maxima est nationum omnium : qui sub unius essent imperio, aut concordes inter se essent, invicti forent, et longe populorum omnium, ut mihi quidem videtur, potentissimi. At hoc ipsum difficile est illis, atque impossibile, ut fiat unquam : eam ob causam infirmi sunt. (2) Habent autem, pro regionum diversitate, multa ac varia nomina : sed eisdem moribus institutisque utuntur omnes, exceptis Getis, et Trausis, et qui ultra Crestonæos habitant. | Now the Thracian race is the most numerous, except the Indians, in all the world: and if it should come to be ruled over by one man, or to agree together in one, it would be irresistible in fight and the strongest by far of all nations, in my opinion. Since however this is impossible for them and cannot ever come to pass among them, they are in fact weak for that reason. They have many names, belonging to their various tribes in different places; but they all follow customs which are nearly the same in all respects, except the Getai and Trausians and those who dwell above the Crestonians. |
| 5.4 | Et Getarum quidem instituta, qui immortales se esse prædicant, supra exposui. Trausi vero, aliis quidem in rebus ab reliquis Thracibus nihil differunt ; sed recens apud eos natis ac denatis hoc faciunt : (2) natum circumsident cognati, et miserantur, quot quantaque mala oporteat eum, e quo natus sit, implere, omnia quæ homines manent mala commemorantes. Denatum vero jocantes lætantesque terra condunt, commemorantes quot quantisque malis sit liberatus, quamque omni parte beatus. | Of these the practices of the Getai, who believe themselves to be immortal, have been spoken of by me already: and the Trausians perform everything else in the same manner as the other Thracians, but in regard to those who are born and die among them they do as follows — when a child has been born, the nearest of kin sit round it and make lamentation for all the evils of which he must fulfil the measure, now that he is born, enumerating the whole number of human ills; but when a man is dead, they cover him up in the earth with sport and rejoicing, saying at the same time from what great evils he has escaped and is now in perfect bliss. |
| 5.5 | Apud eos qui supra Crestonæos habitant, hic mos obtinet : uxores quilibet vir plures habet : jam, quando vir moritur, magna fit inter uxores disceptatio et acris amicorum contentio super hac quæstione, quænam ex uxoribus carissima fuerit marito. Dein, quæ talis judicata est et cui hic honos habetur, illa, a viris atque mulieribus collaudata, jugulatur super tumulum ab his qui eam proxime cognatione attingunt, et jugulata una cum marito sepelitur : reliquæ vero magnæ sibi calamitati id ducunt ; namque maximum hoc eis probrum censetur. | Those who dwell above the Crestonians do as follows — each man has many wives, and when any man of them is dead, a great competition takes place among his wives, with much exertion on the part of their friends, about the question of which of them was most loved by their husband; and she who is preferred by the decision and so honored, is first praised by both men and women, then her throat is cut over the tomb by her nearest of kin, and afterwards she is buried together with her husband; and the others are exceedingly grieved at it, for this is counted as the greatest reproach to them. |
| 5.6 | Reliqui Thraces hisce utuntur institutis. Vendunt liberos suos, in alias terras abducendos. Virgines non custodiunt, sed congredi cum quibusque voluerint viris patiuntur : uxores vero severe custodiunt ; emunt autem uxores a parentibus ingentio pretio. (2) Punctam notis habere cutem, nobile judicatur : impressa non habere stigmata, ignobile. Otiosum esse, honestissimum habetur, terram colere, quam maxime inhonestum. E bello et præda vivere, laudatissimum. Hi sunt præcipui illorum mores. | Of the other Thracians the custom is to sell their children to be carried away out of the country; and over their maidens they do not keep watch, but allow them to have commerce with whatever men they please, but over their wives they keep very great watch; and they buy their wives for great sums of money from their parents. To be pricked with figures is accounted a mark of noble rank, and not to be so marked is a sign of low birth. Not to work is counted most honorable, and to be a worker of the soil is above all things dishonorable: to live on war and plunder is the most honorable thing. |
| 5.7 | Deos autem solos colunt hosce : Martem, et Bacchum, et Dianam. Reges vero eorum, præter privatos cives, Mercurium maxime colunt deorum, et per hunc solum jurant ; dicuntque a Mercurio se esse prognatos. | These are their most remarkable customs; and of the gods they worship only Ares and Dionysos and Artemis. Their kings, however, apart from the rest of the people, worship Hermes more than all gods, and swear by him alone; and they say that they are descended from Hermes. |
| 5.8 | Sepulturæ apud divites hæc ratio est : per triduum exponunt mortuum, prius illum deplorantes, sed mox victimarum omne genus mactantes, lautaque celebrantes convivia. Deinde sepeliunt combustum, aut etiam non combustum terra condunt. Postquam tumulum aggesserunt, certaminum varia proponunt genera, in quibus maxima pretia ponuntur, ut consentaneum est, his qui singulari certamine vincunt. Hæc est sepulturæ apud Thracas ratio. | The manner of burial for the rich among them is this — for three days they expose the corpse to view, and they slay all kinds of victims and feast, having first made lamentation. Then they perform the burial rites, either consuming the body with fire or covering it up in the earth without burning; and afterwards when they have heaped up a mound they celebrate games with every kind of contest, in which reasonably the greatest prizes are assigned for single combat. This is the manner of burial among the Thracians. |
| 5.9 | A septentrione hujus regionis quinam habitent homines, pro certo dicere nemo potest. Illud quidem apparet, esse trans Istrum desertam terram et infinitam. Solos tantum resciscere potui trans Istrum habitantes homines, quibus nomen perhibetur esse Sigynnæ, Medica veste utentes : (2) quorum equos ajunt esse toto corpore hirsutos, pilis ad quinque (latos) digitos longis ; exiguos illos, et simos, et parum validos ad viros vehendos ; plaustris autem junctos, esse velocissimos ; et eam ob causam plaustris vehi indigenas. (3) Pertinere autem horum fines fere usque ad Enetos, qui ad Adriam habitant. A Medis autem sese ortos dicunt. Quonam vero pacto Medorum hi fuerint coloni, exputare quidem non queo : sed longo temporis tractu fieri utique omnia possunt. Ceterum Sigynnæ apud Ligures super Massiliam habitantes, institores vocantur ; apud Cyprios vero, hastæ. | Of the region lying further on towards the North of this country no one can declare accurately who the men are who dwell in it; but the parts which lie immediately beyond the Ister are known to be uninhabited and vast in extent. The only men of whom I can hear who dwell beyond the Ister are those who are said to be called Sigynnai, and who use the Median fashion of dress. Their horses, it is said, have shaggy hair all over their bodies, as much as five fingers long; and these are small and flat-nosed and too weak to carry men, but when yoked in chariots they are very high-spirited; therefore the natives of the country drive chariots. The boundaries of this people extend, it is said, to the parts near the Enetoi, who live on the Adriatic; and people say that they are colonists from the Medes. In what way however these have come to be colonists from the Medes I am not able for my part to conceive, but everything is possible in the long course of ages. However that may be, the Ligurians who dwell in the region inland above Massalia call traders sigynnai, and the men of Cyprus give the same name to spears. |
| 5.10 | Narrant quidem Thraces, apes occupare terras trans Istrum, eaque causa non posse homines ulterius progredi. Quæ mihi parum probabiliter ab his dici videntur ; quoniam constat frigoris impatientes esse istas bestiolas : sed propter frigus inhabitatæ mihi videntur esse regiones sub septentrionibus sitæ. (2) Hæc sunt igitur quæ de hac regione memorantur. Ceterum maritimum illius tractum, ut supra dixi, Megabazus sub Persarum redegit potestatem. | Now the Thracians say that the other side of the Ister is occupied by bees, and that by reason of them it is not possible to pass through and proceed further: but to me it seems that when they so speak, they say that which is not probable; for these creatures are known to be intolerant of cold, and to me it seems that the regions which go up towards the pole are uninhabitable by reason of the cold climate. These then are the tales reported about this country; and however that may be, Megabazos was then making the coast-regions of it subject to the Persians. |
| 5.11 | Darius simulatque trajecto Hellesponto Sardes pervenit, recordatus est beneficii ab Histiæo Milesio in se collati, et consilii a Mytilenæo Coe dati. Itaque his Sardes arcessitis optionem dedit. (2) Et Histiæus quidem, utpote Mileti tyrannus, nullam sibi insuper tyrannidem postulavit : petiit vero Myrcinum Edonidem, cupiens in ea urbem condere. (3) Hanc igitur hic optavit. Coes vero, ut qui non tyrannus, sed privatus esset, petiit Mytilenæ tyrannidem. Impetrato uterque quod optaverat, eo se contulit. | Meanwhile Dareios, so soon as he had crossed over the Hellespont and come to Sardis, called to mind the service rendered to him by Histiaios the Milesian and also the advice of the Mytilenian Coës, and having sent for them to come to Sardis he offered them a choice of rewards. Histiaios then, being despot of Miletos, did not make request for any government in addition to that, but he asked for the district of Myrkinos which belonged to the Edonians, desiring there to found a city. Histiaios chose this for himself; but Coës, not being a despot but a man of the people, asked to be made despot of Mitylene. |
| 5.12 | Posthæc oblata Dario est res talis, qua conspecta incessit eum cupido mandandi Megabazo, ut Pæonas subigeret, et ex Europa in Asiam abstractos mitteret. Res ea hujusmodi fuit. Erant Pigres et Mantyas, viri Pæones : qui, postquam Darius in Asiam trajecerat, cupientes ipsi tyrannidem occupare Pæoniæ, Sardes venere, secum ducentes sororem, magnam statura, et forma præstantem. (2) Hi observato tempore quum Darius in Lydorum suburbio in publico sederet, hocce instituerunt : sororem, quam poterant optime instructam, aquandum miserunt, vas in capite gestantem, e brachio post se ducentem equum, simulque linum nentem. (3) Ut præteribat mulier, advertit Darii animum : etenim nec e Persarum more, nec e Lydorum hoc erat, quod illa faciebat, nec ullius Asiatici populi moribus conveniens. Igitur quum ea res animum regis advertisset, misit satellitum nonnullos, jussos observare quid equo faceret hæc mulier. (4) Itaque hi pone sequebantur : illa vero, ubi ad fluvium pervenit, aquavit equum ; quo aquato, vas suum aqua replevit et eadem via præteriit, aquam super capite gestans, equum e brachio post se trahens, et manu fusum torquens. | After the desires of both had been fulfilled, they betook themselves to that which they had chosen: and at this same time it chanced that Dareios saw a certain thing which made him desire to command Megabazos to conquer the Paionians and remove them forcibly from Europe into Asia: and the thing was this — There were certain Paionians named Pigres and Mantyas, who when Dareios had crossed over into Asia, came to Sardis, because they desired themselves to have rule over the Paionians, and with them they brought their sister, who was tall and comely. Then having watched for a time when Dareios took his seat publicly in the suburb of the Lydian city, they dressed up their sister in the best way they could, and sent her to fetch water, having a water-jar upon her head and leading a horse after her by a bridle round her arm, and at the same time spinning flax. Now when the woman passed out of the city by him, Dareios paid attention to the matter, for that which was done by the woman was not of Persian nor yet of Lydian fashion, nor indeed after the manner of any people of Asia. He sent therefore some of his spearmen, bidding them watch what the woman would do with the horse. They accordingly followed after her; and she having arrived at the river watered the horse, and having watered him and filled her jar with the water, she passed along by the same way, bearing the water upon her head, leading the horse after her by a bridle round her arm, and at the same time turning the spindle. |
| 5.13 | Miratus Darius quæ partim e speculatoribus audivit, partim ipse vidit, jussit coram se adduci mulierem. Ea ut adducebatur, aderant simul fratres ejus, qui haud procul alicubi, quid ageretur, speculati erant. (2) Interrogante Dario, cujas illa esset, responderunt juvenes, esse se Pæones, illamque suam esse sororem. Denuo interrogat rex : quinam vero homines Pæones sint, et ubi terrarum habitent ; denique quid illi sibi vellent quod Sardes venissent. (3) Responderunt illi, venisse ut traderent se regi ; esse autem Pæoniam regionem ad Strymonem fluvium ; Strymonem vero haud procul abesse ab Hellesponto ; esse autem Pæones Teucrorum e Troia colonos. (4) Quæ quum illi singula e rei veritate dixissent, rogavit rex, an etiam omnes ibi mulieres ita essent laboriosæ. Cui illi, rem ita habere, prompte responderunt : nam ea ipsa causa hæc ita instituerant. | Then Dareios, marvelling both at that which he heard from those who went to observe and also at that which he saw himself, bade them bring her into his presence: and when she was brought, her brothers also came, who had been watching these things at no great distance off. So then when Dareios asked of what country she was, the young men said that they were Paionians and that she was their sister; and he replied: “Who then are these Paionians, and where upon the earth do they dwell?” and he asked them also what they desired, that they had come to Sardis. They declared to him that they had come to give themselves up to him, and that Paionia was a country situated upon the river Strymon, and that the Strymon was not far from the Hellespont, and finally that they were colonists from the Teucrians of Troy. All these things severally they told him; and he asked whether all the women of that land were as industrious as their sister; and they very readily replied to this also, saying that it was so, for it was with a view to that very thing that they had been doing this. |
| 5.14 | Ibi tum ad Megabazum, quem in Thracia copiarum ducem reliquerat, literas scripsit Darius, jubens eum Pæonas e sedibus suis abstrahere, ad seque abducere, et ipsos et liberos eorum et uxores. (2) Protinusque eques, nuntium delaturus, cucurrit ad Hellespontum ; eoque trajecto, literas Megabazo reddidit. Quibus ille perlectis, viæ ducibus e Thracia sumptis, bellum intulit Pæonibus. | Then Dareios wrote a letter to Megabazos, whom he had left to command his army in Thrace, bidding him remove the Paionians from their place of habitation and bring them to the king, both themselves and their children and their wives. Then forthwith a horseman set forth to ride in haste bearing the message to the Hellespont, and having passed over to the other side he gave the paper to Megabazos. So he having read it and having obtained guides from Thrace, set forth to march upon Paionia. |
| 5.15 | Qui ubi resciverunt adversus se proficisci Persas, junctis copiis obviam illis progressi sunt versus mare, existimantes ab hac parte conaturos esse Persas terram suam invadere. (2) Sic igitur exercitum Megabazi, adversus se proficiscentem, prohibere parati Pæones erant. At Persæ, certiores facti conjunctis copiis Pæones aditum terræ suæ a parte maris custodire, secuti viæ duces, per superiora loca iter fecerunt : itaque, insciis Pæonibus, oppida illorum invadunt, viris vacua, illaque facile, utpote defensoribus nudata, ceperunt. (3) Deinde Pæones, postquam resciverunt capta sua esse oppida, continuo dispersi, ad suos quique lares sese contulerunt, Persisque se dediderunt. Atque ita Pæonum hi qui Siropæones vocantur, et qui Pæoplæ, et qui usque ad Prasiadem lacum habitabant, e sedibus suis abstracti, in Asiam sunt abducti. | And the Paionians, being informed that the Persians were coming against them, gathered all their powers together and marched out in the direction of the sea, supposing that the Persians when they invaded them would make their attack on that side. The Paionians then were prepared, as I say, to drive off the army of Megabazos when it came against them; but the Persians hearing that the Paionians had gathered their powers and were guarding the entrance which lay towards the sea, directed their course with guides along the upper road; and passing unperceived by the Paionians they fell upon their cities, which were left without men, and finding them without defenders they easily took possession of them. The Paionians when they heard that their cities were in the hands of the enemy, at once dispersed, each tribe to its own place of abode, and proceeded to deliver themselves up to the Persians. Thus then it happened that these tribes of the Paionians, namely the Siropaionians, the Paioplians and all up to the lake Prasias, were removed from their place of habitation and brought to Asia. |
| 5.16 | Sed qui circa Pangæum montem habitant, et Doberes, et Agrianes, et Odomanti, item qui ipsum lacum Prasiadem incolunt, hi nullatenus subacti sunt a Megabazo ; (2) quamquam et hos, qui hunc lacum incolunt, conatus erat sub potestatem redigere Persarum. Lacum autem hi incolunt tali modo. Stant in medio lacu tabulata, altis palis instrata, quæ angustum habent e continente aditum uno ponte. (3) Palos, super quibus strata sunt tabulata, olim cives universi publico nomine statuerant. Deinde vero invaluit usus, ut iidem hoc modo statuantur : ut quisque uxorem ducit, quas quidem permultas unusquisque ducit, ita pro quaque uxore tres palos statuit, e monte adductos, cui nomen Orbêlus. (4) Habitant hic autem tali modo : unusquisque super tabulatis illis tugurium habet, in quo vitam agit, et januam demissilem, quæ per tabulatum deorsum fert ad paludem. Parvulos autem pueros puellasque sparto e pede alligant, metuentes ne imprudentes decidant. (5) Equis et jumentis pro pabulo pisces præbent. Est autem horum tanta copia, ut, quando quis demissilem januam reclinavit, et vacuam corbam e fune in aquam demisit, brevi interposita mora plenam piscibus extrahat. Sunt autem piscium illorum duo genera, quos papraces et tilones appellant. E Pæonibus igitur ii qui subacti erant, in Asiam sunt abducti. | But those who dwell about mount Pangaion, and about the Doberians and Agrianians and Odomantians, and about the lake Prasias itself, were not conquered at all by Megabazos. He tried however to remove even those who lived in the lake and who had their dwellings in the following manner — a platform fastened together and resting upon lofty piles stood in the middle of the water of the lake, with a narrow approach to it from the mainland by a single bridge. The piles which supported the platform were no doubt originally set there by all the members of the community working together, but since that time they continue to set them by observance of this rule, that is to say, every man who marries brings from the mountain called Orbelos three piles for each wife and sets them as supports; and each man takes to himself many wives. And they have their dwelling thus, that is each man has possession of a hut upon the platform in which he lives and of a trap-door leading through the platform down to the lake: and their infant children they tie with a rope by the foot, for fear that they should roll into the water. To their horses and beasts of burden they give fish for fodder; and of fish there is so great quantity that if a man open the trap-door and let down an empty basket by a cord into the lake, after waiting quite a short time he draws it up again full of fish. Of the fish there are two kinds, and they call them paprax and tilon. So then those of the Paionians who had been conquered were being brought to Asia. |
| 5.17 | Megabazus, subactis Pæonibus, legatos misit in Macedoniam, septem viros Persas, qui post illum spectatissimi erant in exercitu. Missi hi sunt ad Amyntam, terram et aquam ab illo postulaturi nomine Darii regis. (2) Est autem a Prasiade palude via brevis admodum in Macedoniam. Primum enim, proxima ab hac palude est metallifodina, e qua postero tempore talentum argenti quotidie redibat Alexandro : post hoc metallum si montem superaveris cui Dysorus nomen, in Macedonia eris. | And Megabazos meanwhile, after he had conquered the Paionians, sent as envoys to Macedonia seven Persians, who after himself were the men of most repute in the army. These were being sent to Amyntas to demand of him earth and water for Dareios the king. Now from lake Prasias there is a very short way into Macedonia; for first, quite close to the lake, there is the mine from which after this time there came in regularly a talent of silver every day to Alexander; and after the mine, when you have passed over the mountain called Dysoron, you are in Macedonia. |
| 5.18 | Persæ igitur hi legati, ubi ad Amyntam pervenere, intromissi petierunt ab eo regi Dario terram et aquam : et ille hæc dedit, et ad hospitium illos vocavit, magnificeque instructa cœna peramice Persas accepit. (2) Post cœnam, bibendo certantes, hæc dixere Persæ: « Hospes Macedo, nobis Persis mos est, quando lautam celebramus cœnam, tunc etiam pellices et legitimas uxores adducere, et sedes illis inter nos tribuere. Tu igitur, quoniam benevole nos excepisti, et magnificam apposuisti cœnam, tradisque regi Dario terram et aquam, nostrum sequere morem. » (3) Ad hæc Amyntas : « Persæ, inquit, nobis quidem neutiquam hic mos est ; sed separantur viri a mulieribus. Sed quoniam vos, qui estis domini, hoc insuper postulatis, etiam hoc vobis aderit. » (4) His dictis, mulieres arcessivit Amyntas. Quæ ubi vocatæ advenerant, ordine consederunt ex adverso Persarum. (5) Tum vero Persæ, formosas conspicientes mulieres, Amyntæ dixere, parum prudenter hoc esse factum : satius enim fuisse futurum, prorsus non advenire mulieres, quam, postquam venissent, non assidere, sed ex adverso sedere, oculorum ipsis dolorem. (6) Coactus igitur Amyntas, assidere eas jussit. Quod ubi fecerunt mulieres, Persæ protinus mammas illarum contrectare, quippe gnaviter appoti, non nemo etiam osculari conabatur. | These Persians then, who had been sent to Amyntas, having arrived came into the presence of Amyntas and proceeded to demand earth and water for king Dareios. This he was willing to give, and also he invited them to be his guests; and he prepared a magnificent dinner and received the Persians with friendly hospitality. Then when dinner was over, the Persians while drinking pledges to one another said thus: “Macedonian guest-friend, it is the custom among us Persians, when we set forth a great dinner, then to bring in also our concubines and lawful wives to sit beside us. Do thou then, since thou didst readily receive us and dost now entertain us magnificently as thy guests, and since thou art willing to give to king Dareios earth and water, consent to follow our custom.” To this Amyntas replied: “Persians, among us the custom is not so, but that men should be separate from women. Since however ye being our masters make this request in addition, this also shall be given you.” Having so said Amyntas proceeded to send for the women; and when they came being summoned, they sat down in order opposite to the Persians. Then the Persians, seeing women of comely form, spoke to Amyntas and said that this which had been done was by no means well devised; for it was better that the women should not come at all, than that they should come and should not seat themselves by their side, but sit opposite and be a pain to their eyes. So Amyntas being compelled bade them sit by the side of the Persians; and when the women obeyed, forthwith the Persians, being much intoxicated, began to touch their breasts, and some no doubt also tried to kiss them. |
| 5.19 | Et Amyntas quidem hæc videns, quamvis iniquo ferens animo, nihil movebat, supra modum metuens Persas. At Alexander, Amyntæ filius, præsens vidensque hæc, utpote juvenis et malorum inexpertus, continere se nequaquam amplius potuit. Igitur indigne rem ferens, dixit ad patrem : « Tu quidem, pater, concede ætati, abi hinc, et da te quieti, nec ulterius asside compotationi : ego vero hic manebo, omniaque necessaria hospitibus præbebo. » (2) Ad hæc Amyntas, intelligens novi quiddam audacius moliri Alexandrum : « Intelligo fere, fili, inquit, sermonem tuum hominis esse excandescentis ; et velle te, me dimisso, novum quidpiam moliri. Atqui oro te, nihil novi adversus hos viros moliaris, ne nos disperdas : sed patere fieri, quæ hic agi vides. Quod autem me, ut hinc abeam, mones, tibi obsequar. » | Amyntas seeing this kept quiet, notwithstanding that he felt anger, because he excessively feared the Persians; but Alexander the son of Amyntas, who was present and saw this, being young and without experience of calamity was not able to endure any longer; but being impatient of it he said to Amyntas: “My father, do thou grant that which thy age demands, and go away to rest, nor persevere longer in the drinking; but I will remain here and give to our guests all that is convenient.” On this Amyntas, understanding that Alexander was intending to do some violence, said: “My son, I think that I understand thy words, as the heat of anger moves thee, namely that thou desirest to send me away and then do some deed of violence: therefore I ask of thee not to do violence to these men, that it may not be our ruin, but endure to see that which is being done: as to my departure, however, in that I will do as thou sayest.” |
| 5.20 | Postquam Amyntas, hæc precatus, abiit ; tum vero Persas Alexander his verbis est allocutus : « Harum mulierum, hospites, facilis vobis usus patet ; sive cum omnibus velitis concumbere, sive quibuscum ex illis volueritis : (2) de hoc vos ipsi, quid vobis videatur, significate. Nunc vero, quum fere appropinquet tempus cubitum eundi, et pulcre vos videam appotos, mulieres has, si placet vobis, sinite lavari, et exspectate lotas redituras. » (3) Hæc dicta quum collaudassent Persæ, mulieres abeuntes dimisit in gynæceum : ipse vero Alexander viros lævi mento, tot numero quot erant feminæ, muliebri cultu ornatos, pugionibusque instructos, introduxit. Quos producens, sic Persas alloquitur : « Videmini, Persæ, convivio a nobis omni munificentia instructo fuisse excepti : nam et alia quæcunque in promptu habuimus, et quæ insuper vobis præbenda potuimus reperire, ea vobis omnia apposita sunt : et nunc ecce hoc etiam, quod omnium maximum est, et matres nostras et sorores larga liberalitate vobis exhibemus ; quo cognoscatis, nos omni honorum genere, quibus digni estis, vos esse prosequutos ; utque etiam regi, qui vos misit, renuntietis, virum Græcum, Macedoniæ sub regis auspiciis præfectum, laute vos et mensa et lecto excepisse. » (4) Hæc locutus Alexander, juxta quemque Persam virum Macedonem, quasi mulierem nempe, assidere jussit : qui mox Persas, contrectare illos conantes, interfecerunt. | When Amyntas after having made of him this request had departed, Alexander said to the Persians: “With these women ye have perfect freedom, guests, to have commerce with all, if ye so desire, or with as many of them as ye will. About this matter ye shall be they who give the word; but now, since already the hour is approaching for you to go to bed and I see that ye have well drunk, let these women go away, if so it is pleasing to you, to bathe themselves; and when they have bathed, then receive them back into your company.” Having so said, since the Persians readily agreed, he dismissed the women, when they had gone out, to the women’s chambers; and Alexander himself equipped men equal in number to the women and smooth-faced, in the dress of the women, and giving them daggers he led them into the banqueting-room; and as he led them in, he said thus to the Persians: “Persians, it seems to me that ye have been entertained with a feast to which nothing was wanting; for other things, as many as we had, and moreover such as we were able to find out and furnish, are all supplied to you, and there is this especially besides, which is the chief thing of all, that is, we give you freely in addition our mothers and our sisters, in order that ye may perceive fully that ye are honored by us with that treatment which ye deserve, and also in order that ye may report to the king who sent you that a man of Hellas, ruler under him of the Macedonians, entertained you well at board and bed.” Having thus said Alexander caused a Macedonian man in the guise of a woman to sit by each Persian, and they, when the Persians attempted to lay hands on them, slew them. |
| 5.21 | Hac igitur morte hi perierunt, et ipsi, et illorum famulitium : nam et plaustra, et famuli, et multa apparatuum genera illos secuta erant ; quæ omnia simul cum ipsis evanuerunt. (2) Haud multo post vero acris inquisitio horum virorum causa a Persis instituta est : sed inquirentes Alexander inhibuit continuitque astu, et multa pecunia, et sorore sua, cui nomen erat Gygæa, in matrimonium data Bubaræ quidem, viro Persæ, duci eorum quibus inquisitio horum qui perierant mandata erat. Ita Persarum istorum cædes silentio compressa est. | So these perished by this fate, both they themselves and their company of servants; for there came with them carriages and servants and all the usual pomp of equipage, and this was all made away with at the same time as they. Afterwards in no long time a great search was made by the Persians for these men, and Alexander stopped them with cunning by giving large sums of money and his own sister, whose name was Gygaia — by giving, I say, these things to Bubares a Persian, commander of those who were searching for the men who had been killed, Alexander stopped their search. |
| 5.22 | Fuisse hos a Perdicca oriundos (Amyntam et Alexandrum) origine, ut ipsi ajunt, Græcos, et ego verum esse scio, et in sequentibus historiis demonstrabo Græcos fuisse. Agnoverunt vero etiam hi, qui Olympiæ certamina Græcorum administrant, ita se rem habere. (2) Etenim quum Alexander solennibus ludis cuperet certare, et ob id ipsum Olympiam esset profectus, Græci, quibuscum concursurus erat, excludere eum voluerunt ; dicentes, barbarorum non esse hoc certamen, sed Græcorum. At Alexander, postquam se origine esse Argivum demonstravit, Græcus esse judicatus est ; et, quum stadio esset certaturus, sors ei cum primo excidit. Et hæc quidem ita gesta sunt. | Thus the death of these Persians was kept concealed. And that these descendants of Perdiccas are Hellenes, as they themselves say, I happen to know myself, and not only so, but I will prove in the succeeding history that they are Hellenes. Moreover the Hellanodicai, who manage the games at Olympia, decided that they were so: for when Alexander wished to contend in the games and had descended for this purpose into the arena, the Hellenes who were to run against him tried to exclude him, saying that the contest was not for Barbarians to contend in but for Hellenes: since however Alexander proved that he was of Argos, he was judged to be a Hellene, and when he entered the contest of the foot-race his lot came out with that of the first. Thus then it happened with regard to these things. |
| 5.23 | Megabazus, Pæonas ducens, ad Hellespontum pervenerat ; indeque, eo trajecto, Sardes pervenit. (2) Quumque per id tempus Histiæus Milesius jam muro muniret locum eum, quem dono optanti dederat Darius, mercedem custoditi pontis, qui locus ad Strymonem fluvium est, et Myrcinus vocatur ; Megabazus, cognito quod agebat Histiæus, simulatque cum Pæonibus, quos regi adducebat, Sardes pervenit, hæc ad Darium verba fecit : (3) « O rex, quamnam tu rem fecisti ? homini Græco, acri et callido, urbem possidendam dedisti in Thracia, ubi copiosa ad construendas naves est materia, et multi sunt remiges, et argenti metalla ; et frequentes circum habitant Græci, frequentesque barbari, qui hunc ducem nacti, facient quidquid ille jusserit sive die sive nocte. (4) Tu igitur hunc virum ista agentem inhibe ; ne domestico premaris bello : leni vero modo inhibe ad te arcessitum. Postquam autem in potestate eum habueris, danda opera ne amplius ille ad Græcos perveniat. » | And at the same time Megabazos had arrived at the Hellespont bringing with him the Paionians; and thence after passing over the straits he came to Sardis. Then, since Histiaios the Milesian was already engaged in fortifying with a wall the place which he had asked and obtained from Dareios as a reward for keeping safe the bridge of boats (this place being that which is called Myrkinos, lying along the bank of the river Strymon), Megabazos, having perceived that which was being done by Histiaios, as soon as he came to Sardis bringing the Paionians, said thus to Dareios: “O king, what a thing is this that thou hast done, granting permission to a Hellene who is skilful and cunning to found a city in Thracia in a place where there is forest for shipbuilding in abundance and great quantity of wood for oars and mines of silver and great numbers both of Hellenes and Barbarians living round, who when they have obtained a leader will do that which he shall command them both by day and by night. Therefore stop this man from doing so, that thou be not involved in a domestic war: and stop him by sending for him in a courteous manner; but when thou hast got him in thy hands, then cause that he shall never again return to the land of the Hellenes.”. |
| 5.24 | Hæc locutus Megabazus facile Dario persuasit, intelligenti recte illum futura prospicere. Deinde ad Histiæum Myrcini versantem nuntium misit Darius, qui hæc ei diceret : « Histiæe, rex Darius hæc ait : Ego, studiose quærens, neminem reperio, qui mihi meisque rebus magis, quam tu, faveat : idque non verbis, sed factis, habeo compertum. (2) Nunc igitur, quum magnas res gerendas animo volvam, fac omnino me convenias, ut eas tecum communicem. » His verbis fidem habens Histiæus, magnique faciens regis esse consiliarius, Sardes pervenit. (3) Qui ubi in regis venit conspectum, his verbis eum Darius est allocutus : « Histiæe, ego te hac causa arcessivi. Simul atque e Scythia redii, tuque mihi fuisti ex oculis, protinus nullius alius rei tantum me desiderium cepit, quam tui videndi, et tecum sermones miscendi ; quippe gnarus, omnium bonorum pretiosissimum esse virum amicum, qui tam intelligens sit, quam benevolus : quæ duo ego in te adversus res meas cognovi, inesseque tibi possum testari. (4) Quare bene fecisti quod ad me adveneris, tibique ego hæc propono : missam fac Miletum, et recens conditam in Thracia urbem : me vero sequere Susa euntem, et habe quæ ego habeo, meusque esto commensalis et consiliarius. » | Thus saying Megabazos easily persuaded Dareios, who thought that he was a true prophet of that which was likely to come to pass: and upon that Dareios sent a messenger to Myrkinos and said as follows: “Hisiaios, king Dareios saith these things — By taking thought I find that there is no one more sincerely well disposed than thou art to me and to my power; and this I know having learnt by deeds not words. Now therefore, since I have it in my mind to accomplish great matters, come hither to me by all means, that I may communicate them to thee.” Histiaios therefore, trusting to these sayings and at the same time accounting it a great thing to become a counsellor of the king, came to Sardis; and when he had come Dareios spoke to him as follows: “Histiaios, I sent for thee for this reason, namely because when I had returned from the Scythians and thou wert gone away out of the sight of my eyes, never did I desire to see anything again within so short a time as I desired then both to see thee and that thou shouldst come to speech with me; since I perceived that the most valuable of all possessions is a friend who is a man of understanding and also sincerely well-disposed, both which qualities I know exist in thee, and I am able to bear witness of them in regard to my affairs. Now therefore (for thou didst well in that thou camest hither) this is that which I propose to thee — leave Miletos alone and also thy newly-founded city in Thracia, and coming with me to Susa, have whatsoever things I have, eating at my table and being my counseller.” |
| 5.25 | His dictis Darius, postquam Artaphernem, fratrem suum eodem patre natum, præfectum nominaverat Sardium, Susa est profectus, Histiæum secum ducens. Copiis vero maritimæ oræ præsidentibus ducem nominavit Otanem ; (2) cujus patrem Sisamnen, unum e judicibus regiis, Cambyses rex, quod accepta pecunia injustam pronuntiasset sententiam, interfecerat, interfectoque totam detraxerat pellem, et scissis e detracta pelle loris intenderat sellam, in qua ille sedens jus dixerat : quo facto rex filium ejusdem Sisamnæ, quem interfectum excoriaverat, in patris locum nominaverat judicem, monitum ut recordaretur quanam in sella jus dicens sederet. | Thus said Dareios, and having appointed Artaphrenes his own brother and the son of his father to be governor of Sardis, he marched away to Susa taking with him Histiaios, after he had first named Otanes to be commander of those who dwelt along the sea coasts. This man’s father Sisamnes, who had been made one of the Royal Judges, king Cambyses slew, because he had judged a cause unjustly for money, and flayed off all his skin: then after he had torn away the skin he cut leathern thongs out of it and stretched them across the seat where Sisamnes had been wont to sit to give judgment; and having stretched them in the seat, Cambyses appointed the son of that Sisamnes whom he had slain and flayed, to be judge instead of his father, enjoining him to remember in what seat he was sitting to give judgment. |
| 5.26 | Hic igitur Otanes, qui in illa sedere sella jussus erat, nunc successor imperii datus Megabazo, Byzantios cepit et Calchedonios : Antandrum item expugnavit in Troade terra, et Lamponium : deinde, acceptis a Lesbiis navibus, Lemnum cepit et Imbrum, utramque per id tempus adhuc a Pelasgis habitatam. | This Otanes then, who was made to sit in that seat, had now become the successor of Megabazos in the command: and he conquered the Byzantians and Calchedonians, and he conquered Antandros in the land of Troas, and Lamponion; and having received ships from the Lesbians he conquered Lemnos and Imbros, which were both at that time still inhabited by Pelasgians. |
| 5.27 | (Lemni igitur, fortiter quidem pugnantes resistentesque per aliquod tempus, deinde male sunt affecti. Qui ex his reliqui fuere, iis Lycaretus, Mæandrii frater, regis Sami, a Persis est præfectus. Is Lycaretus Lemno imperans mortuus est.) (2) Causa autem hæc erat : omnes istos in servitutem redegit evertitque Otanes, in alios culpam conferens quod desertores fuissent Scythicæ expeditionis ; in alios, quod exercitum vexassent Darii e Scythia revertentem. Has ille res gessit, dum hoc ducatu functus est. | Of these the Lemnians fought well, and defending themselves for a long time were at length brought to ruin; and over those of them who survived the Persians set as governor Lycaretos the brother of that Maiandrios who had been king of Samos. This Lycaretos ruled in Lemnos till his death. And the cause of it was this — he continued to reduce all to slavery and subdue them, accusing some of desertion to the Scythians and others of doing damage to the army of Dareios as it was coming back from Scythia. Otanes then effected so much when he was made commander. |
| 5.28 | Brevis deinde malorum fuit intermissio ; sed mox e Naxo et Mileto exorta rursus mala sunt Ionibus. (2) Naxus per id tempus omnes insulas opulentia superabat. Eademque tempestate Miletus quum per se ipsa magis, quam unquam florebat, tum universæ Ioniæ princeps habebatur. Superioribus vero temporibus eadem civitas per duas hominum generationes seditionibus quammaxime fuerat afflicta, donec res ejus composuerunt Parii : hos enim ex omnibus Græcis conciliatores elegerant Milesii. | And after this for a short time there was an abatement of evils; and then again evils began a second time to fall upon the Ionians, arising from Naxos and Miletos. For Naxos was superior to all the other islands in wealth, and Miletos at the same time had just then come to the very height of its prosperity and was the ornament of Ionia; but before these events for two generations of men it had been afflicted most violently by faction until the Parians reformed it; for these the Milesians chose of all the Hellenes to be reformers of their State. |
| 5.29 | Conciliarunt eos autem Parii hoc modo. Postquam cives ex his nobilissimi Miletum pervenerunt, quum pessime apud illos administratam viderent rem domesticam, dixerunt peragrare se velle illorum regionem. (2) Quod ubi fecerunt, totamque peragrarunt Milesiorum ditionem ; ubicunque in desolata regione viderunt agrum bene cultum, nomen ejus qui erat agri dominus scripto consignabant. (3) Percursa universa regione, in qua quidem raros hos invenerant ; simulatque in urbem descenderunt, contione convocata, hos ipsos designarunt qui civitatem administrarent, quorum agros bene cultos repererant : videri enim, ajebant, eosdem rem etiam publicam eadem diligentia administraturos, qua privatam rem suam administrassent. Reliquos vero Milesios, qui prius dissensionibus inter se concertaverant, hisce parere jusserunt. In hunc modum Parii res composuerunt Milesiorum. | Now the Parians thus reconciled their factions — the best men of them came to Miletos, and seeing that the Milesians were in a grievously ruined state, they said that they desired to go over their land: and while doing this and passing through the whole territory of Miletos, whenever they saw in the desolation of the land any field that was well cultivated, they wrote down the name of the owner of that field. Then when they had passed through the whole land and had found but few of such men, as soon as they returned to the city they called a general gathering and appointed these men to manage the State, whose fields they had found well cultivated; for they said that they thought these men would take care of the public affairs as they had taken care of their own: and the rest of the Milesians, who before had been divided by factions, they commanded to be obedient to these men. The Parians then had thus reformed the Milesians. |
| 5.30 | Tunc vero ex his, quas dixi, civitatibus mala cœperunt Ioniæ oriri hoc modo. E Naxo cives nonnulli opulenti in exilium acti erant a populo qui patria pulsi Miletum venerunt. (2) Administrabat tunc Miletum Aristagoras Molpagoræ filius, gener et consobrinus Histiæi, Lysagoræ filii, quem per id tempus Susis Darius detinebat. Fuit enim Histiæus Mileti tyrannus, eratque tunc Susis quum Naxii advenerunt, qui prius hospites fuerant Histiæi. (3) Hi ubi Miletum venerunt, rogarunt Aristagoram, ut militum aliquam manum sibi præberet qua adjuti in patriam redirent. Et ille, secum reputans, si ipsius opera in patriam hi rediissent, dominum se fore Naxi ; prætendens Histiæi hospitium, his verbis cum eis egit : « Ego quidem, inquit, non tantam hominum manum polliceri vobis possum, quæ sufficiat ad vos, invitis his qui Naxum urbem nunc tenent, in patriam reducendos : audio enim octo milia cetratorum esse Naxiis, et longarum navium magnum numerum. Operam vero dabo omni adhibito studio. (4) In hunc autem modum rem perficere cogito. Est mihi amicus Artaphernes, Hystaspis filius, Darii regis frater, qui universæ præest oræ Asiæ, et numerosum habet exercitum, navesque multas : hunc virum puto, quod cupimus, esse effecturum. » (5) His auditis, Naxii mandatum dant Aristagoræ, ut quam posset optime hanc rem perficiat, et dona polliceatur Artapherni, et stipendium militibus ab ipsis persolvendum : magnas quippe spes habebant, quando Naxi apparuissent, omnia facturos Naxios quæ ipsi jussissent, pariterque insulanos omnes : nulladum enim e Cycladibus his insulis per id tempus in Darii erat potestate. | But at the time of which I speak evils began to come to Ionia from these States in the following manner — From Naxos certain men of the wealthier class were driven into exile by the people, and having gone into exile they arrived at Miletos. Now of Miletos it happened that Aristagoras son of Molpagoras was ruler in charge, being both a son-in-law and also a cousin of Histiaios the son of Lysagoras, whom Dareios was keeping at Susa: for Histiaios was despot of Miletos, and it happened that he was at Susa at this time when the Naxians came, who had been in former times guest-friends of Histiaios. So when the Naxians arrived, they made request of Aristagoras, to see if perchance he would supply them with a force, and so they might return from exile to their own land: and he, thinking that if by his means they should return to their own State, he would be ruler of Naxos, but at the same time making a pretext of the guest-friendship of Histiaios, made proposal to them thus: “I am not able to engage that I can supply you with sufficient force to bring you back from exile against the will of those Naxians who have control of the State; for I hear that the Naxians have an army which is eight thousand shields strong and many ships of war: but I will use every endeavor to devise a means; and my plan is this — it chances that Artaphrenes is my friend: now Artaphrenes, ye must know, is a son of Hystaspes and brother of Dareios the king; and he is ruler of all the people of the sea-coasts in Asia, with a great army and many ships. This man then I think will do whatsoever we shall request of him.” Hearing this the Naxians gave over the matter to Aristagoras to manage as best he could, and they bade him promise gifts and the expenses of the expedition, saying that they would pay them; for they had full expectation that when they should appear at Naxos, the Naxians would do all their bidding, and likewise also the other islanders. For of these islands, that is the Cyclades, not one was as yet subject to Dareios. |
| 5.31 | Aristagoras ubi Sardes pervenit, cum Artapherne egit, memorans, esse Naxum insulam, non ita quidem amplam, alioqui vero pulcram bonamque, et Ioniæ vicinam : esseque in ea et opes magnas et multa mancipia. « Tu igitur, inquit, in hanc regionem mitte exercitum, qui exsules in eam reducat. (2) Id si feceris, partim, magnæ tibi a me præsto sunt pecuniæ, præter sumptus belli, quos æquum est ut nos, qui exercitum petimus, persolvamus : partim vero, insulas acquires regi, et ipsam Naxum, et ex illa pendentes Parum et Andrum, aliasque quæ Cyclades vocantur. (3) Inde vero impetu facto facile aggredieris Eubœam, amplam et opulentam insulam, Cypro haud minorem, et subactu admodum facilem. Sufficiunt autem naves centum ad has omnes in regis redigendas potestatem. » (4) Respondet Artaphernes his verbis : « Tu vero, quæ ex utilitate sunt regiæ domus proponis, et recte hæc omnia mones, præterquam quod ad numerum spectat navium. Nam loco centum navium, paratæ tibi erunt primo vere ducentæ. Oportet vero hisce rebus etiam regis auctoritatem accedere. » | Aristagoras accordingly having arrived at Sardis, said to Artaphrenes that Naxos was an island not indeed large in size, but fair nevertheless and of fertile soil, as well as near to Ionia, and that there was in it much wealth and many slaves: “Do thou therefore send an expedition against this land, and restore it to those who are now exiles from it: and if thou shalt do this, first I have ready for thee large sums of money apart from the expenses incurred for the expedition (which it is fair that we who conduct it should supply), and next thou wilt gain for the king not only Naxos itself but also the islands which are dependent upon it, Paros and Andros and the others which are called Cyclades; and setting out from these thou wilt easily attack Euboea, an island which is large and wealth, as large indeed as Cyprus, and very easy to conquer. To subdue all these a hundred ships are sufficient.” He made answer in these words: “Thou makest thyself a reporter of good things to the house of the king; and in all these things thou advisest well, except as to the number of the ships: for instead of one hundred there shall be prepared for thee two hundred by the beginning of the spring. And it is right that the king himself also should join in approving this matter.”. |
| 5.32 | His auditis, Aristagoras lætus Miletum rediit. Artaphernes vero, misso Susa nuntio, postulatisque Aristagoræ cum rege communicatis, postquam probavit rem ipse quoque Darius, ducentas instruxit triremes, magnamque admodum multitudinem et Persarum et sociorum contraxit, (2) ducemque horum constituit Megabaten, virum Persam de genere Achæmenidarum, suum et Darii consobrinum ; eundem cujus filiam Pausanias Lacedæmonius, Cleombroti filius, si vera fama est, postero tempore in matrimonium sibi desponsavit, cupiens tyrannus fieri Græciæ. Megabate duce constituto, exercitum istum ad Aristagoram misit Artaphernes. | So Aristagoras hearing this went back to Miletos greatly rejoiced; and Artaphrenes meanwhile, when he had sent to Susa and communicated that which was said by Aristagoras, and Dareios himself also had joined in approving it, made ready two hundred triremes and a very great multitude both of Persians and their allies, and appointed to be commander of these Megabates a Persian, one of the Achaimenidai and a cousin to himself and to Dareios, to whose daughter afterwards Pausanias the son of Cleombrotus the Lacedaemonian (at least if the story be true) betrothed himself, having formed a desire to become a despot of Hellas. Having appointed Megabates, I say, to be commander, Artaphrenes sent away the armament to Aristagoras. |
| 5.33 | Megabates, assumptis e Mileto Aristagora, et Ionico exercitu, et exsulibus Naxiis, navibus profectus est quasi in Hellespontum navigaturus. Ubi vero prope Chium fuit, ad Caucasa continuit naves, inde vento borea in Naxum trajecturus. (2) Ibi, quum non esset in fatis ut hac classe Naxii perderentur, res accidit hujusmodi. Dum custodias navium obit Megabates, forte in nave Myndia nemo erat qui custodiam ageret. Qua re ille indignatus, jussit satellites quærere hujus navis præfectum, cui nomen erat Scylax, repertumque ita vincire, ut per thalamiam (per foramen per quod infimi remi exstant) navis suæ trajiceretur, capite extrorsum eminente, corpore versus interiora porrecto. (3) In hunc modum vincto Scylace, renuntiat aliquis Aristagoræ, hospitem Myndium a Megabate ita vinctum contumelioseque habitum esse. Et abit ille ad Persam, veniam pro illo precans : a quo quum nihil impetrasset, ipse Myndiam navem adit, illumque solvit. (4) Quo cognito indignatus Megabates, cum Aristagora expostulavit. Cui hic dixit : « Ad te vero quid hæ res pertinent ? nonne te Artaphernes misit qui mihi pareas, navigesque quo ego jussero ? rebus alienis quid te immisces ? » (5) Hæc postquam dixit Aristagoras, iratus Megabates, ut nox advenit, navigio Naxum misit nonnullos, qui Naxiis omnia quæ ipsis imminerent significarent. | So when Megabates had taken force together with the Naxians, he sailed with the pretence of going to the Hellespont; but when he came to Chios, he directed his ships to Caucasa, in order that he might from thence pass them over to Naxos with a North Wind. Then, since it was not fated that the Naxians should be destroyed by this expedition, there happened an event which I shall narrate. As Megabates was going round to visit the guards set in the several ships, it chanced that in a ship of Myndos there was no one on guard; and he being very angry bade his spearmen find out the commander of the ship, whose name was Skylax, and bind him in an oar-hole of his ship in such a manner that his head should be outside and his body within. When Skylax was thus bound, some one reported to Aristagoras that Megabates had bound his guest-friend of Myndos and was doing to him shameful outrage. He accordingly came and asked the Persian for his release, and as he did not obtain anything of that which he requested, he went himself and let him loose. Being informed of this Megabates was exceedingly angry and broke out in rage against Aristagoras; and he replied: “What hast thou to do with these matters? Did not Artaphrenes send thee to obey me, and to sail whithersoever I should order? Why dost thou meddle with things which concern thee not?” Thus said Aristagoras; and the other being enraged at this, when night came on sent men in a ship to Naxos to declare to the Naxians all the danger that threatened them. |
| 5.34 | Neutiquam enim exspectaverant Naxii, adversus se illam dirigi expeditionem. Postquam vero intellexerunt, continuo ad tolerandam obsidionem sese compararunt, rebus suis ex agris intra muros comportatis, urbeque et cibariis et potulentis, muro autem munimentis instructo. (2) Qui postquam ad sustinendum bellum erant instructi, hostes, e Chio Naxum trajicientes, bene munitos sunt aggressi, et per quattuor menses obsederunt. (3) Sed absumptis pecuniis omnibus quas secum Persæ attulerant, multisque etiam insuper ab Aristagora insumptis, quum ad continuandam obsidionem pluribus adhuc esset opus, jam exsulibus Naxiis castella exstruxerunt, et male affecti in continentem se receperunt. | For the Naxians were not at all expecting that this expedition would be against them: but when they were informed of it, forthwith they brought within the wall the property which was in the fields, and provided for themselves food and drink as for a siege, and strengthened their wall. These then were making preparations as for war to come upon them; and the others meanwhile having passed their ships over from Chios to Naxos, found them well defended when they made their attack, and besieged them for four months. Then when the money which the Persians had brought with them had all been consumed by them, and not only that, but Aristagoras himself had spent much in addition, and the siege demanded ever more and more, they built walls for the Naxian exiles and departed to the mainland again with ill success. |
| 5.35 | Jam vero Aristagoras, quum promissa implere Artapherni non posset, simulque premeretur stipendio persolvendo, quod exercitus repetebat, timensque quod et exercitus male esset affectus, et ipse odium incurrisset Megabatæ; denique existimans Mileti tyrannidem sibi iri ereptum : (2) hæc singula timens, defectionem cœpit meditari. Acciderat enim forte per idem tempus, ut servus, cui caput punctis erat notatum, Susis ab Histiæo adveniret, monens Aristagoram ut a rege deficeret. (3) Histiæus enim, quum monere Aristagoram vellet ut defectionem moliretur, nec vero aliam ullam, qua ei rem tuto significaret, haberet rationem, quum viæ omnes essent interceptæ; servi caput, quem habuit fidelissimum, totondit, punctisque notavit ; deinde exspectavit donec succrevissent capilli. Hunc, simulatque capilli succreverant, Miletum misit, nihil aliud monitum, nisi ut, quum primum Miletum venisset, juberet Aristagoram capillos ipsius tondere, caputque inspicere. Significabant autem notæ, quemadmodum ante a me dictum est, defectionem esse moliendam. (4) Id Histiæus fecit, ægerrime ferens Susis sese detineri : nam, defectio si exstitisset, magnam spem habebat, ad mare se demissum iri ; nihil autem novi moliente Mileto, nunquam se in illam rediturum existimaverat. | And so Aristagoras was not able to fulfil his promise to Artaphrenes; and at the same time he was hard pressed by the demand made to him for the expenses of the expedition, and had fears because of the ill success of the armament and because he had become an enemy of Megabates; and he supposed that he would be deprived of his rule over Miletos. Having all these various fears he began to make plans of revolt: for it happened also that just at this time the man who had been marked upon the head had come from Hisiaios who was at Susa, signifying that Aristagoras should revolt from the king. For Histiaios, desiring to signify to Aristagoras that he should revolt, was not able to do it safely in any other way, because the roads were guarded, but shaved off the hair of the most faithful of his slaves, and having marked his head by pricking it, waited till the hair had grown again; and as soon as it was grown, he sent him away to Miletos, giving him no other charge but this, namely that when he should have arrived at Miletos he should bid Aristagoras shave his hair and look at his head: and the marks, as I have said before, signified revolt. This thing Histiaios was doing, because he was greatly vexed by being detained at Susa. He had great hopes then that if a revolt occurred he would be let go to the sea-coast; but if no change was made at Miletos he had no expectation of ever returning thither again. |
| 5.36 | Hoc igitur machinatus Histiæus quum servum illum misisset, eodem tempore hæc omnia, eodem tendentia, Aristagoræ acciderunt. Deliberavit itaque cum suarum partium hominibus, hisque et sententiam suam, et quæ ei ab Histiæo advenerant, exposuit. (2) Ac ceteri quidem omnes in eandem ivere sententiam, defectionem probantes. Hecatæus vero, historiarum scriptor, statim quidem negavit bellum cum rege Persarum esse suscipiendum ; et populos omnes commemorans quibus imperaret Darius, et potentiam regis. Deinde vero, ubi hoc eis non persuasit, secundo loco hortatus illos est, operam darent ut navibus maris tenerent imperium. (3) Quum autem intelligat (sic verba facere perrexit) quam sint tenues Milesiorum vires, nullam se aliam perspicere viam qua eo possint pervenire, nisi si pecuniæ auferantur e templo quod est in Branchidis, quas Crœsus Lydus ibi deposuisset : id si fecissent, magnam se spem habere, posse ipsos maris obtinere imperium ; atque ita et ipsos pecunias habituros, quibus utantur, et hostes illas non direpturos. Ingentes autem illæ pecuniæ erant, quemadmodum in primo harum Historiarum libro monstravimus. (4) At hæc quidem non vicit sententia, nihilo minus vero placuit deficere ; simulque decreverunt, unum e suorum numero navi Myuntem mittere ad exercitum, qui, e quo Naxum reliquerat, eo loco versabatur : ibi legatus ille operam daret, ut duces eorum qui in navibus essent prehenderet. | Accordingly Hisiaios with this intention was sending the messenger; and it chanced that all these things happened to Aristagoras together at the same time. He took counsel therefore with his partisans, declaring to them both his own opinion and the message from Hisiaios; and while all the rest expressed an opinion to the same effect, urging him namely to make revolt, Hecataios the historian urged first that they should not undertake war with the king of the Persians, enumerating all the nations over whom Dareios was ruler, and his power: and when he did not succeed in persuading him, he counselled next that they should manage to make themselves masters of the sea. Now this, he continued, could not come to pass in any other way, so far as he could see, for he knew that the force of the Milesians was weak, but if the treasures should be taken which were in the temple at Branchidai, which Croesus the Lydian dedicated as offerings, he had great hopes that they might become masters of the sea; and by this means they would not only themselves have wealth at their disposal, but the enemy would not be able to carry the things off as plunder. Now these treasures were of great value, as I have shown in the first part of the history. This opinion did not prevail; but nevertheless it was resolved to make revolt, and that one of them should sail to Myus, to make the force which had returned from Naxos and was then there, and endeavor to seize the commanders who sailed in the ships. |
| 5.37 | Missus est ad hoc ipsum perficiendum Iatragoras : isque dolo comprehendit Oliatum Ibanolis filium, Mylasensem, et Histiæum Tymnæ filium Termerensem, et Coen Erxandri, cui Darius Mytilenen dono dederat, et Aristagoram Heraclidæ filium Cymæum, multosque item alios. Atque ita e professo defecit Aristagoras, quidlibet moliens adversus Darium. (2) Ac statim quidem, verbo certe, abdicavit tyrannidem, et juris æqualitatem proposuit Mileti civibus, quo libentius Milesii cum ipso deficerent. Deinde in reliqua Ionia idem fecit, tyrannos civitatibus expellens quos vero e navibus prehenderat quæ expeditionis sociæ fuerant in Naxum susceptæ, hos, gratum facturus civitatibus, suæ cujusque civitatis civibus tradidit. | So Iatragoras was sent for this purpose and seized by craft Oliatos the son of Ibanollis of Mylasa, and Histiaios the son of Tymnes of Termera, and Coës the son of Erxander, to whom Dareios had given Mytilene as a gift, and Aristagoras the son of Heracleides of Kyme, and many others; and then Aristagoras openly made revolt and devised all that he could to the hurt of Dareios. And first he pretended to resign the despotic power and give to Miletos equality, in order that the Milesians might be willing to revolt with him: then afterwards he proceeded to do this same thing in the rest of Ionia also; and some of the despots he drove out, but those whom he had taken from the ships which had sailed with him to Naxis, these he surrendered, because he desired to do a pleasure to their cities, delivering them over severally to that city from which each one came. |
| 5.38 | Et Coen quidem Mytilenæi, simul-atque illius compotes sunt facti, ex urbe eductum lapidibus obruerunt. Cymæi vero suum dimiserunt incolumem : pariterque alii etiam plerique suos dimiserunt. (2) Atque ita tyrannis liberatæ sunt Ioniæ civitates. Quibus submotis, Aristagoras Milesius in unaquaque civitate jussit prætorem constitui ; deinde vero ipse Lacedæmonem suscepit legationem, triremi profectus : opus enim ei erat magnam aliquam comparare armorum societatem. | Now the men of Mitylene, so soon as they received Coës into their hands, brought him out and stoned him to death; but the men of Kyme let their despot go, and so also most of the others let them go. Thus then the despots were deposed in the various cities; and Aristagoras the Milesian, after having deposed the despots, bade each people appoint commanders in their several cities, and then himself set forth as an envoy to Lacedemon; for in truth it was necessary that he should find out some powerful alliance. |
| 5.39 | Spartæ per id tempus non amplius in vivis erat rex Anaxandrides, Leontis filius : sed, hoc mortuo, Cleomenes, Anaxandridæ filius, regnum tenebat ; non virtutis aliquo specimine, sed nativitatis sorte illud consecutus. Habuerat Anaxandrides in matrimonio fratris sui filiam, quæ cara ei erat, sed liberos nullos pepererat. (2) Quod quum ita esset, ephori ei ad se vocato dixere : « Quandoquidem tu tibi ipse non prospicis, nostri est officii, genus Eurysthenis non pati interire. Tu igitur hanc quam habes uxorem, quoniam tibi liberos non parit, dimitte, et duc aliam : id si feceris, Spartiatis gratum feceris. » (3) At ille respondens ait, neutrum se facturum : nec enim recte illos consulere, sese hortantes ut dimissa, quam habeat, uxore innoxia, aliam ducat ; itaque se illis non pariturum. | Now at Sparta Anaxandrides the son of Leon was no longer surviving as king, but had brought his life to an end; and Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides was holding the royal power, not having obtained it by merit but by right of birth. For Anaxandrides had to wife his own sister’s daughter and she was by him much beloved, but no children were born to him by her. This being so, the Ephors summoned him before them and said: “If thou dost not for thyself take thought in time, yet we cannot suffer this to happen, that the race of Eurysthenes should become extinct. Do thou therefore put away from thee the wife whom thou now hast, since, as thou knowest, she bears thee no children, and marry another: and in doing so thou wilt please the Spartans.” He made answer saying that he would do neither of these two things, and that they did not give him honorable counsel, in that they advised him to send away the wife whom he had, though she had done him no wrong, and to take to his house another; and in short he would not follow their advice. |
| 5.40 | Ad hæc ephori et seniores, re deliberata, hæc Anaxandridæ proposuerunt : « Quoniam igitur, inquiunt, videmus te amore uxoris tuæ captum, at tu hoc fac, nec huic te oppone conditioni, ne secius quidpiam de te decernant Spartani. (2) Non amplius postulamus, ut uxorem, quam habes, dimittas : præsta vero huic porro quæ adhuc ei præstitisti ; sed aliam, præter hanc, domum duc uxorem, quæ liberos tibi pariat. » His fere ab illis dictis assensus est Anaxandrides ; et aliquanto post, alia insuper ducta uxore, duas habitavit domos, nequaquam e more Spartanorum. | Upon this the Ephors and the Senators deliberated together and proposed to Anaxandrides as follows: “Since then we perceive that thou art firmly attached to the wife whom thou now hast, consent to do this, and set not thyself against it, lest the Spartans take some counsel about thee other than might be wished. We do not ask of thee the putting away of the wife whom thou hast; but do thou give to her all that thou givest now and at the same time take to thy house another wife in addition to this one, to bear thee children.” When they spoke to him after this manner, Anaxandrides consented, having two wives, a thing which was not by any means after the Spartan fashion. |
| 5.41 | Haud multo interjecto tempore, uxor postmodum ducta peperit huncce Cleomenem. At, dum hæc futurum regni successorem Spartanis in lucem edit, forte fortuna contigit, ut prior uxor, quæ adhuc sterilis fuerat, gravida esset. (2) Huic, quum revera prægnans esset, re cognita, turbas ciebant cognati posterioris uxoris, dicentes frustra illam gloriari, velleque supponere sobolem. (3) Itaque his indigne rem ferentibus, instante partus tempore, increduli ephori parientem mulierem circumsedentes observabant. At illa peperit Dorieum ; moxque iterum Leonidam ; moxque rursus Cleombrotum : dicunt etiam nonnulli, gemellos fuisse Cleombrotum et Leonidam. (4) At posterius ducta uxor, mater Cleomenis, quæ Prinetadæ filia erat, Demarmeni neptis, post Cleomenem nullos alios liberos peperit. | Then when no long time had elapsed, the wife who had come in afterwards bore this Cleomenes of whom we spoke; and just when she was bringing to the light an heir to the kingdom of the Spartans, the former wife, who had during the time before been childless, then by some means conceived, chancing to do so just at that time: and though she was in truth with child, the kinsfolk of the wife who had come in afterwards, when they heard of it cried out against her and said that she was making a vain boast, and that she meant to pass off another child as her own. Since then they made a great show of indignation, as the time was fast drawing near, the Ephors being incredulous sat round and watched the woman during the birth of her child: and she bore Dorieos and then straightway conceived Leonidas and after him at once Cleombrotos — nay, some even say that Cleombrotos and Leonidas were twins. The wife however who had born Cleomenes and had come in after the first wife, being the daughter of Primetades the son of Demarmenos, did not bear a child again. |
| 5.42 | Et Cleomenes quidem, ut narrant, mentis haud satis erat compos, ac fere furiosus. Dorieus vero inter æquales primus erat ; satisque speraverat, pro sua virtute regnum se adepturum. (2) Hanc spem alens, quum mortuo Anaxandride Spartani e lege regem constituissent majorem natu Cleomenem, indigne rem ferens Dorieus, et sub Cleomenis vivere nolens imperio, postulata a Spartanis multitudine quadam e plebe, colonos hos eduxit, non consulto Delphis oraculo quamnam in terram iret conditurus coloniam, neque aliud quidquam e civitatis instituto ante exsecutus. (3) Sed, indignatus ut erat, ad Africam dirigit naves, ducibus usus civibus nonnullis Theræis. Ubi ad Cinypem pervenit, condidit locum Libyæ pulcherrimum juxta flumen. Inde vero ejectus tertio anno a Macis Libybus et Carthaginiensibus, in Peloponnesum rediit. | Now Cleomenes, it is said, was not quite in his right senses but on the verge of madness, while Dorieos was of all his equals in age the first, and felt assured that he would obtain the kingdom by merit. Seeing then that he had this opinion, when Anaxandrides died and the Lacedemonians followed the usual custom established the eldest, namely Cleomenes, upon the throne, Dorieos being indignant and not thinking it fit that he should be a subject of Cleomenes, asked the Spartans to give him a company of followers and led them out to found a colony, without either inquiring of the Oracle at Delphi to what land he should go to make a settlement, or doing any of the things which are usually done; but being vexed he sailed away with his ships to Libya, and the Theraians were his guides thither. Then having come to Kinyps he made a settlement in the fairest spot of all Libya, along the banks of the river; but afterwards in the third year he was driven out from thence by the Macai and the Libyans and the Carthaginians, and returned to Peloponnesus. |
| 5.43 | Ibi Antichares, civis Eleonius, e Laii oraculis consilium ei dedit, ut Heracleam in Sicilia conderet ; dicens universam Erycis regionem Heraclidarum esse, quippe ab ipso Hercule acquisitam. (2) Quo audito, Delphos profectus Dorieus, quærit ex oraculo, an potiturus sit terra quam adire cogitaret ; et Pythia, potiturum ea, respondit. Sumpta itaque classe et multitudine, quam eandem in Africam duxerat, Italiam est prætervectus. | Then Antichares a man of Eleon gave him counsel out of the oracles of Laïos to make a settlement at Heracleia in Sicily, saying that the whole land of Eryx belonged to the Heracleidai, since Heracles himself had won it: and hearing this he went forthwith to Delphi to inquire of the Oracle whether he would be able to conquer the land to which he was setting forth; and the Pythian prophetess replied to him that he would conquer it. Dorieos therefore took with him the armament which he conducted before to Libya, and voyaged along the coast of Italy. |
| 5.44 | Per id tempus, ut memorant Sybaritæ, ipsi et rex ipsorum Telys in eo erant ut adversus Crotonem arma moverent : et Crotoniatæ, metu perculsi, rogarunt Dorieum ut opem sibi ferret, idque ab illo impetrarunt. Sic cum illis adversus Sybarin profectus est Dorieus, et una cum illis Sybarin cepit. (2) Hoc igitur a Dorieo, et his qui cum eo erant, gestum esse ajunt Sybaritæ: Crotoniatæ vero affirmant, neminem peregrinum belli contra Sybaritas suscepti socium sibi fuisse, nisi unum Calliam, vatem Eleum, ex Iamidarum familia ; eumque hac ratione, quod a Tely, Sybaritarum tyranno, ad se profugisset, quum sacrificanti adversus Crotonem sacra parum prospera evenissent. | Now at this time, the men of Sybaris say that they and their king Telys were about to make an expedition against Croton, and the men of Croton being exceedingly alarmed asked Dorieos to help them and obtained their request. So Dorieos joined them in an expedition against Sybaris and helped them to conquer Sybaris. This is what the men of Sybaris say of the doings of Dorieos and his followers; but those of Croton say that no stranger helped them in the war against the Sybarites except Callias alone, a diviner of Elis and one of the descendants of Iamos, and he in the following manner — he ran away, they say, from Telys the despot of the Sybarites, when the sacrifices did not prove favorable, as he was sacrificing for the expedition against Croton, and so he came to them. |
| 5.45 | Hoc quidem Crotoniatæ dicunt. Testimonia autem dictorum hæc adierunt utrique : Sybaritæ quidem, partim testantur agrum sacrum atque templum prope siccum Crathin ; quæ Minervæ, cognomine Crathiæ, dedicata esse ajunt a Dorieo, postquam consociatis armis cum Crotoniatis Sybarin cepisset ; partim ipsius Doriei mortem ut maximum afferunt argumentum, quippe quem periisse ajunt eo quod contra vaticinia fecisset : qui si nihil deliquisset, sed id fecisset ad quod missus erat, cepisset Erycinam terram, et captam obtinuisset, neque ipse cum suo exercitu fuisset interemptus. (2) Contra Crotoniatæ multa monstrant in Crotoniensi agro eximie donata Calliæ Eleo, quæ ad meam usque ætatem posteri Calliæ possederunt : Dorieo vero ejusque posteris nihil esse donatum ; cui tamen, si socius fuisset Sybaritici belli, multo plura quam Calliæ fuissent donata. Hæc utrique proferunt testimonia ; quorum utris fidem quisque habuerit, his accedat licet. | Such, I say, are the tales which these tell, and they severally produce as evidence of them the following facts — the Sybarites point to a sacred enclosure and temple by the side of the dried-up bed of the Crathis, which they say that Dorieos, after he had joined in the capture of the city, set up to Athene surnamed “of the Crathis”; and besides they consider the death of Dorieos himself to be a very strong evidence, thinking that he perished because he acted contrary to the oracle which was given to him; for if he had not done anything by the way but had continued to do that for which he was sent, he would have conquered the land of Eryx and having conquered it would have become possessor of it, and he and his army would not have perished. On the other hand the men of Croton declare that many things were granted in the territory of Croton as special gifts to Callias the Eleisan, of which the descendants of Callias were still in possession down to my time, and that nothing was granted to Dorieos or the descendants of Dorieos: but if Dorieos had in fact helped them in the way with Sybaris, many times as much, they say, would have been given to him as to Callias. These then are the evidences which the two sides produce, and we may assent to whichever of them we think credible. |
| 5.46 | Navigarunt autem cum Dorieo alii quoque Spartani, condendæ coloniæ socii, Thessalus, et Paræbates, et Celeas et Euryleon. Qui postquam cum universo apparatu in Siciliam pervenerunt, periere prœlio superati a Pœnis et Egestanis. Unus sociorum illorum huic cladi superstes fuit Euryleon. (2) Is, collectis copiarum reliquiis, Minoam tenuit, Selinusiorum coloniam, et Selinusiis operam suam contulit, ut Pithagora monarcho liberarentur. (3) Postea vero, hoc sublato, tyrannidem Selinuntis ipse invasit, eamque per breve tempus obtinuit : nam insurrectione facta interfecerunt eum Selinusii, tametsi ad Forensis Jovis aram profugerat. | Now there sailed with Dorieos others also of the Spartans, to be joint-founders with him of the colony, namely Thessalos and Paraibates and Keleas and Euryleon; and these when they had reached Sicily with all their armament, were slain, being defeated in battle by the Phenicians and the men of Egesta; and Euryleon only of the joint-founders survived this disaster. This man then having collected the survivors of the expedition, took possession of Minoa the colony of Selinus, and he helped to free the men of Selinus from their despot Peithagoras. Afterwards, when he had deposed him, he laid hands himself upon the despotism in Selinus and became sole ruler there, though but for a short time; for the men of Selinus rose in revolt against him and slew him, notwithstanding that he had fled for refuge to the altar of Zeus Agoraios. |
| 5.47 | Secutus Dorieum erat et cum eo periit etiam Philippus, Butacidæ filius, civis Crotoniata. Is quum sibi desponsasset Telyis filiam, Sybaritarum regis, Crotone profugerat : frustratus autem nuptiis, relicta Italia Cyrenen navigaverat. Inde profectus, secutus erat Dorieum propria triremi, suo sumptu militibus instructa : vir qui in Olympicis certaminibus victoriam reportaverat, et formosissimus omnium suæ ætatis Græcorum. (2) Hic ob formæ præstantiam ab Egestanis consecutus est, quod nemo alius : hi enim super ejus sepulcro Heroum erexerunt, et sacrificiis eum placant. | There had accompanied Dorieos also and died with him Philip the son of Butakides, a man of Croton, who having betrothed himself to the daughter of Telys the Sybarite, became an exile from Croton; and then being disappointed of this marriage he sailed away to Kyrene, whence he set forth and accompanied Dorieos with a trireme of his own, himself supplying the expenses of the crew. Now this man had been a victor at the Olympic games, and he was the most beautiful of the Hellenes who lived in his time; and on account of his beauty he obtained from the men of Egesta that which none else ever obtained from them, for they established a hero-temple over his tomb, and they propitiate him still with sacrifices. |
| 5.48 | Hunc finem habuit Dorieus : qui si sustinuisset sub Cleomenis vivere imperio et Spartæ manere, ipse rex evasisset Lacedæmonis. Neque enim diu admodum regnavit Cleomenes, sed mortuus est nulla prole relicta, nisi una filia, cui nomen erat Gorgo. | In this manner Dorieos ended his life: but if he had endured to be a subject of Cleomenes and had remained in Sparta, he would have been king of Lacedemon; for Cleomenes reigned no very long time, and died leaving no son to succeed him but a daughter only, whose name was Gorgo. |
| 5.49 | Hoc igitur regnante Cleomene Spartam venit Aristagoras, Mileti tyrannus. Is regem conveniens, secum afferebat, ut narrant Lacedæmonii, æneam tabulam, in qua totius terræ circuitus erat incisus, et mare universum, fluviique omnes. (2) Ubi in colloquium venit regis, hæc ad eum verba fecit : « Cleomenes, ne meum studium te conveniendi mireris ; talia enim sunt tempora. Servos esse Ionum filios, qui liberi esse debebant, probrum et dolor maxime quidem est nobis ipsis, verum etiam, præter ceteros Græcos, tanto magis vobis, quoniam principes estis Græciæ. (3) Nunc igitur, per deos te oro Græciæ præsides, e servitute vindicate Ionas, consanguineos vestros. Facile est autem vobis hoc exsequi. Nec enim fortes viri sunt barbari ; vos vero bellicæ virtutis ad summum fastigium pervenistis. (4) Pugnæ genus autem illorum hoc est, arcus et breve spiculum. Braccis induti [non scutis tecti] in prœlium eunt et tiaras [pro galeis] in capite gestant : ita superatu sunt faciles. Sunt autem continentem illam habitantibus bona, quanta non sunt aliis omnibus hominibus simul sumptis : aurum statim, tum argentum, et æs, et vestis variegata, et jumenta, et mancipia : quibus vos, si modo libuerit, potiemini. (5) Habitant autem, alius populus alterum attingens sic, quemadmodum ego dicam. Juxta Ionas hosce habitant hi Lydi, terram tenentes bonam et argento abundantem. » Hæc dicens, digito monstravit regionem in illo terræ circuitu, quem æri incisum secum attulerat. « Lydis vero (sic dicere perrexit) contigui sunt versus orientem Phryges hi, et armentis et terræ frugibus opulentissimi omnium, quos equidem novi, populorum. (6) Phrygibus proximi sunt Cappadoces, quos Syrios nos vocamus : hisque finitimi Cilices, ad mare hocce pertinentes, in quo Cyprus hæc insula est ; qui quingenta talenta annuum tributum pendunt regi. (7) Cilices attingunt hi Armenii, et ipsi armentis opulenti. Armeniis finitimi Matieni hancce possident regionem. Horum regionem attingit Cissia hæc, in qua juxta fluvium huncce Choaspen sita hic sunt Susa, ubi rex magnus vitam agit, suntque pecuniarum illius thesauri. Hanc urbem quum ceperitis, tum fidenter cum Jove de divitiis contendetis. (8) At nunc de exiguo terræ tractu, neque illo ita bono, et de arctis finibus opus est vobis pugnare cum Messeniis, qui vobis pares sunt armis , et cum Arcadibus et Argivis, qui nihil possident quod sit auri aut argenti simile, cujus studio aliquis ad pugnandum cum vitæ periculo commoveatur. Quare quum facile sit vobis universæ Asiæ potiri imperio, aliudne quidpiam præoptabitis ? » Hæc Aristagoras dixit ; cui Cleomenes respondit his verbis : « Hospes Milesie, in tertium diem differo tibi respondere. » | However, Aristagoras the despot of Miletos arrived at Sparta while Cleomenes was reigning: and accordingly with him he came to speech, having, as the Lacedemonians say, a tablet of bronze, on which was engraved a map of the whole Earth, with all the sea and all the rivers. And when he came to speech with Cleomenes he said to him as follows: “Marvel not, Cleomenes, at my earnestness in coming hither, for the case is this. — That the sons of the Ionians should be slaves instead of free is a reproach and a grief most of all indeed to ourselves, but of all others most to you, inasmuch as ye are the leaders of Hellas. Now therefore I entreat you by the gods of Hellas to rescue from slavery the Ionians, who are your own kinsmen: and ye may easily achieve this, for the Barbarians are not valiant in fight, whereas ye have attained to the highest point of valor in that which relates to war: and their fighting is of this fashion, namely with bows and arrows and a short spear, and they go into battle wearing trousers and with caps on their heads. Thus they are easily conquered. Then again they who occupy that continent have good things in such quantity as not all the other nations of the world together possess; first gold, then silver and bronze and embroidered garments and beasts of burden and slaves; all which ye might have for yourselves, if ye so desired. And the nations moreover dwell in such order one after the other as I shall declare — the Ionians here; and next to them the Lydians, who not only dwell in a fertile land, but are also exceedingly rich in gold and silver,” — and as he said this he pointed to the map of the Earth, which he carried with him engraved upon the tablet — “and here next to the Lydians,” continued Aristagoras, “are the Eastern Phrygians, who have both the greatest number of sheep and cattle any people that I know, and also the most abundant crops. Next to the Phrygians are the Cappadokians, whom we call Syrians; and bordering upon them are the Kilikians, coming down to this sea, in which lies the island of Cyprus here; and these pay five hundred talents to the king for their yearly tribute. Next to these Kilikians are the Armenians, whom thou mayest see here, and these also have great numbers of sheep and cattle. Next to the Armenians are the Matienians occupying this country here; and next to them is the land of Kissia here, in which land by the banks of this river Choaspes is situated that city of Susa where the great king has his residence, and where the money is laid up in treasuries. After ye have taken this city ye may then with good courage enter into a contest with Zeus in the matter of wealth. Nay, but can it be that ye feel yourselves bound to take upon you the risk of battles against Messenians and Arcadians and Argives, who are equally matched against you, for the sake of land which is not much in extent nor very fertile, and for confines which are but small, though these peoples have neither gold nor silver at all, for the sake of which desire incites one to fight and to die — can this be, I say, and will ye choose some other way now, when it is possible for you easily to have the rule over all Asia?” Aristagoras spoke thus, and Cleomenes answered him saying: “Guest-friend from Miletos, I defer my answer to thee until the day after to-morrow.” |
| 5.50 | Tunc quidem in tantum progressi sunt : ubi vero affuit contitutus responsioni dies, et ad locum ventum est de quo convenerat, ex Aristagora Cleomenes quæsivit, quot dierum iter esset a mari Ioniam alluente usque ad regem. (2) Et Aristagoras, alioquin callidus homo, et pulcre illum circumveniens, in hoc quidem offendit. Nam quum non id quod res est dicere debuisset, ut qui Spartanos in Asiam cuperet evocare, e veritate respondit, dicens trium mensium esse ascensum. (3) Tum vero Cleomenes, præcidens reliquum sermonem quem de itinere illo facturus erat Aristagoras, ait : « Hospes Milesie, excede Sparta ante solis occasum : nec enim sermonem dicis audiendum Lacedæmoniis, qui eos cupis trium mensium viam abducere a mari. » His dictis, Cleomenes domum abiit. | Thus far then they advanced at that time; and when the appointed day arrived for the answer, and they had come to the place agreed upon, Cleomenes asked Aristagoras how many days’ journey it was from the sea of the Ionians to the residence of the king. Now Aristagoras, who in other respects acted cleverly and imposed upon him well, in this point made a mistake: for whereas he ought not to have told him the truth, at least if he desired to bring the Spartans out to Asia, he said in fact that it was a journey up from the sea of three months: and the other cutting short the rest of the account which Aristagoras had begun to give of the way, said: “Guest-friend from Miletos, get thee away from Sparta before the sun has set; for thou speakest a word which sounds not well in the ears of the Lacedemonians, desiring to take them a journey of three months from the sea.”. |
| 5.51 | Tum vero Aristagoras sumpto oleæ ramo domum adiit Cleomenis, et introgressus supplicis modo illum precatus est, ut, dimissa filiola, sese audiret : astabat enim forte Cleomeni filia, cui nomen erat Gorgo, unica illius proles, annorum octo aut novem puella. (2) Jussit illum Cleomenes dicere quæ vellet, nec cessare puellæ causa. Ibi Aristagoras a decem incepit talentis quæ illi pollicebatur, si ea, quæ petiisset, effecta sibi dedisset : (3) abnuenteque Cleomene, progressus est Aristagoras augendo subinde pecuniæ summam ; donec postremo, quum quinquaginta ei talenta reciperet, exclamavit puella : « Pater, corrumpet te his hospes, ni ocyus hinc abscesseris. » (4) Et delectatus Cleomenes puellæ monito, in aliud conclave abiit, et Aristagoras Sparta omnino excessit neque ei licuerat de itinere ad regem plura his commemorare. | Cleomenes accordingly having so said went away to his house: but Aristagoras took the suppliant’s branch and went to the house of Cleomenes; and having entered in as a suppliant, he bade Cleomenes send away the child and listen to him; for the daughter of Cleomenes was standing by him, whose name was Gorgo, and this as it chanced was his only child, being of the age now of eight or nine years. Cleomenes however bade him say that which he desired to say, and not to stop on account of the child. Then Aristagoras proceeded to promise him money, beginning with ten talents, if he would accomplish for him that for which he was asking; and when Cleomenes refused, Aristagoras went on increasing the sums of money offered, until at last he had promised fifty talents, and at that moment the child cried out: “Father, the stranger will do thee hurt, if thou do not leave him and go.” Cleomenes, then, pleased by the counsel of the child, departed into another room, and Aristagoras went away from Sparta altogether, and had no opportunity of explaining any further about the way up from the sea to the residence of the king. |
| 5.52 | Est autem illius itineris ratio hujusmodi. Stationes (sive mansiones) ubique sunt regiæ, et deversoria pulcherrima : totumque iter per culta ac tuta instituitur loca. Per Lydiam et Phrygiam viginti sunt mansiones, parasangæ vero nonaginta quattuor cum dimidia. (2) Phrygiam excipit Halys fluvius, ad quem est porta, per quam omnino transire oportet priusquam fluvium trajicias : estque ibidem magna custodia. Transgresso in Cappadociam, atque per eam pergenti usque ad Ciliciæ fines, mansiones sunt duodetriginta, parasangæ vero centum et quattuor : (3) in his confinibus autem duæ sunt portæ transeundæ, et prætereundæ duæ custodiæ. Has postquam præterieris, per Ciliciam iter facienti tres sunt mansiones, parasangæ vero quindecim cum dimidia. (4) Terminus Ciliciæ et Armeniæ flumen est navibus transmittendum, cui nomen Euphrates. In Armenia vero mansiones sunt deversoriorum quindecim, et parasangæ quinquaginta sex cum dimidia : estque in his etiam custodiæ statio. (5) Perfluunt autem Armeniam quattuor fluvii, quos navibus necessario oportet trajicere. Primus est Tigris : deinde secundus et tertius idem nomen habent, quamvis non idem sit fluvius, nec eodem e loco fluens ; prior enim eorum, quem recensui, ex Armeniis fluit, posterior vero e Matienis. Quarto fluvio nomen est Gyndes, is quem Cyrus olim in trecentos et sexaginta alveos diduxit. (6) Ex hac Armenia ubi in Matienen regionem transieris, stationes sunt quattuor.... Tum ex hac in Cissiam regionem transgredienti, stationes undecim, parasangæ vero quadraginta duæ cum dimidia, usque ad Choaspen fluvium, navibus itidem trajiciendum ; ad quem Susa urbs condita est. Harum omnium mansionum summa est centum et undecim ; totque sunt stationes atque deversoria Sardibus Susa iter facienti. | As regards this road the truth is as follows. — Everywhere there are royal stages and excellent resting-places, and the whole road runs through country which is inhabited and safe. Through Lydia and Phrygia there extend twenty stages, amounting to ninety-four and a half leagues; and after Phrygia succeeds the river Halys, at which there is a gate which one must needs pass through in order to cross the river, and a strong guard-post is established there. Then after crossing over into Cappadokia it is twenty-eight stages, being a hundred and four leagues, by this way to the borders of Kilikia; and on the borders of the Kilikians you will pass through two several gates and go by two several guard-posts: then after passing through these it is three stages, amounting to fifteen and a half leagues, to journey through Kilikia; and the boundary of Kilikia and Armenia is a navigable river called Euphrates. In Armenia the number of stages with resting-places is fifteen, and of leagues fifty-six and a half, and there is a guard-post on the way: then from Armenia, when one enters the land of Matiene, there are thirty-four stages, amounting to a hundred and thirty-seven leagues; and through this land flow four navigable rivers, which cannot be crossed but by ferries, first the Tigris, then a second and third called both by the same name, though they are not the same river nor do they flow from the same region (for the first-mentioned of them flows from the Armenian land and the other from that of the Matienians), and the fourth of the rivers is called Gyndes, the same which once Cyrus divided into three hundred and sixty channels. Passing thence into the Kissian land, there are eleven stages, forty-two and a half leagues, to the river Choaspes, which is also a navigable stream; and upon this is built the city of Susa. The number of these stages amounts in all to one hundred and eleven. |
| 5.53 | Quodsi vero recte parasangis dimensa est regia via, et parasanga si valet triginta stadia, uti revera valet, erunt Sardibus usque ad regiam, quæ Memnonia vocatur, stadiorum tredecim milia et quingenta, quum sint parasangæ quadringentæ et quinquaginta. (2) Jam singulis diebus centena et quinquagena stadia conficiendo, consumuntur accurate dies nonaginta. | This is the number of stages with resting-places, as one goes up from Sardis to Susa: and if the royal road has been rightly measured as regards leagues, and if the league is equal to thirty furlongs, (as undoubtedly it is), the number of furlongs from Sardis to that which is called the palace of Memnon is thirteen thousand five hundred, the number of leagues being four hundred and fifty. So if one travels a hundred and fifty furlongs each day, just ninety days are spent on the journey. |
| 5.54 | Itaque Milesius Aristagoras, quando Cleomeni Lacedæmonio dixit, trium mensium iter esse quo ad regem ascenditur, recte ille dixit. Si quis vero curatius etiam de his quærat, ei ego hoc etiam declarabo ; namque adjici debet iter Epheso Sardes faciendum. (2) Dico igitur, a Græco mari usque Susa, nam hæc Memnonia urbs vocatur, stadiorum omnium summam esse quattuordecim milia et quadraginta. Nam ab Epheso ad Sardes sunt stadia quingenta et quadraginta : itaque tribus diebus longius fit trimestre istud iter. | Thus the Milesian Aristagoras, when he told Cleomenes the Lacedemonian that the journey up from the sea to the residence of the king was one of three months, spoke correctly: but if any one demands a more exact statement yet than this, I will give him that also: for we ought to reckon in addition to this the length of the road from Ephesos to Sardis; and I say accordingly that the whole number of furlongs from the sea of Hellas to Susa (for by that name the city of Memnon is known) is fourteen thousand and forty; for the number of furlongs from Ephesos to Sardis is five hundred and forty: thus the three months’ journey is lengthened by three days added. |
| 5.55 | Sparta pulsus Aristagoras Athenas inde se contulit : quæ haud multo ante tyrannis liberatæ erant, idque hoc modo. Postquam Hipparchum, Pisistrati filium, Hippiæ tyranni fratrem, cui per somnum visum erat oblatum imminentem calamitatem perspicue significans, interfecerunt Aristogiton et Harmodius, generis origine Gephyræi; post hæc Athenæ per quattuor etiam nunc annos nihilo minus, immo magis etiam quam antea, tyrannide premebantur. | Aristagoras then being driven out of Sparta proceeded to Athens; which had been set free from the rule of despots in the way which I shall tell. — When Hipparchos the son of Peisistratos and brother of the despot Hippias, after seeing a vision of a dream which signified it to him plainly, had been slain by Aristogeiton and Harmodios, who were originally by descent Gephyraians, the Athenians continued for four years after this to be despotically governed no less than formerly — nay, even more. |
| 5.56 | Insomnium Hipparcho oblatum hujusmodi erat : nocte quæ præcedebat Panathenæorum solennia, visum erat Hipparcho astare ipsi virum grandem formosumque, ænigmaticis his verbis ipsum alloquentem.
nemo hominum injustus non solvet tempore pœnam. » |
Now the vision of a dream which Hipparchos had was this — in the night before the Panathenaia it seemed to Hipparchos that a man came and stood by him, tall and of fair form, and riddling spoke to him these verses:
No one of men who doth wrong shall escape from the judgment appointed.” |
| 5.57 | Gephyræi, quorum de genere erant Hipparchi percussores, principio, ut ipsi ajunt, ex Eretria fuerunt oriundi ; ut vero ego rem percontatus reperio, Phœnices fuerunt ex illorum numero Phœnicum, qui cum Cadmo in hanc regionem, quæ nunc Bœotia vocatur, venerunt ; et Tanagricum ejusdem regionis tractum, sorte acceptum, habitaverunt. (2) Inde postquam Cadmei prius ab Argivis erant expulsi, deinde Gephyræi hi a Bœotis ejecti, Athenas se converterunt. Et illos receperunt Athenienses hac conditione, ut cives essent Athenienses, at compluribus tamen, nec vero dignis quæ hic commemorentur, juribus essent exclusi. | Now the Gephyraians, of whom were those who murdered Hipparchos, according to their own account were originally descended from Eretria; but as I find by carrying inquiries back, they were Phenicians of those who came with Cadmos to the land which is now called Boeotia, and they dwelt in the district of Tanagra, which they had had allotted to them in that land. Then after the Cadmeians had first been driven out by the Argives, these Gephyraians next were driven out by the Boeotians and turned then towards Athens: and the Athenians received them on certain fixed conditions to be citizens of their State, laying down rules that they should be excluded from a number of things not worth mentioning here. |
| 5.58 | Phœnices autem hi, qui cum Cadmo advenerant, quorum de numero fuerunt Gephyræi, regionem hanc incolentes, quum alias res multas ad doctrinam spectantes attulerunt Hellenibus, tum literas ; quarum usus nullus antea, ut mihi videtur, apud Hellenas fuerat. Ac primum quidem tales attulerant, qualibus omnes utuntur Phœnices : procedente vero tempore, simul cum sermone, literarum etiam ductus immutarunt. (2) Pleraque per id tempus loca circum illos habitabant Hellenes Iones : qui literas edocti a Phœnicibus, usi sunt eis forma paululum mutata ; a quorum usu divulgatum est, ut, quemadmodum æquitas etiam postulabat, quoniam a Phœnicibus in Græciam introductæ sunt, Phœniciæ literæ nominarentur. (3) Atque byblos etiam (id est, libros papyraceos) antiquitus diphtheras (pelles raras sive membranas) Iones vocant, quoniam in papyri inopia pellibus caprinis et ovillis utebantur. Atque etiam nunc mea ætate multi barbarorum talibus in pellibus scribunt. | Now these Phenicians who came with Cadmos, of whom were the Gephyraians, brought in among the Hellenes many arts when they settled in this land of Boeotia, and especially letters, which did not exist, as it appears to me, among the Hellenes before this time; and at first they brought in those which are used by the Phenician race generally, but afterwards, as time went on, they changed with their speech the form of the letters also. During this time the Ionians were the race of Hellenes who dwelt near them in most of the places where they were; and these, having received letters by instruction of the Phenicians, changed their form slightly and so made use of them, and in doing so they declared them to be called “phenicians,” as was just, seeing that the Phenicians had introduced them into Hellas. Also the Ionians from ancient time call paper “skins,” because formerly, paper being scarce, they used skins of goat and sheep; nay, even in my own time many of the Barbarians write on such skins. |
| 5.59 | Vidi vero etiam ipse literas Cadmeas in templo Apollinis Ismenii Thebis Bœotiæ, tripodibus tribus insculptas, maximam partem similes Ionicis literis. Unus ex illis tripodibus hanc habet inscriptionem:
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I myself too once saw Cadmeian characters in the temple of Ismenian Apollo at Thebes of the Boeotians, engraved on certain tripods, and in most respects resembling the Ionic letters: one of these tripods has the inscription,
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| 5.60 | Alius tripus hexametro modulo hæc dixit:
me tibi sacravit, speciosum munus, Apollo. » |
Another tripod says thus in hexameter rhythm:
Victor in contest of boxing, a gift most fair in thine honor.” |
| 5.61 | Tertius tripus, hexametro pariter modulo, hæc inscripta habet:
dignum spectatu sacrat decus arcitenenti. » |
and the third tripod, also in hexameter rhythm, says:
He, of his wealth, being king, as a gift most fair in thine honor:” |
| 5.62 | Quale fuerit visum Hipparcho oblatum, et unde oriundi Gephyræi, quorum de genere fuere Hipparchi percussores, est a me expositum. Superest ut post hæc redeam ad narrationem quam initio instituturus eram, dicamque qua ratione tyrannis liberati sint Athenienses. (2) Quo tempore Hippias tyrannidem obtinuit, et Athenienses ob Hipparchi cædem acerbius vexabat ; per id tempus Alcmeonidæ, genere Athenienses, ob Pisistratidas vero patria profugi, postquam cum aliis Atheniensium exsulibus per vim reditum sibi parare contantes nihil profecissent, sed ad Lipsydrion supra Pæoniam, quem locum temptandi reditus causa et liberandæ civitatis consilio muniverant, ingentem accepissent cladem ; deinde, omnia adversus Pisistratidas molientes, ab Amphictyonibus templum Delphicum hoc, quod nunc est, et tunc nondum erat, ædificandum conduxerunt. (3) Quumque divitiis abundarent, et inde a majoribus spectati essent viri, exædificarunt templum quum alias pulcrius quam ferebat exemplar, tum frontem ejus e Pario marmore effecerunt, quamquam conventum esset ut totum templum e porino lapide construeretur. | I have told now of the vision of a dream seen by Hipparchos, and also whence the Gephrynians were descended, of which race were the murderers of Hipparchos; and in addition to this I must resume and continue the story which I was about to tell at first, how the Athenians were freed from despots. When Hippias was despot and was dealing harshly with the Athenians because of the death of Hipparchos, the Alcmaionidai, who were of Athenian race and were fugitives from the sons of Peisistratos, as they did not succeed in their attempt made together with the other Athenian exiles to return by force, but met with great disaster when they attempted to return and set Athens free, after they had fortified Leipsydrion which is above Paionia — these Alomaionidai after that, still devising every means against the sons of Peisistratos, accepted the contract to build and complete the temple at Delphi, that namely which now exists but then did not as yet: and being wealthy and men of repute already from ancient time, they completed the temple in a manner more beautiful than the plan required, and especially in this respect, that having agreed to make the temple of common limestone, they built the front parts of it in Parian marble. |
| 5.63 | Hi igitur Alcmeonidæ, ut Athenienses narrant, dum Delphis morabantur, pecunia persuaserunt Pythiæ, ut, quoties Spartani cives Delphos venirent, sive privato nomine sive publico oraculum consulturi, constanter illos moneret, ut liberarent Athenas. (2) Proinde Lacedæmonii quum idem ipsis semper effatum ederetur, mittunt Anchimolium, Asteris filium, cum exercitu, spectatum inter cives virum, qui Pisistratidas Athenis pelleret, quamquam hospitii jure cum ipsis inprimis conjunctos : nam, quæ diis debentur, antiquiora duxerunt quam quæ hominibus. Hunc exercitum, mari navibus mittunt. (3) Anchimolius igitur, portum tenens Phalerum, ibi in terra deposuit. Qua re ante cognita, Pisistratidæ, quum esset eis fœdus cum Thessalis, auxilia e Thessalia acciverant. (4) Et precantibus Thessali, publico decreto, mille equites miserant, et regem suum Cineam Coniæum. Quos auxiliares nacti Pisistratidæ, hocce instituerunt facere : (5) detonsa planitie Phalereorum, et loco hoc equitibus habili reddito, equitatum adversus hostium castra mittunt : qui in hos incidens, quum alios multos interfecit Lacedæmoniorum, tum et ducem Anchimolium, reliquos vero in naves compulerunt. (6) Hic finis fuit primæ expeditionis Lacedæmoniorum : estque sepulcrum Anchimolii in Attico pago, cui Alopecæ nomen, prope Herculis templum quod in Cynosarge. | So then, as the Athenians say, these men being settled at Delphi persuaded the Pythian prophetess by gifts of money, that whenever men of the Spartans should come to inquire of the Oracle, either privately or publicly sent, she should propose to them to set Athens free. The Lacedemonians therefore, since the same utterance was delivered to them on all occasions, sent Anchimolios the son of Aster, who was of repute among their citizens, with an army to drive out the sons of Peisistratos from Athens, although these were very closely connected with them by guest-friendship; for they held that the concerns of the god should be preferred to those of men: and this force they sent by sea in ships. He therefore, having put in to shore at Phaleron, disembarked his army; but the sons of Peisistratos being informed of this beforehand called in to their aid an auxiliary force from Thessaly, for they had made an alliance with the Thessalians; and the Thessalians at their request sent by public resolution a body of a thousand horse and also their king Kineas, a man of Conion. So having obtained these as allies, the sons of Peisistratos contrived as follows — they cut down the trees in the plain of Phaleron and made this district fit for horsemen to ride over, and after that they sent the cavalry to attack the enemy’s camp, who falling upon it slew (besides many others of the Lacedemonians) Anchimolios himself also: and the survivors of them they shut up in their ships. Such was the issue of the first expedition from Lacedemon: and the burial-place of Anchimolios is at Alopecai in Attica, near the temple of Heracles which is at Kynosarges. |
| 5.64 | Post hæc majores copias adversus Athenas miserunt Lacedæmonii, duce exercitus Cleomene rege, Anaxandridæ filio : has vero non jam mari miserunt, sed per continentem. (2) Cum his, ut in Atticam regionem invaserunt, primum congressi Thessali equites, brevi tempore in fugam sunt versi, cecideruntque ex eisdem amplius quadraginta ; reliqui vero e vestigio recta versus Thessaliam abierunt. (3) Cleomenes autem, ut ad urbem pervenit, una cum his ex Atheniensibus, qui liberi vivere cupiebant, tyrannos obsedit, muro Pelasgico inclusos. | After this the Lacedemonians equipped a larger expedition and sent it forth against Athens; and they appointed to be commander of the army their king Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides, and sent it this time not by sea but by land. With these, when they had invaded the land of Attica, first the Thessalian horse engaged battle; and in no long time they were routed and there fell of them more than forty men; so the survivors departed without more ado and went straight back to Thessaly. Then Cleomenes came to the city together with those of the Athenians who desired to be free, and began to besiege the despots shut up in the Pelasgian wall. |
| 5.65 | Nequaquam vero expugnaturi Pisistratidas erant Lacedæmonii : nec enim justam obsidionem instituere cogitaverant, et cibariis ac potulentis bene instructi Pisistratidæ erant : post paucorumque dierum obsidionem Spartam erant illi abituri. (2) Nunc vero supervenit casus, istis infaustus, his vero idem peropportunus : capti enim sunt Pisistratidarum liberi, quum in eo essent, ut extra Atticam in tuto collocarentur. (3) Quæ res postquam accidit, turbatæ sunt omnes eorumdem rationes. Itaque deditionem fecerunt eis conditionibus, quæ Atheniensibus placuerunt, ut, receptis liberis suis, intra quinque dies Attica excederent. (4) Atque ita relicta Attica Pisistratidæ Sigeum ad Scamandrum migrarunt, postquam Athenis sex et triginta annos regnaverant. Fuerunt autem hi origine Pylii et Nelidæ, eisdem majoribus prognati atque Codrus et Melanthus ; qui et ipsi olim, quum advenæ essent, reges fuerunt Atheniensium. (5) Cujus in originis memoriam Hippocrates filio suo nomen Pisistrati imposuerat, de Pisistrato, Nestoris filio, ductum. (6) Hoc modo tyrannis suis liberati sunt Athenienses : quas vero res post receptam libertatem memoratu dignas vel gesserint vel passi sint, priusquam Ionia a Dario defecit, et Aristagoras Milesius Athenas venit opem illorum implorans, eas primum exponam. | And the Lacedemonians would never have captured the sons of Peisistratos at all; for they on their side had no design to make a long blockade, and the others were well provided with food and drink; so that they would have gone away back to Sparta after besieging them for a few days only: but as it was, a thing happened just at this time which was unfortunate for those, and at the same time of assistance to these; for the children of the sons of Peisistratos were captured, while being secretly removed out of the country: and when this happened, all their matters were thereby cast into confusion, and they surrendered receiving back their children on the terms which the Athenians desired, namely that they should depart out of Attica within five days. After this they departed out of the country and went to Sigeion on the Scamander, after their family had ruled over the Athenians for six-and-thirty years. These also were originally Pylians and sons of Neleus, descended from the same ancestors as the family of Codros and Melanthos, who had formerly become kings of Athens being settlers from abroad. Hence too Hippocrates had given to his son the name of Peisistratos as a memorial, calling him after Peisistratos the son of Nestor. Thus the Athenians were freed from despots; and the things worthy to be narrated which they did or suffered after they were liberated, up to the time when Ionia revolted from Dareios and Aristagoras the Milesian came to Athens and asked them to help him, these I will set forth first before I proceed further. |
| 5.66 | Athenæ, quum jam ante magnæ fuissent, nunc, postquam tyrannis liberatæ erant, majores evaserunt. Dominabantur autem in illis duo viri, Clisthenes, de familia Alcmeonidarum, is quem fama fert corrupisse Pythiam, et Isagoras, Tisandri filius, spectata quidem familia natus ; ceterum, quibus majoribus antiquitus fuerit oriundus, dicere nequeo, nisi quod cognati ejus Jovi Cario sacra faciunt. (2) Hi viri inter se de principatu contendebant. Qui superabatur ab æmulo Clisthenes plebis favorem sibi conciliabat : et deinde, quum in quattuor tribus distributi fuissent Athenienses, decem tribus constituit, mutatisque nominibus, quæ ab Ionis filiis, Geleonte et Ægicore et Argada et Hoplete, erant desumpta, ab indigenis heroibus eas denominavit, uno Ajace excepto ; quem, ut vicinum et socium, quamquam peregrinum, adjecit. | Athens, which even before that time was great, then, after having been freed from despots, became gradually yet greater; and in it two men exercised power, namely Cleisthenes a descendant of Alcmaion, the same who is reported to have bribed the Pythian prophetess, and Isagoras, the son of Tisander, of a family which was highly reputed, but of his original descent I am not able to declare; his kinsmen however offer sacrifices to the Carian Zeus. These men came to party strife for power; and then Cleisthenes was being worsted in the struggle, he made common cause with the people. After this he caused the Athenians to be in ten tribes, who were formerly in four; and he changed the names by which they were called after the sons of Ion, namely Geleon, Aigicoreus, Argades, and Hoples, and invented for them names taken from other heroes, all native Athenians except Ajax, whom he added as a neighbor and ally, although he was no Athenian. |
| 5.67 | Qua in re, ut mihi videtur, Clisthenes hic avum suum maternum imitatus est, Clisthenem Sicyonis tyrannum. (2) Ille enim, quum bellum gereret cum Argivis, primum rhapsodos vetuit Sicyone inter se decertare, propter Homerica carmina, quoniam in illis ubique fere nonnisi Argivi et Argos celebrantur : deinde, quum esset in foro Sicyoniorum (et est hodieque) ædes Adrasto, Talai filio, tanquam heroi, consecrata, hunc Clisthenes, quippe Argivum, sede sua ejectum cupiebat. (3) Itaque Delphos profectus, consuluit oraculum, an ejiceret Adrastum. Cui Pythia respondit, Adrastum regem esse Sicyoniorum, ipsum vero lapidatorem. Postquam Deus ei hanc potestatem non fecit, domum reversus excogitavit rationem qua Adrastus ipse demigraret. (4) Quam rationem ubi reperisse visus est, Thebas Bœotias misit, dicens velle se Melanippum, Astaci filium, deducere Sicyonem : et permiserunt Thebani. Tum Clisthenes Melanippo Sicyonem deducto templum dedicavit in ipso prytaneo, ipsumque ibi in loco munitissimo statuit. (5) Melanippum autem arcessiverat Clisthenes (nam et hoc me declarare oportet), ut qui inimicissimus fuisset Adrasto, quippe cujus fratrem interfecisset Mecisteum, et Tydeum generum. (6) Huic postquam templum dedicavit, sacrificia et solennia Adrasto adempta eidem Melanippo attribuit. Consueverant autem Sicyonii magnifice admodum honorare Adrastum. Fuerat enim hæc regio Polybi, Adrastus autem Polybi e filia nepos fuit : qui quum sine liberis decederet, tradidit Adrasto regnum. (7) Adrastum autem quum aliis honoribus colebant Sicyonii, tum calamitates ejus tragicis choris celebrabant, non Bacchum, sed Adrastum colentes. (8) Clisthenes vero choros Baccho tribuit, reliquam vero solennitatem Melanippo. Hoc modo cum Adrasto egit Clisthenes. | Now in these things it seems to me that this Cleisthenes was imitating his mother’s father Cleisthenes the despot of Sikyon: for Cleisthenes when he went to war with Argos first caused to cease in Sikyon the contests of rhapsodists, which were concerned with the poems of Homer, because Argives and Argos are celebrated in them almost everywhere; then secondly, since there was (as still there is) in the market-place itself of the Sikyonians a hero-temple of Adrastos the son of Talaos, Cleisthenes had a desire to cast him forth out of the land, because he was an Argive. So having come to Delphi he consulted the Oracle as to whether he should cast out Adrastos; and the Pythian prophetess answered him saying that Adrastos was king of the Sikyonians, whereas he was a stoner of them. So since the god did not permit him to do this, he went away home and considered means by which Adrastos should be brought to depart of his own accord: and when he thought that he had discovered them, he sent to Thebes in Boeotia and said that he desired to introduce into his city Melanippos the son of Astacos, and the Thebans gave him leave. So Cleisthenes introduced Melanippos into his city, and appointed for him a sacred enclosure within the precincts of the City Hall itself, and established him there in the strongest position. Now Cleisthenes introduced Melanippos (for I must relate this also) because he was the greatest enemy of Adrastos, seeing that he had killed both his brother Mekisteus and his son-in-law Tydeus: and when he had appointed the sacred enclosure for him, he took away the sacrifices and festivals of Adrastos and gave them to Melanippos. Now the Sikyonians were accustomed to honor Adrastos with very great honors; for this land was formerly the land of Polybos, and Adrastos was daughter’s son to Polybos, and Polybos dying without sons gave his kingdom to Adrastos: the Sikyonians then not only gave other honors to Adrastos, but also with reference to his sufferings they specially honored him with tragic choruses, not paying the honor to Dionysos but to Adrastos. Cleisthenes however gave back the choruses to Dionysos, and the other rites besides this he gave to Melannipos. |
| 5.68 | Idem vero tribuum Doriensium nomina mutavit, ne scilicet eædem Sicyoniis atque Argivis tribus essent. Atque id agens, maxime derisui habuit Sicyonios : quippe nova nomina a sue et asino desumens, terminationem solam pristinarum tribuum adjecit, sua tribu excepta, cui de suo imperio nomen imposuit : hos enim Archelaos nominavit ; reliquorum autem alios Hyatas, alios Onatas, alios Chœreatas. (2) Quibus nominibus tribuum usi sunt Sicyonii non solum quoad regnavit Clisthenes, verum etiam post illius obitum sexaginta adhuc annis : deinde tamen, re deliberata, mutarunt ea, et alios Hyllæos, alios Pamphylos, alios Dymanatas nominarunt : quartæ vero tribus nomen ab Ægialeo desumpserunt, Adrasti filio, tribulesque Ægiales appellarunt. | Thus he had done to Adrastos; and he also changed the names of the Dorian tribes, in order that the Sikyonians might not have the same tribes as the Argives; in which matter he showed great contempt of the Sikyonians, for the names he gave were taken from the names of a pig and an ass by changing only the endings, except in the case of his own tribe, to which he gave a name from his own rule. These last then were called Archelaoi, while of the rest those of one tribe were called Hyatai, of another Oneatai, and of the remaining tribe Choireatai. These names of tribes were used by the men of Sikyon not only in the reign of Cleisthenes, but also beyond that for sixty years after his death; then however they considered the matter and changed them into Hylleis, Pamphyloi, and Dymanatai, adding to these a fourth, to which they gave the name Aigialeis after Aigialeus the son of Adrastos. |
| 5.69 | Hæc Sicyonius Clisthenes fecerat. Atheniensis autem Clisthenes, Sicyonii e filia nepos, qui nomen etiam ab illo erat nactus, hic itidem per contemtum (ut mihi videtur) Ionum, ne eadem Atheniensibus atque Ionibus tribuum nomina essent, cognominem Clisthenem est imitatus. (2) Postquam enim plebem omnem Atheniensium, prius a se aleniatam, tum suas ad partes traduxerat, tribuum mutavit nomina, et numerum illarum auxit : decem etiam, quum quattuor fuissent, constituit phylarchas, et per decem tribus distribuit demos (sive curias) omnes Atheniensium. Eratque, plebe suis partibus adjecta, longe potentior quam adversarii. | Thus had the Cleisthenes of Sikyon done: and the Athenian Cleisthenes, who was his daughter’s son and was called after him, despising, as I suppose, the Ionians, as he the Dorians, imitated his namesake Cleisthenes in order that the Athenians might not have the same tribes as the Ionians: for when at the time of which we speak he added to his own party the whole body of the common people of the Athenians, which in former time he had despised, he changed the names of the tribes and made them more in number than they had been; he made in fact ten rulers of tribes instead of four, and by tens also he distributed the demes in the tribes; and having added the common people to his party he was much superior to his opponents. |
| 5.70 | Vicissim igitur ab illo superatus Isagoras hæc contra molitur : Cleomenem advocat Lacedæmonium, qui hospes ipsi factus erat inde ab obsidione Pisistratidarum : (2) quem quidem fama ferebat consuetudinem tunc habuisse cum uxore Isagoræ. Primum igitur Cleomenes, præcone Athenas misso, Clisthenem urbe ejecit, multosque cum eo alios Athenienses, hos dicens qui essent enagees (id est, piaculo contaminati). (3) Hæc autem per nuntium edixit, ab Isagora edoctus : habebant enim quidem Alcmeonidæ, et hi qui eorumdem erant partium, culpam commissæ cædis ; at ipse Clisthenes ejusque amici non fuerant cædis participes. | Then Isagoras, as he was being worsted in his turn, contrived a plan in opposition to him, that is to say, he called in Cleomenes the Lacedemonian to help him, who had been a guest-friend to himself since the siege of the sons of Peisistratos; moreover Cleomenes was accused of being intimate with the wife of Isagoras. First then Cleomenes sent a herald to Athens demanding the expulsion of Cleisthenes and with him many others of the Athenians, calling them the men who were under the curse: this message he sent by instruction of Isagoras, for the Alcmaionidai and their party were accused of the murder to which reference was thus made, while he and his friends had no part in it. |
| 5.71 | Enagees autem dicti sunt nonnulli ex Atheniensibus hac de causa : fuit Cylon, civis Atheniensis, olympicorum certaminum victor : is cristas tollens, consilium inierat occupandæ tyrannidis ; comparatisque sibi sociis ex æqualium numero, arcem occupare conatus est : quam quum obtinere non posset, supplex ad deæ imaginem consedit. (2) Hos homines igitur surgere inde jusserunt prytanes Naucrarorum, qui tunc civitatem administrabant, fide data punitum eos iri citra mortem ; attamen occisi hi sunt culpa Alcmeonidarum. Sed hæc gesta sunt ante Pisistrati ætatem. | Now the men of the Athenians who were “under the curse” got this name as follows — there was one Kylon among the Athenians, a man who had gained the victory at the Olympic games: this man behaved with arrogance, wishing to make himself despot; and having formed for himself an association of men of his own age, he endeavored to seize the Acropolis: but not being able to get possession of it, he sat down as a suppliant before the image of the goddess. These men were taken from their place as suppliants by the presidents of the naucraries, who then administered affairs at Athens, on the condition that they should be liable to any penalty short of death; and the Alcmaionidai are accused of having put them to death. This had occurred before the time of Peisistratos. |
| 5.72 | Postquam Cleomenes, misso præcone, ejiciendos urbe Clisthenem et piaculo contaminatos edixit, unus Clisthenes ultro excessit. Deinde vero nihilo minus Athenas venit Cleomenes, non quidem cum magna manu : quo ubi pervenit, septingentas familias urbe ejecit, quas ei Isagoras indicaverat. (2) Quo facto, deinde senatum conatus est dissolvere, et trecentis civibus de Isagoræ factione tradidit magistratus. Quum vero resisteret senatus et imperio nollet parere, Cleomenes et Isagoras cum suarum partium civibus arcem occupant. (3) Et ceteri Athenienses, cum senatu sentientes, per biduum illos obsederunt : tertio vero die, deditione facta, Attica excessere quotquot eorum Lacedæmonii erant. (4) Atque ita implebatur Cleomeni ominosum quod acceperat dictum : nam quum in arcem, occupaturus illam, ascendisset, ad penetrale deæ accesserat, consulturus eam : at sacerdos de sella surgens, priusquam ille per januam intrasset, dixit : « Retrogredere, hospes Lacedæmonie, nec in hoc templum pedem pone : nefas est enim Doriensibus huc intrare. » (5) Cui ille respondit : « At non Doriensis sum, o mulier, sed Achæus. » Igitur, quum spreto omine exsequi consilium esset aggressus, tunc rursus excidit cum Lacedæmoniis. Reliquos vero in vincula conjecerunt Athenienses, morti destinatos ; et in his Timesitheum Delphensem, cujus viri opera manuum (victorias Pythicas et Olympicas) fortisque animi maxima possem commemorare. Et hi quidem in vinculis mortui sunt. | Now when Cleomenes sent demanding the expulsion of Cleisthenes and of those under the curse, Cleisthenes himself retired secretly; but after that nevertheless Cleomenes appeared in Athens with no very large force, and having arrived he proceeded to expel as accursed seven hundred Athenian families, of which Isagoras had suggested to him the names. Having done this he next endeavored to dissolve the Senate, and he put the offices of the State into the hands of three hundred, who were the partisans of Isagoras. The Senate however making opposition, and not being willing to submit, Cleomenes with Isagoras and his partisans seized the Acropolis. Then the rest of the Athenians joined together by common consent and besieged them for two days; and on the third day so many of them as were Lacedemonians departed out of the country under a truce. Thus was accomplished for Cleomenes the ominous saying which was uttered to him: for when he had ascended the Acropolis with the design of taking possession of it, he was going to the sanctuary of the goddess, as to address her in prayer; but the priestess stood up from her seat before he had passed through the door, and said, “Lacedemonian stranger, go back and enter not into the temple, for it is not lawful for Dorians to pass in hither.” He said: “Woman, I am not a Dorian, but an Achaian.” So then, paying no attention to the ominous speech, he made his attempt and then was expelled again with the Lacedemonians; but the rest of the men the Athenians laid in bonds to be put to death, and among them Timesitheos the Delphian, with regard to whom I might mention very great deeds of strength and courage which he performed. |
| 5.73 | Post hæc Athenienses, revocato Clisthene et septingentis illis familiis, quæ a Cleomene patria erant pulsæ, Sardes legatos miserunt, cupientes cum Persis contrahere societatem : intellexerant enim, bellum sibi imminere cum Lacedæmoniis et Cleomene. (2) Postquam Sardes advenere legati, et mandata exposuere, quæsivit Artaphernes, Hystaspis filius, præfectus Sardium, quinam homines essent, et ubi terrarum habitarent, qui Persarum peterent societatem. Quod ubi e legatis cognovit, brevibus verbis eos ita expedivit : (3) si regi Dario Athenienses terram traderet et aquam, societatem illis pollicitus est : si non traderent, abire illos jussit. Tum legati, re privatim inter se deliberata, tradere se, dixerunt ; scilicet cupientes contrahi societatem. At hi, quum domum rediissent, gravem culpam sustinuerunt. | These then having been thus laid in bonds were put to death; and the Athenians after this sent for Cleisthenes to return, and also for the seven hundred families which had been driven out by Cleomenes: and then they sent envoys to Sardis, desiring to make an alliance with the Persians; for they were well assured that the Lacedemonians and Cleomenes had been utterly made their foes. So when these envoys had arrived at Sardis and were saying that which they had been commanded to say, Artaphrenes the son of Hystaspes, the governor of Sardis, asked what men these were who requested to be allies of the Persians, and where upon the earth they dwelt; and having heard this from the envoys, he summed up his answer to them thus, saying that if the Athenians were willing to give earth and water to Dareios, he was willing to make alliance with them, but if not, he bade them begone: and the envoys taking the matter upon themselves said that they were willing to do so, because they desired to make the alliance. |
| 5.74 | Cleomenes, quum se et verbis et factis contumeliose ab Atheniensibus acceptum existimaret, ex universa Peloponneso contraxit exercitum, quo consilio contrahat non dicens ; sed pœnas sumere de populo Atheniensium cupiens, et Isagoram constituere tyrannum : hic enim cum illo ex arce Athenarum erat egressus. (2) Dum igitur ingenti cum exercitu Cleomenes Eleusinem invadit, per idem tempus Bœoti e composito capiunt Œnoen et Hysias, extremos Atticæ pagos ; et Chalcidenses ab alia parte Atticam ingressi regionem vastabant. (3) Tum Athenienses, quamquam ancipite pressi periculo, Bœotorum et Chalcidensium ultione in aliud tempus dilata, Peloponnesiis, quippe qui jam Eleusine erant, arma opposuerunt. | These, when they returned to their own land, were highly censured: and Cleomenes meanwhile, conceiving that he had been outrageously dealt with by the Athenians both with words and with deeds, was gathering together an army from the whole of the Peloponnese, not declaring the purpose for which he was gathering it, but desiring to take vengeance on the people of the Athenians, and intending to make Isagoras despot; for he too had come out of the Acropolis together with Cleomenes. Cleomenes then with a large army entered Eleusis, while at the same time the Boeotians by agreement with him captured Oinoe and Hysiai, the demes which lay upon the extreme borders of Attica, and the Chalkidians on the other side invaded and began to ravage various districts of Attica. The Athenians then, though attacked on more sides than one, thought that they would remember the Boeotians and Chalkidians afterwards, and arrayed themselves against the Peloponnesians who were in Eleusis. |
| 5.75 | Quum vero jam in eo essent utrimque exercitus ut ad manus venirent, ibi primum Corinthii, reputantes secum injuste se facere, retro conversi abscesserunt : deinde idem fecit Demaratus, Aristonis filius, qui et ipse rex erat Lacedæmoniorum, et una cum Cleomene exercitum eduxerat Lacedæmone, neque superiore tempore cum illo discordaverat. (2) Ab hoc vero dissidio facta lex est Spartæ, ne ambo reges, exeunte exercitu, castra sequerentur : adhuc enim ambo sequi consueverant : altero autem vacante a militia, alterum etiam Tyndaridarum domi relinqui ; nam ante id tempus hi ambo, tanquam auxiliares, secuti erant. (3) Tunc igitur reliqui socii, qui Eleusine erant, reges dissidere videntes, et Corinthios relinquere stationem, etiam ipsi converso agmine discessere. | Then as the armies were just about the join battle, the Corinthians first, considering with themselves that they were not acting rightly, changed their minds and departed; and after that Demaratos the son of Ariston did the same, who was king of the Spartans as well as Cleomenes, though he had joined with him in leading the army out from Lacedemon and had not been before this at variance with Cleomenes. In consequence of this dissension a law was laid down at Sparta that it should not be permitted, when an army went out, that both the kings should go with it, for up to this time both used to go with it, and that as one of the kings was set free from service, so one of the sons of Tyndareus also should be left behind; for before this time both of these two were called upon by them for help and went with the armies. At this time then in Eleusis the rest of the allies, seeing that the kings of the Lacedemonians did not agree and also that the Corinthians had deserted their place in the ranks, themselves too departed and got them away quickly. |
| 5.76 | Quarta hæc est expeditio, quam in Atticam suscepere Dorienses : bis enim hostiliter eam sunt ingressi, bis vero commodi causa populi Atheniensis. Primo quidem loco, quum Megara colonis frequentarunt (nam hæc expeditio, Codro regnante Athenis suscepta, prima merito nominabitur): iterum vero, atque tertio, quando ad ejiciendos Pisistratidas e Sparta advenerunt : quarto tunc, quum Peloponnesios ducens Cleomenes, Eleusinem invasit. Ita tunc quarta vice Dorienses Athenas invaserunt. | And this was the fourth time that the Dorians had come to Attica, twice having invaded it to make war against it, and twice to help the mass of the Athenian people — first when they at the same time colonised Megara (this expedition may rightly be designated as taking place when Codros was king of the Athenians), for the second and third times when they came making expeditions from Sparta to drive out the sons of Peisistratos, and fourthly on this occasion, when Cleomenes at the head of the Peloponnesians invaded Eleusis: thus the Dorians invaded Athens then for the fourth time. |
| 5.77 | Postquam inglorium hunc exitum habuit ista expeditio, tunc Athenienses, pœnas de Chalcidensibus sumpturi, primum adversus hos arma moverunt : Chalcidensibus vero Bœoti opem laturi ad Euripum properarunt. (2) Quos ubi conspicati sunt Athenienses, Bœotos prius quam Chalcidenses aggredi placuit. Pugna cum Bœotis commissa, insignem victoriam Athenienses reportarunt, plurimis eorum occisis, et septingentis captis. (3) Deinde eodem die in Eubœam transgressi Athenienses cum Chalcidensibus etiam pugnam committunt : quibus et ipsis prœlio victis, quater mille colonos in hippobotarum prædiis relinquunt : hippobotæ autem (id est, qui equos alunt) vocantur apud Chalcidenses homines locupletes. (4) Quotquot e Chalcidensibus vivos ceperant Athenienses, perinde atque Bœotos, in custodia habuerunt, compedibus vinctos. Interjecto vero tempore eosdem manumiserunt, binis minis æstimatos : compedes autem, quibus isti vincti fuerant, suspenderunt in acropoli ; quæ ad meam usque ætatem ibi superfuerunt, e muro pendentes a Medis ambusto, qui est ex adverso ædis occidentem spectantis. (5) Pretii autem redemptionis decimam consecrarunt, ex illaque quadrigam conficiendam curarunt æneam, quæ a sinistra stat primum ingredienti in propylæa quæ sunt in acropoli. Est autem in illa inscriptio hæc:
Bœotis populis Chalcidicaque manu, damna rependerunt vinclis et carcere cæco, quorum hæ de decima stant tibi, Pallas, equæ. » |
This army then having been ingloriously broken up, the Athenians after that, desiring to avenge themselves, made expedition first against the Chalkidians; and the Boeotians came to the Euripos to help the Chalkidians. The Athenians, therefore, seeing those who had come to help, resolved first to attack the Boeotians before the Chalkidians. Accordingly they engaged battle with the Boeotians, and had much the better of them, and after having slain very many they took seven hundred of them captive. On this very same day the Athenians passed over into Euboea and engaged battle with the Chalkidians as well; and having conquered these also, they left four thousand holders of allotments in the land belonging to the “Breeders of Horses”: now the wealthier of the Chalkidians were called the Breeders of Horses. And as many of them as they took captive, they kept in confinement together with the Boeotians who had been captured, bound with fetters; and then after a time they let them go, having fixed their ransom at two pounds of silver apiece: but their fetters, in which they had been bound, they hung up on the Acropolis; and these were still existing even to my time hanging on walls which had been scorched with fire by the Mede, and just opposite the sanctuary which lies towards the West. The tenth part of the ransom also they dedicated for an offering, and made of it a four-horse chariot of bronze, which stands on the left hand as you enter the Propylaia in the Acropolis, and on it is the following inscription:
The sons of Athens prevailed, conquered and tamed them in fight: In chains of iron and darkness they quenched their insolent spirit; And to Athene present these, of their ransom a tithe.” |
| 5.78 | Auctæ igitur erant Athenarum opes. Adparet autem, non hoc uno exemplo, sed ubique, quam præclara res sit juris æquabilitas. Nam et Athenienses, quamdiu sub tyrannis erant, nullis e finitimis populis bello fuerunt superiores ; tyrannis autem liberati, longe primi evaserunt. (2) Quæ res declarat, quoad tyrannide erant pressi, ultro illos minus fortiter rem gessisse, quippe pro domino laborantes : postquam vero in libertatem sunt restituti, unusquisque pro se ipse studiose dabat operam ut recte rem gereret. | The Athenians accordingly increased in power; and it is evident, not by one instance only but in every way, that Equality is an excellent thing, since the Athenians while they were ruled by despots were not better in war that any of those who dwelt about them, whereas after they had got rid of despots they became far the first. This proves that when they were kept down they were wilfully slack, because they were working for a master, whereas when they had been set free each one was eager to achieve something for himself. |
| 5.79 | In hoc igitur statu res Atheniensium erat. Thebani vero, ultionem sumpturi de Atheniensibus, Delphos miserunt qui deum consulerent. Quibus Pythia respondit, per se non posse illos ultionem capere ; sed rem ad clamosum (populum) referre jussit, et proximos rogare. (2) Legati domum reversi, convocata populi contione, renuntiant oraculi responsum. Tum Thebani, ubi ex his audiverunt proximos debere rogari, dixere : « Nimirum proximi a nobis habitant Tanagræi, et Coronæi, et Thespienses : atque hi constanter nobiscum pugnant, strenueque arma nobiscum usque sociant. Quid opus est hos rogare ? Immo videndum ne hæc non fuerit oraculi sententia. » | These then were faring thus: and the Thebans after this sent to the god, desiring to be avenged on the Athenians; the Pythian prophetess however said that vengeance was not possible for them by their own strength alone, but bade them report the matter to the “many-voiced” and ask help of those who were “nearest” to them. So when those who were sent to consult the Oracle returned, they made a general assembly and reported the oracle; and then the Thebans heard them say that they were to ask help of those who were nearest to them, they said: “Surely those who dwell nearest to us are the men of Tanagra and Coroneia and Thespiai; and these always fight zealously on our side and endure the war with us to the end: what need is there that we ask of these? Rather perhaps that is not the meaning of the oracle.” |
| 5.80 | Ita dum hi inter se disceptant, postremo aliquis, re audita, ait : « Ego mihi videor intelligere quid velit oraculum. Asopi dicuntur filiæ fuisse Thebe et Ægina : hæ quum sint sorores, puto jubere nos deum ab Æginetis auxilia petere. » (2) Et Thebani, quum nulla e sententiis, quæ dicebantur, hac potior esse videretur, protinus ad Æginetas miserunt, ex oraculi mandato auxilia ab illis petentes, ut qui sibi essent proximi. Petentibus Æginetæ tradentes Æacidarum imagines, responderunt, se eis Æacidas auxilio mittere. | While they commented upon it thus, at length one perceived “that which the oracle means to tell us. Asopos is said to have had two daughters born to him, Thebe and Egina; and as these are sisters, I think that the god gave us for answer that we should ask the men of Egina to become our helpers.” Then as there seemed to be no opinion expressed which was better than this, they sent forthwith and asked the men of Egina to help them, calling upon them in accordance with the oracle; and they, when these made request, said that they sent with them the sons of Aiacos to help them. |
| 5.81 | Thebani vero, Æacidarum auxilio freti, quum bello lacessissent Athenienses, aspere ab illis sunt accepti. Itaque iterum ad Æginetas miserunt, Æacidas illis reddentes, et virorum petentes auxilia. (2) Tum Æginetæ, opum magnitudine elati, et veteris memores inimicitiæ, quæ cum Atheniensibus obtinebat, precibus Thebanorum annuentes, bellum Atheniensibus non ante denuntiatum intulerunt. Nam dum hi Bœotis instabant, interim Æginetæ longis navibus in Atticam profecti, Phalerum diripiebant, multosque reliquæ regionis maritimæ pagos ; et ingens Atheniensibus damnum inferebant. | After that the Thebans, having made an attempt with the alliance of the sons of Aiacos and having been roughly handled by the Athenians, sent again and gave them back the sons of Aiacos and asked them for men. So the Eginetans, exalted by great prosperity and calling to mind an ancient grudge against the Athenians, then on the request of the Thebans commenced a war against the Athenians without notice: for while the Athenians were intent on the Boeotians, they sailed against them to Attica with ships of war, and they devastated Phaleron and also many demes in the remainder of the coast region, and so doing they deeply stirred the resentment of the Athenians. |
| 5.82 | Vetustum, quod dixi, Æginetarum adversus Athenienses odium hanc habuit originem. Epidauriorum terra fructum nullum ediderat. Quam ob calamitatem quum oraculum Delphicum consulerent Epidaurii, jussit eos Pythia Damiæ et Auxesiæ imagines statuere : id si fecissent, melius cum illis actum iri. (2) Sciscitabantur igitur Epidaurii, utrum æneas faciendas curarent statuas, an ligneas. Responditque Pythia, Neutrum horum ; sed e sativæ oleæ ligno. Igitur Epidaurii ab Atheniensibus veniam petunt oleam arborem cædendi, quod sanctissimas existimassent Atticas oleas : sunt etiam qui dicant, per id tempus nullibi terrarum oleas exstitisse, nisi Athenis. (3) Athenienses se illis potestatem facere dixerunt ea conditione, ut illi quotannis Minervæ Urbis Præsidi et Erechtheo victimas afferrent. In hanc conditionem consentientes Epidaurii, nacti sunt quod petierant, et statuas ex his oleis confectas posuerunt. Ac dehinc illis terra fructum ferebat, et ipsi Atheniensibus id, de quo inter eos convenerat, persolvebant. | Now the grudge which was due beforehand from the Eginetans to the Athenians came about from a beginning which was as follows — The land of the Epidaurians yielded to its inhabitants no fruit; and accordingly with reference to this calamity the Epidaurians went to inquire at Delphi, and the Pythian prophetess bade them set up images of Damia and Auxesia, and said that when they had set up these, they would meet with better fortune. The Epidaurians then asked further whether they should make images of bronze or of stone; and the prophetess bade them not use either of these, but make them of the wood of a cultivated olive-tree. The Epidaurians therefore asked the Athenians to allow them to cut for themselves an olive-tree, since they thought that their olives were the most sacred; nay some say that at that time there were no olives in any part of the earth except at Athens. The Athenians said that they would allow them on condition that they should every year bring due offerings to Athene Polias and to Erechtheus. The Epidaurians, then, having agreed to these terms, obtained that which they asked, and they made images out of these olive-trees and set them up: and their land bore fruit and they continued to fulfil towards the Athenians that which they had agreed to do. |
| 5.83 | Erant per illud adhuc tempus, sicuti etiam antea, Æginetæ Epidauriorum imperio subjecti, quum aliis in rebus, tum lites suas coram judice disceptaturi Epidaurum trajicere tenebantur. Deinde vero, constructis navibus, virium fiducia ferocientes, ab Epidauriis defecerunt. (2) Jamque ut hostes, et qui mari essent potentes, vexabant illos : atque etiam statuas hasce Damiæ et Auxesiæ illis subripuerunt, easque ablatas in mediterraneo suæ insulæ loco collocarunt, cui est Œa nomen et qui viginti fere ab urbe stadiis abest. (3) Hoc in loco erectas sacrificiis et cavillatoriis mulierum choris placabant, constitutis utrique dearum denis viris qui essent choragi. Dicteriis autem chori illi neminem virum lacessebant, sed mulieres indigenas. Eædem cærimoniæ apud Epidaurios obtinuerant : qui arcanis etiam sacris et ritibus utuntur. | Now during this time and also before this the Eginetans were subject to the Epidaurians, and besides other things they were wont to pass over to Epidauros to have their disputes with one another settled by law: but after this time they built for themselves ships and made revolt from the Epidaurians, moved thereto by wilfulness. So as they were at variance with them, they continued to inflict damage on them, since in fact they had command of the sea, and especially they stole away from them these images of Damia and Auxesia, and they brought them and set them up in the inland part of their country at a place called Oia, which is about twenty furlongs distant from their city. Having set them up in this spot they worshipped them with sacrifices and choruses of women accompanied with scurrilous jesting, ten men being appointed for each of the deities to provide the choruses: and the choruses spoke evil of no man, but only of the women of the place. Now the Epidaurians also had the same rites; and they have also rites which may not be divulged. |
| 5.84 | Epidaurii, e quo eis subreptæ hæ statuæ sunt, jam Atheniensibus ea, de quibus inter ipsos convenerant, non solvebant. (2) Qua de re per legatos secum expostulantibus Atheniensibus demonstrarunt Epidaurii, nullam se injuriam facere : quoad enim in sua terra habuissent illas statuas, quod pacti erant exsolvisse ; quibus sibi subreptis jam non æquum esse ut porro solvant, sed ab Æginetis, qui illas habeant, esse hoc exigendum. (3) Hoc accepto responso, Athenienses, Æginam missis legatis, statuas ab Æginetis repetiverunt : quibus illi responderunt, nihil sibi cum Atheniensibus esse negotii. | These images then having been stolen, the Epidaurians no longer continued to fulfil towards the Athenians that which they had agreed. The Athenians accordingly sent and expressed displeasure to the Epidaurians; and they declared saying that they were doing no wrong; for during the time when they had the images in their country they continued to fulfil that which they had agreed upon, but since they had been deprived of them, it was not just that they should make the offerings any more; and they bade them demand these from the men of Egina, who had the images. So the Athenians sent to Egina and demanded the images back; but the Eginetans said that they had nothing to do with the Athenians. |
| 5.85 | Jam porro ajunt Athenienses, postquam frustra repetitæ fuissent statuæ, profectos esse Athenis una triremi cives illos, qui publico nomine missi, quum Æginam pervenissent, statuas has, ut quæ ex ipsorum ligno fuissent confectæ, de basibus suis conati sunt abstrahere, Athenas transferendas. (2) Hos vero, quum isto modo compotes illarum fieri non potuissent, circumjectis funibus statuas traxisse. Sed dum trahebant, tonitru et cum tonitru exstitisse terræ motum : eaque re territos vectores illos qui trahebant, mente fuisse alienatos ; in furoremque actos, mutuo sese invicem, veluti hostes, interfecisse ; donec ex omnibus, qui triremi illa advenerant, unus superfuisset, solusque Phalerum rediisset. | The Athenians then report that in one single trireme were despatched those of their citizens who were sent by the State after this demand; who having come to Egina, attempted to tear up from off their pedestals the images, (alleging that they were made of wood which belonged to the Athenians), in order to carry them back with them: but not being able to get hold of them in this manner (say the Athenians) they threw ropes round them and were pulling them, when suddenly, as they pulled, thunder came on and an earthquake at the same time with the thunder; and the crew of the trireme who were pulling were made beside themselves by these, and being brought to this condition they killed one another as if they were enemies, until at last but one of the whole number was left; and he returned alone to Phaleron. |
| 5.86 | Athenienses igitur, rem ita gestam esse ajunt. Æginetæ vero contendunt, non una navi advenisse Athenienses : unam enim navem, atque etiam paulo plures una, etiamsi sibi nullæ naves fuissent, facile a se repelli potuisse : sed multis navibus terram suam aggressos esse Athenienses ; Æginetas vero his ultro cessisse, nec pugnæ navalis adiisse discrimen. (2) Illud vero liquido definire non possunt, utrum ea causa cesserint, quod se impares esse committendo prœlio navali intellexissent, an quod in animo habuissent facere id ipsum quod fecerunt. (3) Ajunt igitur, Athenienses, quum nemo ad pugnam paratus se illis opponeret, e navibus escendisse, atque iter versus statuas esse ingressos : quas ubi e basibus suis non potuissent avellere, ita circumjectis funibus illas traxisse, donec utraque statua, dum ita trahebatur, eandem rem fecerit ; rem narrantes mihi quidem non credibilem, sed fortasse alii cuipiam : dicunt enim, in genua illas coram trahentibus procubuisse, atque ex illo tempore in hoc statu mansisse. (4) Hæc igitur ab Atheniensibus gesta esse ajunt Æginetæ; se vero, postquam de expeditione, quam Athenienses adversus Æginam erant suscepturi, certiores fuissent facti, Argivos ut sibi præsto essent rogasse : (5) hosque, quo tempore Athenienses in Æginam escendissent, eodem tempore suppetias sibi ferentes affuisse ; et, quum clam ex Epidauro in insulam trajecissent, in inscios Athenienses, itinere a navibus intercluso, fecisse impetum : eodemque simul tempore tonitru et terræ motum illis exstitisse. | Thus the Athenians report that it came to pass: but the Eginetans say that it was not with a single ship that the Athenians came; for a single ship, and even a few more than one, they could have easily repelled, even if they had not happened to have ships of their own: but they say that the Athenians sailed upon their country with a large fleet of ships, and they gave way before them and did not fight a sea-battle. They cannot however declare with certainty whether they gave way thus because they admitted that they were not strong enough to fight the battle by sea, or because they intended to do something of the kind which they actually did. The Athenians then, they say, as no one met them in fight, landed from their ships and made for the images; but not being able to tear them up from their pedestals, at last they threw ropes round them and began to pull, until the images, as they were being pulled, did both the same thing (and here they report something which I cannot believe, but some other man may), for they say that the images fell upon their knees to them and that they continue to be in that position ever since this time. The Athenians, they say, were doing thus; and meanwhile they themselves (say the Eginetans), being informed that the Athenians were about to make an expedition against them, got the Argives to help them; and just when the Athenians had disembarked upon the Eginetan land, the Argives had come to their rescue, and not having been perceived when they passed over from Epidauros to the island, they fell upon the Athenians before these had heard anything of the matter, cutting them off secretly from the way to their ships; and at this moment it was that the thunder and the earthquake came upon them. |
| 5.87 | Hæc Argivi atque Æginetæ memorant. Ceterum Athenienses etiam fatentur, unum solummodo e suis salvum in Atticam rediisse ; nisi quod Argivi ajunt, e clade, quam ipsi intulissent Attico exercitui, unum illum superstitem fuisse ; Athenienses vero ajunt, e clade quam deus ipsis immisisset. Verumtamen ne hunc quidem, ajunt, calamitati supervixisse ; sed periisse tali modo. (2) Athenas ut rediit, nuntiavit calamitatem : quo divulgato nuntio, uxores virorum qui expeditionis in Æginam susceptæ fuerant socii, indigne ferentes solum hunc ex omnibus salvum rediisse, circa hominem circumfusas, fibulis vestium suarum fodicasse hominem, quæsisseque ex eo unamquamque, ubinam suus esset maritus. (3) Atque ita illum periisse : Atheniensibus autem hoc mulierum factum ipsa clade tristius fuisse visum ; in quas quum alia ratione animadvertere non possent, vestem illarum in Ionicam mutarunt. Prius enim Doricam vestem gestaverant Atticæ mulieres, Corinthiacæ vesti simillimam : hanc igitur linea tunica permutarunt, quo ne fibulis utantur. | This is the report which is given by the Argives and Eginetans both, and it is admitted by the Athenians also that but one alone of them survived and came back to Attica: only the Argives say that this one remained alive from destruction wrought by them upon the army of Athens, while the Athenians say that the divine power was the destroyer. However, even this one man did not remain alive, but perished, they say, in the following manner — when he returned to Athens he reported the calamity which had happened; and the wives of the men who had gone on the expedition to Egina, hearing it and being very indignant that he alone of all had survived, came round this man and proceeded to stab him with the brooches of their mantles, each one of them asking of him where her husband was. Thus he was slain; and to the Athenians it seemed that the deed of the women was a much more terrible thing even than the calamity which had happened; and not knowing, it is said, how they should punish the women in any other way, they changed their fashion of dress to that of Ionia — for before this the women of the Athenians wore Dorian dress, very like that of Corinth — they changed it therefore to the linen tunic, in order that they might not have use for brooches. |
| 5.88 | Est autem, verum si quærimus, non Ionicum hoc vestimentum, sed Caricum : nam omnium mulierum Græcarum vestimentum olim idem fuerat quod nunc Doricum nominamus. (2) Ajunt autem, apud Argivos et Æginetas ex occasione illius facti invaluisse morem, qui etiam nunc apud utrosque obtinet, ut fibulas faciant dimidio quam ad id tempus majores, utque in templo harum dearum fibulas maxime dedicent mulieres ; tum lege apud illos cautum fuisse, ut nec aliud quidquam quod ex Attica profectum sit, in templum inferatur, nec fictile Atticum, sed ex indigenis ollulis posthac ibi bibatur. (3) Certe Argivorum et Æginetarum mulieres ab illo inde tempore e contentione cum Atheniensibus, ad meam usque ætatem, majores quam antea fibulas gestabant. | In truth however this fashion of dress is not Ionian originally but Carian, for the old Hellenic fashion of dress for women was universally the same as that which we now call Dorian. Moreover it is said that with reference to these events the Argives and Eginetans made it a custom among themselves in both countries to have the brooches made half as large again as the size which was then established in use, and that their women should offer brooches especially in the temple of these goddesses, and also that they should carry neither pottery of Athens nor anything else of Athenian make to the temple, but that it should be the custom for the future to drink there from pitchers made in the lands themselves. The women of the Argives and Eginetans from this time onwards because of the quarrel with the Athenians continued to wear brooches larger than before, and still do so even to my time. |
| 5.89 | Inimicitiæ Atheniensium adversus Æginetas isto, quod exposui, principio ortum ceperant. Nunc igitur Æginetæ a Thebanis auxilio vocati, memores rerum circa statuas gestarum, libenter suppetias venere Thebanis. (2) Itaque maritima Atticæ ora ab Æginetis diripiebatur. Atheniensibus vero, expeditionem in Æginetas parantibus, allatum est Delphis oraculum, jubens, ut triginta annos, e quo injuriæ initium fecissent Æginetæ, abstinerent bello ; primo autem et trigesimo anno belli adversus Æginetas initium facerent, postquam Æaco templum statuissent. Id si fecissent, rem eis e voluntate cessuram. Sin protinus susciperent bellum, multa medio tempore passuros, multa vero etiam facturos ; verumtamen ad extremum subacturos Æginam. (3) Hæc renuntiata ubi audivere Athenienses, Æaco templum statuerunt, quod etiam nunc in foro exstructum conspicitur : triginta vero annos non sustinuerunt bello abstinere, quamquam audiverant ita præcipi oraculo, quippe qui tam indigna ab Æginetis essent passi. | And the origin of the enmity of the Athenians towards the Eginetans came in the manner which has been said. So at this time, when the Thebans invaded them, the Eginetans readily came to the assistance of the Boeotians, calling to mind what occurred about the images. The Eginetans then were laying waste, as I have said, the coast regions of Attica; and when the Athenians were resolved to make an expedition against the Eginetans, an oracle came to them from Delphi bidding them stay for thirty years reckoned from the time of the wrong done by the Eginetans, and in the one-and-thirtieth year to appoint a sacred enclosure for Aiacos and then to begin the war against the Eginetans, and they would succeed as they desired; but if they should make an expedition against them at once, they would suffer in the meantime very much evil and also inflict very much, but at last they would subdue them. When the Athenians heard the report of this, they appointed a sacred enclosure for Aiacos, namely that which is now established close to the market-place, but they could not endure to hear that they must stay for thirty years, when they had suffered injuries from the Eginetans. |
| 5.90 | Sed dum ad ultionem capiendam sese comparant, objicitur illis impedimentum a Lacedæmoniis suscitatum. (2) Quum enim dolum cognovissent Lacedæmonii, quem Alcmeonidæ cum Pythia adversus se et adversus Pisistratidas erant machinati, duplici dolore affecti sunt ; quod et viros, qui hospites ipsorum fuerant, patria pepulissent, et quod nullam sibi ob id factum gratiam ab Atheniensibus haberi viderent. (3) Præter hæc moverunt eos oracula, quæ multa sibi indigna ab Atheniensibus imminere prædicebant : quæ oracula, quum antea ignorassent, per id tempus illis innotuere, a Cleomene Spartam delata. (4) Nactus enim Cleomenes erat ex arce Athenarum oracula illa, quæ olim Pisistratidæ habuerant, eaque, quum Athenis pellerentur, in templo reliquerant. Hæc ibi relicta Cleomenes acceperat. | While however they were preparing to take vengeance, a matter arose from the Lacedemonians which provided a hindrance to them: for the Lacedemonians, having learnt that which had been contrived by the Alcmaionidai with respect to the Pythian prophetess, and that which had been contrived by the Pythian prophetess against themselves and the sons of Peisistratos, were doubly grieved, not only because they had driven out into exile men who were their guest-friends, but also because after they had done this no gratitude was shown to them by the Athenians. Moreover in addition to this, they were urged on by the oracles which said that many injuries would be suffered by them from the Athenians; of which oracles they had not been aware of before, but they had come to know them, since Cleomenes had brought them to Sparta. In fact Cleomenes had obtained from the Acropolis of the Athenians those oracles which the sons of Peisistratos possessed before and had left in the temple when they were driven out; and Cleomenes recovered them after they had been left behind. |
| 5.91 | Tum igitur Lacedæmonii, acceptis his oraculis, quum Athenienses viderent augeri opibus, et neutiquam paratos Lacedæmoniis parere, reputarunt secum, populum Atheniensem, si libertate uteretur, sibi viribus fore parem ; sin tyrannide premeretur, infirmum fore et ad parendum paratum. Hæc singula perpendentes Hippiam Pisistrati filium a Sigeo ad Hellespontum, quo confugerant Pisistratidæ, arcessiverunt. (2) Qui postquam vocatus advenit, convocatis etiam ceterorum sociorum legatis, hæc ad eos verba Spartani fecerunt : « Viri socii, agnovimus fatemurque non recte nos fecisse. Ementitis enim oraculis inducti, viros hospitii jure inprimis nobiscum conjunctos, quique Athenas nobis obnoxias reddere receperant, patria ejecimus, et post hoc peractum ingrato populo urbem et rempublicam restituimus : qui postquam per nos liberatus vires recepit, nos et regem nostrum contumeliose urbe ejecit, et magnos spiritus sumens crescit : quod experti sunt maxime finitimi illorum Bœoti et Chalcidenses, brevi vero etiam alii experientur, qui recta non inierint consilia. (3) Quoniam igitur nos, ista faciendo, peccavimus, nunc operam dabimus, ut una vobiscum illos aggressi puniamus. Hanc enim ipsam ob causam et Hippiam hunc arcessivimus, et vos e civitatibus convocavimus, ut communi consilio et consociatis armis, illum Athenas reducamus, eique quæ ademimus restituamus. » | At this time, then, when the Lacedemonians had recovered the oracles and when they saw that the Athenians were increasing in power and were not at all willing to submit to them, observing that the Athenian race now that it was free was becoming a match for their own, whereas when held down by despots it was weak and ready to be ruled — perceiving, I say, all these things, they sent for Hippias the son of Peisistratos to come from Sigeion on the Hellespont, whither the family of Peisistratos go for refuge; and when Hippias had come upon the summons, the Spartans sent also for envoys to come from their other allies and spoke to them as follows: “Allies, we are conscious within ourselves that we have not acted rightly; for incited by counterfeit oracles we drove out into exile men who were very closely united with us as guest-friends and who undertook the task of rendering Athens submissive to us, and then after having done this we delivered over the State to a thankless populace, which so soon as it had raised its head, having been freed by our means drove out us and our king with wanton outrage; and now exalted with pride it is increasing in power, so that the neighbors of these men first of all, that is the Boeotians and Chalkidians, have already learnt, and perhaps some others also will afterwards learn, that they committed an error. As however we erred in doing those things of which we have spoken, we will try now to take vengeance on them, going thither together with you; since it was for this very purpose that we sent for Hippias, whom ye see here, and for you also, to come from your cities, in order that with common counsel and a common force we might conduct him to Athens and render back to him that which we formerly took away.” |
| 5.92 | Hæc Spartani dixerunt. Quæ quum plerisque sociorum displicuissent, alii quidem silentium tenuere, sed Corinthius Sosicles in hunc modum est locutus : (α.) « Profecto nimirum cœlum sub terram subibit, et terra supra cœlum erit sublimis, hominesque habitabunt in mari, et pisces domicilium occupabunt hominum, quando vos quidem, Lacedæmonii, juris æquabilitate sublata, tyrannides in civitate reducere paratis : quo nihil est inter homines iniquius, nihil sceleratius. (2) Etenim, si vobis bonum hoc videtur, ut a tyrannis regantur civitates, ipsi primum apud vos ipsos tyrannum constituite, atque sic deinde apud alios constituere temptate ! Nunc, qui tyrannos nunquam estis experti ipsi, diligentissimeque cavetis ne quis Spartæ exoriatur, indigne cum sociis agitis. (3) Quodsi vos experti tyrannos essetis, quemadmodum nos, meliores de hac re, quam nunc, sententias in consilium afferre possetis. (β.) Apud Corinthios olim status civitatis hususmodi fuit : erat oligarchia ; et hi qui Bacchiadæ nominabantur administrabant civitatem, nec nisi inter se matrimonia inibant mutua. (4) Ex eorum numero virorum Amphioni erat filia pede clauda, cui nomen Labda : quam quum nemo Bacchiadarum ducere vellet uxorem, duxit eam Eetion (sive Aetion), Echecratis filius, homo e pago Petra, ceterum generis origine Lapitha et Cænides. Cui quum nec ex hac, nec ex alia uxore, liberi essent nati ; (5) proficiscitur ille Delphos, de sobole consulturus. Et intrantem protinus Pythia his est verbis allocuta:
Gravida est Labda, saxumque volubile pariet, quod incidet in viros monarchos, et castigabit Corinthum. » validum, carnivorum, qui multorum genua solvet. Hoc bene in animis versate, Corinthii, qui circa pulcram Pirenen habitatis et superciliosam Corinthum (Acrocorinthum). » Cypselus Aetides, claræ rex ille Corinthi, ipse, et eo nati, sed nulli deinde nepotes. » |
Thus they spoke; but the majority of the allies did not approve of their words. The rest however kept silence, but the Corinthian Socles spoke as follows: (a) “Surely now the heaven shall be below the earth, and the earth raised up on high above the heaven, and men shall have their dwelling in the sea, and fishes shall have that habitation which men had before, seeing that ye, Lacedemonians, are doing away with free governments and are preparing to bring back despotism again into our cities, than which there is no more unjust or more murderous thing among men. For if in truth this seems to you to be good, namely that the cities should be ruled by despots, do ye yourselves first set up a despot in your own State, and then endeavor to establish them also for others: but as it is, ye are acting unfairly towards your allies, seeing that ye have had no experience of despots yourselves and provide with the greatest care at Sparta that this may never come to pass. If however ye had had experience of it, as we have had, ye would be able to contribute juster opinions of it than at present. (b) For the established order of the Corinthian State was this — the government was an oligarchy, and the oligarchs, who were called Bacchiadai, had control over the State and made marriages among themselves. Now one of these men, named Amphion, had a daughter born to him who was lame, and her name was Labda. This daughter, since none of the Bacchiadai wished to marry her, was taken to wife by Aëtion the son of Echecrates, who was of the deme of Petra, but by original descent a Lapith and of the race of Caineus. Neither from this wife nor from another were children born to him, therefore he set out to Delphi to inquire about offspring; and as he entered, forthwith the prophetess addressed him in these lines:
Labda conceives, and a rolling rock will she bear, which shall ruin Down on the heads of the kings, and with chastisement visit Corinthos.’” Strong and fierce to devour, who the knees of many shall loosen. Ponder this well in your minds, I bid you, Corinthians, whose dwelling Lies about fair Peirene’s spring and in craggy Corinthos.’” Offspring of Aëtion, he shall rule in famous Corinthos, Kypselos, he and his sons, but his children’s children no longer.’” |
| Hoc accepto responso postquam tyrannide potitus est Cypselus, vir fuit hujusmodi : multos Corinthiorum in exilium ejecit, multis bona eripuit, sed longe plurimis vitam. (ζ.) Huic, quum triginta regnasset annos, et prospera in fortuna vitam finisset, successor tyrannidis fuit filius Periander. (14) et Periander quidem initio mitior erat quam pater : sed, e quo per nuntios commercium habuit cum Thrasybulo, Milesiorum tyranno, multo etiam sanguinolentior evasit Cypselo. Misso enim ad Thrasybulum præcone quæsivit ex illo, quo pacto, rebus omnibus firmissime constitutis, optime præesset civitati. (15) Thrasybulus, homine qui a Periandro missus erat extra urbem educto, ingressus est arvum quoddam satum, cum illoque per segetem ambulans, sciscitansque ex eo et repetere jubens causam cur ad se Corintho missus esset, detruncabat iterim ut quamque vidit spicam super alias eminentem, præcisamque abjiciebat, donec pulcherrimam et pinguissimam segetis partem tali modo corrupit : denique, postquam agrum ita pervagatus est, dimisit legatum, nullum verbum ei præcipiens. (16) Ubi Corinthum rediit legatus, cupidus erat Periander cognoscendi Thrasybuli præcepta. At ille, nihil, ait, sibi mandasse Thrasybulum : mirari se vero qualem ad hominem a Periandro missus esset, vesanum quippe, et qui sua ipse destrueret. His dictis renuntiavit, quid agentem Thrasybulum vidisset. (η.) At Periander, intelligens factum, reputansque moneri se a Thrasybulo ut eminentiores quosque cives interimeret, tum vero omnem adversus cives nequitiam cœpit exercere. Nam quidquid Cypselus occidendo et in exilium mittendo reliquum fecerat, id Periander consummavit. Atque etiam uno die universas mulieres Corinthias vestibus exuit, uxoris suæ gratia Melissæ. (17) Etenim quum in Thesprotiam ad Acherontem fluvium legatos misisset, qui oraculum, quod ibi per mortuorum evocationem responsa dat, consulerent de hospitis alicujus deposito, evocata Melissa respondit : « se nec significaturam, nec edicturam quo loco esset illud depositum : algere enim se, et esse nudam ; nam quæ sepulta secum fuissent vestimenta, nihil sibi prodesse, quum non fuerint combusta. Argumentum autem, quo cognoscere Periander possit vere hæc a se dici, hoc esse, quod ille in frigidum furnum panes ingessisset. » (18) Hæc postquam Periandro sunt renuntiata, quum satis certum ipsi esset illud veritatis argumentum, quippe qui cum mortua coiisset Melissa ; statim post acceptum nuntium præconio edixit, ut omnes Corinthiorum mulieres in Junonis templum convenirent. (19) Et illæ, tanquam ad solennitatem, pulcherrimo ornatu instructæ convenerunt. Ille vero constitutis ad hoc satellitibus, vestimentis cunctas exuit, liberas perinde mulieres, et illarum famulas : collatasque in fossam vestes, invocatis Melissæ manibus, cremavit. (20) Quo facto, ubi iterum ad necromantium misit, demonstravit ei Melissæ idolum, quo in loco depositum hospitis collocasset. Hujusmodi vobis est tyrannis, o Lacedæmonii, et talia sunt illius facta ! (21) Nos vero Corinthii tunc statim mirabamur, quum a vobis Hippiam arcessiri cognovimus ; nunc vero etiam magis miramur hæc a vobis verba fieri ; vosque obtestamur, deos invocantes Græciæ præsides, ne tyrannides in civitatibus contituatis. Non igitur ab eo incepto abstinebitis, sed conaturi estis præter id quod justum est reducere Hippiam ? Scitote Corinthios quidem non probaturos esse factum vestrum. » | Such was the oracle: and Kypselos when he became despot was a man of this character — many of the Corinthians he drove into exile, many he deprived of their wealth, and very many more of their lives. (f) And when he had reigned for thirty years and had brought his life to a prosperous end, his son Periander became his successor in the despotism. Now Periander at first was milder than his father; but after he had had dealings through messengers with Thrasybulos the despot of Miletos, he became far more murderous even than Kypselos. For he sent a messenger to Thrasybulos and asked what settlement of affairs was the safest for him to make, in order that he might best govern his State: and Thrasybulos led forth the messenger who had come from Periander out of the city, and entered into a field of growing corn; and as he passed through the crop of corn, while inquiring and asking questions repeatedly of the messenger about the occasion of his coming from Corinth, he kept cutting off the heads of those ears of corn which he saw higher than the rest; and as he cut off their heads he cast them away, until he had destroyed in this manner the finest and richest part of the crop. So having passed through the place and having suggested no word of counsel, he dismissed the messenger. When the messenger returned to Corinth, Periander was anxious to hear the counsel which had been given; but he said that Thrasybulos had given him no counsel, and added that he wondered at the deed of Periander in sending him to such a man, for the man was out of his senses and a waster of his own goods — relating at the same time that which he had seen Thrasybulos do. (g) So Periander, understanding that which had been done and perceiving that Thrasybulos counselled him to put to death those who were eminent among his subjects, began then to display all manner of evil treatment to the citizens of the State; for whatsoever Kypselos had left undone in killing and driving into exile, this Periander completed. And in one day he stripped all the wives of the Corinthians of their clothing on account of his own wife Melissa. For when he had sent messengers to the Thesprotians on the river Acheron to ask the Oracle of the dead about a deposit made with him by a guest-friend, Melissa appeared and said she would not tell in what place the deposit was laid, for she was cold and had no clothes, since those which he had buried with her were of no use to her, not having been burnt; and this, she said, would be an evidence to him that she was speaking the truth, namely that when the oven was cold, Periander had put his loaves into it. When the report of this was brought back to Periander, the token made him believe, because he had had commerce with Melissa after she was dead; and straightway after receiving the message he caused proclamation to be made that all the wives of the Corinthians should come out to the temple of Hera. They accordingly went as to a festival in their fairest adornment; and he having set the spearmen of his guard in ambush, stripped them all alike, both the free women and their attendant; and having gathered together all their clothes in a place dug out, he set fire to them, praying at the same time to Melissa. Then after he had done this and had sent a second time, the apparition of Melissa told him in what spot he had laid the deposit entrusted to him by his guest-friend. “Such a thing, ye must know, Lacedemonians, is despotism, and such are its deeds: and we Corinthians marvelled much at first when we saw that ye were sending for Hippias, and now we marvel even more because ye say these things; and we adjure you, calling upon the gods of Hellas, not to establish despotisms in the cities. If however ye will not cease from your design, but endeavor to restore Hippias contrary to that which is just, know that the Corinthians at least do not give their consent to that which ye do.” | |
| 5.93 | Hæc quum locutus esset Sosicles, Corinthiorum legatus ; respondit Hippias, eosdem quos ille deos testes invocans, certe Corinthios maxime desideraturos esse Pisistratidas, quando affuerint illis statuti dies, quibus illos vexaturi sint Athenienses. (2) Hæc illi Hippias respondit, ut qui omnium accuratissime cognita haberet oraculorum effata. Reliqui e sociis silentium adhuc tenuerant : postquam vero Sosiclem audiverunt libere verba facientem, pro se quisque vocem rumpens, accedebant sententiæ Corinthii, obtestabanturque Lacedæmonios, ne quid adversus Græcam civitatem novi molirentur. | Socles being the envoy of Corinth thus spoke, and Hippias made answer to him, calling to witness the same gods as he, that assuredly the Corinthians would more than all others regret the loss of the sons of Peisistratos, when the appointed days should have come for them to be troubled by the Athenians. Thus Hippias made answer, being acquainted with the oracles more exactly than any other man: but the rest of the allies, who for a time had restrained themselves and kept silence, when they heard Socles speak freely, gave utterance every one of them to that which they felt, and adopted the opinion of the Corinthian envoy, adjuring the Lacedemonians not to do any violence to a city of Hellas. |
| 5.94 | Atque ita hæc res finem habuit. Hippiæ vero Lacedæmone profecto Amyntas Macedo Anthemunta oppidum obtulit, Thessali vero Iolcon. At ille, neutrum accipiens, Sigeum rediit ; quod oppidum armis Pisistratus Mytilenæis eripuerat, et tyrannum ibi constituerat filium suum nothum Hegesistratum, ex Argiva muliere natum. Nec vero citra belli discrimen tenuerat ille regionem a Pisistrato acceptam. (2) Diu enim inter se Mytilenæi et Athenienses armis decertarunt, illi ex Achilleo oppido erumpentes, hi e Sigeo ; et illi quidem suam repetentes ditionem, Athenienses vero negantes illorum esse, et rationibus arguentes, nihilo magis ad Æolenses pertinere Iliadem ditionem, quam ad se et ad reliquos Hellenes, qui cum Menelao ulti essent Helenæ raptum. | Thus was this brought to an end: and Hippias being dismissed from thence had Anthemus offered to him by Amyntas king of the Macedonians and Iolcos by the Thessalians. He however accepted neither of these, but retired again to Sigeion; which city Peisistratos had taken by force of arms from the Mytilenians, and having got possession of it, had appointed his own natural son Hegesistratos, born of an Argive woman, to be despot of it: he however did not without a struggle keep possession of that which he received from Peisistratos; for the Mytilenians and Athenians carried on war for a long time, having their strongholds respectively at Achilleion and at Sigeion, the one side demanding that the place be restored to them, and the Athenians on the other hand not admitting this demand, but proving by argument that the Aiolians had no better claim to the territory of Ilion than they and the rest of the Hellenes, as many as joined with Menelaos in exacting vengeance for the rape of Helen. |
| 5.95 | Dum hi inter se bellum gerebant, quum alia multa atque varia in prœliis gesta erant, tum Alcæus poeta, prœlio facto, in quo victores erant Athenienses, fuga quidem ipse evaserat, sed armorum ipsius Athenienses erant potiti, qui ea in Minervæ templo Sigei suspenderunt. (2) Quam rem Alcæus, lyrico carmine descriptam, Mytilenen nuntiavit, certiorem faciens de calamitate sua Melanippum, unum de suis amicis. Mytilenæos vero et Athenienses reconciliavit deinde Periander, Cypseli filius, quem suarum contentionum arbitrum utrique constituerant : conciliavit autem hac ratione, ut utrique eam tenerent regionem, quam possiderent. Ita Sigeum sub Atheniensium venerat potestatem. | Now while these carried on the war, besides many other things of various kinds which occurred in the battles, once when a fight took place and the Athenians were conquering, Alcaios the poet, taking to flight, escaped indeed himself, but the Athenians retained possession of his arms and hung them up on the walls of the temple of Athene which is at Sigeion. About this matter Alcaios composed a song and sent it to Mytilene, reporting therein his misadventure to one Melanippos, who was his friend. Finally Periander the son of Kypselos made peace between the Athenians and the Mytilenians, for to him they referred the matter as arbitrator; and he made peace between them on the condition that each should continue to occupy that territory which they then possessed. |
| 5.96 | Hippias vero, ut Lacedæmone in Asiam pervenit, omnia movebat, insimulando Athenienses apud Artaphernem, omniaque moliebatur quibus efficeret, ut Athenæ in suam et Darii venirent potestatem. (2) Dum hæc Hippias agebat, re cognita, Athenienses Sardes misere legatos, qui Persas hortarentur, ne morem gererent exsulibus Atheniensium. (3) At eos Artaphernes, si salvi esse vellent, jussit Hippiam recipere. Quam conditionem ad se relatum quum neutiquam admitterent Athenienses, decreverunt e professo hostes esse Persarum. | Sigeion then in this matter had come under the rule of the Athenians. And when Hippias had returned to Asia from Lacedemon, he set everything in motion, stirring up enmity between the Athenians and Artaphrenes, and using every means to secure that Athens should come under the rule of himself and of Dareios. Hippias, I say, was thus engaged; and the Athenians meanwhile hearing of these things sent envoys to Sardis, and endeavored to prevent the Persians from following the suggestions of the exiled Athenians. Artaphrenes however commanded them, if they desired to be preserved from ruin, to receive Hippias back again. This proposal the Athenians were not by any means disposed to accept when it was reported; and as they did not accept this, it became at once a commonly received opinion among them that they were enemies of the Persians. |
| 5.97 | Per idem tempus, quo id decreverant Athenienses, et odium incurrerant Persarum, Milesius Aristagoras, a Cleomene Lacedæmonio Sparta pulsus, venit Athenas : hæc enim civitas inter ceteras potentia maxime eminebat. (2) In contionem igitur populi progressus Aristagoras eadem quæ Spartæ verba fecit, de Asiæ bonis, et de bello cum Persis, quam faciles hi essent superatu, ut qui nec scuto nec hasta uterentur. (3) Præter hæc commemorabat, Atheniensium colonos esse Milesios, et æquum esse ut ab illis servarentur qui potentia præstarent. Denique nihil non pollicebatur, impense rogans ; donec eis persuasit. (4) Videtur enim facilius esse decipere multitudinem, quam unum hominem : nam unum quidem Cleomenem Lacedæmonium non potuerat decipere, sed triginta Atheniensium milia facile potuit. (5) Athenienses igitur, oratione illius persuasi, decreverunt viginti naves auxilio mittere Ionibus, quarum ducem nominarunt Melanthium, civem quovis nomine probatum. Hæ naves et Græcis et barbaris principium fuere malorum. | While they had these thoughts and had been set at enmity with the Persians, at this very time Aristagoras the Milesian, ordered away from Sparta by Cleomenes the Lacedemonian, arrived at Athens; for this was the city which had most power of all the rest besides Sparta. And Aristagoras came forward before the assembly of the people and said the same things as he had said at Sparta about the wealth which there was in Asia, and about the Persian manner of making war, how they used neither shield nor spear and were easy to overcome. Thus I say he said, and also he added this, namely that the Milesians were colonists from the Athenians, and that it was reasonable that the Athenians should rescue them, since they had such great power; and there was nothing which he did not promise, being very urgent in his request, until at last he persuaded them: for it would seem that it is easier to deceive many than one, seeing that, though he did not prove able to deceive Cleomenes the Lacedemonian by himself, yet he did this to thirty thousand Athenians. The Athenians then, I say, being persuaded, voted a resolution to despatch twenty ships to help the Ionians, and appointed to command them Melanthios one of their citizens, who was in all things highly reputed. These ships proved to be the beginning of evils for the Hellenes and the Barbarians. |
| 5.98 | Aristagoras ante illarum egressum domum revectus, postquam Miletum pervenit, consilium cepit, e quo nihil quidem utilitatis rediturum ad Ionas erat ; neque etiam hac causa id fecit, sed quo regi Dario crearet molestiam : hominem misit in Phrygiam ad Pæones illos, qui a Strymone fluvio captivi abducti a Megabazo, regionem vicunque Phrygiæ seorsum habitabant. Ad quos ubi pervenit legatus, his verbis cum eis egit : « Pæones, inquit, misit me Aristagoras Mileti tyrannus, ut salutis viam, si obtemperare volueritis, vobis ostendam. (2) Etenim Ionia nunc universa descivit a rege, licetque vobis salvis in patriam redire vestram. Ad mare quidem ut perveniatis, vos ipsi curabitis : reliqua jam nobis curæ erunt. » His auditis, lætati admodum Pæones, cum liberis et uxoribus ad mare se fuga receperunt : nonnulli tamen ex eisdem, metu retenti, loco se non moverunt. (3) Postquam ad mare pervenere Pæones, Chium inde trajecere. Quumque jam in Chio essent, e vestigio venit Persarum equitum magna manus, illos prosequentium : qui ubi Pæones non sunt consecuti, Chium miserunt præconem, ab illisque ut redirent postularunt. (4) Sed Pæones, propositam aspernati conditionem, Chio a Chiis Lesbum sunt transducti, Lesbiique eos Doriscum trajecerunt : inde vero pedibus redeuntes, in Pæoniam pervenerunt. | Aristagoras however sailed on before and came to Miletos; and then having devised a plan from which no advantage was likely to come for the Ionians (nor indeed was he doing what he did with a view to that, but in order to vex king Dareios), he sent a man to Phrygia to the Piaonians who had been taken captive by Megabazos from the river Strymon, and who were dwelling in a district and village of Phrygia apart by themselves; and when the messenger came to the Paionians he spoke these words: “Paionians, Aristagoras the despot of Miletos sent me to offer to you salvation, if ye shall be willing to do as he says; for now all Ionia has revolted from the king and ye have an opportunity of coming safe to your own land: to reach the sea shall be your concern, and after this it shall be thenceforth ours.” The Paionians hearing this received it as a most welcome proposal, and taking with them their children and their women they began a flight to the sea; some of them however were struck with fear and remained in the place where they were. Having come to the coast the Paionians crossed over thence to Chios, and when they were already in Chios there arrived in their track a large body of Persian horsemen pursuing the Paionians. These, as they did not overtake them, sent over to Chios to bid the Paionians return back: the Paionians however did not accept their proposal, but the men of Chios conveyed them from Chios to Lesbos, and the Lesbians brought them to Doriscos, and thence they proceeded by land and came to Paionia. |
| 5.99 | Interim Athenienses cum viginti navibus Miletum advenerunt, quas sequebantur quinque triremes Eretriensium. Et Eretrienses quidem non Atheniensium gratia huic se adjunxerant expeditioni, sed ipsis Milesiis gratum facturi, beneficiumque ab illis acceptum rependentes. Namque Milesii prius sociam Eretriensibus operam in bello cum Chalcidensibus præstiterant, quo tempore Samii Chalcidensibus adversus Eretrienses et Milesios miserant auxilia. Athenienses igitur postquam advenere cum Eretriensibus, quum et reliqui adessent socii, expeditionem adversus Sardes suscepit Aristagoras : (2) ita quidem ut in bellum ipse non proficisceretur, sed Mileti maneret, constitutis aliis Milesiorum ducibus, fratre suo Charopino, et e reliquorum numero civium Hermophanto. | Aristagoras meanwhile, when the Athenians had arrived with twenty ships, bringing with them also five triremes of the Eretrians, joined the expedition not for the sake of the Athenians but of the Milesians themselves, to repay them a debt which they owed (for the Milesians in former times had borne with the Eretrians the burden of all that war which they had with the Chalkidians at the time when the Chalkidians on their side were helped by the Samians against the Eretrians and Milesians) — when these, I say, had arrived and the other allies were on the spot, Aristagoras proceeded to make a march upon Sardis. On this march he did not go himself, but remained at Miletos and appointed others to be in command of the Milesians, namely his brother Charopinos and of the other citizens one Hermophantos. |
| 5.100 | Hac classe quum Ephesum pervenissent Iones, relictis navibus Coressi in finibus Ephesiorum, ipsi magna manu ascenderunt, viæ ducibus utentes Ephesiis. (2) Progressi autem secundum Caystrium flumen, inde superato Tmolo, Sardes pervenere ; et urbem capiunt, nemine contra prodeunte : nempe reliqua omnia occuparunt præter arcem ; arcem vero ipse Artaphernes cum haud exigua vi militum tutabatur. | With this force then the Ionians came to Ephesos, and leaving their ships at Coresos in the land of Ephesos, went up themselves in a large body, taking Ephesians to guide them in their march. So they marched along by the river Caÿster, and then when they arrived after crossing the range of Tmolos, they took Sardis without any resistance, all except the citadel, but the citadel Artaphrenes himself saved from capture, having with him a considerable force of men. |
| 5.101 | Quominus vero captam diripere possent urbem, hæc res fuit impedimento : erant Sardibus pleræque domus ex arundine constructæ; quæcunque vero etiam e lateribus, earum tecta arundinea erant. Harum unam quum incendisset quidam e militibus, continuo de domo in domum grassatus ignis universam urbem depascebat. (2) Ardente urbe, Lydi et quicunque Persæ in urbe erant, undique interclusi, utpote extrema absumente incendio, neque exitum ullam habentes ex urbe, in forum confluxerunt ad Pactolum fluvium : qui fluvius auri ramenta illis e Tmolo deferens, per medium forum labitur, et deinde Hermo fluvio miscetur, qui in mare influit. Ad hunc igitur Pactolum et in forum congregati Lydi atque Persæ defendere sese coacti sunt. (3) At Iones, ubi viderunt alios ex hostibus fortiter pugnantes, alios vero magno numero ingruentes, trepidi cedentes ad Tmolum, qui vocatur, montem se receperunt : atque inde sub noctem versus naves suas abierunt. | From plundering this city after they had taken it they were prevented by this — the houses in Sardis were mostly built of reeds, and even those of them which were of brick had their roofs thatched with reeds: of these houses one was set on fire by a soldier, and forthwith the fire going on from house to house began to spread over the whole town. So then as the town was on fire, the Lydians and all the Persians who were in the city being cut off from escape, since the fire was prevailing in the extremities round about them, and not having any way out of the town, flowed together to the market-place and to the river Pactolos, which brings down gold-dust for them from Tmolos, flowing through the middle of their market-place, and then runs out into the river Hermos, and this into the sea — to this Pactolos, I say, and to the market-place the Lydians and Persians gathered themselves together, and were compelled to defend themselves. The Ionians then, seeing some of the enemy standing on their defence and others in great numbers coming on to the attack, were struck with fear and retired to the mountain called Tmolos, and after that at nightfall departed to go to their ships. |
| 5.102 | Ita incendio consumptæ sunt Sardes, in eisque indigenæ deæ Cybebes templum : quam causam postea prætexentes Persæ templa vicissim in Græcia cremarunt. Tunc vero Persæ qui intra Halyn fluvium pagos tenebant, certiores facti quid ageretur, juntis viribus auxilio Lydis venerunt. (2) Qui quum Ionas non amplius Sardibus essent nacti, e vestigio subsecuti, Ephesi illos deprehenderunt. Et Iones quidem in aciem adversus eos progressi sunt, sed prœlio commisso ingenti clade sunt affecti : (3) magnumque eorum numerum Persæ interfecerunt, quum alios spectatos viros, tum Eualcidem, Eretriensium ducem, virum qui in ludorum solennibus coronas reportaverat, multumque a Simonide Ceo erat laudatus. Qui vero e pugna evaserunt per civitates sunt dissipati. | Sardis was then destroyed by fire, and in it also the temple of the native goddess Hybebe; which the Persians alleged afterwards as a reason for setting on fire in return the temples in the land of the Hellenes. However at the time of which I speak the Persians who occupied districts within the river Halys, informed beforehand of this movement, were gathering together and coming to the help of the Lydians; and, as it chanced, they found when they came that the Ionians no longer were in Sardis; but they followed closely in their track and came up with them at Ephesos: and the Ionians stood indeed against them in array, but when they joined battle they had very much the worse; and besides other persons of note whom the Persians slaughtered, there fell also Eualkides commander of the Eretrians, a man who had won wreaths in contests of the games and who was much celebrated by Simonides of Keos: and those of them who survived the battle dispersed to their various cities. |
| 5.103 | Tali igitur modo tunc pugnatum est. Posthæc vero Athenienses prorsus deseruerunt Ionas ; et sæpe multumque ab Aristagora per nuntios solicitati, constanter negarunt se auxilio illis futuros. Sed Iones, Atheniensium auxilio privati, nihilo minus ad bellum adversus Darium, quod post ea quæ adversus regem patraverant evitari non posse intelligebant, sese comparabant. (2) In Hellespontum navibus profecti, Byzantium et alias omnes eo loci civitates suum sub obsequium redegerunt. Dein extra Hellespontum evecti, majorem Cariæ partem societati suæ adjecerunt : nam et Caunus, quæ prius, quando Sardes cremarunt, societatem illorum recusaverat, nunc eis ipsa quoque accessit. | Thus then they fought at that time; and after the battle the Athenians left the Ionians together, and when Aristagoras was urgent in calling upon them by messengers for assistance, they said that they would not help them: the Ionians, however, though deprived of the alliance of the Athenians, none the less continued to prepare for the war with the king, so great had been the offences already committed by them against Dareios. They sailed moreover to the Hellespont and brought under their power Byzantion and all the other cities which are in those parts; and then having sailed forth out of the Hellespont, they gained in addition the most part of Caria to be in alliance with them: for even Caunos, which before was not willing to be their ally, then, after they had burnt Sardis, was added to them also. |
| 5.104 | Cyprii vero universi, Amathusiis exceptis, ultro se illis adjunxerunt. Nam et hi a Medis desciverant tali occasione. Onesilus erat, Gorgi Salaminiorum regis frater natu minor, Chersidis filius, Siromi nepos, pronepos Euelthontis. (2) Hic vir, postquam sæpius antea Gorgum, ut a rege deficeret, esset hortatus ; tunc, ubi Ionas etiam cognovit descivisse, vehementius illum instigare conatus est. Cui quum morem non gereret Gorgus, tempus observans Onesilus, quo extra urbem Salaminiorum ille erat egressus, una cum sectatoribus suis fratrem portis exclusit. (3) Itaque Gorgus, urbe spoliatus, ad Medos profugit. Onesilus vero Salaminis tenuit imperium ; omnibusque Cypriis, ut secum desciscerent, persuasit. Ceteris quidem persuasit cunctis ; Amathusios vero, morem ei gerere nolentes, obsidione cinxit. | The Cyprians too, excepting those of Amathus, were added voluntarily to their alliance; for these also had revolted from the Medes in the following manner — there was one Onesilos, younger brother of Gorgos king of Salamis, and son of Chersis, the son of Siromos, the son of Euelthon. This man in former times too had been wont often to advise Gorgos to make revolt from the king, and at this time, when he heard that the Ionians had revolted, he pressed him very hard and endeavored to urge him to it. Since however he could not persuade Gorgos, Onesilos watched for a time when he had gone forth out of the city of Salamis, and then together with the men of his own faction he shut him out of the gates. Gorgos accordingly being robbed of the city went for refuge to the Medes, and Onesilos was ruler of Salamis and endeavored to persuade all the men of Cyprus to join him in revolt. The others then he persuaded; but since those of Amathus were not willing to do as he desired, he sat down before their city and besieged it. |
| 5.105 | Dum Amathunta Onesilus obsidet, interim Dario regi nuntiatur, Sardes captas esse incensasque ab Atheniensibus et Ionibus, illiusque tumultus auctorem, cujus consilio hæc suscepta sint, Aristagoram esse Milesium. Quo accepto nuntio, dicitur rex, nulla ratione habita Ionum, quippe quos bene noverat non impune laturos quod defecissent, quæsisse quinam essent Athenienses ; (2) deinde, postquam audivit, poposcisse arcum, et sagittam arcui impositam emisisse in cœlum, utque illa in āërem evolavit, exclamasse, « Proh Juppiter, contingat mihi pœnas sumere ab Atheniensibus ! » hisque dictis, mandasse uni e ministris, ut, quoties cœna ipsi apponeretur, ter ipsi diceret, « Domine, memento Atheniensium ! » | Onesilos then was besieging Amathus; and meanwhile, when it was reported to king Dareios that Sardis had been captured and burnt by the Athenians and the Ionians together, and that the leader of the league for being about these things was the Milesian Aristagoras, it is said that at first being informed of this he made no account of the Ionians, because he knew that they at all events would not escape unpunished for their revolt, but he inquired into who the Athenians were; and when he had been informed, he asked for his bow, and having received it and placed an arrow upon the string, he discharged it upwards towards heaven, and as he shot into the air he said: “Zeus, that it may be granted me to take vengeance upon the Athenians!" Having so said he charged one of his attendants, that when dinner was set before the king he should say always three times: “Master, remember the Athenians.”. |
| 5.106 | Hoc dato mandato, vocato in conspectum suum Histiæo Milesio, quem jam multo abhinc tempore apud se Darius retinuerat : « Histiæe, inquit, tuum procuratorem, cujus fidei Miletum commisisti, audio res novas adversus me esse molitum. Homines enim ex altera continente adversus me duxit, et Ionas cum illis, factorum pœnas mihi daturos : his persuasit ut illos sequerentur, et Sardes mihi eripuit. (2) Nunc igitur, quo pacto tibi hoc bene habere videtur ? quove pacto tale quidpiam absque tuo consilio factum est ? Vide ne deinde tu ipse hac culpa tenearis. » Ad hæc Histiæus respondit : « Quale verbum, rex, pronuntiasti ? mene agitare consilium, e quo tibi ulla molestia, sive magna, sive exigua, exsistat ? (3) Quid quærens equidem, tale quidpiam facerem ? cujus rei indigeo ? cui eadem quæ tibi, præsto sunt ; quicum tu omnia tua communicare consilia dignaris. Immo, si quid tale, quale tu ais, meus agitat procurator, scito id eum suo fecisse arbitratu. (4) At mihi statim ne persuaderi quidem potest, Milesios et meum procuratorem novas res adversus te moliri. Sin utique tale quid agunt, tibique si vera relata sunt, vide, rex, quid sit quod tu feceris, dum me a mari abstraxisti. (5) Videntur enim Iones, e quo ego ex illorum conspectu remotus sum, agitare id cujus olim desiderium habuerunt. Sin ego in Ionia adessem, nulla civitas se vel pauxillum motura erat. Nunc igitur quamprimum dimitte me, ut in Ioniam proficiscar, tibique omnia ibi in integrum restituam, et procuratorem hunc Mileti, qui hæc machinatus est, vinctum tradam. (5) Hæc quum ex animi tui sententia perfecero, deos juro regios, non prius tunicam exuturum qua indutus Ioniam intravero, quam tibi Sardiniam, maximam insulam, tributariam reddidero. » | When he had given this charge, he called into his presence Histiaios the Milesian, whom Dareios had now been keeping with him for a long time, and said: “I am informed, Histiaios, that thy deputy, to whom thou didst depute the government of Miletos, has made rebellion against me; for he brought in men against me from the other continent and persuaded the Ionians also — who shall pay the penalty to me for that which they did — these, I say, he persuaded to go together with them, and thus he robbed me of Sardis. Now therefore how thinkest thou that this is well? and how without thy counsels was anything of this kind done? Take heed lest thou afterwards find reason to blame thyself for this.” Histiaios replied: “O king, what manner of speech is this that thou hast uttered, saying that I counselled a matter from which it was likely that any vexation would grow for thee, either great or small? What have I to seek for in addition to that which I have, that I should do these things; and of what am I in want? for I have everything that thou hast, and I am thought worthy by thee to hear all thy counsels. Nay, but if my deputy is indeed acting in any such manner as thou hast said, be assured that he has done it merely on his own account. I however, for my part, do not even admit the report to be true, that the Milesians and my deputy are acting in any rebellious fashion against thy power: but if it prove that they are indeed doing anything of that kind, and if that which thou hast heard, O king, be the truth, learn then what a thing thou didst in removing me away from the sea-coast; for it seems that the Ionians, when I had gone out of the sight of their eyes, did that which they had long had a desire to do; whereas if I had been in Ionia, not a city would have made the least movement. Now therefore as quickly as possible let me set forth to go to Ionia, that I may order all these matters for thee as they were before, and deliver into thy hands this deputy of Miletos who contrived these things: and when I have done this after thy mind, I swear by the gods of the royal house that I will not put off from me the tunic which I wear when I go down to Ionia, until I have made Sardinia tributary to thee, which is the largest of all islands.”. |
| 5.107 | His Histiæi verbis deceptus Darius morem ei gessit, dimisitque eum adjecto mandato, ut, postquam quæ pollicitus esset effecta dedisset, ad se Susa rediret. | Thus saying Histiaios endeavored to deceive the king, and Dareios was persuaded and let him go, charging him, when he should have accomplished that which he had promised, to return to him again at Susa. |
| 5.108 | Per idem tempus, quo nuntius de incensis Sardibus ad regem missus est, et Darius sagitta in cœlum emissa cum Histiæo sermonem contulit, Histiæusque a rege dimissus ad mare est profectus ; per totum hoc tempus hæcce gesta sunt. (2) Onesilo Salaminio Amathusios obsidenti nuntiatur, Artybium Persam cum classe et ingenti Persarum exercitu affuturum esse in Cyprum. Quo cognito Onesilus præcones dimisit per Ioniam, auxilio Ionas advocans : (3) nec diu re deliberata, affuerunt Iones cum magna classe. Eodemque tempore quo Iones in Cyprum advenere, Persæ etiam quum navibus e Cilicia trajecissent, pedestri itinere Salaminem contenderunt : navibus autem Phœnices circumnavigarunt promontorium illud, quæ Claves Cypri vocantur. | In the meantime, while the news about Sardis was going up to the king, and while Dareios, after doing that which he did with the bow, came to speech with Histiaios, and Histiaios having been let go by Dareios was making his journey to the sea-coast — during all that time the events were happening which here follow. — As Onesilos of Salamis was besieging those of Amathus, it was reported to him that Artybios a Persian, bringing with him in ships a large Persian army, was to be expected shortly to arrive in Cyprus. Being informed of this, Onesilos sent heralds to different places in Ionia to summon the Ionians to his assistance; and they took counsel together and came without delay with a large force. Now the Ionians arrived in Cyprus just at the time when the Persians having crossed over in ships from Kilikia were proceeding by land to attack Salamis, while the Phenicians with the ships were sailing round the headland which is called the “Keys of Cyprus.”. |
| 5.109 | Quæ quum ita essent, Cyprii tyranni convocatis Ionum ducibus dixere : « Vobis, Iones, nos Cyprii damus optionem cum utris velitis confligere, cum Persis, an cum Phœnicibus. (2) Quod si pedestri pugna cum Persis vultis congredi, nulla interposita mora oportet vos, navibus egressos, pedestrem instruere aciem ; nos vero, conscensis navibus vestris, Phœnicibus nos opponere. Sin cum Phœnicibus temptare fortunam mavultis ; utrumlibet horum elegeritis, operam dare necesse est, ut, quoad est situm in vobis, liberæ sint et Ionia et Cyprus. » (3) Ad hæc Iones responderunt : « Nos commune Ionum misit, ut mare custodiremus ; non ut naves nostras tradentes Cypriis, ipsi cum Persis pedestri acie confligamus. (4) Nos igitur, qua parte locati sumus, in ea utilem præstare operam conabimur : vos autem, memores qualia Persis servientes passi ab illis sitis, fortes viros esse oportet. » Hoc illis responsum Iones dederunt. | This being the case, the despots of Cyprus called together the commanders of the Ionians and said: “Ionians, we of Cyprus give you a choice which enemy ye will rather fight with, the Persians or the Phenicians: for if ye will rather array yourselves on land and make trial of the Persians in fight, it is time now for you to disembark from your ships and array yourselves on the land, and for us to embark in your ships to contend against the Phenicians; but if on the other hand ye will rather make trial of the Phenicians — whichever of these two ye shall choose, ye must endeavor that, so far as it rests with you, both Ionia and Cyprus shall be free.” To this the Ionians replied: “We were sent out by the common authority of the Ionians to guard the sea, and not to deliver our ships to the Cyprians and ourselves fight with the Persians on land. We therefore will endeavor to do good service in that place to which we were appointed; and ye must call to mind all the evils which ye suffered from the Medes, when ye were in slavery to them, and prove yourselves good men.”. This was the answer the Ionians gave them. |
| 5.110 | Post hæc, quum Persæ in Salaminiorum advenissent campum, aciem instruxerunt reges Cypriorum ; ita quidem, ut ceteros Cyprios ceteris hostium militibus opponerent, Persis autem fortissimos e Salaminiis et Soliis selectos. Contra Artybium vero, ducem Persarum, volens lubens stetit Onesilus. | And afterwards, when the Persians had come to the plain of Salamis, the kings of the Cyprians set in order their array, choosing the best part of the troops of Salamis and of Soloi to be arrayed against the Persians and setting the other Cyprians against the rest of the enemy’s troops; and against Artybios, the commander of the Persians, Onesilos took up his place in the array by his own free choice. |
| 5.111 | Vehebatur Artybius equo, qui erectus stare adversus armatum militem erat edoctus. Qua re cognita Onesilus, quum esset ei armiger genere Car, arte bellica probatus, et animi plenus, dixit huic : « Artybii equum audio erectum stare, et pedibus atque ore pugnare contra adversarium. (2) Tu igitur ocyus delibera tecum, mihique ede, utrum observare ferireque velis, equum, an ipsum Artybium. » Ad hæc famulus respondit : « Paratus equidem sum, rex, et utrumque facere, et alterutrum, et omnino quidquid tu jusseris : dicam tamen id quod tuis rebus conducibilius esse mihi videtur. (3) Regem ducemque aio oportere cum rege duceque congredi : nam, sive tu virum ducem interfeceris, magnum hoc tibi erit : sive, quod dii prohibeant, te ille, ab digno etiam occidi, dimidiata calamitas est. (4) Nos vero famulos aio oportere cum famulis congredi, et cum equo ; cujus tu artes noli timere : ego enim tibi recipio, adversus nullum porro hominem illum se erecturum. » | Now Artybios was riding a horse which had been trained to rear up against a hoplite. Onesilos accordingly being informed of this, and having a shield-bearer, by race of Caria, who was of very good repute as a soldier and full of courage besides, said to this man: “I am informed that the horse of Artybios rears upright and works both with his feet and his mouth against any whom he is brought to attack. Do thou therefore consider the matter, and tell me forthwith which of the two thou wilt rather watch for and strike, the horse or Artybios himself.” To this his attendant replied: “O king, I am ready to do both or either of these two things, and in every case to do that which thou shalt appoint for me; but I will declare to thee the way in which I think it will be most suitable for thy condition. I say that it is right for one who is king and commander to fight with a king and commander; for if thou shalt slay the commander of the enemy, it turns to great glory for thee; and again, if he shall slay thee, which heaven forbid, even death when it is at the hands of a worthy foe is but half to be lamented: but for us who are under thy command it is suitable to fight with the others who are under his command and with his horse: and of the tricks of the horse have thou no fear at all, for I engage to thee that after this at least he shall never stand against any man more.” Thus he spoke; and shortly afterwards the opposed forces joined battle both on land and with their ships. |
| 5.112 | Hæc postquam ille dixit, mox deinde commissa pugna est, et terra, et mari. Et navibus quidem Iones, acriter illo die pugnantes, superaverunt Phœnices : et inter Ionas Samiorum præ ceteris virtus eminuit. Pedestres vero ubi congressæ sunt copiæ, magno impetu invicem irruentes pugnarunt. Circa imperatores autem utrimque hæc gesta sunt : (2) ubi Artybius, equo quem dixi vectus, adversus Onesilum impetum fecit, Onesilus, quemadmodum ei cum armigero convenerat, ferit ipsum irruentem Artybium : quumque equus scuto Onesili pedes injiceret, famulus falce feriens pedes præcidit equi. Ita Artybius dux Persarum, una cum equo, ibidem cecidit. | On that day the Ionians for their part greatly distinguished themselves and overcame the Phenicians, and of them the Samians were best: and meanwhile on land, when the armies met, they came to close quarters and fought; and as regards the two commanders, what happened was this — when Artybios came to fight with Onesilos sitting upon his horse, Onesilos, as he had concerted with his shield-bearer, struck at Artybios himself, when he came to fight with him; and when the horse put its hoofs against the shield of Onesilos, then the Carian struck with a falchion and smote off the horse’s feet. |
| 5.113 | Dum vero ceteri etiam acie pugnant, deserit Cyprios Stesenor, Curii tyrannus, cum non exigua militum manu, quos secum habebat : dicuntur autem Curienses hi Argivorum esse coloni. Postquam Curienses deseruere socios, protinus Salaminiorum quoque currus bellici idem fecerunt. (2) Quo facto, superiores Persæ fuerunt Cypriis. Quorum exercitu in fugam verso, ceciderunt et alii multi, et Onesilus Chersidis filius, qui Cypriis auctor fuerat defectionis, et Solensium rex Aristocyprus, Philocypri filius ; Philocypri illius, quem Solon Atheniensis postquam Cyprum venit, præ omnibus tyrannis carmine celebravit. | So Artybios the commander of the Persians fell there on the spot together with his horse: and while the others also were fighting, Stesenor the despot of Curion deserted them, having with him a large force of men — now these Curians are said to be settlers from Argos — and when the Curians had deserted, forthwith also the war-chariots of the men of Salamis proceeded to do the same as the Curians. When these things took place, the Persians had the advantage over the Cyprians; and after their army had been put to rout, many others fell and among them Onesilos the son of Chersis, he who brought about the revolt of the Cyprians, and also the king of the Solians, Aristokypros the son of Philokypros — that Philokypros whom Solon the Athenian, when he came to Cyprus, commended in verse above all other despots. |
| 5.114 | Onesili caput Amathusii, quod ipsos ille obsederat, abscissum Amathunta deportarunt, et super oppidi portam suspenderunt. Postquam suspensum ita caput sensim excavatum est, apium examen in illud sese insinuans, favis replevit. (2) Quod quum tale accidisset, oraculum consulentibus Amathusiis, quid capite facerent, datur responsum, auferrent caput humarentque ; Onesilo vero, ut heroi, annua sacra facerent ; id si fecissent, melius cum ipsis actum iri. Idque fecerunt Amathusii et faciunt ad meam usque ætatem. | So the men of Amathus cut off the head of Onesilos, because he had besieged them; and having brought it to Amathus they hung it over the gate of the city: and as the head hung there, when it had now become a hollow, a swarm of bees entered into it and filled it with honeycomb. This having so come to pass, the Amathusians consulted an Oracle about the head, and they received an answer bidding them take it down and bury it and sacrifice to Onesilos every year as a hero; and if they did this, it would go better with them. The Amathusians accordingly continued to do so even to my time. |
| 5.115 | Iones qui ad Cyprum prœlium fecerant navale, ut intellexere perditas res esse Onesili, et Cypriorum oppida omnia obsideri, excepta Salamine, quam priori regi Gorgo reddiderant Salaminii ; his rebus Iones cognitis, nulla interposita mora in Ioniam renavigarunt. (2) Præter ceteras Cypri civitates diutissime obsidionem sustinuere Soli ; sed et hanc, suffosso circumcirca muro, quinto mense Persæ ceperunt. | But the Ionians who had fought the sea-fight in Cyprus, when they perceived that the fortunes of Onesilos were ruined and that the cities of the Cyprians were besieged, except Salamis, and that this city had been delivered over by the Salaminians to Gorgos the former king — as soon as they perceived this, the Ionians sailed away back to Ionia. Now of the cities in Cyprus Soloi held out for the longest time under the siege; and the Persians took it in the fifth month by undermining the wall round. |
| 5.116 | Ita igitur, Cyprii, postquam unum annum liberi fuerant, denuo in servitutem sunt redacti. Interim Daurises, gener Darii, et Hymeas, et Otanes, aliique duces Persæ, qui et ipsi filias Darii in matrimonio habebant, postquam Ionas, expeditionis adversus Sardes socios, erant persecuti, eosdemque prœlio victos in naves compulerant, deinde divisis inter se vicibus civitates diripiebant. | The Cyprians then, after they had made themselves free for one year, had again been reduced to slavery afresh: and meanwhile Daurises, who was married to a daughter of Dareios, and Hymaies and Otanes, who were also Persian commanders and were married also to daughters of Dareios, after they had pursued those Ionians who had made the expedition to Sardis and defeating them in battle had driven them by force to their ships — after this distributed the cities amongst themselves and proceeded to sack them. |
| 5.117 | Et Daurises quidem, contra civitates ad Hellespontum conversus, Dardanum cepit, et Abydum, et Percoten, et Lampsacum, et Pæsum : (2) quarum singulas singulis cepit diebus. A Pæso vero adversus Parium urbem ducenti affertur nuntius, Cares communicato cum Ionibus consilio defecisse a Persis : itaque ab Hellesponto remotum adversus Cariam duxit exercitum. | Daurises directed his march to the cities on the Hellespont, and he took Dardanos and Abydos and Percote and Lampsacos and Paisos, of these he took on each day one; and as he was marching from Paisos against the city of Parion, the report came that the Carians had made common cause with the Ionians and were in revolt from the Persians. He turned back therefore from the Hellespont and marched his army upon Caria. |
| 5.118 | Ea res forte renuntiata Caribus erat priusquam Daurises advenisset. Cujus cognito consilio, Cares ad Albas Columnas, quæ vocantur, amnemque Marsyam congregabantur, qui ex Idriade regione fluens, Mæandro miscetur. (2) Eo postquam convenere Cares, quum aliæ multæ dictæ sunt sententiæ, tum illa, optima quæ mihi videtur, Pixodari, Mausoli filii, civitate Cyindensis, qui Syennesis filiam, Cilicum regis, in matrimonio habebat. (3) Hujus viri sententia hæc erat, Mæandrum transmittere debere Cares, atque ita prœlium committere ut fluvium a tergo haberent ; ne scilicet retro fugere possent Cares, sed ibi manere coacti, fortiores sese quam pro sua natura præstarent. (4) At hæc non vicit sententia : sed Persis maluerunt a tergo esse Mæandrum, quam sibi ; scilicet, ut illi, si prœlio superati in fugam verterentur, receptum non haberent, sed in fluvium inciderent. | And, as it chanced, a report of this was brought to the Carians before Daurises arrived; and the Carians being informed of it gathered together at the place which is called the “White Pillars” and at the river Marsyas, which flows from the region of Idrias and runs out into the Maiander. When the Carians had been gathered together there, among many other counsels which were given, the best, as it seems to me, was that of Pixodaros the son of Mausolos, a man of Kindye, who was married to the daughter of the king of the Kilikians, Syennesis. The opinion of this man was to the effect that the Carians should cross over the Maiander and engage battle with the Persians having the river at their backs, in order that the Carians, not being able to fly backwards and being compelled to remain where they were, might prove themselves even better men in fight than they naturally would. This opinion did not prevail; but they resolved that the Persians rather than themselves should have the Maiander at their backs, evidently in order that if there should be a flight of the Persians and they should be worsted in the battle, they might never return home, but might fall into the river. |
| 5.119 | Deinde, ubi affuerunt Persæ, Mæandrumque trajecerunt, ibi tunc ad Marsyam fluvium cum illis congressi sunt Cares : et acri commisso prœlio, postquam diu fortiter pugnarunt, ad extremum hostium multitudine sunt superati. (2) Persarum ad bis mille ceciderunt, Carum vero ad decies mille. Qui ex illorum numero cladem effugerunt, hi ad Labranda in amplum sanctumque platanetum Jovi Stratio (quasi dicas Militari) sacratum sunt compulsi. Soli autem hominum, quos novimus, Cares sunt, qui Jovi Stratio sacra faciant. (3) Ibi igitur conglobati, de salute deliberarunt, utrum Persis sese dedere, an Asiam prorsus relinquere satius sibi esset. | After this, when the Persians had come and had crossed the Maiander, the Carians engaged with the Persians on the river Marsyas and fought a battle which was obstinately contested and lasted long; but at length they were worsted by superior numbers: and of the Persians there fell as many as two thousand, but of the Carians ten thousand. Then those of them who escaped were shut up in Labraunda within the sanctuary of Zeus Stratios, which is a large sacred grove of plane-trees; now the Carians are the only men we know who offer sacrifices to Zeus Stratios. These men then, being shut up there, were taking counsel together about their safety, whether they would fare better if they delivered themselves over to the Persians or if they left Asia altogether. |
| 5.120 | Dum hæc deliberant, auxilio eis adveniunt Milesii eorumque socii. Tum vero, missa priori deliberatione, Cares ad redintegrandum denuo bellum sese compararunt. (2) Atque invadentibus Persis in aciem occurrunt : sed, prœlio commisso, majorem etiam quam antea cladem acceperunt. Cecidere plurimi ex omnibus ; sed Milesiorum præ ceteris maxima strages facta est. | And while they were thus taking counsel, there came to their aid the Milesians and their allies. Then the Carians dismissed the plans which they were before considering and prepared to renew the war again from the beginning: and when the Persians came to attack them, they engaged with them and fought a battle, and they were worsted yet more completely than before; and while many were slain of all parties, the Milesians suffered most. |
| 5.121 | Postea vero vulnus hoc repararunt sanaveruntque Cares. Postquam enim cognoverunt progredi Persas, oppida sua invasuros, in via ad Pedasum collocarunt insidias ; in quas noctu incidentes Persæ interfecti sunt et ipsi et eorum duces, Daurises, et Amorges, et Sisimaces : cum iisdemque periit etiam Myrsus, Gygis filius. (2) Insidiarum illarum dux fuerat Heraclides, Ibanolidis filius, Mylasensis. Ita igitur Persæ illi perierunt. | Then afterwards the Carians repaired this loss and retrieved their defeat; for being informed that the Persians had set forth to march upon their cities, they laid an ambush on the road which is by Pedasos, and the Persians falling into it by night were destroyed both they and their commanders, namely Daurises and Amorges and Sisimakes; and with them died also Myrsos the son of Gyges. Of this ambush the leader was Heracleides the son of Ibanollis, a man of Mylasa. These then of the Persians were thus destroyed. |
| 5.122 | Hymeas vero, alter ex his qui Ionas eos persecuti sunt qui contra Sardes militaverant, ad Propontidem conversus, Cion Mysiam cepit. Qua expugnata, ubi cognovit Daurisen relicto Hellesponto versus Cariam arma promovere, ipse Propontide relicta in Hellespontum duxit exercitum : (2) et Æolenses subegit omnes, quotquot Iliadem habitant terram, et Gergithas subegit, priscorum Teucrorum reliquias. At ipse Hymeas, dum hos populos subigit, morbo correptus moritur in Troade. | And meanwhile Hymaies, who was another of those who pursued after the Ionians that had made the expedition to Sardis, directed his march to the Propontis and took Kios in Mysia; and having conquered this city, when he was informed that Daurises had left the Hellespont and was marching towards Caria, he left the Propontis and led his army to the Hellespont: and he conquered all the Aiolians who occupy the district of Ilion, and also the Gergithes, who were left behind as a remnant of the ancient Teucrians. While conquering these tribes Hymaies himself ended his life by sickness in the land of Troas. |
| 5.123 | Et hic quidem illi finis fuit : Artapherni vero, Sardium præfecto, et Otani, tertio duci Persarum, mandatum erat bellum Ioniæ et finitimæ Æolidi a continente inferendum. Atque hi Clazomenas Ioniæ ceperunt, et Cymen Æolidis. | He thus brought his life to an end; and Artaphrenes the governor of the province of Sardis was appointed with Otanes the third of the commanders to make the expedition against Ionia and that part of Aiolia which bordered upon it. Of Ionia these took the city of Clazomenai, and of the Aiolians Kyme. |
| 5.124 | Ita dum capiuntur oppida, Aristagoras Milesius hæc videns, homo parum acri, ut factis ipse ostendit, ingenio, qui Ioniam concitaverat magnasque miscuerat turbas, fugam agitabat, satis ille intelligens superari Darium regem prorsus non posse. (2) Hoc consilio, convocatis suarum partium hominibus, deliberationem proposuit, dicens, commodum ipsis fore, certum habere refugium, si Mileto pellerentur, sive in Sardiniam ipsos ex hoc ducat in coloniam, sive in Myrcinum Edonorum, Histiæo a Dario dono datam, et in oppidum ibi ab Histiæo munitum. Hæc igitur, nimirum utrum vellent, ex ipsis quærebat Aristagoras. | While the cities were thus being taken, Aristagoras the Milesian, being, as he proved in this instance, not of very distinguished courage, since after having disturbed Ionia and made preparation of great matters he counselled running away when he saw these things, (moreover it had become clear to him that it was impossible to overcome king Dareios) — he, I say, having regard to these things, called together those of his own party and took counsel with them, saying that it was better that there should be a refuge prepared for them, in case that they should after all be driven out from Miletos, and proposing the question whether he should lead them from thence to Sardinia, to form a colony there, or to Myrkinos in the land of the Edonians, which Histiaios had been fortifying, having received it as a gift from Dareios. This was the question proposed by Aristagoras. |
| 5.125 | Jam Hecatæus quidem, Hegesandri filius, historiarum scriptor, in neutrum horum locorum abeundum censuit ; sed in Lero insula debere castellum munire Aristagoram, ibique, si Mileto excideret, quietum se tenere, donec impetu inde facto Miletum repetere posset. Hoc Hecatæi fuit consilium. | Now the opinion of Hecataios the son of Hegesander the historian was that he should not take a colony to either of these places, but build a wall of defence for himself in the island of Leros and keep still, if he should be forced to leave Miletos; and afterwards with this for his starting point he would be able to return to Miletos. This was the counsel of Hecataios. |
| 5.126 | Ipse vero Aristagoras eo maxime inclinabat, ut Myrcinum abiret. Itaque Mileto Pythagoræ fidei commissa, probati inter cives viri, ipse, secum sumpto quicunque voluisset, in Thraciam navigavit, regionemque quam petierat tenuit. (2) Inde vero progressus, interfectus est a Thracibus et ipse et exercitus ejus, quum oppidum aliquod obsideret, rejectis conditionibus, quibus Thraces excedere oppido voluerant. | But Aristagoras was most inclined to go forth to Myrkinos. He therefore entrusted the government of Miletos to Pythagoras, a man of repute among the citizens, and he himself sailed away to Thrace, taking with him every one who desired to go; and he took possession of the region for which he had set out. But starting from this to make war, he perished by the hands of the Thracians, that is both Aristagoras himself and his army, when he was encamped about a certain city and the Thracians desired to go out from it under a truce. |
Book VI
Erato
| 6.1 | Aristagoras igitur, quo auctore Ionia defecerat, hoc modo vitam finivit. Histiæus vero, Mileti tyrannus, a Dario dimissus, Sardes erat profectus : quo ubi Susis pervenit, interrogavit eum Artaphernes, Sardium præfectus, qua re inductos putaret Ionas a rege defecisse. (2) Id quum ille se ignorare diceret, mirareturque factum, quasi nihil de rebus præsentibus compertum haberet, artificiis utentem videns Artaphernes ait : « Ita tibi, Histiæe, hæc res habet : calceum hunc tu suisti, et induit eum Aristagoras. » | Aristagoras accordingly, after having caused Ionia to revolt, thus brought his life to an end; and meanwhile Histiaios the despot of Miletos, having been let go by Dareios had arrived at Sardis: and when he came from Susa, Artaphrenes the governor of Sardis asked him for what reason he supposed the Ionians had revolted; and he said that he could not tell, and moreover he expressed wonder at that which had happened, pretending that he knew nothing of the state of affairs. Then Artaphrenes seeing that he was using dissimulation said, having knowledge of the truth about the revolt: “Thus it is with thee, Histiaios, about these matters — this shoe was stitched by thee, and put on by Aristagoras.” |
| 6.2 | Hoc quum Artapherenes, ad defectionem quod attinet, dixisset ; metuens eum Histiæus, utpote intelligentem quid rei esset, protinus prima nocte ad mare profugit : qui, quum Dario pollicitus esset Sardiniam maximam insulam imperio se illius esse subjecturum, decepto rege, clam auctor Ionibus fuerat belli adversus illum suscipiendi. (2) Sed Chium transgressus, in vincula a Chiis conjectus est, suspectum eum habentibus quasi res novas adversus ipsos Darii nomine molientem. Mox tamen, cognita rei veritate, hostem esse regi, vinculis eum Chii solverunt. | Thus said Artaphrenes with reference to the revolt; and Histiaios fearing Artaphrenes because he understood the matter, ran away the next night at nightfall and went to the sea-coast, having deceived king Dareios, seeing that he had engaged to subdue Sardinia the largest of islands, and instead of that he was endeavoring to take upon himself leadership of the Ionians in the war against Dareios. Then having crossed over to Chios he was put in bonds by the Chians, being accused by them of working for a change of their State by suggestion of Dareios. When however the Chians learnt the whole story and heard that he was an enemy to the king, they released him. |
| 6.3 | Ibi vero interrogatus Histiæus a Ionibus, cur ita studiose Aristagoræ, ut a rege deficeret, mandasset, et in tantas calamitates Ionas conjecisset, veram illis causam nequaquam exprompsit ; (2) sed, regem Darium, ait, constituisse Phœnices sedibus suis excitos in Ioniam transferre, Ionas autem in Phœnicen : ea causa se istud mandasse. Ita Ionas terruit, quum nihil unquam tale rex animo agitasset. | Then Histiaios, being asked by the Ionians for what reason he had so urgently charged Aristagoras to revolt from the king and had wrought so great an evil for the Ionians, did not by any means declare to them that which had been in truth the cause, but reported to them that king Dareios had resolved to remove the Phenicians from their land and to settle them in Ionia, and the Ionians in Phenicia; and for this reason, he said, he had given the charge. Thus he attempted to alarm the Ionians, although the king had never resolved to do so at all. |
| 6.4 | Post hæc internuntio Hermippo usus Histiæus, homine Atarnita, ad Persas nonnullos, qui Sardibus erant, epistolas misit, ut qui secum antea de defectione sermones miscuissent. At Hermippus eis, ad quos missus erat, non reddidit epistolas, sed Artapherni tradidit. (2) Ille vero, re omni cognita, jussit Hermippum eis epistolas reddere ad quos datæ erant ab Histiæo; sibi vero tradere illas, quas Persæ vicissim ad Histiæum perferendas ipsi dedissent. Quo facto postquam illi comperti fuerunt, de multis Persarum supplicium sumpsit Artaphernes. | After this Histiaios acting through a messenger, namely Hermippos a man of Atarneus, sent papers to the Persians who were at Sardis, implying that he had already talked matters over with them about a revolt: and Hermippos did not deliver them to those to whom he was sent, but bore the papers and put them into the hands of Artaphrenes. He then, perceiving all that was being done, bade Hermippos bear the papers sent by Histiaios and deliver them to those to whom he was sent to bear them, and to deliver to him the replies sent back by the Persians to Histiaios. These things having been discovered, Artaphrenes upon that put to death many of the Persians. |
| 6.5 | Atque ita tumultus Sardibus exstitit. Illa autem spe frustratum Histiæum Chii, rogante ipso, Miletum deduxere. At Milesiis, lubenter Aristagora etiam liberatis, neutiquam volupe erat alium tyrannum in terram suam recipere, quippe qui libertatem gustassent. (2) Itaque, quum noctu per vim intrare Miletum conatus esset Histiæus, repulsus est, atque etiam ab aliquo e Milesiis in femore vulneratus. Rejectus igitur a patria Chium rediit : inde vero, quum Chiis ut sibi naves darent persuadere non potuisset, Mytilenen trajecit ; et Lesbiis, ut naves sibi darent, persuasit. (3) Hi igitur, instructis octo triremibus, cum Histiæo Byzantium navigarunt : ibique in insidiis stantes, naves e Ponto navigantes vi ceperunt, exceptis eorum navigiis qui se paratos esse Histiæo parere profiterentur. | As regards Sardis therefore there was confusion of the design; and when Histiaios had been disappointed of this hope, the Chians attempted to restore him to Miletos at the request of Histiaios himself. The Milesians, however, who had been rejoiced before to be rid of Aristagoras, were by no means eager to receive another despot into their land, seeing that they had tasted of liberty: and in fact Histiaios, attempting to return to Miletos by force and under cover of night, was wounded in the thigh by one of the Milesians. He then, being repulsed from his own city, returned to Chios; and thence, as he could not persuade the Chians to give him ships, he crossed over to Mytilene and endeavored to persuade the Lesbians to give him ships. So they manned eight triremes and sailed with Histiaios to Byzantion, and stationing themselves there they captured the ships which sailed out of the Pontus, excepting where the crews of them said that they were ready to do the bidding of Histiaios. |
| 6.6 | Dum hæc Histiæus et Mytilenæi agebant, interim ad ipsam Miletum ingens et navalis et pedestris exspectabatur exercitus. Nam Persarum duces, junctis viribus et in unum exercitum collatis, adversus Miletum, insuper habitis minoribus oppidis, proficiscebantur : (2) et navalium copiarum promptissimi erant Phœnices : una autem militabant et Cyprii, nuper subacti, et Cilices, atque Ægyptii. | While Histiaios and the men of Mytilene were acting thus, a large army both of sea and land forces was threatening to attack Miletos itself; for the commanders of the Persians had joined together to form one single army and were marching upon Miletos, considering the other towns of less account. Of their naval force the most zealous were the Phenicians, and with them also served the Cyprians, who had just been subdued, and the Kilikians and Egyptians. |
| 6.7 | Quos ubi Iones intellexerunt adversus Miletum reliquamque Ioniam proficisci, miserunt de suis ad Panionium, qui de rebus ad se pertinentibus deliberarent. (2) Quibus prædicto loco congregatis, habito consilio, placuit, ut pedestris exercitus, qui opponeretur Persis, nullus cogeretur, sed muros defenderent ipsi per se Milesii ; classis autem, nulla excepta navi, rebus omnibus instrueretur, atque ita instructa quamprimum ad Laden occurreret, et pro Mileto pugna navali decerneret. Est autem Lade parva insula, urbi Milesiorum obversa. | These, I say, were advancing upon Miletos and the rest of Ionia; and meanwhile the Ionians being informed of this were sending deputies chosen from themselves to the Panionion. When these had arrived at that place and took counsel together, they resolved not to gather a land-army to oppose the Persians, but that the Milesians should defend their walls by themselves, and that the Ionians should man their fleet, leaving out not one of their ships, and having done so should assemble as soon as possible at Lade, to fight a sea-battle in defence of Miletos. Now Lade is a small island lying opposite the city of the Milesians. |
| 6.8 | Post hæc, ubi instructis navibus affuere Iones, cum eisque Æolenses Lesbum incolentes, aciem in hunc modum ordinarunt. (2) Cornu ad orientem spectans ipsi tenebant Milesii, naves præbentes octoginta : his contigui erant Prienenses cum duodecim navibus, et Myusii navibus tribus : Myusiis proximi stabant Teii, septemdecim navibus : Teiis proximi Chii, navibus centum. (3) Juxta hos locati Erythræi et Phocæenses, quorum illi octo contulerant naves, hi vero tres. Phocæensibus contigui erant Lesbii, navibus septuaginta. Postremi locati Samii, cornu tenentes occidenti obversum, navibus sexaginta. Universus harum omnium numerus fuit, triremes trecentæ quinquaginta tres. | Then the Ionians manned their ships and came thither, and with them also those Aiolians who inhabit Lesbos; and they were drawn up in order thus — the extremity of the line towards the East was held by the Milesians themselves, who furnished eighty ships; next to them were the Prienians with twelve ships and the men of Myus with three; next to those of Myus were the Teians with seventeen ships, and after the Teians the Chians with a hundred; after these were stationed the men of Erythrai and of Phocaia, the former furnishing eight ships and the latter three; next to the Phocaians were the Lesbians with seventy ships, and last, holding the extremity of the line towards the West, were stationed the Samians with sixty ships. Of all these the total number proved to be three hundred and fifty-three triremes. |
| 6.9 | Et hæ quidem Ionum erant. At barbari quas habebant naves, multitudine erant sexcentæ. Quæ ubi et ipsæ ad Milesiorum fines pervenere, simulque pedestres universæ aderant copiæ, ibi tum duces Persarum, cognita Ionicarum navium multitudine, veriti sunt ne superare has non possent, adeoque nec Miletum possent capere, mari non potentes, atque ita periculum incurrerent pœnas dandi Dario. (2) Hæc secum reputantes, convocarunt Ionum tyrannos, qui ab Aristagora Milesio imperiis dejecti ad Medos profugerant, jamque cum illis adversus Miletum militabant. Ex horum igitur numero convocatos, quotquot præsentes erant, in hunc modum sunt allocuti : « Nunc, viri Iones, quisque vestrûm palam faciat, de regis domo se bene velle mereri. Unusquisque nempe vestrûm det operam, ut populares suos a reliquorum abstrahat societate. (3) Proponite igitur illis, enuntiateque, nihil triste illos ob defectionem passuros, nec ædes eorum vel sacras vel privatas iri incensum, nec duriore conditione, quam ante, futuros. (4) Sin a societate non recesserint, sed utique pugnæ periculo rem commiserint, hæc minitantes illis prædicite, quæ ipsis sint eventura : nos prœlio victos in servitutem rapturos, pueros eorum castraturos, virgines Bactra abducturos, et terram aliis esse tradituros. » | These were the ships of the Ionians; and of the Barbarians the number of ships was six hundred. When these too were come to the Milesian coast and their whole land-army was also there, then the commanders of the Persians, being informed of the number of the Ionian ships, were struck with fear lest they should be unable to overcome them, and thus on the one hand should not be able to conquer Miletos from not having command of the sea, and at the same time should run a risk of being punished by Dareios. Reflecting upon these things they gathered together the despots of the Ionians who were exiles with the Medes, having been deposed from their governments by Aristagoras the Milesian, and who chanced to be then joining in the expedition against Miletos — of these men they called together those who were present and spoke to them as follows: “Ionians, now let each one of you show himself a benefactor of the king’s house, that is to say, let each one of you endeavor to detach his own countrymen from the body of the alliance: and make your proposals promising at the same time that they shall suffer nothing unpleasant on account of the revolt, and neither their temples nor their private houses shall be burnt, nor shall they have any worse treatment than they had before this; but if they will not do so, but will by all means enter into a contest with us, threaten them and tell them this, which in truth shall happen to them, namely that if they are worsted in the fight they shall be reduced to slavery, and we shall make their sons eunuchs, and their maidens we shall remove to Bactria, and deliver their land to others.” |
| 6.10 | Quæ quum illi dixissent, Ionum tyranni noctu ad populares suos unusquisque dimisit qui hæc eis renuntiarent. (2) At Iones, ad quos hi nuntii pervenere, tenaciter in proposito suo perstiterunt, nec admiserunt proditionem : et quique sibi solis hæc a Persis edici existimabant. Et hæc quidem protinus, e quo ad Miletum Persæ pervenerant, peracta sunt. | They thus spoke; and the despots of Ionia sent each one by night to his own people announcing to them this. The Ionians however, that is those to whom these messages came, continued obstinate and would not accept the thought of treason to their cause; and each people thought that to them alone the Persians were sending this message. This happened as soon as the Persians came to Miletos; |
| 6.11 | Deinde vero, ubi in Lade insula Iones convenere, contiones sunt habitæ; et quum alii apud eos verba fecere, tum Phocæensium dux Dionysius sic est locutus : « Nunc, quum in novaculæ acie sint res nostræ, ut vel liberi simus, vel servi, et ii quidem velut fugitivi ; (2) si quidem volueritis, viri Iones, labores suscipere, erit id quidem in præsentia vobis molestum, sed poteritis superatis hostibus esse liberi ; sin disciplina militari insuper habita, mollitiei vos dedideritis ; nullam equidem spem habeo, pœnam defectionis regi dandam effugere vos posse. (3) Sed me audite mihique vos permittite ; et vobis ego, si modo dii æqua dederint, recipio, aut pugnæ aleam non subituros esse hostes, aut, si nos aggressuri sunt, magnam cladem accepturos. » | And after this the Ionians being gathered together at Lade held meetings; and others no doubt also made speeches to them, but especially the Phocaian commander Dionysios, who said as follows: “Seeing that our affairs are set upon the razor’s edge, Ionians, whether we shall be free or slaves, and slaves too to be dealt with as runaways, now therefore if ye shall be willing to take upon yourselves hardships, ye will have labor for the time being, but ye will be able to overcome the enemy and be free; whereas if ye continue to be self-indulgent and without discipline, I have no hope for you that ye will not pay the penalty to the king for your revolt. Nay, but do as I say, and deliver yourselves over to me; and I engage, if the gods grant equal conditions, that either the enemy will not fight with us, or that fighting he shall be greatly discomfited.” |
| 6.12 | His auditis, Dionysio se permiserunt Iones. Tum ille quotidie, navibus longo ordine eductis, postquam remiges in discurrendo singulis navibus per binas alias exercuisset, et classiarios jussisset armatos in ponte stare, reliquam diei partem in ancoris naves tenebat ; atque ita toto die laborem Ionibus exhibebat. (2) Et illi quidem ad septimum usque diem ei parebant, mandataque exsequebantur ; insequente vero die, quum impatientes essent talium laborum, molestiis et solis ardore vexati, hosce inter se sermones miscere : « Quo tandem numine læso hos exhaurimus labores ? (3) qui desipientes et de statu mentis dejecti, homini Phocæensi, vano jactatori, qui tres naves in commune contulit, nos totos permisimus. Et ille nos, sibi traditos, miseriis intolerabilibus vexat ; ita ut nostrûm multi in morbos inciderint, et multis item aliis eadem sors imminere videatur ! (4) Quanto nobis præstat, quidvis aliud, quam hæc mala, pati, et futuram servitutem potius tolerare, qualiscunque illa fuerit, quam hanc præsentem, qua constricti sumus ! Agite, ne porro huic homini pareamus ! » (5) Hæc dixerant, et extemplo nemo amplius mandata facere voluit ; sed, tanquam pedestris exercitus, tentoriis in insula fixis degebant in umbra, naves conscendere exercerique nolentes. | Hearing this the Ionians delivered themselves to Dionysios; and he used to bring the ships out every day in single file, that he might practise the rowers by making the ships break through one another’s line, and that he might get the fighting-men in the ships under arms; an then for the rest of the day he would keep the ships at anchor; and thus he gave the Ionians work to do during the whole day. For seven days then they submitted and did that which he commanded; but on the day after these the Ionians, being unaccustomed to such toils and being exhausted with hard work and hot sun, spoke to one another thus: “Against which of the deities have we offended, that we thus fill up the measure of evil? for surely we have delivered ourselves to a Phocaian, an impostor, who furnishes but three ships: and he has taken us into his hands and maltreats us with evil dealing from which we can never recover; and many of us in fact have fallen into sicknesses, and many others, it may be expected, will suffer the same thing shortly; and for us it is better to endure anything else in the world rather than these ills, and to undergo the slavery which will come upon us, whatever that shall be, rather than to be oppressed by that which we have now. Come, let us not obey him after this any more.” So they said, and forthwith after this every one refused to obey him, and they pitched their tents in the island like an army, and kept in the shade, and would not go on board their ships or practise any exercises. |
| 6.13 | Quæ ubi a Ionibus fieri viderunt Samiorum duces ; tum vero, quos sermones jubentibus Persis ad eos deferendos prius curaverat Æaces, Sylosontis filius, deserere eos jubens Ionum societatem, (2) hos tunc sermones animis admittebant Samii, spretam ab Ionibus militarem omnem videntes disciplinam, simulque intelligentes superari non posse regis potentiam ; satis quippe gnari, etiamsi præsentes navales copias superarent Darii, alias quintuplices contra se affuturas. (3) Adripientes igitur occasionem, simulatque Ionas viderunt negantes in officio se futuros, lucro sibi duxerunt servare res suas et sacras et privatas. (4) Erat autem Æaces ille, cui morem Samii gesserunt, filius Sylosontis, Æacis nepos : qui, quum tyrannus fuisset Sami, ab Aristagora Milesio exutus fuerat imperio, quemadmodum reliqui Ioniæ tyranni. | Perceiving this which was being done by the Ionians, the commanders of the Samians then at length accepted from Aiakes the son of Syloson those proposals which Aiakes sent before at the bidding of the Persians, asking them to leave the alliance of the Ionians; the Samians, I say, accepted these proposals, perceiving that there was great want of discipline on the part of the Ionians, while at the same time it was clear to them that it was impossible to overcome the power of the king; and they well knew also that even if they should overcome the present naval force of Dareios, another would be upon them five times as large. Having found an occasion then, so soon as they saw that the Ionians refused to be serviceable, they counted it gain for themselves to save their temples and their private property. Now Aiakes, from whom the Samians accepted the proposals, was the son of Syloson, the son of Aiakes, and being despot of Samos he had been deprived of his rule by Aristagoras the Milesian, like the other despots of Ionia. |
| 6.14 | Tunc igitur, ubi Phœnices cum classe contra progressi sunt, Iones etiam naves suas longo ordine eduxerunt. Ut vero prope invicem fuerunt, commiseruntque prœlium, exinde quinam ex Ionibus aut ignavi in hac navali pugna aut fortes viri fuerint, accurate scribere non possum : nam alii alios invicem culpant. (2) Dicuntur autem tunc Samii, ut convenerat cum Æace, sublatis velis, deserta acie, Samum navigasse, undecim navibus exceptis. (3) Harum enim præfecti manserunt, pugnaveruntque spreto ducum suorum imperio : hisque commune Samiorum, ob hoc factum, eum honorem habuit, ut nomina ipsorum cum paternis nominibus columnæ inscriberentur, ut qui probi fortesque viri fuissent ; et est hæc columna in foro. (4) Lesbii vero, proximos profugere videntes, idem fecerunt quod Samii ; eorumque exemplum major pars Ionum secuta est. | So when the Phenicians sailed to the attack, the Ionians also put out their ships from shore against them, sailing in single file: and when they came near and engaged battle with one another, as regards what followed I am not able exactly to record which of the Ionians showed themselves cowards or good men in this sea-fight, for they throw blame upon one another. The Samians however, it is said, according to their agreement with Aiakes put up their sails then and set forth from their place in the line to sail back to Samos, excepting only eleven ships: of these the captains stayed in their places and took part in the sea-fight, refusing to obey the commanders of their division; and the public authority of the Samians granted them on account of this to have their names written up on a pillar with their fathers’ names also, as having proved themselves good men; and this pillar exists still in the market-place. Then the Lesbians also, when they saw that those next them in order were taking to flight, did the same things as the Samians had done, and so also most of the Ionians did the very same thing. |
| 6.15 | Ex his vero qui in prœlio substiterunt, pessime accepti sunt Chii, præclaris quidem factis nobilitati, et neutiquam, ut alii, de industria cessantes. Contulerant enim, quemadmodum ante etiam dictum est, naves centum, et in earum unaquaque erant quadraginta selecti e civibus propugnatores. (2) Qui ubi plerosque socios prodere rem communem viderunt, noluerunt pravorum esse similes ; sed cum paucis e sociis soli relicti, pugnarunt discurrentes per hostium naves, easque perrumpentes ; donec, postquam plures naves ceperant, ipsi suarum majorem partem amiserunt. Chii igitur cum reliquis e suis navibus domum profugerunt. | Of those which remained in their places in the sea-fight the Chians suffered very severely, since they displayed brilliant deeds of valor and refused to play the coward. These furnished, as was before said, a hundred ships and in each of them forty picked men of their citizens served as fighting-men; and when they saw the greater number of their allies deserting them, they did not think fit to behave like the cowards among them, but left along with a few only of their allies they continued to fight and kept breaking through the enemy’s line; until at last, after they had conquered many ships of the enemy, they lost the greater number of their own. |
| 6.16 | Quibus vero e Chiorum numero invalidæ naves erant ob accepta vulnera, hi, quum hostis eos persequeretur, ad Mycalen profugerunt ; et relictis ibi navibus in brevia ejectis, pedibus per continentem redire instituerunt. (2) Ut vero Ephesiorum fines ingressi sunt redeuntes Chii, noctuque ad eum locum pervenerunt, ubi tunc mulieres Thesmophoria celebrabant ; ibi tunc Ephesii, quum quo pacto res Chiorum se haberent ante non audivissent, viderentque militum multitudinem fines suos invadentem, prorsus persuasi fures hos esse, qui mulieribus suis insidiarentur, universi ad vim arcendam procurrerunt, et Chios interfecerunt. Ac Chii quidem tali utrimque fortuna usi sunt. | The Chians then with the remainder of their ships fled away to their own land; but those of the Chians whose ships were disabled by the damage which they had received, being pursued fled for refuge to Mycale; and their ships they ran ashore there and left them behind, while the men proceeded over the mainland on foot: and when the Chians had entered the Ephesian territory on their way, then since they came into it by night and at a time when a festival of Thesmophoria was being celebrated by the women of the place, the Ephesians, not having heard beforehand how it was with the Chians and seeing that an armed body had entered their land, supposed certainly that they were robbers and had a design upon the women; so they came out to the rescue in a body and slew the Chians. Such was the fortune which befell these men. |
| 6.17 | Dionysius vero Phocæensis, perditas res esse intelligens Ionum, captis tribus hostium navibus, abiit non jam Phocæam navigans, satis gnarus eam cum reliqua Ionia in servitutem iri redactum ; sed e vestigio recta in Phœnicen contendit. Ibi quum onerarias multas naves demersisset, multaque pecunia et aliis rebus pretiosis esset potitus, in Siciliam inde vela fecit : e qua coortus, prædatoriam exercuit ; Græcanicæ quidem nulli navi insidiatus, sed Carthaginiensibus ac Tyrrhenis. | But Dionysios the Phocaian, when he perceived that the cause of the Ionians was ruined, after having taken three ships of the enemy sailed away, not to Pocaia any more, for he knew well that it would be reduced to slavery together with the rest of Ionia, and he sailed forthwith straight to Phenicia; and having there sunk merchant ships and taken a great quantity of goods, he sailed thence to Sicily. Then with that for his starting-point he became a freebooter, not plundering any Hellenes, but Carthaginians and Tyrsenians only. |
| 6.18 | Persæ, victis pugna navali Ionibus, terra marique Miletum oppugnarunt, et, suffossis muris, admotisque cujusque generis machinis, penitus vi ceperunt, sexto a defectione Aristagoræ anno ; captamque in servitutem redegerunt. Ita ea ipsa calamitate defuncta Miletus est, quæ in illam ab oraculo prædicta erat. | The Persians, then, being conquerors of the Ionians in the sea-fight, besieged Miletos by land and sea, undermining the walls and bringing against it all manner of engines; and they took it completely in the sixth year from the revolt of Aristagoras, and reduced the people to slavery; so that the disaster agreed with the oracle which had been uttered with reference to Miletos. |
| 6.19 | Nam quum Argivi Delphis oraculum de suæ urbis salute consuluissent, editum est promiscuum effatum, unum quidem ad Argivos spectans, sed huic immixtum aliud ad Milesios pertinens. (2) Et illud quidem, quod Argivos spectabat, deinde referam, quum ad illum narrationis locum pervenero ; quæ vero Milesiis, tunc non præsentibus, prædixit deus, ita habent.
permultis cœna et præstantia munera fies, crinitisque pedes tua pluribus abluet uxor; templi aliis nostri in Didymis sua cura manebit. » |
For when the Argives were inquiring at Delphi about the safety of their city, there was given to them an oracle which applied to both, that is to say, part of it had reference to the Argives themselves, while that which was added afterwards referred to the Milesians. The part of it which had reference to the Argives I will record when I reach that place in the history, but that which the Oracle uttered with reference to the Milesians, who were not there present, is as follows:
Thou shalt be made for many a glorious gift and a banquet: Then shall thy wives be compelled to wash the feet of the long-haired, And in Didyma then my shrine shall be tended by others.” |
| 6.20 | Inde, quotquot Milesii viri capti erant, Susa sunt ducti : quibus rex Darius, nullo alio malo affectis, sedes assignavit ad Rubrum quod vocatur mare, in Ampe oppido, juxta quam præterfluens Tigris fluvius in mare evolvitur. (2) Agri vero Milesii eam partem, quæ prope urbem et in planitie sita est, Persæ tenuerunt ipsi ; colles et montana Caribus Pedasensibus possidenda dedere. | After this the Milesians who had been taken prisoner were conducted to Susa; and king Dareios did to them no other evil, but settled them upon the Sea called Erythraian, in the city of Ampe, by which the Tigris flows when it runs out into the sea. Of the Milesian land the Persians themselves kept the surroundings of the city and the plain, but the heights they gave to the Carians of Pedasa for a possession. |
| 6.21 | Milesiis, hac calamitate afflictis a Persis, parem gratiam non retulerunt Sybaritæ, qui patria urbe exuti Laum et Scidrum incolebant. Nam Sybari a Crotoniatis capta Milesii universi, nulla excepta ætate, capita raserant, et ingentem præ se tulerant luctum : hæ enim civitates maxime omnium, quas novimus, hospitii inter se jura coluerant. (2) Diverso modo fecere Athenienses. Hi enim et aliis multis modis testatum fecerunt, quam acerbum e Mileti expugnatione luctum perceperint ; et, quum Phrynichus drama scripsisset docuissetque, Mileti expugnationem, in lacrimas eruperunt spectatores omnes, et mille drachmis multatus est poeta, quod domesticarum calamitatum memoriam refrixisset ; legeque cautum est, ne quis amplius hoc dramate uteretur. | When the Milesians suffered this treatment from the Persians, the men of Sybaris, who were dwelling in Laos and Skidros, being deprived of their own city, did not repay like with like: for when Sybaris was taken by the men of Croton, the Milesians all from youth upwards shaved their heads and put on great mourning: for these cities were more than all others of which we know bound together by ties of friendship. Not like the Sybarites were the Athenians; for these made it clear that they were grieved at the capture of Miletos, both in many other ways and also by this, that when Phrynichos had composed a drama called the “Capture of Miletos” and had put it on the stage, the body of spectators fell to weeping, and the Athenians moreover fined the poet a thousand drachmas on the ground that he had reminded them of their own calamities; and they ordered also that no one in future should represent this drama. |
| 6.22 | Ita Miletus viduata est Milesiis. Samiorum vero his, qui aliquid in bonis habebant, minime placuit id quod ab ipsorum ducibus in gratiam Medorum erat factum. Itaque statim a navali pugna deliberantes decreverunt, prius quam in ipsorum terram advenisset Æaces tyrannus, navibus in coloniam emigrare, nec manere dum Medis et Æaci servire cogerentur. (2) Etenim per idem tempus Zanclæi e Sicilia nuntios miserant in Ioniam, qui Ionas ad Calactam invitarent, ubi Ionicam condi urbem Zanclæi cupiebant. Est autem hæc Cale Acte (Pulcrum littus) quæ vocatur, Siciliæ tractus, Tyrrheniæ obversus. (3) His igitur invitantibus, soli ex Ionibus Samii in coloniam abierunt, cum eisque Milesii, qui patriæ calamitatem effugerant. | Miletos then had been stripped bare of its former inhabitants: but of the Samians they who had substance were by no means satisfied with that which had been concerted by the commanders of their fleet with the Medes; and taking counsel forthwith after the sea-fight it seemed good to them, before their despot Aiakes arrived in the country, to sail away and make a colony, and not to stay behind and be slaves of the Medes and of Aiakes: for just at this time the people of Zancle in Sicily were sending messengers to Ionia and inviting the Ionians to come to the “Fair Strand,” desiring there to found a city of Ionians. Now this which is called the Fair Strand is in the land of the Sikelians and on that side of Sicily which lies towards Tyrsenia. So when these gave the invitation, the Samians alone of all the Ionians set forth, having with them those of the Milesians who had escaped. |
| 6.23 | Interim res accidit hujusmodi. Samii, dum Siciliam petunt, in Locris erant Epizephyriis, et Zanclæi cum rege ipsorum, cui nomen erat Scythes, urbem aliquam Siciliæ obsidebant, quam expugnare cupidi erant. (2) Ea re cognita, Anaxilaus Rhegii tyrannus, infensus tunc Zanclæis, cum Samiis egit, monens eos omittendam esse, quam peterent, Calactam, occupandamque Zanclam, viris tum vacuam. (3) Et Samii, dicto audientes, Zanclam tenuere. Zanclæi, ut occupatam suam urbem audivere, ad opem ferendam accurrunt, advocato etiam Hippocrate, Gelæ tyranno, cui cum illis societas erat. (4) At Hippocrates, postquam cum exercitu tanquam opem illis laturus advenit, ipse Scytham Zanclæorum monarcham, qui urbem amiserat, fratremque ejus Pythogenem, compedibus vinctos in oppidum Inycum misit ; reliquos autem Zanclæos, fœdere cum Samiis inito, et fide data acceptaque, prodidit. (5) Merces ei a Samiis hæc erat stipulata, ut omnium quæ moveri possent mancipiorumque, quæ in urbe essent, dimidiam partem Hippocrates acciperet ; quæ vero in agris essent, ea cuncta sortiretur. (6) Igitur Zanclæorum plerosque ipse mancipiorum loco in vinculis habuit, eminentiores autem illorum trecentos Samiis tradidit interficiendos : at ab hac quidem culpa Samii abstinuere. | And in the course of this matter it happened as follows — The Samians as they made their way towards Sicily reached Locroi Epizephyroi, and at the same time the people of Zancle, both themselves and their king, whose name was Skythes, were encamped about a city of the Sikelians, desiring to conquer it. Perceiving these things, Anaxilaos the despot of Rhegion, being then at variance with those of Zancle, communicated with the Samians and persuaded them that they ought to leave the Fair Strand alone, to which they were sailing, and take possession of Zancle instead, since it was left now without men to defend it. The Samians accordingly did as he said and took possession of Zancle; and upon this the men of Zancle, being informed that their city was possessed by an enemy, set out to rescue it, and invited Hippocrates the despot of Gela to help them, for he was their ally. When however Hippocrates also with his army had come up to their rescue, first he put Skythes the ruler of the Zanclaians in fetters, on the ground that he had been the cause of the city being lost, and together with him his brother Pythogenes, and sent them away to the town of Incyos; then he betrayed the cause of the remaining Zanclaians by coming to terms with the Samians and exchanging oaths with them; and in return for this it had been promised by the Samians that Hippocrates should receive as his share the half of all the movable goods in the city and of the slaves, and the whole of the property in the fields round. So the greater number of the Zanclaians he put in bonds and kept himself as slaves, but the chief men of them, three hundred in number, he gave to the Samians to put to death; which however the Samians did not do. |
| 6.24 | Scythes vero, Zanclæorum monarcha, ex Inyco Himeram profugit ; indeque in Asiam profectus, ad regem Darium ascendit. (2) Et hunc Darius justissimum judicavit virorum omnium, qui e Græcia ad ipsum ascenderant : nam venia a rege impetrata in Siciliam redierat, rursusque e Sicilia ad regem erat reversus. Denique senex et beatus apud Persas e vita discessit. Ita igitur Samii, procul a Medis profecti, nullo labore pulcherrima urbe Zancla sunt potiti. | Now Skythes the ruler of the Zanclaians escaped from Incyos to Himera, and thence he came to Asia and went up to the court of Dareios: and Dareios accounted him the most righteous of all the men who had come up to him from Hellas; for he obtained leave of the king and went away to Sicily, and again came back from Sicily to the king; and at last he brought his life to an end among the Persians in old age and possessing great wealth. The Samians then, having got rid of the rule of the Medes, had gained for themselves without labor the fair city of Zancle. |
| 6.25 | Post peractam pro Mileto navalem pugnam, Phœnices e Persarum mandato Æacem, Sylosontis filium, Samum reduxerunt, utpote qui utilissimam illis egregiamque operam præstitisset. (2) Et solis, ex omnibus qui a Dario defecerant, Samiis neque urbs neque templa incensa sunt, propterea quod naves eorum in pugna navali socios deseruerant. Capta vero Mileto, protinus Caria in potestatem venit Persarum, aliis oppidis ultro sese dedentibus, aliis vi ad obsequium redactis. | After the sea-battle which was fought for Miletos, the Phenicians by the command of the Persians restored to Samos Aiakes the son of Syloson, since he had been to them of much service and had done for them great things; and the Samians alone of all who revolted from Dareios, because of the desertion of their ships which were in the sea-fight, had neither their city nor their temples burnt. Then after the capture of Miletos the Persians forthwith got possession of Caria, some of the cities having submitted to their power voluntarily, while others of them they brought over by force. |
| 6.26 | Atque ita hæ res gestæ sunt. Histiæo autem Milesio circa Byzantium versanti et Ionum onerarias naves e Ponto venientes intercipienti, affertur nuntius de rebus ad Miletum gestis. (2) Itaque, rebus ad Hellespontum Bisaltæ Abydeno permissis, Apollophanis filio, ipse secum sumptis Lesbiis Chium navigavit. Ubi quum non reciperet eum Chiorum præsidium, acie cum his congressus est in Cœlis (id est Cavis) quæ vocantur Chiæ terræ; (3) et eorum multos interfecit : mox reliquos etiam Chios, quippe navali pugna misere afflictos, sub potestatem suam Histiæus, Lesbiis adjutus, redegit, e Polichna Chiorum oppido impetu facto. | Thus it came to pass as regards these matters: and meanwhile Histiaios the Milesian, who was at Byzantion and was seizing the merchant vessels of the Ionians as they sailed forth out of the Pontus, received the report of that which had happened about Miletos. Upon that he entrusted the matters which had to do with the Hellespont to Bisaltes the son of Apollophanes, a man of Abydos, while he himself with the Lesbians sailed to Chios; and when a body of the Chians who were on guard did not allow him to approach, he fought with them at that spot in the Chian land which is called the “Hollows.” Histiaios then not only slew many of these, but also, taking Polichne of the Chians as his base, he conquered with the help of the Lesbians the remainder of the Chians as well, since they had suffered great loss by the sea-fight. |
| 6.27 | Solet autem deus ante significare, quando magna mala civitati aut populo cuipiam imminent ; atque etiam Chiis ante has calamitates ingentia signa acciderant. Primum enim, quum centum juvenum chorum Delphos misissent, non nisi duo ex his redierant, ceteris octo et nonaginta peste absumptis : (2) tum per idem tempus, haud multo ante navalem pugnam, super puerorum capitibus literas discentium tectum corruerat, ut de centum et viginti pueris unus solus evaserit. (3) His signis a deo ante ostensis, deinde secuta pugna navalis in genu projecit civitatem ; post pugnam vero navalem supervenit Histiæus cum Lesbiis, et Chios jam ante adtritos facile prorsus depressit. | And heaven is wont perhaps to give signs beforehand whenever great evils are about to happen to a city or a race of men; for to the Chians also before these events remarkable signs had come. In the first place when they had sent to Delphi a chorus of a hundred youths, two only returned home, the remaining ninety-eight of them having been seized by a plague and carried off; and then secondly in their city about the same time, that is shortly before the sea-fight, as some children were being taught in school the roof fell in upon them, so that of a hundred and twenty children only one escaped. These signs God showed to them beforehand; and after this the sea-fight came upon them and brought their State down upon its knees; and as the Chians had suffered great loss, he without difficulty effected the conquest of them. |
| 6.28 | Inde Thaso arma Histiæus intulit, magnam Ionum et Æolensium manum secum ducens. Dum vero Thasum circumsidet, affertur ei nuntius, Phœnices Mileto profectos reliquam Ioniam navibus petere. (2) Quo cognito, Thasum inexpugnatam relinquens, Lesbum contendit, universis copiis secum ductis. Lesbo vero, quum fame laboraret exercitus, in continentem trajecit, frumentum demetere et ex Atarneo cogitans, et e Caico campo Mysorum ditionis. (3) At fuit forte in ea regione Harpagus Persa, haud exigui dux exercitus : qui, cum illo in terram egresso commissa pugna, et ipsum Histiæum vivum cepit, et majorem copiarum illius partem interfecit. | Thence Histiaios made an expedition against Thasos, taking with him a large force of Ionians and Aiolians; and while he was encamped about the town of Thasos, a report came to him that the Phenicians were sailing up from Miletos to conquer the rest of Ionia. Being informed of this he left Thasos unconquered and himself hastened to Lesbos, taking with him his whole army. Then, as his army was in want of food, he crossed over from Lesbos to reap the corn in Atarneus and also that in the plain of the Caïcos, which belonged to the Mysians. In these parts there chanced to be a Persian named Harpagos commanding a considerable force; and this man fought a battle with him after he had landed, and he took Histiaios himself prisoner and destroyed the greater part of his army. |
| 6.29 | Captus est autem Histiæus hoc modo. Commisso Græcos inter et Persas prœlio in Malena agri Atarnensis, per satis longum tempus æquo marte pugnatum est ; ad extremum vero immissus est Græcis equitatus, qui pugnam hanc confecit : (2) et in fugam versis Græcis, Histiæus, sperans se ob admissam culpam non supplicio affectum iri a rege, talem quemdam vitæ amorem concepit : quum fugientem assecutus esset homo Persa, qui jam in eo erat ut deprehensum confoderet, Persico ille sermone hominem alloquens, esse se Histiæum Milesium indicavit. | And Histiaios was taken prisoner in the following manner — As the Hellenes were fighting with the Persians at Malene in the district of Atarneus, after they had been engaged in close combat for a long time, the cavalry at length charged and fell upon the Hellenes; and the cavalry in fact decided the battle. So when the Hellenes had been turned to flight, Histiaios trusting that he would not be put to death by the king on account of his present fault, conceived a love of life, so that when he was being caught in his flight by a Persian and was about to be run through by him in the moment of his capture, he spoke in Persian and made himself known, saying that he was Histiaios the Milesian. |
| 6.30 | Qui si in vita fuisset servatus, et ad Darium regem adductus, puto equidem nihil mali fuisse eum passurum, remissurumque ei culpam fuisse regem. Nunc hanc ipsam ob causam, ne salvus evaderet iterumque magnus fieret apud regem, Artaphernes Sardium præfectus, et qui illum captivum fecerat Harpagus, ut Sardes adductus est Histiæus, corpus illius suspenderunt e cruce, caput autem, sale conditum, Susa ad Darium regem miserunt. (2) Quibus rebus cognitis Darius, vituperatis his qui hoc fecerant, quod non vivum illum in suum conspectum adduxissent, caput Histiæi lotum et bene curatum jussit sepeliri, ut viri de se et de Persis præclare meriti. Hoc igitur fato functus Histiæus est. | If then upon being taken prisoner he had been brought to king Dareios, he would not, as I think, have suffered any harm, but Dareios would have forgiven the crime with which he was charged; as it was, however, for this very reason and in order that he might not escape from punishment and again become powerful with the king, Artaphrenes the governor of Sardis and Harpagos who had captured him, when he had reached Sardis on his way to the king, put him to death there and then, and his body they impaled, but embalmed his head and brought it up to Dareios at Susa. Dareios having been informed of this, found fault with those who had done so, because they had not brought him up to his presence alive; and he bade wash the head of Histiaios and bestow upon it proper care, and then bury it, as that of one who had been greatly a benefactor both of the king himself and of the Persians. |
| 6.31 | Jam navalis Persarum exercitus, postquam circa Miletum hiemaverat, sequenti anno inde profectus, insulas facile cepit haud procul a continente sitas, Chium et Lesbum et Tenedum. (2) Quarum insularum ut quaque potiti erant barbari, incolas omnes indagine cinctos capiebant. Indagine autem cingunt hoc modo : vir virum manu prehendens, a mari septentrionali ad australe pertinentes, totam pervadunt insulam, atque ita homines venantur. (3) Pariter vero etiam Ionicas in continente ceperunt civitates, nisi quod ibi homines non indagine cinctos venati sunt ; neque enim fieri id poterat. | Thus it happened about Histiaios; and meanwhile the Persian fleet, after wintering near Miletos, when it put to sea again in the following year conquered without difficulty the islands lying near the mainland, Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos; and whenever they took one of the islands, the Barbarians, as each was conquered, swept the inhabitants off it; and this they do in the following manner — they extend themselves from the sea on the North to the sea on the South, each man having hold of the hand of the next, and then they pass through the whole island hunting the people out of it. They took also the Ionian cities on the mainland in the same manner, except that they did not sweep off the inhabitants thus, for it was not possible. |
| 6.32 | Tunc vero Persarum duces vera præstiterunt ea, quæ minati Ionibus erant, quum illi ex adverso castra haberent. (2) Postquam enim urbibus potiti sunt, selectos puerorum formosissimos castrabant, e viris eunuchos facientes ; et virgines forma præcellentes abducebant ad regem : et hæc igitur faciebant et urbes cum ipsis templis incendio cremabant. (3) Atque sic tertio in servitutem Iones redacti sunt : primum a Lydis, et bis deinceps tunc a Persis. | Then the commanders of the Persians proved not false to the threats with which they had threatened the Ionians when these were encamped opposite to them: for in fact when they conquered the cities, they chose out the most comely of the boys and castrated them, making eunuchs of them, and the fairest of the maidens they carried off by force to the king; and not only this, but they also burnt the cities together with the temples. Thus for the third time had the Ionians been reduced to slavery, first by the Lydians and then twice in succession by the Persians. |
| 6.33 | Post hæc, relicta Ionia, navalis exercitus omnia Hellesponti loca, quæ ad sinistram sunt intranti, subegit : nam, quæ a dextra sunt, ea Persæ jam ipsi per se, terra aggressi, suam in potestatem redegerant. (2) Sunt autem ad Hellespontum in Europa loca hæc: Chersonesus, in qua complura insunt oppida, tum Perinthus, et castella Thracia, et Selybria, et Byzantium. (3) Jam Byzantii quidem, et his ex adverso oppositi Calchedonii, ne exspectarunt quidem Phœniciæ classis adventum ; sed, relictis suis sedibus, introrsus in Pontum Euxinum se receperunt, ibique urbem condiderunt Mesembriam. Phœnices vero, incensis his quæ nominavi locis, contra Proconnesum et Artacam se converterunt : quibus et ipsis igni datis, iterum in Chersonesum navigarunt, reliquas urbes expugnaturi, quas superiori appulsu non everterant. (4) Adversus Cyzicum vero cursum omnino non direxerunt : nam Cyziceni ipsi jam ante Phœnicum adventum in obsequio erant regis Persarum, deditionem cum Œbare pacti, Megabazi filio, Dascylei præfecto. Chersonesi vero, una Cardia excepta, reliquis omnibus urbibus potiti sunt Phœnices. | Departing from Ionia the fleet proceeded to conquer all the places of the Hellespont on the left as one sails in, for those on the right had been subdued already by the Persians themselves, approaching them by land. Now the cities of the Hellespont in Europe are these — first comes the Chersonese, in which there are many cities, then Perinthos, the strongholds of the Thracian border, Selymbria, and Byzantion. The people of Byzantion and those of Calchedon opposite did not even wait for the coming of the Persian ships, but had left their own land first and departed, going within the Euxine; and there they settled in the city of Mesambria. So the Phenicians, having burnt these places which have been mentioned, directed their course next to Proconnesos and Artake; and when they had delivered these also to the flames, they sailed back to the Chersonese to destroy the remaining cities which they had not sacked when they touched there before: but against Kyzicos they did not sail at all; for the men of Kyzicos even before the time when the Phenicians sailed in had submitted to the king of their own accord, and had made terms with Oibares the son of Megabazos, the Persian governor at Daskyleion. |
| 6.34 | Tyrannus tunc Chersonesi Miltiades erat, Cimonis filius, Stesagoræ nepos : quod regnum primus olim susceperat Miltiades, Cypseli filius, hoc modo. Tenebant hanc Chersonesum Dolonci Thraces. (2) Hi, bello pressi ab Apsinthiis, reges suos miserant Delphos, qui de hoc bello oraculum consulerent ; quibus Pythia respondit, coloniæ conditorem in hanc regionem secum adducerent eum, qui ipsos, postquam templo egressi essent, primus ad hospitium vocasset. (3) Rediere Dolonci sacra via, per Phocenses et Bœotos : ubi quum nemo eos vocasset, Athenas deflectunt. | In the Chersonese then the Phenicians made themselves masters of all the other cities except the city of Cardia. Of these cities up to that time Miltiades the son of Kimon, the son of Stesagoras, had been despot, Miltiades the son of Kypselos having obtained this government in the manner which here follows — The inhabitants of this Chersonese were Dolonkian Thracians; and these Dolonkians, being hard pressed in war by the Apsinthians, sent their kings to Delphi to consult the Oracle about the war. And the Pythian prophetess answered them that they must bring into their land as founder of a settlement the man who should first offer them hospitality as they returned from the temple. The Dolonkians then passed along the Sacred Road through the land of the Phokians and of the Boeotians, and as no man invited them, they turned aside and came to Athens. |
| 6.35 | Erat tunc Athenis summa potestas penes Pisistratum : ceterum dominabatur etiam Miltiades Cypseli filius, e familia quadrigas alente ; originem quidem generis ab Æaco ex Ægina repetens, sed recentiori memoria civis Atheniensis ; Philæus enim, Ajacis filius, primus ex hac familia in civium Atheniensium numerum erat receptus. (2) Hic Miltiades, in vestibulo ædium suarum sedens, quum prætereuntes conspiceret Doloncos, vestem gestantes extraneam et lanceas, inclamavit illos ; accedentibusque deversorium et hospitalia officia obtulit. (3) Tum illi, accepta conditione, hospitio ab eo recepti, totum hospiti effatum oraculi aperuerunt, rogaruntque eundem ut deo obsequeretur. Quorum audito sermone, protinus persuasus Miltiades est, quippe ægre ferens Pisistrati imperium, et procul ipse abesse cupiens. (4) Itaque extemplo Delphos profectus, consuluit oraculum, an faceret quod eum Dolonci rogassent. | Now at that time in Athens the government was held by Peisistratos, but Miltiades also the son of Kypselos had some power, who belonged to a family which kept four-horse chariot teams, and who was descended originally from Aiacos and Egina, though in more recent times his family was Athenian, Philaios the son of Ajax having been the first of his house who became an Athenian. This Miltiades was sitting in the entrance of his own dwelling, and seeing the Dolonkians going by with dress that was not of the native Athenian fashion and with spears, he shouted to them; and when they approached, he offered them lodging and hospitality. They then having accepted and having been entertained by him, proceeded to declare all the utterances of the Oracle; and having declared it they asked him to do as the god had said: and Miltiades when he heard it was at once disposed to agree, because he was vexed by the rule of Peisistratos and desired to be removed out of the way. He set out therefore forthwith to Delphi to inquire of the Oracle whether he should do that which the Dolonkians asked of him. |
| 6.36 | Quod ubi etiam Pythia facere jussit, ita Miltiades Cypseli filius, qui ante id tempus quadrigæ curriculo victoriam Olympiæ reportaverat, tunc, assumptis quicunque ex Atheniensibus profectionis esse socii voluerant, una cum Doloncis navigavit : et, postquam terram illam tenuit, ab his ipsis qui eum adduxerant tyrannus est constitutus. (2) Is igitur primo isthmum Chersonesi muro intercepit, e Cardia urbe usque Pactyam ; ne possent Apsinthii incursionibus vastare regionem. Est autem latitudo isthmi illius stadia sex et triginta ; longitudo vero Chersonesi ab hoc isthmo introrsum est quadringentorum et viginti stadiorum. | And as the Pythian prophetess also bade him do so, Miltiades the son of Kypselos, who had before this been victor at Olympia with a four-horse chariot, now taking with him of the Athenians everyone who desired to share in the expedition, sailed with the Dolonkians and took possession of the land: and they who had invited him to come to them made him despot over them. First then he made a wall across the isthmus of the Chersonese from the city of Cardia to Pactye, in order that the Apsinthians might not be able to invade the land and do them damage. Now the number of furlongs across the isthmus at this place is six-and-thirty, and from this isthmus the Chersonese within is altogether four hundred and twenty furlongs in length. |
| 6.37 | Faucibus Chersonesi muro interceptis, eaque ratione expulsis Apsinthiis, primis ceterorum Lampsacenis arma Miltiades intulit : quo bello a Lampsacenis, structis insidiis, vivus captus est. (2) Erat autem Miltiades Crœso Lydo familiaris. Itaque re cognita, Crœsus præcone misso edixit Lampsacenis, salvum dimitterent Miltiadem : id ni fecissent, minatus est, pinus arboris in modum se illos excisurum. (3) Incertis Lampsacenis, disceptantibusque inter se quid sibi vellet hoc verbum, quod ipsis minatus Crœsus esset, pinus in modum se illos excisurum, postremo tandem seniorum quispiam verum docuit, scilicet pinum solam e cunctis arboribus, postquam excisa sit, nullum amplius germen edere, sed funditus perire. Igitur Crœsum metuentes Lampsaceni Miltiadem solutis vinculis liberum dimiserunt. | Having made a wall then across the neck of the Chersonese and having in this manner repelled the Apsinthians, Miltiades made war upon the people of Lampsacos first of all others; and the people of Lampsacos laid an ambush and took him prisoner. Now Miltiades had come to be a friend of Croesus the Lydian; and Croesus accordingly, being informed of this event, sent and commanded the people of Lampsacos to let Miltiades go; otherwise he threatened to destroy them utterly like a pine-tree. Then when the people of Lampsacos were perplexed in their counsels as to what that saying should mean with which Croesus had threatened them, namely that he would destroy them utterly like a pine-tree, at length one of the elder men with difficulty perceived the truth, and said that a pine alone of all trees when it has been cut down does not put forth any further growth but perishes, being utterly destroyed. The people of Lampsacos therefore fearing Croesus loosed Miltiades and let him go. |
| 6.38 | Hic igitur, postquam opera Crœsi salvus evasit, deinde sine liberis obiit, regno et rebus suis omnibus Stesagoræ relictis, Cimonis filio, fratris sui eadem matre nati. Et ei vita functo sacra faciunt Chersonitæ, uti mos est conditori facere ; et equestre gymnicunque in illius honorem certamen celebrant, in quo nulli Lampsacenorum certare fas est. (2) Dum vero bellum geritur cum Lampsacenis, accidit ut Stesagoras quoque sine liberis vita discederet, securi caput percussus in prytaneo ab homine, qui in speciem transfuga, revera autem hostis erat isque ferventior. | He then escaped by means of Croesus, but afterwards he brought his life to an end leaving no son to succeed him, but passing over his rule and his possessions to Stesagoras, who was the son of Kimon, his brother on the mother’s side: and the people of the Chersonese still offer sacrifices to him after his death as it is usual to do to a founder, and hold in his honor a contest of horse-races and athletic exercises, in which none of the men of Lampsacos are allowed to contend. After this there was war with those of Lampsacos; and it happened to Stesagoras also that he died without leaving a son, having been struck on the head with an axe in the City Hall by a man who pretended to be a deserter, but who proved himself to be in fact an enemy and a rather hot one moreover. |
| 6.39 | Ita mortuo etiam Stesagora, deinde Miltiadem, Cimonis filium, mortui Stesagoræ fratrem, ad suscipiendum imperium cum triremi in Chersonesum miserunt Pisistratidæ; qui Athenis etiam eundem beneficiis promeruerant, quasi non conscii fuissent cædis patris illius Cimonis ; quæ quo pacto patrata fuerit, in alia narrationis parte exponam. (2) Miltiades postquam in Chersonesum pervenit, domi se tenuit, tanquam mortui fratris Stesagoræ memoriam honorans. Quod ubi rescivere Chersonesitæ, congressi principes ex omnibus undique civitatibus, quum communi consilio simul omnes ad eum condolendi causa convenissent, in vincula ab illo conjecti sunt. (3) Atque ita Miltiades Chersonesum tenuit, quingentos alens satellites et uxorem duxit filiam Olori Thracum regis Hegesipylam. | Then after Stesagoras also had ended his life in this manner, Miltiades son of Kimon and brother of that Stesagoras who was dead, was sent in a trireme to the Chersonese to take possession of the government by the sons of Peisistratos, who had dealt well with him at Athens also, pretending that they had had no share in the death of his father Kimon, of which in another part of the history I will set forth how it came to pass. Now Miltiades, when he came to the Chersonese, kept himself within his house, paying honors in all appearance to the memory of his brother Stesagoras; and the chief men of the inhabitants of the Chersonese in every place, being informed of this, gathered themselves together from all the cities and came in a body to condole with him, and when they had come they were laid in bonds by him. Miltiades then was in possession of the Chersonese, supporting a body of five hundred mercenary troops; and he married the daughter of Oloros the king of the Thracians, who was named Hegesipyle. |
| 6.40 | Hic igitur Cimonis filius Miltiades recentiori memoria in Chersonesum venerat : cui, e quo advenit, alia acciderunt præsentibus graviora. Tertio enim ab his rebus superiori anno Scythas fugiens in exilium abiit. Nempe Scythæ Nomades, a Dario rege irritati, junctis viribus usque in hanc Chersonesum invaserunt : (2) quorum adventum exspectare non ausus Miltiades e Chersoneso profugit ; donec, regressis Scythis, Dolonci eum reduxerunt. Hæc igitur tertio anno ante ea quæ nunc ei acciderunt, acta sunt. | Now this Miltiades son of Kimon had at the time of which we speak but lately returned to the Chersonese; and after he had returned, there befell him other misfortunes worse than those which had befallen him already; for two years before this he had been a fugitive out of the land from the Scythians, since the nomad Scythians provoked by king Dareios had joined all in a body and marched as far as this Chersonese, and Miltiades had not awaited their attack but had become a fugitive from the Chersonese, until at last the Scythians departed and the Dolonkians brought him back again. These things happened two years before the calamities which now oppressed him. |
| 6.41 | Nunc vero, ubi Phœnices in Tenedo esse cognovit, quinque triremibus ex his, quæ ad manus erant, pecunia et aliis rebus pretiosis impletis Athenas navigavit. Dum vero, e Cardia urbe profectus, per Melanem sinum navigans, prætervehitur Chersonesum, occurrunt navibus ejus Phœnices. (2) Et ipse quidem Miltiades cum quattuor navibus Imbrum effugit ; quintam vero persequentes Phœnices ceperunt, (3) cui navi præfectus tum erat Miltiadis filius natu maximus Metiochus, non ex Olori Thracis filia natus, sed ex alia uxore : atque hunc simul cum navi ceperunt Phœnices. Qui, ut resciverunt Miltiadis esse filium, ad regem eum abduxerunt, ingentem existimantes gratiam se inituros propter sententiam quam in Ionum concilio dixerat Miltiades, quum illos hortaretur obtemperare Scythis rogantibus, ut pontem solverent Iones domumque navigarent. (4) At Darius, postquam ad eum Phœnices Metiochum Miltiadis filium adduxerunt, nihil Metiocho mali fecit, sed multa in eum beneficia contulit : nam et domum et possessiones ei dedit, et Persicam uxorem, e qua ei nati sunt filii, qui Persarum ordini sunt ascripti. | And now, being informed that the Phenicians were at Tenedos, he filled five triremes with the property which he had at hand and sailed away for Athens. And having set out from the city of Cardia he was sailing through the gulf of Melas; and as he passed along by the shore of the Chersonese, the Phenicians fell in with his ships, and while Miltiades himself with four of his ships escaped to Imbros, the fifth of his ships was captured in the pursuit by the Phenicians. Of this ship it chanced that Metiochos the eldest of the sons of Miltiades was in command, not born of the daughter of Oloros the Thracian, but of another woman. Him the Phenicians captured together with his ship; and being informed about him, that he was the son of Miltiades, they brought him up to the king, supposing that they would lay up for themselves a great obligation; because it was Miltiades who had declared as his opinion to the Ionians that they should do as the Scythians said, at that time when the Scythians requested them to break up the bridge of boats and sail away to their own land. Dareios however, when the Phenicians brought up to him Metiochos the son of Miltiades, did Metiochos no harm but on the contrary very much good; for he gave him a house and possessions and a Persian wife, by whom he had children born who have been ranked as Persians. |
| 6.42 | Miltiades vero ex Imbro Athenas pervenit. Atque eo anno nihil amplius hostile adversus Ionas a Persis susceptum est ; immo vero hæc valde utilia Ionibus hoc anno contigere. (2) Artaphernes, Sardium præfectus, arcessitis legatis e civitatibus, coegit Ionas, ut pactiones mutuas facerent de litibus e juris formula dirimendis, nec porro vi et armis inter se agerent. (3) Et hoc eos facere coegit, et terras eorumdem dimensus per parasangas (sic Persæ mensuram vocant triginta stadiorum), tributa quibusque imposuit, quæ ab illo inde tempore constanter ad meam usque ætatem eadem manent, sicut ab Artapherne constituta sunt : constituta autem ab illo sunt fere eadem conditione atque prius fuerant. | Miltiades meanwhile came from Imbros to Athens. In the course of this year there was done by the Persians nothing more which tended to strife with the Ionians, but these things which follow were done in this year very much to their advantage. — Artaphrenes the governor of Sardis sent for envoys from all the cities and compelled the Ionians to make agreements among themselves, so that they might give satisfaction for wrongs and not plunder one another’s land. This he compelled them to do, and also he measured their territories by parasangs — that is the name which the Persians give to the length of thirty furlongs — he measured, I say, by these, and appointed a certain amount of tribute for each people, which continues still unaltered from that time even to my own days, as it was appointed by Artaphrenes; and the tribute was appointed to be nearly of the same amount for each as it had been before. |
| 6.43 | Et hæc quidem pacata illis contigerunt. Primo autem vere, reliquis imperatoribus domum dimissis a rege, Mardonius Gobryæ filius ad mare descendit, ingentem et pedestrem exercitum ducens, et navalem. Ætate juvenis is erat, et nuper regis Darii filiam Artozostram duxerat uxorem. (2) Huic igitur exercitui præfectus Mardonius, postquam in Ciliciam pervenit, navem ipse conscendit, et cum reliquis navibus est profectus ; pedestrem vero exercitum alii duces ad Hellespontum duxerunt. (3) Quum vero Asiam præternavigans Mardonius ad Ioniam pervenisset, rem hic ego dicam maxime miram eis Græcis, qui sibi persuaderi non patiuntur, Otanen unum e septem illis Persis pro sententia dixisse, populare imperium apud Persas debere institui. Namque Mardonius, abrogato tyrannorum omnium inter Ionas imperio, popularem statum civitatibus instituit. (4) Eo facto in Hellespontum properavit. Ut vero coacta est magna vis navium, et collectus ingens pedestris exercitus, navibus superato Hellesponto, per Europam iter fecerunt : proficiscebantur autem adversus Eretriam et Athenas. | These were things which tended to peace for the Ionians; but at the beginning of the spring, the other commanders having all been removed by the king, Mardonios the son of Gobryas came down to the sea, bringing with him a very large land-army and a very large naval force, being a young man and lately married to Artozostra daughter of king Dareios. When Mardonios leading this army came to Kilikia, he embarked on board a ship himself and proceeded together with the other ships, while other leaders led the land-army to the Hellespont. Mardonios however sailing along the coast of Asia came to Ionia: and here I shall relate a thing which will be a great marvel to those of the Hellenes who do not believe that to the seven men of the Persians Otanes declared as his opinion that the Persians ought to have popular rule; for Mardonios deposed all the despots of the Ionians and established popular governments in the cities. Having so done he hastened on to the Hellespont; and when there was collected a vast number of ships and a large land-army, they crossed over the Hellespont in the ships and began to make their way through Europe, and their way was directed against Eretria and Athens. |
| 6.44 | Nempe, contra has dirigi expeditionem, verbis præ se ferebant. Ceterum, quum constitutum apud se haberent quam plurimas possent e Græcis civitatibus subigere, primum Thasios classe aggressi, qui ne manus quidem contra illos sustulerant, sibi subjecerunt ; tum pedestri exercitu Macedonas, post illos qui jam Persis serviebant, sub jugum miserunt : nam qui cis Macedoniam habitant populi, jam cuncti illis subjecti erant. (2) Dein navibus a Thaso continentem versus transvecti, secundum oram perrexerunt navigare usque Acanthum : tum Acantho profecti, Athon montem circumvehi instituerunt. Sed dum circumvehuntur, ingruens ventus boreas ingens, et contra quem eluctari nulla arte poterant, maximum navium numerum ad montem impulas misere afflixit. (3) Ajunt enim ad trecentas e navibus periisse, et hominum amplius viginti milia. Etenim quum belluis frequens admodum sit hoc circa Athon mare, alii a belluis rapti periere ; alii vero ad petras allisi ; alii, quum natare non didicissent, hoc ipso periere ; alii gelu. Hæc clades classem afflixit. | These, I say, furnished them the pretence for the expedition, but they had it in their minds to subdue as many as they could of the Hellenic cities; and in the first place they subdued with their ships the Thasians, who did not even raise a hand to defend themselves: then with the land-army they gained the Macedonians to be their servants in addition to those whom they had already; for all the nations on the East of the Macedonians had become subject to them already before this. Crossing over then from Thasos to the opposite coast, they proceeded on their way near the land as far as Acanthos, and then starting from Acanthos they attempted to get round Mount Athos; but as they sailed round, there fell upon them a violent North Wind, against which they could do nothing, and handled them very roughly, casting away very many of their ships on Mount Athos. It is said indeed that the number of the ships destroyed was three hundred, and more than twenty thousand men; for as this sea which is about Athos is very full of sea monsters, some were seized by these and so perished, while others were dashed against the rocks; and some of them did not know how to swim and perished for that cause, others again by reason of cold. Thus fared the fleet. |
| 6.45 | Mardonium vero et pedestrem exercitum, quum in Macedonia castra haberet, noctu aggressi Brygi Thraces, magnum militum numerum occiderunt, ipsumque vulnerarunt Mardonium. At ne hi quidem servitutem a Persis imminentem effugere : etenim non prius ex his regionibus discessit Mardonius, quam in potestatem illos redegisset. (2) Verumtamen, subactis his, retro duxit exercitum, quippe et terra clade a Brygis accepta, et mari maximam calamitatem ad Athon passus. Ita hæ copiæ, turpiter re gesta, in Asiam redierunt. | And meanwhile Mardonios and the land-army while encamping in Macedonia were attacked in the night by the Brygian Thracians, and many of them were slain by the Brygians and Mardonios himself was wounded. However not even these escaped being enslaved by the Persians, for Mardonios did not depart from that region until he had made them subject. But when he had subdued these, he proceeded to lead his army back, since he had suffered great loss with his land-army in fighting against the Brygians and with his fleet in going round Athos. So this expedition departed back to Asia having gained no honor by its contests. |
| 6.46 | Altero vero ab his rebus anno primum Thasios, a vicinis insimulatos quasi defectionem molirentur, misso nuntio jussit Darius diruere murum, et naves suas Abdera devehere. (2) Thasii enim, e quo ab Histiæo Milesio fuerant obsessi, quum magni illis essent reditus publici, pecuniis suis utebantur ad construendas naves longas, et ad validiorem murum urbi suæ circumducendum. Erant autem illis reditus et e continente et e metallis. (3) Certe ex his quæ in Scapte-Hyle metalla sunt, quæ sunt auri fodinæ, omnino octoginta redibant talenta ; ex his vero quæ in ipsa Thaso, aliquanto quidem minus, sed tamen tantum, ut, quum Thasii essent vectigalium immunes fructuum nomine pendendorum, e continente et e metallis redirent iis omnino quotannis ducenta talenta, et, quando plurimum redibat, trecenta. | In the next year after this Dareios first sent a messenger to the men of Thasos, who had been accused by their neighbors of planning revolt, and bade them take away the wall around their town and bring their ships to Abdera. The Thasians in fact, as they had been besieged by Histiaios the Milesian and at the same time had large revenues coming in, were using their money in building ships of war and in surrounding their city with a stronger wall. Now the revenues came to them from the mainland and from the mines: from the gold-mines in Scapte Hyle there came in generally eighty talents a year, and from those in Thasos itself a smaller amount than this but so much that in general the Thasians, without taxes upon the produce of their soil, had a revenue from the mainland and from the mines amounting yearly to two hundred talents, and when the amount was highest, to three hundred. |
| 6.47 | Vidi etiam ipse hæc metalla : quorum maxime admiranda mihi visa sunt ea, quæ a Phœnicibus fuerant inventa, qui cum Thaso insulam hanc condiderunt, quæ nunc ab hoc Thaso Phœnice nomen traxit. (2) Sunt autem Phœnicia hæc metalla inter duo Thasi loca, quorum alteri Ænyra nomen est, alteri Cœnyra, adversus Samothraciam : ingens mons est, quærendis metalli venis susque deque versus. | I myself saw these mines, and by much the most marvellous of them were those which the Phenicians discovered, who made the first settlement in this island in company with Thasos; and the island had the name which it now has from this Thasos the Phenician. These Phenician mines are in that part of Thasos which is between the places called Ainyra and Koinyra and opposite Samothrake, where there is a great mountain which has been all turned up in the search for metal. |
| 6.48 | Et hæc quidem hujusmodi sunt. Ceterum Thasii, regis imperio parentes, et murum suum diruerunt, et naves cunctas devexerunt Abdera. (2) Post hæc temptare Græcorum animos Darius instituit, cogniturus utrum secum bellum gesturi, an se ipsi tradituri essent. Igitur præcones per Græciam, alios alio, dimisit, qui regis nomine terram et aquam a Græciæ populis poscerent. (3) Dum vero hos in Græciam mittit, simul alios præcones per maritimas civitates sibi tributarias dimisit, qui eas juberent naves longas aliasque transvehendis equis comparare. | Thus it is with this matter: and the Thasians on the command of the king both razed their walls and brought all their ships to Abdera. After this Dareios began to make trial of the Hellenes, what they meant to do, whether to make war with him or to deliver themselves up. He sent abroad heralds therefore, and appointed them to go some to one place and others to another throughout Hellas, bidding them demand earth and water for the king. These, I say, he sent to Hellas; and meanwhile he was sending abroad other heralds to his own tributary cities which lay upon the sea-coast. And he bade them have ships of war built and also vessels to carry horses. |
| 6.49 | Hæ igitur comparabant imperatas naves : qui vero in Græciam venerunt legati, his multi quidem in continente populi ea, quæ ipsis rex proposuerat postulaveratque, dedere ; insulani vero omnes, ad quoscunque legati cum eisdem postulatis pervenerunt. Igitur quum ceteri insulani terram et aquam Dario dederunt, tum vero etiam Æginetæ. (2) Qui quum hoc fecissent, protinus eis imminebant Athenienses, rati adversus se tendere illud Æginetarum factum, ut simul cum rege Persarum bellum sibi inferrent. Itaque cupide arripientes hanc occasionem, Spartam misere legatos, qui accusarent Æginetas hujus facti causa, quod ad proditionem pertineret Græciæ. | They then were engaged in preparing these things; and meanwhile when the heralds had come to Hellas, many of those who dwelt upon the mainland gave that for which the Persian made demand, and all those who dwelt in the islands did so, to whomsoever they came to make their demand. The islanders, I say, gave earth and water to Dareios, and among them also those of Egina, and when these had done so, the Athenians went forthwith urgent against them, supposing that the Eginetans had given with hostile purpose against themselves, in order to make an expedition against them in combination with the Persians; and also they were glad to get hold of an occasion against them. Accordingly they sent embassies to Sparta and accused the Eginetans of what they had done, something which proved them traitors to Hellas. |
| 6.50 | Qua audita accusatione, Cleomenes Anaxandridæ filius, rex Spartanorum, Æginam trajecit, comprehensurus hos ex Æginetis, qui ejus rei maxime fuissent auctores. Ut vero comprehendere eos est aggressus, quum alii Æginetarum ei restiterunt, tum in his maxime Crius, Polycriti filius ; qui, non impune, ait, illum quemquam ex Æginetis esse abducturum : (2) non enim publico Spartanorum consilio eum hoc facere, sed pecunia corruptum ab Atheniensibus ; alioqui simul cum altero rege venturum fuisse ad hos comprehendendos. Dixit autem hæc e Demarati mandato. (3) Cleomenes igitur, Ægina abire coactus, e Crio quæsivit, quodnam ei nomen esset. Qui quum verum respondisset, dixit ei Cleomenes : « Nunc igitur, Aries (id significat Græcum nomen Krios), cornua tua ære muni, quippe magnum in malum incursurus. » | In consequence of this accusation Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides, king of the Spartans, crossed over to Egina meaning to seize those of the Eginetans who were the most guilty; but as he was attempting to seize them, certain of the Eginetans opposed him, and among them especially Crios the son of Polycritos, who said that he should not with impunity carry off a single Eginetan, for he was doing this (said he) without authority from the Spartan State, having been persuaded to it by the Athenians with money; otherwise he would have come and seized them in company with the other king: and this he said by reason of a message received from Demaratos. Cleomenes then as he departed from Egina, asked Crios what was his name, and he told him the truth; and Cleomenes said to him: “Surely now, O Ram, thou must cover over thy horns with bronze for thou wilt shortly have a great trouble to contend with.” |
| 6.51 | Cleomenem vero per id tempus Spartæ calumniabatur Demaratus, Aristonis filius, qui domi manserat, rex et ipse Spartanorum, sed e familia inferiore ; non quidem ob aliam causam inferiore (nam ab eodem progenitore oriundi erant), nisi quod propter primogenituram magis in honore erat Eurysthenis prosapia. | Meanwhile Demaratos the son of Ariston was staying behind in Sparta and bringing charges against Cleomenes, he also being king of the Spartans but of the inferior house; which however is inferior in no other way (for it is descended from the same ancestor), but the house of Eurysthenes has always been honored more, apparently because he was the elder brother. |
| 6.52 | Etenim Lacedæmonii, contra quam a poetis omnibus memoratur, ajunt, non Aristodemi filios, sed ipsum Aristodemum, Aristomachi filium, Cleodæi nepotem, Hylli pronepotem, quum rex esset Lacedæmoniorum, duxisse illos in hanc regionem quam nunc ipsi obtinent. (2) Haud multo vero interjecto tempore uxorem Aristodemi, cui nomen fuisse Argiam ; fuisse autem eandem ajunt filiam Autesionis, neptin Tisameni, proneptin Thersandri, abneptin Polynicis ; hanc, inquam, peperisse gemellos : et Aristodemum, postquam vidisset pueros, morbo decessisse. (3) Lacedæmonios autem, qui tunc fuissent, decrevisse regem e legis præscripto nominandum e pueris eum qui major esset natu. Quum vero nescirent, utrum ex illis eligerent, ut qui similes inter se et æquales essent ; quumque nec nunc, nec ante cognovissent uter prior esset, interrogasse matrem. (4) At illam dixisse, ne se quidem ipsam internoscere : et scientem quidem egregie quæ res sit hoc dixisse, sed cupientem, ut uterque, si fieri forte posset, rex nominetur. Lacedæmonios itaque, incerti quum essent, Delphos misisse, quid facto opus esset consulentes : (5) Pythiamque eos jussisse, ut puerum utrumque regem haberent, sed magis honorarent natu majorem. Quo accepto responso, quum nihilo minus incerti fuissent Lacedæmonii, quo pacto reperirent, uter eorum major natu esset, consilius eis dedisse hominem Messenium, cui nomen fuisse Panitæ. Suasisse igitur Lacedæmoniis hunc Paniten, ut observarent matrem, viderentque utrum puerorum lavaret priorem, priorique cibum præberet. Quodsi illa deprehenderetur in hoc constanter eundem servare tenorem, habituros illos totam rem quam quærant et reperire cupiant : sin fluctuet illa, et modo hunc, modo illum priorem curet, satis illos intelligere posse, ne ipsam quidem matrem exploratam rem habere ; et tunc quidem aliam ineundam fore rationem. (6) Jam illos, juxta Messenii monitum observantes matrem filiorum Aristodemi, ignorantem ipsam cujus rei causa observaretur, deprehendisse constanter eam et in cibo præbendo et in lavando præferentem puerorum priorem. (7) Sumpsisse igitur Lacedæmonios hunc a matre alteri prœlatum, ut natu majorem, eumque in domo publica aluisse ; nomenque ei impositum fuisse Eurysthenis, minori vero Proclis. Et hos ipsos fratres, postquam adolevissent, per omne vitæ tempus discordes inter se fuisse ajunt, et pari modo constanter animatos esse illorum posteros. | For the Lacedemonians, who herein agree with none of the poets, say that Aristodemos the son of Aristomachos, the son of Cleodaios, the son of Hyllos, being their king, led them himself (and not the sons of Aristodemos) to this land which they now possess. Then after no long time the wife of Aristodemos, whose name was Argeia — she was the daughter, they say, of Autesion, the son of Tisamenes, the son of Thersander, the son of Polyneikes — she, it is said, brought forth twins; and Aristodemos lived but to see his children and then ended his life by sickness. So the Lacedemonians of that time resolved according to established custom to make the elder of the children their king; but they did not know which of them they should take, because they were like one another and of equal size; and when they were not able to make out, or even before this, they inquired of their mother; and she said that even she herself did not know one from the other. She said this, although she knew in truth very well, because she desired that by some means both might be made kings. The Lacedemonians then were in a strait; and being in a strait they sent to Delphi to inquire what they should do in the matter. And the Pythian prophetess bade them regard both children as their kings, but honor most the first in age. The prophetess, they say, thus gave answer to them; and when the Lacedemonians were at a loss none the less how to find out the elder of them, a Messenian whose name was Panites made a suggestion to them: this Panites, I say, suggested to the Lacedemonians that they should watch the mother and see which of the children she washed and fed before the other; and if she was seen to do this always in the same order, then they would have all that they were seeking and desiring to find out, but if she too was uncertain and did it in a different order at different times, it would be plain to them that even she had no more knowledge than any other, and they must turn to some other way. Then the Spartans following the suggestion of the Messenian watched the mother of the sons of Aristodemos and found that she gave honor thus to the first-born both in feeding and in washing; for she did not know with that design she was being watched. They took therefore the child which was honored by its mother and brought it up as the first-born in the public hall, and to it was given the name of Eurysthenes, while the other was called Procles. These, when they had grown up, both themselves were at variance, they say, with one another, though they were brothers, throughout the whole time of their lives, and their descendants also continued after the same manner. |
| 6.53 | Hæc quidem soli e Græcis Lacedæmonii narrant. Jam vero, quæ communi consensu a Græcis memorantur, hæc dicam : scilicet Doriensium hos reges usque ad Perseum, Danaæ filium, prætermisso dei nomine, recte recenseri a Græcis, et esse illos Hellenas (sive Græcos) probari : jam tunc enim Hellenibus hi accensebantur. (2) Dixi autem usque ad Perseum, neque altius repetii eorum genus, hac causa, quoniam Persei pater mortalis nullus nominatur, quemadmodum Herculis Amphitryo. Itaque recte et idonea de causa dixi, usque ad Perseum. (3) Sin a Danæ, Acrisii filia, per patres ascendendo repetere genus velimus, reperiemus Doriensium duces origine Ægyptios fuisse. Hæc igitur, e Græcorum ratione, illorum genealogia est. | This is the report given by the Lacedemonians alone of all the Hellenes; but this which follows I write in accordance with that which is reported by the Hellenes generally — I mean that the names of these kings of the Dorians are rightly enumerated by the Hellenes up to Perseus the son of Danae (leaving the god out of account), and proved to be of Hellenic race; for even from that time they were reckoned as Hellenes. I said “up to Perseus” and did not take the descent from a yet higher point, because there is no name mentioned of a mortal father for Perseus, as Amphitryon is for Heracles. Therefore with reason, as is evident, I have said “rightly up to Perseus”; but if one enumerates their ancestors in succession going back from Danae the daughter of Acrisios, the rulers of the Dorians will prove to be Egyptians by direct descent. |
| 6.54 | Ut vero Persarum fert traditio, ipse Perseus, Assyrius quum esset, Græcus est factus, non vero Persei majores : Acrisii vero progenitores generis propinquitate ad Perseum nihil pertinere, sed esse, quemadmodum Græci dicunt, Ægyptios. | Thus I have traced the descent according to the account given by the Hellenes; but as the story is reported which the Persians tell, Perseus himself was an Assyrian and became a Hellene, whereas the ancestors of Perseus were not Hellenes; and as for the ancestors of Acrisios, who (according to this account) belonged not to Perseus in any way by kinship, they say that these were, as the Hellenes report, Egyptians. |
| 6.55 | Et hæc quidem de his dicta sufficiant. Cur vero, et quibus rebus gestis, Ægyptii quum essent, Doriensium reges evaserint, omitto memorare, quum ab aliis hæc exposita sint. Quæ vero alii non occuparunt, eorum mentionem faciam. | Let it suffice to have said so much about these matters; and as to the question how and by what exploits being Egyptians they received the sceptres of royalty over the Dorians, we will omit these things, since others have told about them; but the things with which other narrators have not dealt, of these I will make mention. |
| 6.56 | Jam honores et privilegia, regibus Spartanis tributa, hæc sunt : sacerdotia duo, Jovis Lacedæmonii, et Jovis Cœlestis : tum belli inferendi potestas in quamcunque velint terram ; cui potestati intercedere nemo Spartanus potest, quin piaculari se crimine obliget. Quum in bellum proficiscuntur, primi incedunt reges, postremi redeunt : (2) et centum delecti viri in exercitu eos custodiunt. Victimis utuntur in expeditionibus, quotcunque volunt ; et omnium immolatarum pecudum et pelles et terga ipsi accipiunt. Hæc sunt quæ ad bellum pertinent. | These are the royal rights which have been given by the Spartans to their kings, namely, two priesthoods, of Zeus Lakedaimon and Zeus Uranios; and the right of making war against whatsoever land they please, and that no man of the Spartans shall hinder this right, or if he do, he shall be subject to the curse; and that when they go on expeditions the kings shall go out first and return last; that a hundred picked men shall be their guard upon expeditions; and that they shall use in their goings forth to war as many cattle as they desire, and take both the hides and the backs of all that are sacrificed. |
| 6.57 | In pace hi eisdem honores et præmia sunt concessa. Si quis publicum facit sacrificium, primi in cœna sedent reges, et ab his fit distribuendorum ciborum initium, ita quidem ut utrique regi de rebus omnibus duplex portio tribuatur, quam ceteris convivis : libamina etiam hi auspicantur, iidemque mactatarum pecudum pelles accipiunt. (2) Ad hæc, singulis noviluniis, et septimo cujusque mensis die, utrique regum e publico datur perfecta victima in Apollinis templo mactanda, et farinæ medimnus, et vini quartarius Laconicus. In omnibus ludis publicis sedes primarias et præcipuas habent. (3) Proxenos civitatibus iidem nominant e civibus quoscunque voluerint ; et uterque duos nominat Pythios : sunt autem Pythii, cives qui Delphos mittuntur ad consulendum oraculum, hique publice cum regibus aluntur. (4) Quando ad cœnam non veniunt reges, utrique domum mittuntur duo chœnices farinæ, et vini cotyla : præsentibus vero tribuitur de omnibus rebus duplex portio ; idemque illis honos habetur, quoties a privato homine ad cœnam vocantur. (5) Edita vaticinia hi custodiunt, sed ita ut eorumdem conscii sint Pythii. Judicant soli reges de hisce solum rebus : de virgine paternorum omnium bonorum hærede, cui illa nubere debeat, nisi jam a patre fuerit desponsata ; et de viis publicis. (6) Tum, si quis adoptare voluerit filium, is coram regibus id facere tenetur. Adsident reges deliberantibus senatoribus, qui sunt numero duodetriginta : quodsi in senatum non veniunt, hi e senatoribus qui proxime illos cognatione attingunt, regum habent honores, et duo suffragia conferunt, prætereaque tertium, suum ipsorum. | These are their privileges in war; and in peace moreover things have been assigned to them as follows — if any sacrifice is performed at the public charge, it is the privilege of the kings to sit down at the feast before all others, and that the attendants shall begin with them first, and serve to each of them a portion of everything double of that which is given to the other guests, and that they shall have the first pouring of libations and the hides of the animals slain in sacrifice; that on every new moon and seventh day of the month there shall be delivered at the public charge to each one of these a full-grown victim in the temple of Apollo, and a measure of barley-groats and a Laconian “quarter” of wine; and that at all the games they shall have seats of honor specially set apart for them: moreover it is their privilege to appoint as protectors of strangers whomsoever they will of the citizens, and to choose each two “Pythians:” now the Pythians are men sent to consult the god at Delphi, and they eat with the kings at the public charge. And if the kings do not come to the dinner, it is the rule that there shall be sent out for them to their houses two quarts of barley-groats for each one and half a pint of wine; but if they are present, double shares of everything shall be given them, and moreover they shall be honored in this same manner when they have been invited to dinner by private persons. The kings also, it is ordained, shall have charge of the oracles which are given, but the Pythians also shall have knowledge of them. It is the rule moreover that the kings alone give decision on the following cases only, that is to say, about the maiden who inherits her father’s property, namely who ought to have her, if her father have not betrothed her to any one, and about public ways; also if any man desires to adopt a son, he must do it in presence of the kings: and it is ordained that they shall sit in council with the Senators, who are in number eight-and-twenty, and if they do not come, those of the Senators who are most closely related to them shall have the privileges of the kings and give two votes besides their own, making three in all. |
| 6.58 | Ista igitur viventibus regibus Spartanis publice tribuuntur : mortuis vero, hæcce. Nunciant equites obitum regis per universam Laconicam ; in urbe vero circumeuntes mulieres lebetem pulsant. Quo facto, necesse est ut e quaque domo duo liberi homines, mas et femina, luctu squaleant ; id ni faciunt, gravem mulctam incurrunt. (2) Est autem mos Lacedæmoniorum in regum obitu idem qui barbarorum in Asia : plerique enim barbari in obitu regum suorum eodem utuntur instituto. Mortuo enim rege Lacedæmoniorum, non Spartani solum, sed et e tota Laconica circum habitantium certus quidam numerus ad prosequendum funus convenire tenetur. (3) Hi igitur, et Helotæ, et Spartani ipsi, postquam multa milia numero in unum convenere, promiscue cum mulieribus frontes gnaviter plangunt, immensaque edunt lamenta, postremum semper e regibus, eum qui diem obiit, optimum fuisse dicentes. (4) Quodsi in bello mortuus rex est, ejus simulacrum effingunt, et pulcre strato lectulo impositum efferunt. Sepulto rege, per decem dies nec populi contio instituitur, nec magistratuum consessus, sed per hos dies continuos lugent. | These rights have been assigned to the kings for their lifetime by the Spartan State; and after they are dead these which follow — horsemen go round and announce that which has happened throughout the whole of the Laconian land, and in the city women go about and strike upon a copper kettle. Whenever this happens so, two free persons of each household must go into mourning, a man and a woman, and for those who fail to do this great penalties are appointed. Now the custom of the Lacedemonians about the deaths of their kings is the same as that of the Barbarians who dwell in Asia, for most of the Barbarians practise the same customs as regards the death of their kings. Whensoever a king of the Lacedemonians is dead, then from the whole territory of Lacedemon, not reckoning the Spartans, a certain fixed number of the “dwellers round” are compelled to go to the funeral ceremony: and when there have been gathered together of these and of the Helots and of the Spartans themselves many thousands in the same place, with their women intermingled, they beat their foreheads with a good will and make lamentation without stint, saying that this one who has died last of their kings was the best of all: and whenever any of their kings has been killed in war, they prepare an image to represent him, laid upon a couch with fair coverings, and carry it out to be buried. Then after they have buried him, no assembly is held among them for ten days, nor is there any meeting for choice of magistrates, but they have mourning during these days. |
| 6.59 | Etiam in hoc Lacedæmoniis convenit cum Persis, quod defuncti regis successor in regni sui auspiciis ære alieno liberat quemlibet Spartanum, qui vel regi vel publico aliquid debuit. Similiter enim apud Persas recens constitutus rex civitatibus omnibus tributum, quod nondum persolverunt, remittit. | In another respect too these resemble the Persians; that is to say, when the king is dead and another is appointed king, this king who is newly coming in sets free any man of the Spartans who was a debtor to the king or to the State; while among the Persians the king who comes to the throne remits to all the cities the arrears of tribute which are due. |
| 6.60 | Cum Ægyptiis vero hoc commune Lacedæmonii habent, quod apud illos præcones et tibicines et coqui in patrias artes succedunt ; et tibicen filius est tibicinis, coquus coqui, præco præconis : neque præconis filium alius, ob vocis claritatem munus hoc ambiens, excludit ; sed quilibet negotium suum patrio more exsequitur. Atque hæc quidem ita se habent. | In the following point also the Lacedemonians resemble the Egyptians; that is to say, their heralds and fluteplayers and cooks inherit the crafts of their fathers, and a fluteplayer is the son of a fluteplayer, a cook of a cook, and a herald of a herald; other men do not lay hands upon the office because they have loud and clear voices, and so shut them out of it, but they practise their craft by inheritance from their fathers. Thus are these things done. |
| 6.61 | Cleomenem igitur, Æginæ tunc versantem, et communi Græciæ bono navantem operam, quum accusasset Demaratus, non Æginetis ille studens, sed invidia et odio ductus ; (2) tum vero Cleomenes, ex Ægina reversus, regiam dignitatem abrogandi Demarato consilium cepit ; cujus exsequendi consilii hæc res ei ansam occasionemque præbuit. (3) Aristoni, Spartæ regi, quum duas deinceps uxores duxisset, liberi ex his nulli prognati erant. Cujus rei non suam esse culpam existimans, tertiam duxit uxorem. (4) Duxit autem hoc modo : erat illi amicus civis Spartanus, quo civium omnium familiarissime Ariston utebatur. Hic vir uxorem habuit longe formosissimam omnium quæ Spartæ erant mulierum : et ea quidem formosissima e deformissima evaserat. (5) Etenim quum turpis fuisset aspectu, nutrix illius, puellam ita deformem videns esse hominum opulentorum filiam, vidensque parentes illius in magna calamitate ponere turpem filiolæ formam, hæc animadvertens nutrix, tale inivit consilium : (6) quotidie gestabat eam in Helenæ templum, quod est in loco qui Therapna vocatur, supra Phœbeum templum. Quoties autem puellam eo gestasset, statuebat illam ante deæ simulacrum, supplexque rogabat deam, ut deformitate liberare puellam vellet. (7) Jam die quodam, quum templo egrederetur nutrix, apparuisse ei dicitur mulier, quærens ex ea quid esset quod in ulna gestaret. Cui quum illa respondisset, puellam se gestare, rogasse mulierem, ut sibi monstraret puellam. Neganti nutrici, dicentique vetitum sibi a parentibus esse ne cuiquam eam monstraret, etiam atque etiam hanc institisse, ut sibi ostenderet. (8) Tum nutricem, ut vidit plurimum interesse mulieris videre puellam, ita denique illi ostendisse ; et hanc, tacto puellæ capite, dixisse, formæ præstantia superaturam eam Spartanas omnes mulieres. (9) Atque inde ab illo die mutatam esse ejus formam. Hanc igitur, ubi nubilis facta est, in matrimonium duxit Agetus, Alcidæ filius, hic ipse quem dixi Aristonis amicus. | And at this time of which we speak, while Cleomenes was in Egina doing deeds which were for the common service of Hellas, Demaratos brought charges against him, not so much because he cared for the Eginetans as because he felt envy and jealousy of him. Then Cleomenes, after he returned from Egina, planned to depose Demaratos from being king, making an attempt upon him on account of this matter which follows — Ariston being king in Sparta and having married two wives, yet had no children born to him; and since he did not acknowledge that he himself was the cause of this, he married a third wife; and he married her thus — he had a friend, a man of the Spartans, to whom of all the citizens Ariston was most inclined; and it chanced that this man had a wife who was of all the women in Sparta the fairest by far, and one too who had become the fairest from having been the foulest. For as she was mean in her aspect, her nurse, considering that she was the daughter of wealthy persons and was of uncomely aspect, and seeing moreover that her parents were troubled by it — perceiving I say these things, her nurse devised as follows — every day she bore her to the temple of Helen, which is in the place called Therapne, lying above the temple of Phoebus; and whenever the nurse bore her thither, she placed her before the image and prayed the goddess to deliver the child from her unshapeliness. And once as the nurse was going away out of the temple, it is said that a woman appeared to her, and having appeared asked her what she was bearing in her arms; and she told her that she was bearing a child; upon which the other bade her show the child to her, but she refused, for it had been forbidden to her by the parents to show it to any one: but the woman continued to urge her by all means to show it to her. So then perceiving that the woman earnestly desired to see it, the nurse showed her the child. Then the woman stroking the head of the child said that she should be the fairest of all the women in Sparta; and from that day her aspect was changed. Afterwards when she came to the age for marriage, she was married to Agetos the son of Alkeides, this friend of Ariston of whom we spoke. |
| 6.62 | Cujus mulieris amore urens Ariston talem iniit rationem. Amico, cujus hæc uxor erat, recipit ipse, dono se daturum quamcunque rerum suarum omnium ille selegisset, jubetque amicum, ut parem sibi referat gratiam. Et ille, nihil de uxore sua veritus, quum videret esse etiam Aristoni uxorem, in conditionem consensit ; atque in hoc ipsum mutuis se juramentis ambo obligarunt. (2) Deinde Ariston dedit illi pretiosissimum nescio quod cimeliorum suorum, quod selegerat Agetus : et ipse, par ab illo sibi referri postulans, ibi tunc uxorem amici conatus est secum abducere. (3) At ille, in omnia alia, hoc uno excepto, se consensisse, ait : verumtamen quum juramento esset obstrictus, doloque circumventus, abduci eam passus est. | Now Ariston it seems was ever stung by the desire of this woman, and accordingly he contrived as follows — he made an engagement himself with his comrade, whose wife this woman was, that he would give him as a gift one thing of his own possessions, whatsoever he should choose, and he bade his comrade make return to him in similar fashion. He therefore, fearing nothing for his wife, because he saw that Ariston also had a wife, agreed to this; and on these terms they imposed oaths on one another. After this Ariston on his part gave that which Agetos had chosen from the treasures of Ariston, whatever the thing was; and he himself, seeking to obtain from him the like return, endeavored then to take away the wife of his comrade from him: and he said that he consented to give anything else except this one thing only, but at length being compelled by the oath and by the treacherous deception, he allowed her to be taken away from him. |
| 6.63 | Ita igitur tertiam uxorem, repudiata secunda, Ariston duxit. Eique hæc eadem mulier intra tempus justo brevius, decimo nondum expleto mense, peperit hunc, de quo hic agitur, Demaratum : (2) et Aristoni tunc in consessu ephororum sedenti unus e famulis nuntiavit, natum ei esse filium. At ille, memor temporis quo duxerat uxorem, et digitis numerum iniens mensium, interposito jurejurando ait, « Hic meus esse non potest. » (3) Idque audiverant ephori : nec tamen statim curæ admodum illis fuerat id verbum. Postquam vero adolevit puer, dicti pænituit Aristonem ; etenim quam maxime suum esse filium Demaratum existimabat : (4) et nomen Demaratum (id est, Votis populi expetitum) hac causa ei imposuit, quod antea Spartani publice susceptis pro Aristone votis, ut viro omnium ante id tempus regum Spartanorum probatissimo, deos erant precati, ut filius ei nasceretur. Ob hoc igitur nomen ei est impositum Demaratus. | Thus had Ariston brought into his house the third wife, having dismissed the second: and this wife, not having fulfilled the ten months but in a shorter period of time, bore him that Demaratos of whom we were speaking; and one of his servants reported to him as he was sitting in council with the Ephors, that a son had been born to him. He then, knowing the time when he took to him his wife, and reckoning the months upon his fingers, said, denying with an oath, “The child would not be mine.” This the Ephors heard, but they thought it a matter of no importance at the moment; and the child grew up and Ariston repented of that which he had said, for he thought Demaratos was certainly his own son; and he gave him the name “Demaratos” for this reason, namely because before these things took place the Spartan people all in a body had made a vow praying that a son might be born to Ariston, as one who was pre-eminent in renown over all the kings who had ever arisen in Sparta. For this reason the name Demaratos was given to him. |
| 6.64 | Succedente tempore e vita discessit Ariston, et Demaratus regnum suscepit. Fuisse autem videtur in fatis, ut ista res, quum comperta fuisset, regno exueret Demaratum, eo quod magnum in odium incurrerat Cleomenis, primum, exercitu Eleusi abducto, deinde (ut dixi) tunc, quum Cleomenes in Æginam trajecerat adversus hos qui cum Medis sentiebant. | And as time went on Ariston died, and Demaratos obtained the kingdom: but it was fated apparently that these things should become known and should cause Demaratos to be deposed from the kingdom; and therefore Demaratos came to be at variance greatly with Cleomenes both at the former time when he withdrew his army from Eleusis, and also now especially, when Cleomenes had crossed over to take those of the Eginetans who had gone over to the Medes. |
| 6.65 | Itaque ulcisci eum cupiens Cleomenes paciscitur cum Leotychide, Menaris filio, Agidis nepoti, ex eadem domo, qua erat Demaratus, oriundo, in hanc conditionem, ut ille, sua opera rex creatus in locum Demarati, ipsum sequeretur adversus Æginetas. (2) Fuerat autem Leotychides inimicissimus Demarato, ejusmodi de causa ; quod, quum Percalum, Chilonis filiam, neptin Demarmeni, sibi desponsasset, Demaratus per insidias nuptiis illis frustratus erat Leotychidem, præreptamque illi Percalum ipse duxerat uxorem. (3) Hæc quum fuisset inimicitiarum Leotychidis adversus Demaratum origo, tunc a Cleomene sollicitatus Leotychides jurat contra Demaratum, dicens, non legitime illum regem esse Spartanorum, nec enim filium esse Aristonis. (4) Deinde, post interpositum hoc juramentum, judicio eum est persecutus, in memoriam revocans verbum istud, quod Aristoni tunc exciderat, quum ei famulus recens natum renuntiasset filium ; ubi numero inito mensium jurans dixerat, non esse illum filium suum. (5) Huic verbo insistens Leotychides declaravit Demaratum nec Aristone genitum, nec legitime regnantem Spartæ; testes advocans eosdem ephoros, qui tum cum illo sederant in consilio, et verbum istud ex ore Aristonis audierant. | Cleomenes then, being anxious to take vengeance on him, concerted matters with Leotychides the son of Menares, the son of Agis, who was of the same house as Demaratos, under condition that if he should set him up as king instead of Demaratos, he would go with him against the Eginetans. Now Leotychides had become a bitter foe of Demaratos on account of this matter which follows — Leotychides had betrothed himself to Percalos the daughter of Chilon son of Demarmenos; and Demaratos plotted against him and deprived Leotychides of his marriage, carrying off Percalos himself beforehand, and getting her for his wife. Thus had arisen the enmity of Leotychides against Demaratos; and now by the instigation of Cleomenes Leotychides deposed against Demaratos, saying that he was not rightfully reigning over the Spartans, not being a son of Ariston: and after this deposition he prosecuted a suit against him, recalling the old saying which Ariston uttered at the time when his servant reported to him that a son was born to him, and he reckoning up the months denied with an oath, saying that it was not his. Taking his stand upon this utterance, Leotychides proceeded to prove that Demaratos was not born of Ariston nor was rightfully reigning over Sparta; and he produced as witnesses those Ephors who chanced then to have been sitting with Ariston in council and to have heard him say this. |
| 6.66 | Postremo, quum ea de re exstitissent rixæ, placuit Spartanis e Delphico oraculo quærere, an Aristonis filius esset Demaratus. (2) Quod quum de industria ita decernendum curasset Cleomenes, ut de ea re ad Pythiam referretur ; tum vero idem Cleomenes Cobonem sibi conciliavit, Aristophanti filium, virum maxima apud Delphenses auctoritate ; qui Periallæ prophetissæ persuasit, ut ea diceret, quæ Cleomenes dici volebat. (3) Ita igitur interrogantibus his, qui ad consulendum oraculum missi erant, respondit Pythia, non esse Aristonis filium Demaratum. Attamen postero tempore comperta ea fraus est, et Cobon Delphis profugit, prophetissæ vero Periallæ abrogatum est munus. | At last, as there was contention about those matters, the Spartans resolved to ask the Oracle at Delphi whether Demaratos was the son of Ariston. The question then having been referred by the arrangement of Cleomenes to the Pythian prophetess, thereupon Cleomenes gained over to his side Cobon the son of Aristophantos, who had most power among the Delphians, and Cobin persuaded Perialla the prophetess of the Oracle to say that which Cleomenes desired to have said. Thus the Pythian prophetess, when those who were sent to consult the god asked her their question, gave decision that Demaratos was not the son of Ariston. Afterwards however these things became known, and both Cobon went into exile from Delphi and Perialla the prophetess of the Oracle was removed from her office. |
| 6.67 | Hoc igitur modo abrogata Demarato regia dignitas est. Deinde vero, relicta Sparta, ad Medos profugit Demaratus, ob contumeliam hujusmodi. Postquam regno fuit exutus, ad gerendum magistratum erat electus. (2) Quumque esset solenne ludicrum, quod Gymnopædias vocant, Leotychides, rex jam creatus in Demarati locum, risus et contumeliæ causa misso famulo ad Demaratum, qui et ipse spectator aderat, quæsivit ex eo, qualenam illi videretur, hunc gerere magistratum post regiam dignitatem ? (3) Cui illi, indignatus interrogatione, respondit, se quidem utrumque esse expertum, nec vero illum : ceterum interrogationem hanc Lacedæmoniis aut infinitæ calamitatis, aut infinitæ felicitatis fore initium. (4) His dictis, velata facie theatro egressus, domum suam abiit : ibique protinus, præparatis rebus necessariis, Jovi bovem immolavit, et eo mactato vocavit matrem. | With regard to the deposing of Demaratos from the kingdom it happened thus: but Demaratos became an exile from Sparta to the Medes on account of a reproach which here follows — After he had been deposed from the kingdom Demaratos was holding a public office to which he had been elected. Now it was the time of the Gymnopaidiai; and as Demaratos was a spectator of them, Leotychides, who had now become king himself instead of Demaratos, sent his attendant and asked Demaratos in mockery and insult what kind of a thing it was to be a magistrate after having been king; and he vexed at the question made answer and said that he himself had now had experience of both, but Leotychides had not; this question however, he said, would be the beginning either of countless evil or countless good fortune for the Lacedemonians. Having thus said, he veiled his head and went forth out of the theatre to his own house; and forthwith he made preparations and sacrificed an ox to Zeus, and after having sacrificed he called his mother. |
| 6.68 | Quæ postquam advenit, data in manus illius extorum parte victimæ, supplex eam Demaratus allocutus est his verbis : « Mater, et alios omnes deos testatus, et hunc Herceum (id est, domus nostræ præsidem) Jovem, oro te atque obsecro, ut verum mihi dicas, quis e rei veritate pater sit meus. (2) Leotychides enim in litis contentione dixit, gravidam te e priori viro congressam esse cum Aristone : qui vero contumeliosiorem rumorem sequuntur, ajunt cum servo asinario te esse congressam, et illius me esse filium. (3) Quare te ego per deos obsecro, verum mihi dicas. Nam et, si quid tale, quale dicunt, fecisti, non sola tu fecisti, sed multis cum aliis mulieribus : et pervulgata quoque Spartæ fama est, prolificum semen non fuisse Aristoni ; alioqui priores etiam uxores ejus parituras fuisse. » Talia igitur ille dixit. | Then when his mother had come, he put into her hands some of the inner parts of the victim, and besought her, saying as follows: “Mother, I beseech thee, appealing to the other gods and above all to this Zeus the guardian of the household, to tell me the truth, who is really and truly my father. For Leotychides spoke in his contention with me, saying that thou didst come to Ariston with child by thy former husband; and others besides, reporting that which is doubtless an idle tale, say that thou didst go in to one of the servants, namely the keeper of the asses, and that I am his son. I therefore entreat thee by the gods to tell me the truth; for if thou hast done any of these things which are reported, thou hast not done them alone, but with many other women; and the report is commonly believed in Sparta that there was not in Ariston seed which should beget children; for if so, then his former wives also would have borne children.” |
| 6.69 | Cui mater his verbis respondit : « Fili, quoniam me supplex oras ut verum dicam, omnem tibi rem e vero aperiam. Postquam me Ariston domum suam duxit, tertia nocte a prima venit ad me simulacrum simile Aristoni : quod quum mecum concubuisset, coronas mihi, quas habebat, imposuit. (2) Illud postquam abiit, venit deinde Ariston ; qui me videns coronis ornatam, interrogavit quis illas mihi dedisset : et ego dixi, ipsum. Quod ubi abnuit ille, jurata equidem respondi, non recte eum facere qui rem perneget ; paullo enim ante venisse ipsum, mecunque concubuisse, ac deinde has mihi coronas dedisse. (3) Tum me videns Ariston jurejurando rem confirmare, intellexit divinitus hæc accidisse. Nam et coronas illas apparebat esse ex heoris ædicula quæ est ad januam aulæ nostræ; Astrabaci ædem vocant : et, esse hunc ipsum heroem, pronuntiarunt vates. (4) Ita igitur, fili, rem totam habes, quam scire cupis. Nam, aut ex hoc heroe genitus es, et pater tuus Astrabacus heros est, aut Ariston, ea ipsa enim nocte te concepi. (5) Ceterum, quo argumento te maxime aggrediuntur inimici, dicentes, ipsum Aristonem, quum ei te natum esse nuntiaretur, audientibus multis negasse suum te esse filium, quoniam justum tempus decem mensium nondum esset completum ; id verbum illi inscitia talium rerum exciderat. (6) Pariunt enim mulieres etiam novem mensium fœtus, atque etiam septem mensium, neque cunctæ decimum complent mensem : et ego te, fili, septimo mense peperi. Agnovitque etiam paullo post ipse Ariston, per inscitiam sibi verbum illud excidisse. (7) Alios autem de nativitate tua rumores procul habe : nam verissima omnia audivisti. Ex asiniariis vero Leotychidi ipsi et aliis, qui hoc narrant, liberos pariant uxores. » Hæc mater locuta est. | Thus he spoke, and she made answer as follows: “My son, since thou dost beseech me with entreaties to speak the truth, the whole truth shall be told to thee. When Ariston had brought me into his house, on the third night there came to me an apparition in the likeness of Ariston, and having lain with me it put upon me the garlands which it had on; and the apparition straitway departed, and after this Ariston came; and when he saw me with garlands, he asked who it was who had given me them; and I said that he had given them, but he did not admit it; and I began to take oath of it, saying that he did not well to deny it, for he had come (I said) a short time before and had lain with me and given me the garlands. Then Ariston, seeing that I made oath of it, perceived that the matter was of the gods; and first the garlands were found to be from the hero-temple which stands by the outer door of the house, which they call the temple of Astrabacos, and secondly the diviners gave answer that it was this same hero. Thus, my son, thou hast all, as much as thou desirest to learn; for either thou art begotten of this hero and the hero Astrabacos is thy father, or Ariston is thy father, for on that night I conceived thee: but as to that wherein thy foes most take hold of thee, saying that Ariston himself, when thy birth was announced to him, in the hearing of many declared that thou wert not his son, because the time, the ten months namely, had not yet been fulfilled, in ignorance of such matters he cast forth that saying; for women bring forth children both at the ninth month and also at the seventh, and not all after they have completed ten months; and I bore thee, my son, at the seventh month: and Ariston himself also perceived after no long time that he had uttered this saying in folly. Do not thou then accept any other reports about thy begetting, for thou hast heard in all the full truth; but to Leotychides and to those who report these things may their wives bear children by keepers of asses!” Thus she spoke. |
| 6.70 | Demaratus vero, postquam quæ voluerat cognovit, sumpto viatico, Elidem profectus est ; speciem præ se ferens tanquam Delphos petens, ubi consuleret oraculum. Lacedæmonii vero, suspicati fugam capessere Demaratum, persecuti sunt eum. (2) Sed, priusquam hi Elidem pervenerunt, Zacynthum ille trajecerat. Quo quum etiam Lacedæmonii trajecissent, et ipsi Demarato injecerunt manus, et famulos ei abstraxerunt. At ille, quum non dedidissent eum Zacynthii, in Asiam deinde ad regem Darium transgressus est : et rex eum munifice excepit, et terra et oppidis donavit. (3) Ista igitur ratione, et tali fortuna usus, in Asiam pervenit Demaratus, postquam et aliis multis factis pariter atque consiliis inter Lacedæmonios claruerat, et Olympica victoria, quam quadrigarum curriculo reportavit, civitatem ornaverat, unus ex omnibus Spartæ regibus cui id contigerit. | And he, having learnt that which he desired to learn, took supplies for travelling and set forth to go to Elis, pretending that he was going to Delphi to consult the Oracle: but the Lacedemonians, suspecting that he was attempting to escape, pursued after him; and it chanced that before they came Demaratos had passed over to Zakynthos from Elis; and the Lacedemonians crossing over after him laid hands on his person and carried away his attendants from him. Afterwards however, since those of Zakynthos refused to give him up, he passed over from thence to Asia, to the presence of king Dareios; and Dareios both received him with great honor as a guest, and also gave him land and cities. Thus Demaratos had come to Asia, and such was the fortune which he had had, having been distinguished in the estimation of the Lacedemonians in many other ways both by deeds and by counsels, and especially having gained for them an Olympic victory with the four-horse chariot, being the only one who achieved this of all the kings who ever arose in Sparta. |
| 6.71 | Leotychides vero, Menaris filius, in regnum Demarato ea dignitate ejecto successit. Cujus filius erat Zeuxidemus, quem Spartanorum nonnulli Cyniscum nominabant. Hic regnum Spartæ non est adeptus : obierat enim ante Leotychidem, relicto filio Archidamo. (2) Mortuo autem Zeuxidemo, alteram uxorem duxit Leotychides Eurydamen, Menii sororem, Diactoridæ filiam : e qua quidem nulla ei mascula proles nata est, sed filia, nomine Lampito ; quam duxit Archidamus, Zeuxidemi filius, a Leotychide sibi elocatam. | Demaratos being deposed, Leotychides the son of Menares succeeded to the kingdom; and he had born to him a son Zeuxidemos, whom some of the Spartans called Kyniscos. This Zeuxidemos did not become king of Sparta, for he died before Leotychides, leaving a son Archidemos: and Leotychides having lost Zeuxidemos married a second wife Eurydame, the sister of Menios and daughter of Diactorides, by whom he had no male issue, but a daughter Lampito, whom Archidemos the son of Zeuxidemos took in marriage, she being given to him by Leotychides. |
| 6.72 | Nec vero Spartæ senectutem traduxit Leotychides, sed talem quamdam pœnam dedit Demarato. Quum dux esset copiarum Laconicarum in Thessalia, potuissetque omnia armis subigere, ingentibus pecuniis corrumpi se passus est. (2) Cujus criminis compertus, quum in ipsis castris insidens manicæ pecunia plenæ esset deprehensus, in judicium delatus exilio multatus est, et ædes ejus in urbe dirutæ: itaque Tegeæ exsulavit, ibique vitam finivit. Sed hæc quidem postero tempore acta sunt. | Leotychides however did not himself live to old age in Sparta, but paid a retribution for Demaratos as follows — he went as commander of the Lacedemonians to invade Thessaly, and when he might have reduced all to subjection, he accepted gifts of money amounting to a large sum; and being taken in the act there in the camp, as he was sitting upon a glove full of money, he was brought to trial and banished from Sparta, and his house was razed to the ground. So he went into exile to Tegea and ended his life there. |
| 6.73 | Tunc vero, postquam Cleomeni e sententia successerat res in Demaratum suscepta, protinus ille, assumpto Leotychide, adversus Æginetas ire contendit, propter illatam sibi contumeliam vehementer illis iratus. (2) Jam igitur Æginetæ, quum ambo simul reges adversus illos venissent, non amplius repugnandum sibi esse existimarunt : et illi selectos ex Æginetis decem viros, divitiis et genere præ ceteris eminentes, abduxerunt, in his Crium Polycriti filium, et Casambum Aristocratis, qui plurimum potestate valebant. Hos igitur, in Atticam terram abductos, veluti depositum tradiderunt Atheniensibus, acerrimis hostibus Æginetarum. | These things happened later; but at this time, when Cleomenes had brought to a successful issue the affair which concerned Demaratos, forthwith he took with him Leotychides and went against the Eginetans, being very greatly enraged with them because of their insults towards him. So the Eginetans on their part, since both the kings had come against them, thought fit no longer to resist; and the Spartans selected ten men who were the most considerable among the Eginetans both by wealth and by birth, and took them away as prisoners, and among others also Crios the son of Polycritos and Casambos the son of Aristocrates, who had the greatest power among them; and having taken these away to the land of Attica, they deposited them as a charge with the Athenians, who were the bitterest enemies of the Eginetans. |
| 6.74 | Sed post hæc Cleomenes, quum compertæ interim fuissent malæ artes, quibus adversus Demaratum usus erat, metu Spartanorum in Thessaliam secessit. Inde vero in Arcadiam reversus, novas res moliens, Arcadas adversus Spartanos sollicitavit, quum aliis juramentis illos astringens, ut se, quocunque duceret, sequerentur ; tum etiam in animo habens proceres Arcadum, in Nonacrin oppidum ductos, jurejurando per Stygis aquam adigere. (2) Nam in hoc ipso oppido perhibent Arcades esse Stygis aquam. Est autem illa hujusmodi : exigua apparet aqua, e petra stillans in locum concavum, quem maceria undique cingit. Nonacris autem, in qua hic fons conspicitur, Arcadiæ oppidum est prope Pheneum. | After this Cleomenes, since it had become known that he had devised evil against Demaratos, was seized by fear of the Spartans and retired to Thessaly. Thence he came to Arcadia, and began to make mischief and to combine the Arcadians against Sparta; and besides other oaths with which he caused them to swear that they would assuredly follow him whithersoever he should lead them, he was very desirous also to bring the chiefs of the Arcadians to the city of Nonacris and cause them to swear by the water of Styx; for near this city it is said by the Arcadians that there is the water of Styx, and there is in fact something of this kind: a small stream of water is seen to trickle down from a rock into a hollow ravine, and round the ravine runs a wall of rough stones. Now Nonacris, where it happens that this spring is situated, is a city of Arcadia near Pheneos. |
| 6.75 | Lacedæmonii vero, ubi cognoverunt quid moliretur Cleomenes, veriti rei exitum, Spartam eum revocarunt, et in pristinam restituerunt dignitatem. (2) At post reditum brevi interjecto tempore, quum jam antea haud sana admodum mente fuisset, furor morbus eum invasit ; nam quoties Spartanus quispiam obviam ei veniret, huic sceptrum in faciem infligebat. (3) Quæ quum ille faceret, et alienata esset mente, vinxerunt illum propinqui, et ligno illigaverunt. At ille, ita vinctus, ubi vidit unum custodem, digressis aliis, solum relictum, cultrum sibi dari postulavit : quem quum ei statim dare nollet custos, minatus est homini quæ deinde illi facturus esset, quando foret solutus ; donec territus ille minis (erat enim unus ex Helotis) cultrum ei porrexit. (4) Tum vero, sumpto ferro, Cleomenes, initio a cruribus facto, misere se ipse laceravit : carnem enim secundum longitudinem incidens, a cruribus ad femora perrexit, et a femoribus ad ilia et lumbos : postremo, ubi ad ventrem pervenit, hunc etiam minutatim dissecuit, donec animam efflavit. (5) Atque tali modo ille mortuus est, ut quidem plerique e Græcis dicunt, quoniam Pythiæ persuaserat ista dicere quæ ad Demaratum spectabant ; ut vero ajunt Athenienses, quoniam, quo tempore Eleusinem invasit, lucum excidit deabus sacrum ; ut vero Argivi, quoniam Argivos, qui e pugna in lucum Argo sacrum confugerant, inde abductos trucidavit, ipsumque lucum spreta religione incendit. | Lacedemonians, hearing that Cleomenes was acting thus, were afraid, and proceeded to bring him back to Sparta to rule on the same terms as before: but when he had come back, forthwith a disease of madness seized him (who had been even before this somewhat insane), and whenever he met any of the Spartans, he dashed his staff against the man’s face. And as he continued to do this and had gone quite out of his senses, his kinsmen bound him in stocks. Then being so bound, and seeing his warder left alone by the rest, he asked him for a knife; and the warder not being at first willing to give it, he threatened him with that which he would do to him afterwards if he did not; until at last the warder fearing the threats, for he was one of the Helots, gave him a knife. Then Cleomenes, when he had received the steel, began to maltreat himself from the legs upwards: for he went on cutting his flesh lengthways from the legs to the thighs and from the thighs to the loins and flanks, until at last he came to the belly; and cutting this into strips he died in that manner. And this happened, as most of the Hellenes report, because he persuaded the Pythian prophetess to advise that which was done about Demaratos; but as the Athenians alone report, it was because when he invaded Eleusis he laid waste the sacred enclosure of the goddesses; and according to the report of the Argives, because from their sanctuary dedicated to Argos he caused to come down those of the Argives who had fled for refuge from the battle and slew them, and also set fire to the grove itself, holding it in no regard. |
| 6.76 | Scilicet Cleomeni, Delphicum oraculum consulenti, redditum erat responsum, capturum illum Argos. Postquam vero cum Spartanorum exercitu ad fluvium pervenit Erasinum, quem ajunt e Stymphalio lacu effluere : dicunt enim, hunc lacum, postquam in cæcam voraginem se infudit, rursus apparere in Argolide, et exinde Erasinum hanc aquam ab Argivis nominari : ad hunc igitur fluvium postquam Cleomenes pervenit, hostias flumini immolavit : (2) quumque minime bene ei cessurum transitum portenderent exta, laudare se, ait, Erasinum, quod cives non proderet suos ; sed ne sic quidem salvos evasuros Argivos. (3) Post hæc retrogressus, Thyream duxit exercitum ; et, tauro mari immolato, navibus eundem duxit in Tirynthium et Nauplium agrum. | For when Cleomenes was consulting the Oracle at Delphi, the answer was given him that he should conquer Argos; so he led the Spartans and came to the river Erasinos, which is said to flow from the Stymphalian lake; for this lake, they say, running out into a viewless chasm, appears again above ground in the land of Argos; and from thence onwards this water is called by the Argives Erasinos: having come, I say, to this river, Cleomenes did sacrifice to it; and since the sacrifices were not at all favorable for him to cross over, he said that he admired the Erasinos for not betraying the men of its country, but the Argives should not even so escape. After this he retired back from thence and led his army down to Thyrea; and having done sacrifice to the Sea by slaying a bull, he brought them in ships to the land of Tiryns and Nauplia. |
| 6.77 | Ea re cognita, ad mare properant Argivi, opem suis laturi. Ut vero prope Tirynthem fuerunt, eo in loco cui nomen est Sepea, castra castris Lacedæmoniorum, haud magno spatio in medio relicto, opposuerunt. (2) Ibi nimirum pugnam ex aperto non verebantur Argivi, sed ne dolo caperentur. Etenim ad hanc rem spectabat oraculum illud, quod promiscue et his et Milesiis Pythia ediderat his verbis:
inter et Argivos referet prœlustris honorem; tunc Argivarum reddet plerasque gementes, ut venturorum aiat quis quandoque virorum: ‹ telo sævus obit sinuoso corpore serpens. › » |
Being informed of this, the Argives came to the rescue towards the sea; and when they had got near Tiryns and were at the place which is called Hesipeia, they encamped opposite to the Lacedemonians leaving no very wide space between the armies. There the Argives were not afraid of the open fighting, but only lest they should be conquered by craft; for to this they thought referred the oracle which the Pythian prophetess gave in common to these and to the Milesians, saying as follows:
Conquer and drive him forth, and glory shall gain among Argives, Then many wives of the Argives shall tear both cheeks in their mourning; So that a man shall say some time, of the men that came after, ‘Quelled by the spear it perished, the three-coiled terrible serpent,’” |
| 6.78 | Quos ubi Cleomenes cognovit idem exsequi, quodcunque ipsius præco significasset ; imperat suis, ut, quando prandii signum edidisset præco, tunc arma caperent, et Argivos adorirentur. (2) Et exsecuti sunt hoc Lacedæmonii. Nam, dum Argivi e præconis imperio prandium capiebant, subito illos adorti, multos eorum interfecerunt, multo plures vero, qui in Argi lucum confugerant, circùm sedentes ibi custodiverunt. | So Cleomenes, perceiving that the Argives were doing whatever the herald of the Lacedemonians proclaimed, passed the word to the Lacedemonians that when the herald should proclaim that they were to get breakfast, then they should take up their arms and go to attack the Argives. This was carried out even so by the Lacedemonians; for as the Argives were getting breakfast according to the herald’s proclamation, they attacked them; and many of them they slew, but many more yet took refuge in the sacred grove of Argos, and upon these they kept watch, sitting round about the place. |
| 6.79 | Deinde hoc fecit Cleomenes : quum ex hominibus quibusdam, qui ad ipsum transfugerant, cognosset, quinam essent ex Argivis qui in sacro luco essent inclusi, misso præcone nominatim evocavit singulos ; dicens, se pretium redemptionis illorum accepisse. Statutum autem apud Peloponnesios est pretium redemptionis, duo minæ pro singulis captivis pendendæ. (2) Igitur quinquaginta fere ex Argivis, ut quemque evocaverat, interfecit Cleomenes ; et reliquos, qui in luco erant, latebat factum : quum enim densus esset lucus, qui intus erant, non videbant quid facerent hi qui extra essent. Postremo vero unus illorum conscensa arbore vidit quid gereretur : atque exinde non amplius egrediebantur vocati. | Then Cleomenes did this which follows — He had with him deserters, and getting information by inquiring of these, he sent a herald and summoned forth those of the Argives who were shut up in the sanctuary, mentioning each by name; and he summoned them forth saying that he had received their ransom. Now among the Peloponnesians ransom is two pounds weight of silver appointed to be paid for each prisoner. So Cleomenes summoned forth about fifty of the Argives one by one and slew them; and it chanced that the rest who were in the enclosure did not perceive that this was being done; for since the grove was thick, those within did not see how it fared with those who were without, at least until one of them climbed up a tree and saw from above that which was being done. Accordingly they then no longer came forth when they were called. |
| 6.80 | Tum vero Cleomenes Helotas omnes jussit materiam circa lucum congerere : et, postquam hi imperata fecerunt, lucum incendit. Jamque ardebat lucus, quum ille e transfugarum quopiam quæsivit, cui deo sacer lucus esset. Qui respondit, Argi lucum esse. (2) Hoc audito Cleomenes, ingentem edens gemitum, ait : « O fatidice Apollo, sane magnopere me decepisti, quum Argos me capturum diceres. Suspicor enim, exisse mihi id vaticinium. » | So Cleomenes thereupon ordered all the Helots to pile up brushwood round the sacred grove; and they obeying, he set fire to the grove. And when it was now burning, he asked one of the deserters to what god the grove was sacred, and the man replied that it was sacred to Argos. When he heard that, he groaned aloud and said, “Apollo who utterest oracles, surely thou hast greatly deceived me, saying that I should conquer Argos: I conjecture that the oracle has had its fulfilment for me already.” |
| 6.81 | Post hæc, majore exercitus parte Spartam dimissa, ipse cum mille fortissimis ad Junonis templum se contulit, sacra facturus. Quum autem in eo esset ut super ara sacrificaret, vetuit eum sacerdos, nefas esse dicens peregrino sacra ibi facere. (2) At Cleomenes, jussis Helotis abductum ab ara sacerdotem flagris cædere, ipse sacra fecit ; eoque facto Spartam abiit. | After this Cleomenes sent away the greater part of his army to go back to Sparta, but he himself took a thousand of the best men and went to the temple of Hera to sacrifice: and when he wished to sacrifice upon the altar, the priest forbade him, saying that it was not permitted by religious rule for a stranger to sacrifice in that place. Cleomenes however bade the Helots take away the priest from the altar and scourge him, and he himself offered the sacrifice. Having so done he returned back to Sparta. |
| 6.82 | Quo ubi rediit, inimici eum apud ephoros reum egerunt ; dicentes, pecunia corruptum Argos non cepisse, quum capere facile potuisset. (2) At ille respondit ; verumne dicens, an mentiens, definire nequeo ; respondit certe, postquam lucum Argo sacrum cepisset, visum sibi esse exisse effatum dei : quare non temptandam sibi existimasse urbem, quin prius sacris factis cognovisset, utrum traditurus sibi eam deus esset, an impedimento futurus. (3) Litanti autem sibi in Junonis templo, e simulacri pectore effulsisse ignis flammam : unde liquido se intellexisse, non capturum se esse Argos : nam, si e capite simulacri effulsisset flamma, capturum se urbem cum arce fuisse ; quum vero e pectore effulserit, perfecta a se esse omnia quæ fieri deus voluit. (4) Hæc dicens, credibilia et consentanea dicere visus est Spartanis, et longe majore parte suffragiorum est absolutus. | And after his return his opponents brought him up before the Ephors, saying that he had received gifts and therefore had not conquered Argos, when he might easily have conquered it. He said to them — but whether he was speaking falsely or whether truly I am not able with certainty to say — however that may be, he spoke and said that when he had conquered the sanctuary of Argos, it seemed to him that the oracle of the god had had its fulfilment for him; therefore he did not think it right to make an attempt on the city, at least until he should have had recourse to sacrifice, and should have learnt whether the deity permitted him or whether she stood opposed to him: and as he was sacrificing for augury in the temple of Hera, a flame of fire blazed forth from the breasts of the image; and thus he knew the certainty of the matter, namely that he would not conquer Argos: for if fire had blazed forth from the head of the image, he would have been conqueror of the city from top to bottom, but since it blazed from the breasts, everything had been accomplished for him which the god desired should come to pass. Thus speaking he seemed to the Spartans to speak credibly and reasonably, and he easily escaped his pursuers. |
| 6.83 | Urbs vero Argos ita viris viduata est, ut res illorum omnes penes servos essent, omnia gubernantes administrantesque, donec eorum filii, qui perierant, ad virilem pervenerunt ætatem. Tunc hi, Argos sibi rursus vindicantes, illos ejecerunt : et servi, urbe pulsi, prœlio facto, Tirynthem tenuere. (2) Deinde aliquamdiu pacatæ inter utrosque res fuere : sed postea venit ad servos vir fatidicus, nomine Cleander, genere Phigalensis Arcas ; qui illis, ut denuo arma inferrent dominis, persuasit. Inde bellum illis exortum est, quod diu duravit, donec tandem ægre servos debellarunt Argivi. | Argos however was so bereft of men that their slaves took possession of all the State, ruling and managing it until the sons of those who had perished grew to be men. Then these, endeavoring to gain Argos back to themselves, cast them out; and the slaves being driven forth gained possession of Tiryns by fighting. Now for a time these two parties had friendly relations with one another; but afterwards there came to the slaves a prophet named Cleander, by race a Phigalian from Arcadia: this man persuaded the slaves to attack their masters, and in consequence of this there was war between them for a long time, until at last with difficulty the Argives overcame them. |
| 6.84 | Argivi igitur ista de causa ajunt in furorem actum Cleomenem misere periisse. At ipsi Spartani contendunt, non a deo quopiam in furorem actum fuisse Cleomenem, sed e consuetudine cum Scythis contraxisse merum bibendi morem, eaque de causa in furorem incidisse. (2) Scythas enim Nomades, postquam terram ipsorum Darius bello invasisset, consilium deinde cepisse pœnas ab illo repetendi : itaque missis legatis societatem voluisse cum Spartanis contrahere, hac conditione, ut ipsi Scythæ juxta Phasin fluvium conarentur in Medicam terram irrumpere ; Spartani vero, Epheso profecti, in superiorem Asiam contenderent, ac deinde utrique eodem in loco convenirent. (3) Cleomenem igitur, ajunt, quum Scythæ hanc ob causam Spartam venissent, familiarius, quam par erat, cum illis conversantem, merum bibere ab eisdem didicisse ; atque inde eum in furorem incidisse existimant Spartani. (4) Et ab illo tempore, ajunt, si quis meracius bibere cupit, dicere hunc famulo, « Scythico more infunde ! » Hæc apud Spartanos de Cleomene fama est. Mihi vero Cleomenes videtur hanc pœnam Demarato dedisse. | The Argives then say that this was the reason why Cleomenes went mad and had an evil end: but the Spartans themselves say that Cleomenes was not driven mad by any divine power, but that he had become a drinker of unmixed wine from having associated with Scythians, and that he went mad in consequence of this: for the nomad Scythians, they say, when Dareios had made invasion of their land, desired eagerly after this to take vengeance upon him; and they sent to Sparta and tried to make an alliance, and to arrange that while the Scythians themselves attempted an invasion of Media by the way of the river Phasis, the Spartans should set forth from Ephesos and go up inland, and then that they should meet in one place: and they say that Cleomenes when the Scythians had come for this purpose, associated with them largely, and that thus associating more than was fit, he learnt the practice of drinking wine unmixed with water; and for this cause (as the Spartans think) he went mad. Thenceforth, as they say themselves, when they desire to drink stronger wine, they say “Fill up in Scythian fashion.” Thus the Spartans report about Cleomenes; but to me it seems that this was a retribution which Cleomenes paid for Demaratos. |
| 6.85 | Cognita Cleomenis morte, Æginetæ Spartam legatos miserunt, qui Leotychidem propter obsides Athenis retentos accusarent. Et Lacedæmonii, constituto judicio, pronuntiarunt injuriose cum Æginetis Leotychidem egisse ; eumque condemnarunt, ut illis dederetur, Æginam abducendus loco virorum Athenis detentorum. (2) Quum vero in eo essent Æginetæ ut abducerent Leotychidem, dixit eis Theasides, Laoprepis filius, vir Spartæ spectatus : « Quid facturi estis, viri Æginetæ? regem Spartanorum, vobis a civibus suis traditum, vultis abducere ? Quodsi nunc iracunde cum illo agere decreverunt Spartani, videte ne iidem posthac, si hoc feceritis, exitiosum malum vestram in terram inferant. » (3) His auditis, abducere illum omiserunt Æginetæ, pactique cum eo sunt in hanc conditionem, ut una cum ipsis Athenas se conferret Leotychides, et Æginetis viros illos restitueret. | Now when the Eginetans heard that Cleomenes had met his end, they sent messengers to Sparta to denounce Leotychides for the matter of the hostages which were being kept at Athens: and the Lacedemonians caused a court to assemble and judged that the Eginetans had been dealt with outrageously by Leotychides; and they condemned him to be taken to Egina and delivered up in place of the men who were being kept at Athens. Then when the Eginetans were about to take Leotychides, Theasides the son of Leoprepes, a man of repute in Sparta, said to them: “What are ye proposing to do, men of Egina? Do ye mean to take away the king of the Spartans, thus delivered up to you by his fellow-citizens? If the Spartans now being in anger have decided so, beware lest at some future time, if ye do this, they bring an evil upon your land which may destroy it.” Hearing this the Eginetans abstained from taking him; but they came to an agreement that Leotychides should accompany them to Athens and restore the men to the Eginetans. |
| 6.86 | Athenas postquam Leotychides pervenit, repetiitque depositum ; tum vero tergiversari Athenienses, reddere nolentes ; dicereque, a duobus regibus viros illos apud se depositos fuisse, nec sibi æquum videri, alteri eos reddere absque altero. (2) Ita quum se reddituros illos negarent Athenienses, hæc apud eos verba Leotychides fecit : « Facite, Athenienses, utrum volueritis ipsi : nam, si reddideritis, pie sancteque feceritis ; si non reddideritis, contra. Verumtamen commemorare vobis volo, quale quid circa depositum acciderit Spartæ. (3) Dicimus nos Spartani, fuisse Lacedæmone, tertia ante me generatione, Glaucum Epicydis filium. Huic viro dicimus et omnia alia contigisse præcipua, et singulari justitiæ fama eundem fuisse celebratum præ omnibus qui per id tempus Lacedæmonem habitabant. (4) Huic suo tempore hæc dicimus accidisse : virum Milesium venisse Spartam, illum convenire cupientem, et hæcce ei exponentem. ‹ Sum ego ›, inquit, ‹ civis Milesius, ad teque veni, Glauce, tua frui justitia cupiens. (5) Quandoquidem enim, ut per reliquam Græciam universam, ita et per Ioniam, eximia est fama tuæ justitiæ ; reputavi mecum, in periculo semper versari Ioniam, Peloponnesum contra in tuto locatam, et nunquam apud nos pecunias diu in ejusdem hominis possessione permanere. (6) Hæc apud me reputanti deliberantique visum est mihi, bonorum meorum dimidium, in pecuniam redactum, apud te deponere, bene gnaro apud te mihi salvum illud collocatum iri. Accipe igitur has pecunias meas, et has accipe servaque tesseras ; quas qui secum ferens repetet pecunias, ei illas reddes. › (II.) Hæc quum hospes dixisset Milesius, accepit Glaucus depositum prædicta conditione. (7) Multo vero interjecto tempore Spartam venere filii hujus hominis, qui illas deposuerat pecunias ; qui quum convenissent Glaucum, exhibitis tesseris pecunias ab illo repetierunt. At ille recusans, hæc respondit : Non memini equidem hanc rem quam narratis, nec animum meum subit ulla ejus cogitatio. Volo autem, si quidem in memoriam revocavero, facere quod justum est : nam, si accepi, recte vobis restituam ; si omnino non accepi, e Græcorum legibus vobiscum agam. (8) Igitur in quartum ab hoc mensem vos rejicio, quo tempore hæc effecta vobis dabo. (III.) Lamentantes discedunt Milesii, tanquam defraudati pecuniis. Glaucus vero, Delphos profectus, consulit oraculum, (9) quæritque ex illo, an interposito jurejurando pecuniam prædaretur. Quem his verbis Pythia aggreditur: jurando vicisse, intervertisseque nummos. Jura : jurandi memorem quoque mors quia tollit. At juramento quædam est sine nomine proles, trunca manus, et trunca pedes ; tamen impete magno advenit, atque omnem vastat stirpemque domumque. Sancti vero hominis florebit sera propago. » |
When however Leotychides came to Athens and asked for the deposit back, the Athenians, not being willing to give up the hostages, produced pretexts for refusing, and alleged that two kings had deposited them and they did not think it right to give them back to the one without the other: so since the Athenians said that they would not give them back, Leotychides spoke to them as follows: (a) “Athenians, do whichever thing ye yourselves desire; for ye know that if ye give them up, ye do that which religion commands, and if ye refuse to give them up, ye do the opposite of this: but I desire to tell you what kind of a thing came to pass once in Sparta about a deposit. We Spartans report that there was in Lacedemon about two generations before my time one Glaucos the son of Epikydes. This man we say attained the highest merit in all things besides, and especially he was well reported of by all who at that time dwelt in Lacedemon for his uprightness: and we relate that in due time it happened to him thus — a man of Miletos came to Sparta and desired to have speech with him, alleging the reasons which follow: ‘I am a Milesian,’ he said, ‘and I am come hither desiring to have benefit from thy uprightness, Glaucos; for as there was much report of thy uprightness throughout all the rest of Hellas and also in Ionia, I considered with myself that Ionia is ever in danger, whereas Peloponnesus is safely established, and also that we never see wealth continue in the possession of the same persons long — reflecting, I say, on these things and taking counsel with myself, I resolved to turn into money the half of my possessions, and to place it with thee, being well assured that if it were placed with thee I should have it safe. Do thou therefore, I pray thee, receive the money, and take and keep these tallies; and whosoever shall ask for the money back having the tokens answering to these, to him do thou restore it.’ (b) The stranger who had come from Miletos said so much; and Glaucos accepted the deposit on the terms proposed. Then after a long time had gone by, there came to Sparta the sons of him who had deposited the money with Glaucos; and they came to speech with Glaucos, and producing the tokens asked for the money to be given back: but he repulsed them answering them again thus: ‘I do not remember the matter, nor does my mind bring back to me any knowledge of those things whereof ye speak; but I desire to recollect and do all that is just; for if I received it, I desire to restore it honestly; and if on the other hand I did not receive it at all, I will act towards you in accordance with the customs of the Hellenes: therefore I defer the settling of the matter with you for three months from now.’ (c) The Milesians accordingly went away grieved, for they supposed that they had been robbed of the money; but Glaucos set forth to Delphi to consult the Oracle: and when he inquired of the Oracle whether he should rob them of the money by an oath, the Pythian prophetess rebuked him with these lines: This, to conquer their word by an oath and to rob, is more gainful. Swear, since the lot of death waits also for him who swears truly. But know thou that Oath has a son, one nameless and handless and footless; Yet without feet he pursues, without hands he seizes, and wholly He shall destroy the race and the house of the man who offendeth. But for the man who swears truly his race is the better hereafter.” |
| 6.87 | Æginetæ, priusquam superiorum injuriarum, quas Thebanorum in gratiam intulerant Atheniensibus, pœnas darent, hoc etiam admiserant. (2) Succensentes Atheniensibus, a quibus injuria se affectos arbitrabantur, ad ulciscendos eos se compararunt : et quum Athenienses sacra quinquennalia ad Sunium celebrarent, navi qua theori vehebantur insidiati sunt, et repletam viris primariis Atheniensium ceperunt, captosque in vincula conjecerunt. | And the Eginetans, before paying the penalty for their former wrongs wherein they did outrage to the Athenians to please the Thebans, acted as follows — complaining of the conduct of the Athenians and thinking that they were being wronged, they made preparations to avenge themselves upon the Athenians; and since the Athenians were celebrating a four-yearly festival at Sunion, they lay in wait for the sacred ship which was sent to it and took it, the vessel being full of men who were the first among the Athenians; and having taken it they laid the men in bonds. |
| 6.88 | Hæc ab Æginetis passi Athenienses non ultra differendum putarunt, quin adversos illos, quidquid possent, machinarentur. Erat tunc in Ægina vir spectatus, Nicodromus nomine, Cnœthi filius, infensus Æginetis quod ab illis olim insula pulsus fuisset : hic ubi intellexit Athenienses ad male faciendum Æginetis sese accingere, proditionem Æginæ cum illis paciscitur, certum diem constituens, quo et ipse rem aggressurus sit, et illos oporteat præsidio sibi adesse. His ita constitutis, Nicodromus, ut ei cum Atheniensibus convenerat, veterem quam vocant urbem occupat. | The Athenians after they had suffered this wrong from the Eginetans no longer delayed to contrive all things possible to their hurt. And there was in Egina a man of repute, one Nicodromos the son of Cnithos: this man had cause of complaint against the Eginetans for having before this driven him forth out of the island; and hearing now that the Athenians had resolved to do mischief to the Eginetans, he agreed with the Athenians to deliver up Egina to them, telling them on what day he would make his attempt and by what day it would be necessary for them to come to his assistance. After this Nicodromos, according as he had agreed with the Athenians, seized that which is called the old city. |
| 6.89 | Sed Athenienses ad constitutum diem non affuerunt. Etenim navium numerus tunc maxime non ad manus illis fuerat idoneus ad pugnam cum Æginetis ineundam : et, dum a Corinthiis naves sibi commodandas petunt, interim perdita res est. (2) Corinthii, quum per id tempus quammaxime amici essent Atheniensium, rogantibus illis triginta dedere naves, dederunt autem quinis drachmis eas commodantes ; nam gratis dare per legem non erat licitum. (3) His igitur acceptis navibus, adjectisque suis, septuaginta omnino navibus instructis, adversus Æginam navigarunt : sed postridie ejus diei, qui constitutus erat, advenerunt. | But the Athenians did not come to his support at the proper time; for, as it chanced, they had not ships sufficient to fight with the Eginetans; so while they were asking the Corinthians to lend them ships, during this time their cause went to ruin. The Corinthians however, being at this time exceedingly friendly with them, gave the Athenians twenty ships at their request; and these they gave by selling them at five drachmas apiece, for by the law it was not permitted to give them as a free gift. Having taken these ships of which I speak and also their own, the Athenians with seventy ships manned in all sailed to Egina, and they were later by one day than the time agreed. |
| 6.90 | Nicodromus, ut ad diem non affuerunt Athenienses, conscensa navi ex Ægina profugit, eumque alii etiam ex Æginetis sunt secuti ; quibus Athenienses Sunium habitandum dedere : unde illi impetum facientes, res Æginetarum, qui in insula erant, agebant ferebantque. Sed hoc quidem postero tempore factum. | Nicodromos meanwhile, as the Athenians did not come to his support at the proper time, embarked in a ship and escaped from Egina, and with him also went others of the Eginetans; and the Athenians gave them Sunion to dwell in, starting from whence these men continued to plunder the Eginetans who were in the island. This happened afterwards. |
| 6.91 | Tunc vero, qui opibus inter Æginetas valebant, superata plebe quæ cum Nicodromo insurrexerat, hos qui in ipsorum venerant potestatem, ad sumendum de eis supplicium eduxerunt. Quo tempore etiam piaculum admisere, quod nulla ratione nullisque sacrificiis potuerunt expiare, sed prius insula exciderunt, quam propitia illis reddita dea est. (2) Nam, quum captos septingentos e plebe ad supplicium educerent, unus eorum, e vinculis elapsus, ad vestibulum confugit Cereris Legiferæ, et prehensos annulos, quibus attrahitur porta, firmiter tenuit. Tum vero illi, quum abstrahere hominem non valerent, manus ei præciderunt, atque ita eduxerunt : et manus illæ annulis firmiter inhærebant. | But at the time of which we speak the well-to-do class among the Eginetans prevailed over the men of the people, who had risen against them in combination with Nicodromos, and then having got them into their power they were bringing their prisoners forth to execution. From this there came upon them a curse which they were not able to expiate by sacrifice, though they devised against it all they could; but they were driven forth from the island before the goddess became propitious to them. For they had taken as prisoners seven hundred of the men of the people and were bringing them forth to execution, when one of them escaped from his bonds and fled for refuge to the entrance of the temple of Demeter the Giver of Laws, and he took hold of the latch of the door and clung to it; and when they found that they could not drag him from it by pulling him away, they cut off his hands and so carried him off, and those hands remained clinging to the latch of the door. |
| 6.92 | Hæc in se invicem Æginetæ patrabant. Superati vero pugna navali ab Atheniensibus, qui cum septuaginta advenerant navibus, auxilium petierunt ab eisdem quos olim invocaverant, Argivis. At hi quidem jam auxilio non venerunt, quippe offensi eo quod naves Æginenses, vi quidem coactæ a Cleomene, ad Argolidem appulerant terram, et Æginetæ una cum Lacedæmoniis escensionem fecerant. (2) In eadem autem incursione simul etiam Sicyonii suis e navibus escenderant. Quare ambobus Argivi mulctam irrogarunt, mille talenta, utrique populo quingenta. (3) Et Sicyonii quidem, agnoscentes injuste se fecisse, pacti sunt cum Argivis, ut, solutis centum talentis, reliqua summa ipsis remitteretur : Æginetæ vero culpam non agnoscentes, pertinaciter detrectaverunt mulctam. Quam ob causam nunc illis, auxilia rogantibus, publico nomine nulla ab Argivis missa sunt, sed voluntarii eis suppetias venere mille admodum ; quibus dux præfuit vir strenuus, nomine Eurybates, qui quinquertium exercuerat. (4) Eorum autem plerique non redierunt, sed ab Atheniensibus in Ægina sunt interfecti : in his dux Eurybates, postquam singulari certamine tres occidisset adversarios, ipse a quarto, Sophane Deceliensi, interfectus est. | Thus did the Eginetans to one another: and when the Athenians came, they fought against them with seventy ships, and being worsted in the sea-fight they called to their assistance the same whom they had summoned before, namely the Argives. These would no longer come to their help, having cause of complaint because the ships of Egina compelled by Cleomenes had put in to the land of Argos and their crews had landed with the Lacedemonians; with whom also had landed men from ships of Sikyon in this same invasion: and as a penalty for this there was laid upon them by the Argives a fine of a thousand talents, five hundred for each State. The Sikyonians accordingly, acknowledging that they had committed a wrong, had made an agreement to pay a hundred talents and be free from the penalty; the Eginetans however did not acknowledge their wrong, but were more stubborn. For this reason then, when they made request, none of the Argives now came to their help at the charge of the State, but volunteers came to the number of a thousand; and their leader was a commander named Eurybates, a man who had practised the five contests. Of these men the greater number never returned back, but were slain by the Athenians in Egina; and the commander himself, Eurybates, fighting in single combat killed in this manner three men and was himself slain by the fourth, Sophanes namely of Dekeleia. |
| 6.93 | Æginetæ vero, suis navibus Athenienses incompositos adorti, superarunt illos, et quattuor naves eorum cum ipsis viris ceperunt. Ita factum est ut bellum gereretur Athenienses inter et Æginetas. | The Eginetans however engaged in contest with the Athenians in ships, when these were in disorder, and defeated them; and they took of them four ships together with their crews. So the Athenians were at war with the Eginetans. |
| 6.94 | Interim Persa suum persecutus est institutum. Nam et famulus eum semper admonebat, ut reminisceretur Atheniensium, et Pisistratidæ instabant et calumniabantur Athenienses : simul vero ipse Darius cupiebat, arrepta hac occasione, illos e Græcis subigere, qui terram et aquam ipsi non dedissent. (2) Itaque, Mardonio ab imperio remoto, qui cum classe male rem gesserat, alios nominavit imperatores, qui adversus Eretriam et Athenas proficiscerentur, Datin, Medum genere, et Artaphernem, Artaphernis fratris sui filium : quos misit dato mandato, ut Athenas Eretriamque sibi subjicerent, et capta inde mancipia in suum adducerent conspectum. | And meanwhile the Persian was carrying forward his design, since he was put in mind ever by his servant to remember the Athenians, and also because of the sons of Peisistratos were near at hand and brought charges continually against the Athenians, while at the same time Dareios himself wished to take hold of this pretext and subdue those nations of Hellas which had not given him earth and water. Mardonios then, since he had fared miserably in his expedition, he removed from his command; and appointing other generals to command he despatched them against Eretria and Athens, namely Datis, who was a Mede by race, and Artaphrenes the son of Artaphrenes, a nephew of the king: and he sent them forth with the charge to reduce Athens and Eretria to slavery and to bring the slaves back into his presence. |
| 6.95 | Hi nominati imperatores, quum a rege digressi in Aleium pervenissent campum Ciliciæ, exercitum pedestrem secum ducentes numerosum et bene instructum ; ibi quum castra posuissent, accesserunt eis universæ copiæ navales, ut cuique populo imperatæ erant : accesseruntque etiam naves equis transvehendis, quas superiori anno Darius suis tributariis edixerat parandas. (2) Equis in hippagines impositis, et omni pedestri exercitu naves conscendere jusso, sexcentis triremibus in Ioniam navigarunt. Inde vero non litus legentes recta versus Hellespontum et Thraciam direxerunt classem ; sed Samo profecti, per Icarium mare et secundum insulas cursum tenuere ; (3) metuentes maxime, ut mihi videtur, montis Atho circuitum, in quo circumnavigando superiori anno ingentem passi erant calamitatem : insuper vero etiam, ut hac irent, Naxus insula eos cogebat, quæ superiori tempore non erat subacta. | When these who had been appointed to command came in their march from the king to the Aleïan plain in Kilikia, taking with them a large and well-equipped land-army, then while they were encamping there, the whole naval armament came up, which had been appointed for several nations to furnish; and there came to them also the ships for carrying horses, which in the year before Dareios had ordered his tributaries to make ready. In these they placed their horses, and having embarked the land-army in the ships they sailed for Ionia with six hundred triremes. After this they did not keep their ships coasting along the mainland towards the Hellespont and Thrace, but they started from Samos and made their voyage by the Icarian Sea and between the islands; because, as I think, they feared more than all else the voyage round Athos, seeing that in the former year while making the passage by this way they had come to great disaster. Moreover also Naxos compelled them, since it had not been conquered at the former time. |
| 6.96 | Ubi per mare Icarium transvecti contra Naxum venere (hanc enim primam omnium adoriri in animo habebant Persæ), memores eorum quæ prius acciderant, Naxii non sustinentes hostem, procul abeuntes in montes confugerunt. (2) Persæ vero, in servitutem redactis quotquot illorum comprehendissent, et templa et urbem incenderunt. Quo facto, adversus reliquas insulas navigare pergebant. | And when they had arrived at Naxos, coming against it from the Icarian Sea (for it was against Naxos first that the Persians intended to make expedition, remembering the former events), the Naxians departed forthwith fleeing to the mountains, and did not await their attack; but the Persians made slaves of those of them whom they caught and set fire to both the temples and the town. Having so done they put out to sea to attack the other islands. |
| 6.97 | Qui dum id faciunt, Delii etiam, relicta insula, profugiunt Tenum. Datis autem, ubi in viciniam Deli cum exercitu pervenit, ipse navi sua prægressus, non passus est classem ad insulam appellere, sed ad Rheneam ex adverso sitam : (2) et postquam cognovit quo se Delii recepissent, misso caduceatore, hæc eis edixit : « Quid fuga abitis, viri sancti, male de me, nec pro meo merito, judicantes ? Ego enim et ipse in tantum certe sapio, et a rege hoc mihi mandatum est, ut, qua in terra hi duo dii nati sunt, eam nec ipsam lædam, nec ejus incolas. (3) Quare redite vestras ad sedes, et insulam habitate ! » Hæc postquam per caduceatorem edixit, trecenta thuris talenta super aram congesta adolevit. | While these were doing thus, the Delians also had left Delos and fled away to Tenos; and when the armament was sailing in thither, Datis sailed on before and did not allow the ships to anchor at the island of Delos, but at Rhenaia on the other side of the channel; and he himself, having found out by inquiry where the men of Delos were, sent a herald and addressed them thus: “Holy men, why are ye fled away and departed, having judged of me that which is not convenient? for even I of myself have wisdom at least so far, and moreover it has been thus commanded me by the king, not to harm at all that land in which the two divinities were born, neither the land itself nor the inhabitants of it. Now therefore return to your own possessions and dwell in your island.” Thus he proclaimed by a herald to the Delians; and after this he piled up and burned upon the altar three hundred talents’ weight of frankincense. |
| 6.98 | His rebus gestis, Datis cum exercitu primum adversus Eretriam navigavit, simul et Ionas et Æolenses secum ducens. Post illius autem ex hac regione digressum commota tremuit Delus ; quod nec ante id tempus, ut ajunt Delii, nec post, ad meam usque ætatem, factum est. (2) Et hoc quidem prodigium edidit deus, quo imminentia hominibus mala significaret. Nam regnante Dario Hystaspis filio, et Xerxe Darii, et Artaxerxe Xerxis, per tres has continuas generationes plura mala afflixerunt Græciam, quam per viginti alias generationes quæ ante Darium exstiterunt ; alia quidem, a Persis illi illata ; alia vero, ab ipsorum Græcorum coryphæis de principatu inter se bellum gerentibus. (3) Itaque non præter causam commota est Delus, quum ad illum diem immota fuisset. Et in vaticinio de illa ita scriptum est:
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Datis having done these things sailed away with his army to fight against Eretria first, taking with him both Ionians and Aiolians; and after he had put out to sea from thence, Delos was moved, not having been shaken (as the Delians reported to me) either before that time or since that down to my own time; and this no doubt the god manifested as a portent to men of the evils that were about to be; for in the time of Dareios the son of Hystaspes and Xerxes the son of Dareios and Artoxerxes the son of Xerxes, three generations following upon one another, there happened more evils to Hellas than during the twenty other generations which came before Dareios, some of the evils coming to it from the Persians, and others from the leaders themselves of Hellas warring together for supremacy. Thus it was not unreasonable that Delos should be moved, which was before unmoved. [And in an oracle it was thus written about it:
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| 6.99 | Barbari, Delo profecti, navibus ad insulas appellebant, et exercitum inde assumebant, et insulanorum filios secum obsides abducebant. (2) Postquam vero, præternavigatis insulis, Carysto quoque appulerunt ; quum nec obsides dedissent Carystii, et contra vicinas urbes (Eretriam et Athenas dicebant) se militaturos negassent : ibi tunc hos oppugnarunt, agrumque illorum evastarunt, donec etiam Carystii in deditionem venere Persarum. | The Barbarians then, when they had departed from Delos, touched at the islands as they went, and from them received additional forces and took sons of the islanders as hostages: and when in sailing round about the islands they put in also to Carystos, seeing that the Carystians would neither give them hostages nor consent to join in an expedition against cities that were their neighbors, meaning Eretria and Athens, they began to besiege them and to ravage their land; until at last the Carystians also came over to the will of the Persians. |
| 6.100 | Eretrienses autem, ubi cognoverunt sese peti a Persarum classe, Athenienses rogarunt ut auxilia sibi mitterent. Nec negarunt Athenienses opem, sed quater mille colonos illos, qui in opulentorum Chalcidensium prædia successerant, opem eis ferre jusserunt. (2) At in Eretriensibus sanum nullum erat consilium ; qui Athenienses quidem auxilio vocaverant, ipsi vero in duas divisi erant sententias : nam aliis animus erat, relicta urbe in superiora Eubœæ loca se recipere ; alii vero, privatum quæstum a Persis reportare sperantes, proditionem parabant. (3) Quorum utrorumque consilia cognita habens Æschines, Nothonis filius, primarius vir Eretriensium, advenientibus Atheniensibus præsentem rerum statum aperuit ; eosque ut retrogrederentur rogavit, ne simul cum Eretriensibus perirent. Et Athenienses, Æschinis sequentes consilium, Oropum transvecti, periculum evaserunt. | The Eretrians meanwhile being informed that the armament of the Persians was sailing to attack them, requested the Athenians to help them; and the Athenians did not refuse their support, but gave as helpers those four thousand to whom had been allotted the land of the wealthy Chalkidians. The Eretrians however, as it turned out, had no sound plan of action, for while they sent for the Athenians, they had in their minds two different designs: some of them, that is, proposed to leave the city and go to the heights of Euboea; while others of them, expecting to win gain for themselves from the Persian, were preparing to surrender the place. Having got knowledge of how things were as regards both these plans, Aischines the son of Nothon, one of the leaders of the Eretrians, told the whole condition of their affairs to those of the Athenians who had come, and entreated them to depart and go to their own land, that they might not also perish. So the Athenians did according to this counsel given to them by Aischines. |
| 6.101 | Persæ, navibus ad Tamynas et Chœreas et Ægilia ditionis Eretriensium appulsis, locis hisce potiti, protinus equis e navibus expositis, ad aggrediendum hostem sese compararunt. (2) Eretrienses vero de egrediendo et committenda pugna non cogitabant ; sed muros, si possent, defendere, hoc unum illis curæ erat, quandoquidem vicerat sententia non relinquendam esse urbem. (3) Quum autem acriter oppugnaretur murus, intra sex dies multi ab utraque parte perierunt : septimo vero die Euphorbus Alcimachi filius et Philagrus Cyneæ, spectati inter cives viri, Persis Eretriam prodiderunt. (4) Et hi, urbem ingressi, templa spoliarunt incenderuntque, pœnam hanc repetentes ob templa Sardibus cremata ; homines autem, ut jusserat Darius, in servitutem abstraxerunt. | And while these passed over to Oropos and saved themselves, the Persians sailed on and brought their ships to land about Temenos and Chioreai and Aigilea in the Eretrian territory; and having taken possession of these places, forthwith they began to disembark their horses and prepared to advance against the enemy. The Eretrians however did not intend to come forth against them and fight; but their endeavor was if possible to hold out by defending their walls, since the counsel prevailed not to leave the city. Then a violent assault was made upon the wall, and for six days there fell many on both sides; but on the seventh day Euphorbos the son of Alkimachos and Philagros the son of Kyneos, men of repute among the citizens, gave up the city to the Persians. These having entered the city plundered and set fire to the temples in retribution for the temples which were burned at Sardis, and also reduced the people to slavery according to the commands of Dareios. |
| 6.102 | Subacta Eretria, Persæ, paucorum dierum interposita mora, in Atticam navigarunt, magnas in angustias adducentes Athenienses, cogitantesque eodem modo cum illis agere atque cum Eretriensibus egissent. (2) Quumque Marathon esset totius Atticæ maxime opportunus equitibus locus, et proximus ab Eretria, in hunc campum illos deduxit Hippias, Pisistrati filius. | Having got Eretria into their power, they stayed a few days and then sailed for the land of Attica, pressing on hard and supposing that the Athenians would do the same as the Eretrians had done. And since Marathon was the most convenient place in Attica for horsemen to act and was also very near to Eretria, therefore Hippias the son of Peisistratos was guiding them thither. |
| 6.103 | Qua re cognita, Athenienses etiam ipsi Marathona obviam hostibus egressi sunt. Duxerunt autem illos decem imperatores ; quorum decimus Miltiades erat, is cujus patri Cimoni, Stesagoræ filio, acciderat, ut a Pisistrato, Hippocratis filio, Athenis in exilium pelleretur. (2) Eidemque contigerat, ut exsul victoriam Olympiæ reportaret quadrigarum curriculo ; quem eundem honorem jam ante eum frater ipsius uterinus Miltiades erat consecutus. Deinde vero, sequenti Olympiade, quum eisdem equabus idem Cimon vicisset, Pisistrato concessit, ut is victor renuntiaretur ; et ob victoriam huic concessam, e pactione cum illo inita, in patriam est restitutus. (3) Postremo idem, quum eisdem equabus aliam rursus victoriam reportasset Olympicam, obiit interfectus a filiis Pisistrati, ipso Pisistrato non amplius in vivis agente : interfecerunt illum enim hi prope prytaneum, noctu hominibus quibusdam ad hoc subornatis. (4) Sepultus est autem Cimon ante urbem, ultra viam quæ Per Cavum vocatur, et ex adverso sepultæ sunt equæ illæ ejusdem, quæ tres Olympicas retulerunt victorias. Præstiterunt quidem idem hoc aliæ etiam equæ, Euagoræ Lacedæmonis ; sed, præter has, nullæ. (5) Filiorum igitur Cimonis natu major, Stesagoras, per id tempus apud patruum Miltiadem in Chersoneso educabatur ; natu minor autem apud Cimonem Athenis erat, cui nomen fuit Miltiades, de patrui Miltiadis nomine, conditoris Chersonesi. | When the Athenians had information of this, they too went to Marathon to the rescue of their land; and they were led by ten generals, of whom the tenth was Miltiades, whose father Kimon of Stesagoras had been compelled to go into exile from Athens because of Peisistratos the son of Hippocrates: and while he was in exile it was his fortune to win a victory at the Olympic games with a four-horse chariot, wherein, as it happened, he did the same thing as his half-brother Miltiades had done, who had the same mother as he. Then afterwards in the next succeeding Olympic games he gained a victory with the same mares and allowed Peisistratos to be proclaimed as victor; and having resigned to him the victory he returned to his own native land under an agreement for peace. Then after he had won with the same mares at another Olympic festival, it was his hap to be slain by the sons of Peisistratos, Peisistratos himself being no longer alive. These killed him near the City Hall, having set men to lie in wait for him by night; and the burial-place of Kimon is in the outskirts of the city, on the other side of the road which is called the way through Coile, and just opposite him those mares are buried which won in three Olympic games. This same thing was done also by the mares belonging to Euagoras the Laconian, but besides these by none others. Now the elder of the sons of Kimon, Stesagoras, was at that time being brought up in the house of his father’s brother Miltiades in the Chersonese, while the younger son was being brought up at Athens with Kimon himself, having been named Miltiades after Miltiades the settler of the Chersonese. |
| 6.104 | Hic igitur tunc Miltiades, quum nuper e Chersoneso advenisset, duplicemque effugisset mortem, imperator fuit Atheniensium. Simul enim et Phœnices, usque ad Imbrum illum persecuti, studiose operam dederant, ut caperent eum et ad regem abducerent : (2) et, postquam hos effugit, domumque rediit, et jam securum se esse posse existimavit, protinus eundem exceperant adversarii, et in judicium vocatum, reum egerant tyrannidis in Chersoneso exercitæ. Ab hoc quoque liberatus periculo, ita demum imperator creatus est Atheniensium, populi suffragiis electus. | This Miltiades then at the time of which we speak had come from the Chersonese and was a general of the Athenians, after escaping death in two forms; for not only did the Phenicians, who had pursued after him as far as Imbros, endeavor earnestly to take him and bring him up to the presence of the king, but also after this, when he had escaped from these and had come to his own native land and seemed to be in safety from that time forth, his opponents, who had laid wait for him there, brought him up before a court and prosecuted him for his despotism in the Chersonese. Having escaped these also, he had then been appointed a general of the Athenians, being elected by the people. |
| 6.105 | Ac primum quidem, quum adhuc in urbe essent imperatores, Spartam miserunt præconem Phidippidem, civem quidem Atheniensem, ceterum hemerodromum (cursorem ingens uno die spatium emetientem), et hoc negotium exercentem. Cui, ut quidem ipse deinde narravit Phidippides, Atheniensibusque renuntiavit, circa Parthenium montem, qui supra Tegeam est, deus Pan obviam est factus ; (2) compellatoque nominatim Phidippide, jussit eum renuntiare Atheniensibus, nullam illos sui curam gerere, quum tamen bene cupiat Atheniensibus, ac jam sæpe de illis bene meritus fuerit, et posthac etiam bene sit meriturus. (3) Hæc Athenienses vere ita accidisse persuasi, deinde, quum jam res eorum recte fuissent compositæ, templum Pani infra arcem statuerunt, eumque inde ab illo nuntio annuis sacrificiis et lampade (cursu faces accensas gestantium) placant. | First of all, while they were still in the city, the generals sent off to Sparta a herald, namely Pheidippides an Athenian and for the rest a runner of long day-courses and one who practised this as his profession. With this man, as Pheidippides himself said and as he made report to the Athenians, Pan chanced to meet by mount Parthenion, which is above Tegea; and calling aloud the name of Pheidippides, Pan bade him report to the Athenians and ask for what reason they had no care of him, though he was well disposed to the Athenians and had been serviceable to them on many occasions before that time, and would be so also yet again. Believing that this tale was true, the Athenians, when their affairs had been now prosperously settled, established under the Acropolis a temple of Pan; and in consequence of this message they propitiate him with sacrifice offered every year and with a torch-race. |
| 6.106 | Tunc vero missus ab imperatoribus Phidippides hic, quo tempore is Panem sibi apparuisse narravit, postridie ejus diei quo Athenis erat profectus, Spartam pervenit ; ubi adiens magistratus, hæc apud eos verba fecit : (2) Lacedæmonii, petunt a vobis Athenienses, ut auxilio illis veniatis ; neque patiamini ut antiquissima inter Græcos civitas in servitutem abripiatur a barbaris. Nam et Eretria nunc sub jugum est missa, et insigni civitate imminuta est Græcia. (3) Hæc ubi illis e mandato dixit, placuit quidem Spartanis auxilia mittere Atheniensibus ; sed id confestim facere non potuerunt, quum nollent contra legem agere. Erat enim nonus dies mensis : nono autem die, quando non plena esset luna, se non egressuros, ajebant. Plenilunium igitur hi exspectabant. | However at that time, the time namely when he said that Pan appeared to him, this Pheidippides having been sent by the generals was in Sparta on the next day after that on which he left the city of the Athenians; and when he had come to the magistrates he said: “Lacedemonians, the Athenians make request of you to come to their help and not to allow a city most anciently established among the Hellenes to fall into slavery by the means of Barbarians; for even now Eretria has been enslaved, and Hellas has become the weaker by a city of renown.” He, as I say, reported to them that with which he had been charged, and it pleased them well to come to help the Athenians; but it was impossible for them to do so at once, since they did not desire to break their law; for it was the ninth day of the month, and on the ninth day they said they would not go forth, nor until the circle of the moon should be full. These men were waiting for the full moon. |
| 6.107 | Hippias autem, Pisistrati filius, barbaris viam in campum Marathona præivit. Cui superiori nocte per somnum tale visum erat oblatum : visus sibi erat sua cum matre concumbere. quo ex insomnio collegerat, Athenas se esse rediturum, et in patria recepto regno senem vita excessurum. (2) In hunc modum Hippias somnium suum erat interpretatus. Tunc vero, ducis officio fungens, partim Eretriensia mancipia in Styreorum insula, cui Ægilea nomen, deposuit ; partim naves, quæ ad Marathona appulerant, in statione locavit, et barbaros in terram egressos ordinavit. (3) Quæ dum administrat, accidit ei ut vehementius, quam solitus erat, et sternutaret et tussiret. Quumque eidem, quippe ætate jam provectiori, plures labarent dentes, (4) horum dentium unum, dum tussit, propter violentiam ejecit. Qui quum in arenam cecidisset, magnum adhibuit studium ut eum reperiret : postquam vero nusquam dens comparuit, edito gemitu ait astantibus : « Terra hæc non est nostra, neque eam poterimus in nostram redigere potestatem : nam, quidquid ejus ad me pertinebat, id dens meus obtinet. » Nempe in hoc Hippias exiisse, visionem suam existimavit. | And meanwhile Hippias the son of Peisistratos was guiding the Barbarians in to Marathon, after having seen on the night that was just past a vision in his sleep of this kind — it seemed to Hippias that he lay with his own mother. He conjectured then from the dream that he should return to Athens and recover his rule, and then bring his life to an end in old age in his own land. From the dream, I say, he conjectured this; and after this, as he guided them in, first he disembarked the slaves from Eretria on the island belonging to the Styrians, called Aigleia; and then, as the ships came in to shore at Marathon, he moored them there, and after the Barbarians had come from their ships to land, he was engaged in disposing them in their places. While he was ordering these things, it came upon him to sneeze and cough more violently than was his wont. Then since he was advanced in years, most of his teeth were shaken thereby, and one of these teeth he cast forth by the violence of the cough: and the tooth having fallen from him upon the sand, he was very desirous to find it; since however the tooth was not to be found when he searched, he groaned aloud and said to those who were by him: “This land is not ours, nor shall we be able to make it subject to us; but so much part in it as belonged to me the tooth possesses.” Hippias then conjectured that his vision had been thus fulfilled. |
| 6.108 | Atheniensibus, quum in campo Herculi sacro locum cepissent, præsidio advenere Platæenses frequenti manu ex universo populo collecta. Tradiderant enim sese Atheniensibus Platæenses, et frequentes pro illis Athenienses jam antes labores sustinuerant. (2) Tradiderant se autem hoc modo : bello a Thebanis pressi Platæenses primum Cleomeni, Anaxandridæ filio, et Lacedæmoniis se tradiderant, qui forte in illis locis aderant ; at illi, non recipientes eos, dixere : « Nos nimis procul a vobis habitamus, et frigidum vobis tale auxilium foret : plus semel enim fieri posset, ut in servitutem prius abstraheremini, quam nostrûm quisquam fando audiret. (3) Quare suademus vobis, ut Atheniensibus vos tradatis, qui et finitimi vobis sunt, et ad tutandum non invalidi. » Hæc Platæensibus suaserunt Lacedæmonii, non tam quod illis bene vellent, quam quod cuperent laboribus fatigari Athenienses, bellis cum Bœotis gerendis. (4) Consilium autem Lacedæmoniorum sequentes Platæenses, quo tempore duodecim diis sacra faciebant Athenienses, supplices ad aram consederunt, seque illis tradiderunt. (5) Quo cognito, Thebani arma intulerunt Platæensibus ; et Athenienses auxilio illis venere. Sed quum in eo essent ut consererent pugnam, id fieri non passi sunt Corinthii : hi enim, quum forte adessent, arbitrio eorum rem permittentibus utrisque, pacem conciliarunt, fines regionis ita constituentes, ut Thebani eos e Bœotis, qui Bœotorum communi nollent attribui, nihil impedirent. (6) Hoc constituto, Corinthii abierunt. Athenienses vero, domum redeuntes, ex improviso aggressi sunt Bœoti : sed commissa pugna superati sunt. Quo facto Athenienses, fines Platæensibus a Corinthiis constitutos transgredientes, ipsum Asopum et Hysias fines inter Thebanos et Platæenses statuerunt. (7) Platæenses igitur, postquam prædicto modo Atheniensibus sese tradidissent, nunc eis ad Marathonem auxilio venerunt. | And meanwhile, after the Athenians had been drawn up in the sacred enclosure of Heracles, there joined them the Plataians coming to their help in a body: for the Plataians had given themselves to the Athenians, and the Athenians before this time undertook many toils on behalf of them; and this was the manner in which they gave themselves — Being oppressed by the Thebans, the Plataians at first desired to give themselves to Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides and to the Lacedemonians, who chanced to come thither; but these did not accept them, and said to them as follows: “We dwell too far off, and such support as ours would be to you but cold comfort; for ye might many times be reduced to slavery before any of us had information of it: but we counsel you rather to give yourselves to the Athenians, who are both neighbors and also not bad helpers.” Thus the Lacedemonians counselled, not so much on account of their goodwill to the Plataians as because they desired that the Athenians should have trouble by being involved in a conflict with the Boetians. The Lacedemonians, I say, thus counselled the men of Plataia; and they did not fail to follow their counsel, but when the Athenians were doing sacrifice to the twelve gods, they sat down as suppliants at the altar and so gave themselves. Then the Thebans having been informed of these things marched against the Plataians, and the Athenians came to their assistance: and as they were about to join battle, the Corinthians did not permit them to do so, but being by chance there, they reconciled their strife; and both parties having put the matter into their hands, they laid down boundaries for the land, with the condition that the Thebans should leave those of the Boeotians alone who did not desire to be reckoned with the other Boeotians. The Corinthians having given this decision departed; but as the Athenians were going back, the Boeotians attacked them, and having attacked them they were worsted in the fight. Upon that the Athenians passed beyond the boundaries which the Corinthians had set to be for the Plataians, and they made the river Asopos itself to be the boundary of the Thebans towards the land of Plataia and towards the district of Hysiai. The Plataians then had given themselves to the Athenians in the manner which has been said, and at this time they came to Marathon to bring them help. |
| 6.109 | Imperatorum autem Atheniensium bifariam divisæ erant sententiæ; nolentibus aliis, ut prœlio confligeretur ; nimis enim exiguum esse ipsorum numerum, quam ut cum Medorum exercitu congrederentur ; aliis vero, et in his Miltiade, confligendum censentibus. (2) Ita quum dissentirent, quumque in eo esset ut pejor vinceret sententia ; tunc undecimus supererat qui suffragium ferret, is qui faba polemarchus electus erat Atheniensium : antiquitus enim polemarcho æquale cum imperatoribus jus suffragii ferendi tribuerant Athenienses. Erat autem tunc polemarchus Callimachus Aphidnæus ; (3) quem conveniens Miltiades his verbis est allocutus : « In te nunc situm est, Callimache, utrum in servitutem redigere velis Athenas, an, liberata patria, memoria tui in omne ævum relinquere, qualem ne Harmodius quidem et Aristogiton reliquerunt. (4) Nunquam enim, e quo exstiterunt Athenienses, in tantum adducti sunt periculum, in quanto nunc versantur. In quo si Medis succumbunt, decretum est quid eis sit patiendum, Hippiæ deditis ; sin superior discesserit hæc civitas, probabile est primam eam futuram esse Græcarum civitatum. (5) Quo pacto igitur fieri hoc possit, et quo pacto a te pendeat harum rerum summa, nunc tibi dicam. Sententiæ imperatorum, qui decem sumus numero, in duas divisæ sunt partes ; aliis confligendum censentibus, aliis non confligendum. (6) Jam, si prœlium non commiserimus, persuasum fere habeo magna exstitura dissidia, quæ animos disturbent Atheniensium, eosque ad Medorum trahant partes. Sin prœlium commiserimus priusquam putre consilium animos subeat nonnullorum Atheniensium, probabile fit mihi, ut, diis æqua tribuentibus, superiores discedamus. (7) Hæc igitur omnia ad te nunc spectant et e te pendent. Etenim si tu meæ accesseris sententiæ, habebis liberam patriam et civitatem primam universæ Græciæ; sin his suffragatus fueris, qui dissuadent prœlium, erit tibi contrarium eorum, quæ memoravi, commodorum. » | Now the opinions of the generals of the Athenians were divided, and the one party urged that they should not fight a battle, seeing that they were too few to fight with the army of the Medes, while the others, and among them Miltiades, advised that they should do so: and when they were divided and the worse opinion was like to prevail, then, since he who had been chosen by lot to be polemarch of the Athenians had a vote in addition to the ten (for in old times the Athenians gave the polemarch an equal vote with the generals) and at that time the polemarch was Callimachos of the deme of Aphidnai, to him came Miltiades and said as follows: “With thee now it rests, Callimachos, either to bring Athens under slavery, or by making her free to leave behind thee for all the time that men shall live a memorial such as not even Harmodios and Aristogeiton have left. For now the Athenians have come to a danger the greatest to which they have ever come since they were a people; and on the one hand, if they submit to the Medes, it is determined what they shall suffer, being delivered over to Hippias, while on the other hand, if this city shall gain the victory, it may become the first of the cities of Hellas. How this may happen and how it comes to thee of all men to have the decision of these matters, I am now about to tell. Of us the generals, who are ten in number, the opinions are divided, the one party urging that we fight a battle and the others that we do not fight. Now if we do not, I expect that some great spirit of discord will fall upon the minds of the Athenians and so shake them that they shall go over to the Medes; but if we fight a battle before any unsoundness appear in any part of the Athenian people, then we are able to gain the victory in the fight, if the gods grant equal conditions. These things then all belong to thee and depend on thee; for if thou attach thyself to my opinions, thou hast both a fatherland which is free and a native city which shall be the first among the cities of Hellas; but if thou choose the opinion of those who are earnest against fighting, thou shalt have the opposite of those good things of which I told thee.” |
| 6.110 | His dictis Miltiades in suam sententiam Callimachum traxit : et accedente polemarchi suffragio decretum est, ut prœlio confligeretur. Post hæc, qui ex imperatoribus confligendum censuerant, hi, ut cujusque dies aderat, quo penes eum summa esset imperii, ita vicem suam Miltiadi tradiderunt. At ille quamvis acciperet, non tamen prius commisit prœlium quam legitimus ipsius dies adesset. | Thus speaking Miltiades gained Callimachos to his side; and the opinion of the polemarch being added, it was thus determined to fight a battle. After this, those generals whose opinion was in favor of fighting, as the turn of each one of them to command for the day came round, gave over their command to Miltiades; and he, accepting it, would not however yet bring about a battle, until his own turn to command had come. |
| 6.111 | Quo die igitur Miltiadis vices erant administrandæ imperii summæ, in aciem educti sunt Athenienses, tali modo instructi. Dextro cornu præerat polemarchus Callimachus : obtinebat tunc enim lex apud Athenienses, ut polemarchus dextrum cornu teneret. Ab hoc igitur principio deinde collocatæ erant continuo tenore singulæ tribus Atheniensium, pro cujusque numero : (2) postremi vero, in lævo cornu, Platæenses stabant. Inde enim ab hac pugna usu receptum est, ut, quando solennia sacra peragunt Athenienses, quæ quinto quoque anno celebrantur, præco Atheniensis solennes preces ita præeat, ut fausta omnia precetur Atheniensibus simul et Platæensibus. (3) Tunc vero, quum acies Atheniensium ad Marathonem sic esset instructa ut frons fronti exercitus Medici exæquaretur, accidit, ut in medio ordines haud sane frequentes starent, et ea parte debilior esset acies ; sed ut utrumque cornu densioribus ordinibus esset firmatum. | And when it came round to him, then the Athenians were drawn up for battle in the order which here follows — On the right wing the polemarch Callimachos was leader (for the custom of the Athenians then was this, that the polemarch should have the right wing); and he leading, next after him came the tribes in order as they were numbered one after another, and last were drawn up the Plataians occupying the left wing: for ever since this battle, when the Athenians offer sacrifices in the solemn assemblies which are made at the four-yearly festivals, the herald of the Athenians prays thus, “that blessings may come to the Athenians and to the Plataians both.” On this occasion however, when the Athenians were being drawn up at Marathon something of this kind was done — their army being made equal in length of front to that of the Medes, came to drawn up in the middle with a depth of but few ranks, and here their army was weakest, while each wing was strengthened with numbers. |
| 6.112 | Acie ita ordinata, quum cæsæ hostiæ prospera omnia nuntiassent, ibi tunc Athenienses, ut signum datum est pugnæ, cursu in hostes contenderunt. Erat autem inter duas acies interjectum intervallum haud minus quam octo stadiorum. (2) Tum vero Persæ, ubi cursu adversus se irruentes hostes viderunt, ad excipiendos illos se compararunt ; furere dicentes Athenienses, et in propriam ruere perniciem ; qui ita cursu contenderunt, quum numero essent pauci, neque vel equitatum vel sagittarios haberent. De his igitur ita judicabant Persæ. At Athenienses, postquam confertis ordinibus ad manus venissent hostium, pugnam ediderunt memoratu dignam. (3) Quippe primi omnium Græcorum, quos novimus, cursu in hostes impetum fecerunt : et primi sustinuerunt, Medicam vestem et ea indutos aspicere viros ; quum ante illum diem vel nomen Medorum Græcis, ubi audirent, terrorem incussisset. | And when they had been arranged in their places and the sacrifices proved favorable, then the Athenians were let go, and they set forth at a run to attack the Barbarians. Now the space between the armies was not less than eight furlongs: and the Persians seeing them advancing to the attack at a run, made preparations to receive them; and in their minds they charged the Athenians with madness which must be fatal, seeing that they were few and yet were pressing forwards at a run, having neither cavalry nor archers. Such was the thought of the Barbarians; but the Athenians when all in a body they had joined in combat with the Barbarians, fought in a memorable fashion: for they were the first of all the Hellenes about whom we know who went to attack the enemy at a run, and they were the first also who endured to face the Median garments and the men who wore them, whereas up to this time the very name of the Medes was to the Hellenes a terror to hear. |
| 6.113 | Satis autem longi temporis hæc ad Marathonem pugna fuit. Et in medio quidem aciei vicerunt barbari, ubi Persæ ipsi et Sacæ locati erant ; qui hac parte victores, perrupta acie, versus mediterranea persecuti sunt fugientes. At in utroque cornu penes Athenienses et Platæenses victoria stetit. (2) Et hi quidem, postquam vicerunt, omissis hisce e barbaris quos in fugam verterant, utrumque cornu contrahentes, illos sunt aggressi qui mediam perruperant aciem : et de his quoque victoriam Athenienses reportarunt. Tunc vero in fugam effusos Persas cædentes persecuti sunt ; donec ad mare delati, ignem poposcerunt, ipsasque naves sunt adorti. | Now while they fought in Marathon, much time passed by; and in the centre of the army, where the Persians themselves and the Sacans were drawn up, the Barbarians were winning — here, I say, the Barbarians had broken the ranks of their opponents and were pursuing them inland, but on both wings the Athenians and the Plataians severally were winning the victory; and being victorious they left that part of the Barbarians which had been routed to fly without molestation, and bringing together the two wings they fought with those who had broken their centre, and the Athenians were victorious. So they followed after the Persians as they fled, slaughtering them, until they came to the sea; and then they called for fire and began to take hold of the ships. |
| 6.114 | In hoc discrimine et alii multi perierunt nobiles Athenienses ; et Callimachus polemarchus, postquam fortiter pugnarat, interfectus est ; unus item ex imperatoribus Stesilaus Thrasylai filius. Ibidemque Cynegirus, Euphorionis filius, quum aplustria navis barbarorum manu tenuisset, securi amputata manu cecidit. | In this part of the work was slain the polemarch Callimachos after having proved himself a good man, and also one of the generals, Stesilaos the son of Thrasylaos, was killed; and besides this Kynegeiros the son of Euphorion while taking hold there of the ornament at the stern of a ship had his hand cut off with an axe and fell; and many others also of the Athenians who were men of note were killed. |
| 6.115 | Ceterum septem navibus ista ratione potiti sunt Athenienses. Reliquis autem navibus barbari, valide pulsatis remis in altum revecti, assumptis ex insula mancipiis Eretriensibus, in qua relicta erant ; Sunium circumnavigarunt, ad urbem prius pervenire studentes quam rediissent Athenienses. (2) Et pervulgata est apud Athenienses fama, cepisse illos hoc consilium ex Alcmeonidarum artificio ; hos enim e composito clypeum Persis, quum jam in navibus essent, sustulisse. | Seven of the ships the Athenians got possession of in this manner, but with the rest the Barbarians pushed off from land, and after taking the captives from Eretria off the island where they had left them, they sailed round Sunion, purposing to arrive at the city before the Athenians. And an accusation became current among the Athenians to the effect that they formed this design by contrivance of the Alcmaionidai; for these, it was said, having concerted matters with the Persians, displayed to them a shield when they had now embarked in their ships. |
| 6.116 | At, dum Sunium Persæ circumnavigant, Athenienses, quantum pedibus valuere, in urbem retro currentes, prius affuere quam Persæ venirent : et, quemadmodum ad Marathonem in agro Herculi sacro castra habuerant, sic et nunc in alio Heracleo, quod in Cynosarge est, locum castris ceperunt. (2) Barbari vero, postquam naves ante Phalerum, qui portus tunc erat Atheniensium, in alto aliquamdiu tenuissent, retro in Asiam navigarunt. | These then, I say, were sailing round Sunion; and meanwhile the Athenians came to the rescue back to the city as speedily as they could, and they arrived there before the Barbarians came; and having arrived from the temple of Heracles at Marathon they encamped at another temple of Heracles, namely that which is in Kynosarges. The Barbarians however came and lay with their ships in the sea which is off Phaleron, (for this was then the seaport of the Athenians), they anchored their ships, I say, off this place, and then proceeded to sail back to Asia. |
| 6.117 | E Persis ceciderunt in hac Marathonia pugna circiter sex milia et quadringenti ; Atheniensium vero centum nonaginta duo. (2) Hic fuit occisorum utrimque numerus. Acciderat autem ibi res mira hujusmodi : Epizelus, civis Atheniensis, Cuphagoræ filius, stans in acie, fortiterque pugnans, oculorum usu privatus est, nulla corporis parte nec cominus percussus, nec eminus ictus : et ab hoc tempore per reliquam vitam cæcus permansit. (3) Memorant autem, ipsum de hac calamitate hæc narrasse : visum esse ei virum armatum magnum contra ipsum stare, cujus barbam totum texisse clypeum ; illud autem spectrum præteriisse ipsum, et virum sibi proximum stantem interfecisse. Hæc Epizelum solitum esse narrare audivi. | In this fight at Marathon there were slain of the Barbarians about six thousand four hundred men, and of the Athenians a hundred and ninety and two. Such was the number which fell on both sides; and it happened also that a marvel occurred there of this kind — an Athenian, Epizelos the son of Cuphagoras, while fighting in the close combat and proving himself a good man, was deprived of the sight of his eyes, neither having received a blow in any part of his body nor having been hit with a missile, and for the rest of his life from this time he continued to be blind: and I was informed that he used to tell about that which had happened to him a tale of this kind, namely that it seemed to him that a tall man in full armor stood against him, whose beard overshadowed his whole shield; and this apparition passed him by, but killed his comrade who stood next to him. Thus, as I was informed, Epizelos told the tale. |
| 6.118 | Datis, cum exercitu in Asiam profectus, postquam Myconum pervenit, per somnum vidit visionem ; quæ quidem qualis fuerit non memoratur : sed ille, simul atque illuxit, perquisitionem instituit navium. Et quum in Phœnicia navi simulacrum invenisset Apollinis inaurautum, percontatus est unde raptum esset : utque audivit quonam e templo esset, ipse sua navi Delum est profectus, (2) et ibi (jam enim in insulam reversi erant Delii) simulacrum in templo deposuit, Deliisque imperavit ut in Delium Thebanorum, quod est ad mare adversus Chalcidem, illud transportarent. (3) Datis quidem, dato hoc mandato, retro navigavit : at statuam Delii non transmiserunt ; sed post viginti demum annos ipsi Thebani, oraculi jussu, Delium illam deportarunt. | Datis, however, as he was going with his army to Asia, when he had come to Myconos saw a vision in his sleep; and of what nature the vision was it is not reported, but as soon as day dawned he caused a search to be made of the ships, and finding in a Phenician ship an image of Apollo overlaid with gold, he inquired from whence it had been carried off. Then having been informed from what temple it came, he sailed in his own ship to Delos: and finding that the Delians had returned then to the island, he deposited the image in the temple and charged the men of Delos to convey it back to Delion in the territory of the Thebans, which is situated by the sea-coast just opposite Chalkis. Datis having given this charge sailed away: the Delians however did not convey the statue back, but after an interval of twenty years the Thebans themselves brought it to Delion by reason of an oracle. |
| 6.119 | Eretrienses vero in servitutem abreptos Datis et Artaphernes, postquam in Asiam appulerant, Susa abduxerunt. (2) Rex autem Darius, quum Eretriensibus, priusquam capti essent, vehementer fuisset iratus, quippe qui primi auctores fuerant injuriarum ; nunc eosdem, ubi ad se abductos et sua in potestate vidit, nullo alio malo affecit, sed sedes illis in terra Cissia assignavit, in una suarum mansionum quæ Ardericca vocatur. Abest illa decem et ducenta stadia a Susis, quadraginta vero stadia a puteo, qui tres diversas rerum exhibet species. Nam et asphaltus et sal et oleum ex illo hauritur, hoc modo : (3) hauriunt ope tollenonis, cui pro situla alligatus est dimidiatus uter : hunc succutiens haurit homo id quod intus est, idque in cisternam infundit ; e qua rursus in aliud receptaculum derivatur hæc materia ; atque ita triplicem in formam convertitur. (4) Et asphaltus quidem et sal protinus concrescunt ; oleum vero, quod rhadinacen Persæ vocant, in vasa colligunt : est autem illud nigrum, et gravem spirans odorem. Illum igitur locum Eretriensibus habitandum rex tribuit : habitantque eandem regionem ad meam usque ætatem, pristinam linguam servantes. Hæc sunt igitur quæ ad Eretrienses spectant. | Now as to those Eretrians who had been reduced to slavery, Datis and Artaphrenes, when they reached Asia in their voyage, brought them up to Susa; and king Dareios, though he had great anger against the Eretrians before they were made captive, because the Eretrians had done wrong to him unprovoked, yet when he saw that they had been brought up to him and were in his power, he did them no more evil, but established them as settlers in the Kissian land upon one of his own domains, of which the name is Ardericca: and this is distant two hundred and ten furlongs from Susa and forty from the well which produces things of three different kinds; for they draw from it asphalt, salt and oil, in the manner which here follows — the liquid is drawn with a swipe, to which there is fastened half a skin instead of a bucket, and a man strikes this down into it and draws up, and then pours it into a cistern, from which it runs through into another vessel, taking three separate ways. The asphalt and the salt become solid at once, and the oil which is called by the Persians rhadinake, is black and gives out a disagreeable smell. Here king Dareios established the Eretrians as settlers; and even to my time they continued to occupy this land, keeping still their former language. Thus it happened with regard to the Eretrians. |
| 6.120 | Lacedæmoniorum vero duo milia Athenas venerunt post plenilunium : et hi quidem, rem adhuc integram deprehensuri, tanta usi sunt celeritate, ut tertio die, quam Sparta discesserant, in Attica fuerint. Sed, quum peracto jam prœlio advenissent, cupidi tamen erant Medos videndi. Itaque, Marathonem profecti, spectarunt : deinde, collaudatis Atheniensibus et re ab his præclare gesta, domum redierunt. | Of the Lacedemonians there came to Athens two thousand after the full moon, making great haste to be in time, so that they arrived in Attica on the third day after leaving Sparta: and though they had come too late for the battle, yet they desired to behold the Medes; and accordingly they went out to Marathon and looked at the bodies of the slain: then afterwards they departed home, commending the Athenians and the work which they had done. |
| 6.121 | Quod vero de Alcmeonidis narrant, id miror equidem ; nec mihi persuaderi patior, unquam illos Persis e composito clypeum sublaturos fuisse, quasi voluissent ut sub barbaris et sub Hippia essent Athenienses. Quippe satis constat, fuisse illos magis aut certe pariter inimicos tyrannorum atque Callias fuerat, Phænippi filius, Hipponici pater. (2) Callias enim, quoties Pisistratus Athenis pulsus est, unus omnium Atheniensium ausus erat bona ejus per publicum præconem venumdata emere, omniaque alia in illum inimicissima machinatus erat. | Now it is a cause of wonder to me, and I do not accept the report, that the Alcmaionidai could ever have displayed to the Persians a shield by a previous understanding, with the desire that the Athenians should be under the Barbarians and under Hippias; seeing that they are evidently proved to have been haters of despots as much or more than Callias the son of Phainippos and father of Hipponicos, while Callias for his part was the only man of all the Athenians who dared, when Peisistratos was driven out of Athens, to buy his goods offered for sale by the State, and in other ways also he contrived against him everything that was most hostile: |
| 6.122 | [Dignus est autem hic Callias, cujus crebro a quibuslibet honorifica mentio fiat ; quum ob hoc ipsum, quod dixi, tanquam vir acerrime libertati studens patriæ; tum ob id quod Olympiæ fecit, ubi equorum cursu victor, quadrigarum autem curriculo secundas ferens, reportata etiam prius Pythica victoria, conspicuus fuit apud omnes Græcos per sumptus maximos ; denique ob singularem indulgentiam qua adversus tres filias suas usus est : quibus, postquam nubiles fuerunt, non modo dotem dedit magnificentissimam ; sed et hoc eisdem gratificatus est, ut unicuique ex illis potestatem daret, maritum sibi, quem ipsa vellet, ex omnibus Atheniensibus seligendi.] | [Of this Callias it is fitting that every one should have remembrance for many reasons: first because of that which has been before said, namely that he was a man of excellence in freeing his country; and then also for that which he did at the Olympic games, wherein he gained a victory in the horse-race and was second in the chariot-race, and he had before this been a victor at the Pythian games, so that he was distinguished in the sight of all Hellenes by the sums which he expended; and finally because he showed himself a man of such liberality towards his daughters, who were three in number; for when they came to be of ripe age for marriage, he gave them a most magnificent dowry and also indulged their inclinations; for whomsoever of all the Athenians each one of them desired to choose as a husband for herself, to that man he gave her.] |
| 6.123 | Atque eodem modo, certe haud minus, tyrannos oderunt Alcmeonidæ. Quare miror, nec admitto calumniam, hos tales viros clypeum sustulisse ; qui constanter fugerant tyrannos, et quorum consilio et opera tyrannide exuti erant Pisistratidæ. (2) Fuereque adeo hi, me judice, multo magis liberatores Athenarum, quam Harmodius et Aristogiton : illi enim occiso Hipparcho exacerbarunt reliquos e Pisistratidis, neque finem fecerunt illorum tyrannidi ; Alcmeonidæ vero manifesto liberarunt Athenas, si quidem vere hi fuerunt qui Pythiæ persuasere, ut Lacedæmonios juberet liberare Athenas, quemadmodum a me supra expositum est. | And similarly, the Alcmaionidai were haters of despots equally or more than he. Therefore this is a cause of wonder to me, and I do not admit the accusation that these they were who displayed the shield; seeing that they were in exile from the despots during their whole time, and that by their contrivance the sons of Peisistratos gave up their rule. Thus it follows that they were the men who set Athens free much more than Harmodios and Aristogeiton, as I judge: for these my slaying Hipparchos exasperated the rest of the family of Peisistratos, and did not at all cause the others to cease from their despotism; but the Alcmaionidai did evidently set Athens free, at least if these were in truth the men who persuaded the Pythian prophetess to signify to the Lacedemonians that they should set Athens free, as I have set forth before. |
| 6.124 | At fortasse, quod succenserent quadam de causa populo Atheniensium, eo prodiderint patriam ? Atqui nulli erant viri Athenis magis spectati, magisque honorati, quam hi ipsi. (2) Itaque nulla ratione probabile est, sublatum esse ab his quidem viris clypeum tali de causa. Ceterum sublatus utique clypeus est : id quidem negari non potest ; factum est enim : quis vero sit qui illum sustulerit, non valeo ulterius, quam dixi, declarare. | It may be said however that they had some cause of complaint against the people of the Athenians, and therefore endeavored to betray their native city. But on the contrary there were no men in greater repute than they, among the Athenians at least, nor who had been more highly honored. Thus it is not reasonable to suppose that by them a shield should have been displayed for any such purpose. A shield was displayed, however; that cannot be denied, for it was done: but as to who it was who displayed it, I am not able to say more than this. |
| 6.125 | Fuit autem Athenis jam antiquitus illustris Alcmeonidarum familia : nam inde ab Alcmeone ipso, et dein a Megacle, exstitere in hac domo nobilissimi viri. Statim, Alcmeon, Megaclis filius, adjutor fuerat Lydorum qui a Crœso Sardibus ad consulendum oraculum Delphicum missi sunt, studioseque illis operam navaverat suam. Cujus in se merita postquam Crœsus e Lydis Delphos missis cognoverat, Sardes eum ad se invitavit ; et, postquam advenit, tanto auri pondere eundem donavit, quantum suo corpore asportare semel posset. (2) Tunc Alcmeon ad accipiendum hoc tale donum in hunc modum comparatus accessit. Grandi inductus tunica, in qua amplus erat sinus relictus, et cothurnis quos repererat amplissimis calceatus, in thesaurum intravit, in quem ducebatur. (3) Ibi quum in acervum ramentorum auri incidisset, primum circa crura, quantum auri capiebant cothurni, infersit, deinde repleto toto sinu, et coma ramentis conspersa, denique aliis in os sumptis, thesauro egressus est, ægre trahens cothurnos, et cuivis alii quam homini similior ; cujus et obturatum os, et omnia turgida erant. (4) Quem ita conspiciens Crœsus, risum non tenuit ; donavit autem non his modo, sed alia etiam adjecit, his non inferiora. Ita magnis divitiis aucta hæc domus est : idemque Alcmeon, equos alens quadrigis jungendos, Olympicam rettulit victoriam. | Now the family of Alcmaionidai was distinguished in Athens in the earliest times also, and from the time of Alcmaion and of Megacles after him they became very greatly distinguished. For first Alcmaion the son of Megacles showed himself a helper of the Lydians from Sardis who came from Croesus to the Oracle at Delphi, and assisted them with zeal; and Croesus having heard from the Lydians who went to the Oracle that this man did him service, sent for him to Sardis; and when he came, he offered to give him a gift of as much gold as he could carry away at once upon his own person. With a view to this gift, its nature being such, Alcmaion made preparations and used appliances as follows — he put on a large tunic leaving a deep fold in the tunic to hang down in front, and he draw on his feet the widest boots which he could find, and so went to the treasury to which they conducted him. Then he fell upon a heap of gold-dust, and first he packed in by the side of his legs so much of the gold as his boots would contain, and then he filled the whole fold of the tunic with the gold and sprinkled some of the gold dust on the hair of his head and took some into his mouth, and having so done he came forth out of the treasury, with difficulty dragging along his boots and resembling anything in the world rather than a man; for his mouth was stuffed full, and every part of him was swelled out: and upon Croesus came laughter when he saw him, and he not only gave him all that, but also presented him in addition with more not inferior in value to that. Thus this house became exceedingly wealthy, and thus the Alcmaion of whom I speak became a breeder of chariot-horses and won a victory at Olympia. |
| 6.126 | Deinde vero, proxime sequente ætate, eandem familiam Clisthenes, Sicyonis tyrannus, ita extulit, ut multo etiam splendidior inter Græcos evaderet, quam antea fuerat. (2) Clisthenes ille, Aristonymi filius, Myronis nepos, Andreæ pronepos, quum esset ei filia, nomine Agariste, in matrimonium hanc dare decreverat juveni quem reperisset Græcorum omnium præstantissimum. (3) Quumque essent ludi Olympici, in quibus curriculo quadrigarum vicit Clisthenes, nuntiari per præconem jussit, ut quisquis Græcorum dignum sese judicaret qui gener fieret Clisthenis, is ad sexagesimum diem, aut etiam ante id tempus, Sicyone adesset : exacto enim anno, inde ab illo sexagesimo die, ratas filiæ nuptias habiturum Clisthenem. (4) Tunc igitur convenere proci, quotquot e Græcis et sua ipsorum et patriæ præstantia superbiebant : hisque Clisthenes et curriculum et palæstram, quibus inter se certarent, parata habebat. | Then in the next generation after this, Cleisthenes the despot of Sikyon exalted the family, so that it became of much more note among the Hellenes than it had been formerly. For Cleisthenes the son of Arisonymos, the son of Myron, the son of Andreas, had a daughter whose name was Agariste; and as to her he formed a desire to find out the best man of all the Hellenes and to assign her to him in marriage. So when the Olympic games were being held and Cleisthenes was victor in them with a four-horse chariot, he caused a proclamation to be made, that whosoever of the Hellenes thought himself worthy to be the son-in-law of Cleisthenes should come on the sixtieth day, or before that if he would, to Sikyon; for Cleisthenes intended to conclude the marriage within a year, reckoning from the sixtieth day. Then all those of the Hellenes who had pride either in themselves or in their high descent, came as wooers, and for them Cleisthenes had a running-course and a wrestling-place made and kept them expressly for their use. |
| 6.127 | Ex Italia advenit Smindyrides, Hippocratis filius, Sybarita, homo unus omnium luxuriosissimus : (florebat autem tunc maxime Sybaris:) item Damasus Sirites, Amyridis illius filius, qui Sapiens nominabatur. (2) Hi ex Italia advenerunt. E sinu vero Ionio Amphimnestus, Epistrophi filius, Epidamnius. Hic igitur e sinu Ionio. (3) Sed ex Ætolia advenit Males, frater Titormi illius, qui, quum corporis robore Græcos omnes superaret, hominum fugiens commercium in extrema Ætolicæ terræ se recepit. (4) E Peloponneso Leocedes, Phidonis filius, Argivorum tyranni, Phidonis illius, qui mensuras Peloponnesiis constituit, et longe Græcorum omnium insolentissimus, sedibus suis pepulit agonothetas Eleorum, ipseque arbitri munus in Olympico certamine sibi arrogavit. (5) Præter hujus igitur filium, affuerunt item e Peloponneso Amiantus, Lycurgi filius, Arcas e Trapezunte, Laphanes e Pæo, Azaniæ (in Arcadia) oppido, filius Euphorionis illius, qui, ut in Arcadia fama est, Dioscuros hospitio exceperat, et ab illo tempore cunctis peregre venientibus hospitium præbuit : denique Eleus Onomastus, Agæi filius. (6) Isti igitur e Peloponneso affuere. Athenis vero venere, Megacles, Alcmeonis hujus filius, qui apud Crœsum fuerat, et alius, Hippoclides, Tisandri filius, divitiis et corporis forma excellens inter Athenienses. (7) Ex Eretria, quæ per id tempus florebat, Lysanias ; hic unus ex Eubœa. E Thessalia affuit Diactorides Crannonius, de Scopadarum familia ; e Molossis vero, Alcon. Tot numero proci fuere. | From Italy came Smindyrides the son of Hippocrates of Sybaris, who of all men on earth reached the highest point of luxury (now Sybaris at this time was in the height of its prosperity), and Damasos of Siris, the son of that Amyris who was called the Wise; these came from Italy: from the Ionian gulf came Amphimnestos the son of Epistrophos of Epidamnos, this man from the Ionian gulf: from Aitolia came Males, the brother of that Titormos who surpassed all the Hellenes in strength and who fled from the presence of men to the furthest extremities of the Aitolian land: from Peloponnesus, Leokedes the son of Pheidon the despot of the Argives, that Pheidon who established for the Peloponnesians the measures which they use, and who went beyond all other Hellenes in wanton insolence, since he removed from their place the presidents of the games appointed by the Eleians and himself presided over the games at Olympia — his son, I say, and Amiantos the son of Lycurgos an Arcadian from Trapezus, and Laphanes an Azanian from the city of Paios, son of that Euphorion who (according to the story told in Arcadia) received the Dioscuroi as guests in his house and from thenceforth was wont to entertain all men who came, and Onomastos the son of Agaios of Elis; these, I say, came from Peloponnesus itself: from Athens came Megacles the son of that Alcmaion who went to Croesus, and besides him Hippocleides the son of Tisander, one who surpassed the other Athenians in wealth and in comeliness of form: from Eretria, which at that time was flourishing, came Lysanias, he alone from Euboea: from Thessalia came Diactorides of Crannon, one of the family of the Scopadai: and from the Molossians, Alcon. So many in number did the wooers prove to be. |
| 6.128 | Qui postquam ad prædictum diem Sicyone convenerant, Clisthenes primum patrias eorum sciscitatus est, et genus cujusque : deinde, per anni spatium eos retinens, pertentavit eorumdem fortitudinem, et animi indolem, et culturam ingenii, et mores ; modo cum singulis congrediens, modo cum universis ; (2) et, qui ex illis juniores erant, hos in gymnasia ducens : maxime vero inter epulas eos pertentabat. Per totum enim tempus, quo illos apud se detinuit, ista omnia faciebat, simulque magnificis epulis eos excipiebat. (3) Placuere ei autem fere præ ceteris hi qui Athenis advenerant ; et ex his magis ei probabatur Hippoclides, Tisandri filius, quum ob fortitudinem, tum quod generis propinquitate Cypselidas Corinthios attingebat. | And when these had come by the appointed day, Cleisthenes first inquired of their native countries and of the descent of each one, and then keeping them for a year he made trial continually both of their manly virtue and of their disposition, training and temper, associating both with each one separately and with the whole number together: and he made trial of them both by bringing out to bodily exercises those of them who were younger, and also especially in the common feast: for during all the time that he kept them he did everything that could be done, and at the same time he entertained them magnificently. Now it chanced that those of the wooers pleased him most who had come from Athens, and of these Hippocleides the son of Tisander was rather preferred, both by reason of manly virtues and also because he was connected by descent with the family of Kypselos at Corinth. |
| 6.129 | Ubi statutus affuit dies, quo celebrarentur nuptiæ, declararetque Clisthenes quem præ ceteris probaret ; tum ille, mactatis centum bobus, et ipsos procos et cunctos Sicyonios lautis excepit epulis. (2) Peracta cœna, proci et canendo et sermonibus in medio propositis inter se contendebant. Procedente vero compotatione, Hippoclides, destinens maxime ceteros, tibicinem jussit cantum canere ad saltationem accommodatum ; eoque obsequente saltare instituit. (3) Et saltabat quidem placens sibi : sed spectanti Clistheni tota res displicebat. Deinde, brevi interposita mora, mensam sibi inferri Hippoclides jussit : quæ ubi illata est, conscensa mensa primum Laconicos saltavit modulos ; deinde alios Atticos ; postremo, caput in mensam innixus, cruribus gesticulabatur. (4) Et Clisthenes, quum ad primam et secundam saltationem, abominatus quidem generum sibi asciscere Hippoclidem ob saltationem et protervam intemperantiam, tamen continuisset sese nec erumpere in eum voluisset ; nunc, ubi cruribus gesticulantem vidit, se ultra continere non sustinens, ait : « O fili Tisandri, saltando nuptias tu quidem perdidisti. » (5) At ille respondens, « Nil curat », inquit, « Hippoclides. » Et hinc ortum cepit hoc proverbium. | Then when the appointed day came for the marriage banquet and for Cleisthenes himself to declare whom he selected from the whole number, Cleisthenes sacrificed a hundred oxen and feasted both the wooers themselves and all the people of Sikyon; and when the dinner was over, the wooers began to vie with one another both in music and in speeches for the entertainment of the company; and as the drinking went forward and Hippocleides was very much holding the attention of the others, he bade the flute-player play for him a dance-measure; and when the flute-player did so, he danced: and it so befell that he pleased himself in his dancing, but Cleisthenes looked on at the whole matter with suspicion. Then Hippocleides after a certain time bade one bring in a table; and when the table came in, first he danced upon it Laconian figures, and then also Attic, and thirdly he planted his head upon the table and gesticulated with his legs. Cleisthenes meanwhile, when he was dancing the first and the second time, though he abhorred the thought that Hippocleides should now become his son-in-law, because of his dancing and his shamelessness, yet restrained himself, not desiring to break out in anger against him; but when he saw that he thus gesticulated with his legs, he was no longer able to restrain himself, but said: “Thou hast danced away thy marriage however, son of Tisander!" and Hippocleides answered and said: “Hippocleides cares not!” And hence comes this saying. |
| 6.130 | Tum vero Clisthenes, imperato silentio, hæc in medio omnium verba fecit : « Viri, filiæ proci meæ, ego cunctos vos laudo ; et omnibus, si fieri posset, gratificarem ; neque e vobis unum præ ceteris seligerem, neque posthaberem reliquos. (2) At, quoniam fieri non potest, ut, quum de una virgine deliberem, omnium votis simul satisfaciam ; eis e vestro numero, qui his nuptiis excidunt, talentum argenti dono do unicuique, quod et dignati estis filiam meam in matrimonium petere, et domibus vestris peregre abfuistis : Megacli vero, Alcmeonis filio, meam filiam Agaristen despondeo ex Atheniensium legibus. » Quumque Megacles dixisset, accipere se conditionem, ratum matrimonium Clisthenes habuit. | Then Cleisthenes caused silence to be made, and spoke to the company as follows: “Men who are wooers of my daughter, I commend you all, and if it were possible I would gratify you all, neither selecting one of you to be preferred, nor rejecting the remainder. Since however it is not possible, as I am deliberating about one maiden only, to act so as to please all, therefore to those of you who are rejected from this marriage I give as a gift a talent of silver to each one for the worthy estimation ye had of me, in that ye desired to marry from my house, and for the time of absence from your homes; and to the son of Alcmaion, Megacles, I offer my daughter Agariste in betrothal according to the customs of the Athenians.” Thereupon Megacles said that he accepted the betrothal, and so the marriage was determined by Cleisthenes. |
| 6.131 | Ita, quod ad judicium procorum spectat, gesta res est ; atque ita factum est, ut Alcmeonidæ per universam Græciam celebrarentur. Ex isto autem matrimonio natus Megacli est Clisthenes ille, qui decem tribus et democratiam Atheniensibus constituit ; cui nomen impositum erat de avi materni nomine Sicyonii : (2) præterque hunc ex eodem matrimonio procreatus est Hippocrates. Hippocrati vero natus est alius Megacles et alia Agariste, quæ a Clisthenis Agariste nomen invenit. Hæc est Agariste, quæ, postquam Xanthippo nupsit, Ariphronis filio, et gravida facta est, per somnum sibi visa erat leonem peperisse, ac paucis interjectis diebus Periclem Xanthippo peperit. | Thus it happened as regards the judgment of the wooers, and thus the Alcmaionidai got renown over all Hellas. And these having been married, there was born to them that Cleisthenes who established the tribes and the democracy for the Athenians, he being called after the Sikyonian Cleisthenes, his mother’s father; this son, I say, was born to Megacles, and also Hippocrates: and of Hippocrates came another Megacles and another Agariste, called after Agariste, the daughter of Cleisthenes, who having been married to Xanthippos the son of Ariphron and being with child, saw a vision in her sleep, and it seemed to her that she had brought forth a lion: then after a few days she bore to Xanthippos Pericles. |
| 6.132 | Post cladem Persis ad Marathonem illatam Miltiades, quum jam ante magna in existimatione fuisset apud Athenienses, majore etiam fuit auctoritate. Itaque, quum petiisset ab illis septuaginta naves et exercitum atque pecuniam, celans quidem terram contra quam ducturus esset, sed, dilaturum se eos, dicens, si ipsum sequerentur ; in ejusmodi enim terram se eos ducturum, unde affatim auri deportaturi essent ; hæc quum ille dicens naves petiisset, Athenienses spe erecti instructas ei naves dederunt. | After the defeat at Marathon, Miltiades, who even before was well reputed with the Athenians, came then to be in much higher estimation: and when he asked the Athenians for seventy ships and an army with supplies of money, not declaring to them against what land he was intending to make an expedition, but saying that he would enrich them greatly if they would go with him, for he would lead them to a land of such a kind that they would easily get from it gold in abundance — thus saying he asked for the ships; and the Athenians, elated by these words, delivered them over to him. |
| 6.133 | Et Miltiades, accepto exercitu, Parum navigavit, causam prætexens quod Parii Persam ad Marathonem navi triremi essent secuti, adeoque priores arma intulissent Atheniensibus. (2) Hoc quidem colore utebatur orationis ; ceterum infensus etiam Pariis erat propter Lysagoram Tisiæ filum, genere Parium, qui eum apud Hydarnen Persam accusaverat. Postquam ad insulam, quam petierat, cum exercitu pervenit Miltiades, oppugnavit Parios, intra murum compulsos : missoque in urbem præcone centum postulavit talenta, dicens, nisi ea sibi darent, non se abducturum exercitum, quin vi cepisset urbem. (3) At Parii, de danda Miltiadi pecunia minime cogitantes, omnibus modis operam dabant ut urbem defenderent : quem in finem quum alia excogitabant, tum, ut quæque pars muri expugnatu facilior videbatur, ita eam ingruente nocte duplo altiorem, quam prius erat, excitabant. | Then Miltiades, when he had received the army, proceeded to sail to Paris with the pretence that the Parians had first attacked Athens by making expedition with triremes to Marathon in company with the Persian: this was the pretext which he put forward, but he had also a grudge against the Parians on account of Lysagoras the son of Tisias, who was by race of Paros, for having accused him to Hydarnes the Persian. So when Miltiades had arrived at the place to which he was sailing, he began to besiege the Parians with his army, first having shut them up within their wall; and sending in to them a herald he asked for a hundred talents, saying that if they refused to give them, his army should not return back until it had conquered them completely. The Parians however had no design of giving any money to Miltiades, but contrived only how they might defend their city, devising various things besides and also this — wherever at any time the wall proved to be open to attack, that point was raised when night came on to double its former height. |
| 6.134 | Hactenus quidem Græci omnes in commemoranda hac re consentiunt ; deinde vero sic peractam rem esse Parii narrant : Miltiadi, de incepti exitu dubitanti, in colloquium venisse mulierem captivam, genere Pariam, cui Timo nomen fuisse : fuisse vero ministram templi Inferarum Dearum. (2) Hanc, postquam in conspectum venisset Miltiadis, consilium ei dedisse, ut, si utique magni faceret capere Parum, exsequeretur quæ ipsa illi esset indicatura. Deinde, auditis mulieris hujus præceptis, Miltiadem in tumulum, qui ante urbem est, se contulisse, et maceriem transiliisse templo Cereris Legiferæ circumductam, quum fores aperire non potuisset : tum, transcensa hac macerie, ad ipsam ædem deæ accessisse, nescio quid intus facturum, sive quod movere aliquid voluisset quod movere nefas esset, sive aliud quidpiam facturum, quidquid tandem id fuerit. (3) Quum vero jam ad fores esset, subito horrore correptum, per eandem viam, qua venisset, rediisse ; et desilientem de macerie luxasse femur, sive, ut alii ajunt, genu impegisse. | So much of the story is reported by all the Hellenes, but as to what followed the Parians alone report, and they say that it happened thus — When Miltiades was at a loss, it is said, there came a woman to speech with him, who had been taken prisoner, a Parian by race whose name was Timo, an under-priestess of the Earth goddesses; she, they say, came into the presence of Miltiades and counselled him that if he considered it a matter of much moment to conquer Paros, he could do that which she should suggest to him; and upon that she told him her meaning. He accordingly passed through to the hill which is before the city and leapt over the fence of the temple of Demeter Giver of Laws, not being able to open the door; and then having leapt over he went on towards the sanctuary with the design of doing something within, whether it were that he meant to lay hands on some of the things which should not be touched, or whatever else he intended to do; and when he had reached the door, forthwith a shuddering fear came over him and he set off to go back the same way as he came, and as he leapt down from the wall of rough stones his thigh was dislocated, or, as others say, he struck his knee against the wall. |
| 6.135 | Itaque male se habens Miltiades retro navigavit, neque opes afferens Atheniensibus, nec subacta Paro ; sed nulla alia re gesta, nisi quod per sex et viginti dies urbem oppugnasset, insulamque devastasset. (2) Parii, obsidione liberati, intelligentes Dearum ministram Timo Miltiadi quid faciendum esset indicasse, quum pœnam ab illa hujus rei causa sumere vellent, legatos miserunt Delphos, (3) qui oraculum consulerent, an ultimo supplicio afficerent Dearum ministram, quæ hostibus viam capiendæ patriæ indicasset, et sacra, quæ ad virilem sexum efferri nefas esset, Miltiadi aperuisset. (4) At negavit Pythia, dicens, non Timo ipsam hujus rei esse causam ; sed, quum in fatis esset ut vitam male finiret Miltiades, hanc ei a diis missam esse ducem malorum. Hæc quidem Pythia Pariis respondit. | Miltiades accordingly, being in a wretched case, set forth to sail homewards, neither bringing wealth to the Athenians nor having added to them the possession of Paros, but having besieged the city for six-and-twenty days and laid waste the island: and the Parians being informed that Timo the under-priestess of the goddesses had acted as a guide to Miltiades, desired to take vengeance upon her for this, and they sent messengers to Delphi to consult the god, so soon as they had leisure from the siege; and these messengers they sent to ask whether they should put to death the under-priestess of the goddesses, who had been a guide to their enemies for the capture of her native city and had revealed to Miltiades the mysteries which might not be uttered to a male person. The Pythian prophetess however forbade them, saying that Timo was not the true author of these things, but since it was destined that Miltiades should end his life not well, she had appeared to guide him to his evil fate. Thus the Pythian prophetess replied to the Parians. |
| 6.136 | Miltiadem autem, Paro reversum, quum alii omns Athenienses in ore habebant, tum præ ceteris Xanthippus, Ariphronis filius ; qui eum capitis reum egit apud populum, ut qui Athenienses dolo malo circumvenisset. (2) Quam ad accusationem Miltiades ipse, præsens licet, non respondit : nec enim poterat, femore jam in putredinem abeunte. Sed, dum ille lectulo impositus in medio jacebat, causam pro eo dixere amici, pugnæ Marathoniæ multam mentionem facientes, et Lemni ab illo captæ, pœnæque de Pelasgis sumptæ, et insulæ Atheniensibus traditæ. (3) Favente autem illi populo hactenus, ut capitis crimine eum absolveret, sed tamen propter damnum civitati illatum quinquaginta multaret talentis, Miltiades quidem haud multo post, carie exeso putrefactoque femore, vitam finivit ; quinquaginta autem illa talenta filius ejus Cimon persolvit. | And the Athenians, when Miltiades had returned back from Paros, began to talk of him, and among the rest especially Xanthippos the son of Ariphron, who brought Miltiades up before the people claiming the penalty of death and prosecuted him for his deception of the Athenians: and Miltiades did not himself make his own defence, although he was present, for he was unable to do so because his thigh was mortifying; but he lay in public view upon a bed, while his friends made a defence for him, making mention much both of the battle which had been fought at Marathon and of the conquest of Lemnos, namely how he had conquered Lemnos and taken vengeance on the Pelasgians, and had delivered it over to the Athenians: and the people came over to his part as regards the acquittal from the penalty of death, but they imposed a fine of fifty talents for the wrong committed: and after this Miltiades died, his thigh having gangrened and mortified, and the fifty talents were paid by his son Kimon. |
| 6.137 | Lemno autem Miltiades, Cimonis filius, hoc modo potitus erat. Postquam Pelasgi ex Attica ab Atheniensibus erant ejecti, sive jure, sive injuria; — nam de hoc quidem nihil aliud dicere possum, nisi quæ ab aliis memorantur : scilicet, quod Hecatæus Hegesandri filius, hac de re in Historiis suis loquens, dicat, injuria id esse factum : (2) postquam enim Athenienses regionem illam, quam sub Hymetto sitam Pelasgis, pro mercede muri olim arci Athenarum circumducti, dederant habitandam, hanc regionem, ait, postquam bene cultam vidissent Athenienses, quum antea misera fuisset et nullius pretii, invidia fuisse captos et desiderio hujus terræ; atque ita Athenienses, nullam aliam juris speciem præ se ferentes, illos ejecisse. (3) Ipsi autem Athenienses contendunt, jure a se ejectos Pelasgos esse : postquam enim assignatæ illis sub Hymetto sedes fuissent : inde eosdem facto impetu injuriam ipsis hanc solitos esse inferre : (4) quum filiæ Atheniensium aquæ hauriendæ causa ad fontem, cui Enneacrunos nomen, egredi consuessent ; quandoquidem per id tempus nec Atheniensibus nec aliis Græcis servi fuissent ; Pelasgos, quoties Atticæ puellæ ad fontem venissent, per contumeliam contemptumque vim eis intulisse ; (5) et ne hoc quidem habuisse satis, sed postremo etiam ipso facto deprehensos fuisse de invadendis Athenis consilia agitantes. Sese autem tanto meliores homines, quam illos, fuisse ; quod, quum interficere Pelasgos fas sibi fuisset, quippe quos insidiantes sibi deprehendissent, noluissent, id facere ; tantum edixissent eis, ut terra egrederentur. Atque illos, Attica ita egressos, quum alia loca, tum vero et Lemnum occupasse. Ista igitur Hecatæus scripsit, hæc vero Athenienses memorant. | Now Miltiades son of Kimon had thus taken possession of the Lemnos — After the Pelasgians had been cast out of Attica by the Athenians, whether justly or unjustly — for about this I cannot tell except the things reported, which are these — Hecataois on the one hand, the son of Hegesander, said in his history that it was done unjustly; for he said that when the Athenians saw the land which extends below Hymettos, which they had themselves given them to dwell in, as payment for the wall built round the Acropolis in former times, when the Athenians, I say, saw that this land was made good by cultivation, which before was bad and worthless, they were seized with jealousy and with longing to possess the land, and so drove them out, not alleging any other pretext: but according to the report of the Athenians themselves they drove them out justly; for the Pelasgians being settled under Hymettos made this a starting-point and committed wrong against them as follows — the daughters and sons of the Athenians were wont ever to go for water to the spring of Enneacrunos; for at that time neither they nor the other Hellenes as yet had household servants; and when these girls came, the Pelasgians in wantonness and contempt of the Athenians would offer them violence; and it was not enough for them even to do this, but at last they were found in the act of plotting an attack upon the city: and the narrators say that they herein proved themselves better men than the Pelasgians, inasmuch as when they might have slain the Pelasgians, who had been caught plotting against them, they did not choose to do so, but ordered them merely to depart out of the land: and thus having departed out of the land, the Pelasgians took possession of several older places and especially of Lemnos. The former story is that which was reported by Hecataios, while the latter is that which is told by the Athenians. |
| 6.138 | Hi igitur Pelasgi, quum Lemnum incolerent, cupientes ulcisci Athenienses, et bene cognita habentes festa Atheniensium, comparatis quinquaginta remorum navibus, insidias struxere mulieribus Atticis, Braurone festum Dianæ celebrantibus : earumque complures, vi raptas, Lemnum duxere, et pellicum loco habuere. (2) Quæ postquam liberos pepererunt, Atticum sermonem moresque Atticos docuere pueros. Hi vero deinde nec consuescere cum pueris e Pelasgicis mulieribus natis voluerunt, et, quoties eorum aliquis ab istis pulsabatur, omnes huic suppetias veniebant, et sibi mutuo ferebant opem : atque etiam dominari in illos hi pueri in animum induxerant, multoque alteris prævalebant. (3) Quod ubi Pelasgi intellexere, non negligendam eam rem putarunt ; deliberantesque incessit metus, quidnam facturi hi pueri essent quando adulti forent, qui jam nunc constitutum habeant sibi invicem præsto esse contra legitimarum uxorum pueros, atque his velint dominari. (4) Itaque interficere decreverunt pueros ex Atticis mulieribus natos : idque etiam fecere, simulque cum his matres eorumdem occiderunt. Atque ab hoc facinore, et ab eo quod olim mulieres Lemniæ patraverant, Thoantis tempore maritos suos occidentes, usu receptum per universam Græciam est, ut nefaria facinora Lemnia appellentur. | These Pelasgians then, dwelling after that in Lemnos, desired to take vengeance on the Athenians; and having full knowledge also of the festivals of the Athenians, they got fifty-oared galleys and laid wait for the women of the Athenians when they were keeping festival to Artemis in Brauron; and having carried off a number of them from thence, they departed and sailed away home, and taking the women to Lemnos they kept them as concubines. Now when these women had children gradually more and more, they made it their practice to teach their sons both the Attic tongue and the manners of the Athenians. And these were not willing to associate with the sons of the Pelasgian women, and moreover if any of them were struck by any one of those, they all in a body came to the rescue and helped one another. Moreover the boys claimed to have authority over the other boys and got the better of them easily. Perceiving these things the Pelasgians considered the matter; and when they took counsel together, a fear came over them and they thought, if the boys were indeed resolved now to help one another against the sons of the legitimate wives, and were endeavoring already from the first to have authority over them, what would they do when they were grown up to be men? Then they determined to put to death the sons of the Athenian women, and this they actually did; and in addition to them they slew their mothers also. From this deed and from that which was done before this, which the women did when they killed Thoas and the rest, who were their own husbands, it has become a custom in Hellas that all deeds of great cruelty should be called “Lemnian deeds.” |
| 6.139 | Postquam pueros uxoresque Pelasgi interfecerant, nec terra illis fructum edebat, neque uxores et greges pepererunt ut antea. (2) Itaque et fame pressi et orbitate, Delphos miserunt, levamen aliquod precantes malorum quæ ipsos premebant. Tum Pythia jussit eos satisfactionem dare Atheniensibus quamcunque illi postulassent : (3) et Athenas Pelasgi venere, nuntiantes se satisfacturos esse pro omni injuria. (4) Athenienses vero, strato lecto in prytaneo, quam pulcherrime potuerant, et apposita mensa bonis rebus omnibus repleta, Pelasgos jusserunt terram suam ipsis tradere ita comparatam. (5) Quibus Pelasgi responderunt : « Tunc vobis eam trademus, quum vento borea navis e vestra terra eodem die in nostram perveniret. » Hoc dixere, putantes nulla ratione fieri id posse. Attica enim terra procul a Lemno meridiem versus sita est. | After the Pelasgians had killed their own sons and wives, the earth did not bear fruit for them, nor did their women or their cattle bring forth young as they did before; and being hard pressed by famine and by childlessness, they sent to Delphi to ask for a release from the evils which were upon them; and the Pythian prophetess bade them pay such penalty to the Athenians as the Athenians themselves should appoint. The Pelasgians came accordingly to Athens and professed that they were willing to pay the penalty for all the wrong which they had done: and the Athenians laid a couch in the fairest possible manner in the City Hall, and having set by it a table covered with all good things, they bade the Pelasgians deliver up to them their land in that condition. Then the Pelasgians answered and said: “When with a North Wind in one single day a ship shall accomplish the voyage from your land to ours, then we will deliver it up,” feeling assured that it was impossible for this to happen, since Attica lies far away to the South of Lemnos. |
| 6.140 | Et tunc quidem hæc hactenus acta erant. Bene multis vero post annis, quum Chersonesus ad Hellespontum in ditione esset Athiensium, Miltiades Cimonis filius flantibus etesiis ventis navi ex Elæunte Chersonesi Lemnum profectus, Pelasgis edixit, ut insula excederent ; in memoriam eis revocans oraculum, quod nunquam impletum iri sibi persuaserant. (2) Et Hephæstienses quidem paruerunt imperio : Myrinæi vero, Chersonesum negantes esse Atticam, oppugnabantur, donec et ipsi in deditionem venerunt. Atque ita Lemnum tenuere Athenienses et Miltiades. | Such were the events which happened then: and very many years later, after the Chersonese which is by the Hellespont had come to be under the Athenians, Miltiades the son of Kimon, when the Etesian Winds blew steadily, accomplished the voyage in a ship from Elaius in the Chersonese to Lemnos, and proclaimed to the Pelasgians that they should depart out of the island, reminding them of the oracle, which the Pelasgians had never expected would be accomplished for them. The men of Hephaistia accordingly obeyed; but those of Myrina, not admitting that the Chersonese was Attica, suffered a siege, until at last these also submitted. Thus it was that the Athenians and Miltiades took possession of Lemnos. |
Book VII
Polymnia
[Polyhymnia]
| 7.1 | Postquam pugnæ nuntius ad Marathonem pugnatæ ad Darium Hystaspis est perlatus, quum jam antea Atheniensibus propter incursionem adversus Sardes vehementer iratus rex fuisset, nunc id, quod acciderat, multo etiam gravius tulit, multoque magis ad bellum Græciæ inferendum incensus est. (2) Ac statim quidem, missis per singulas civitates legatis, edixit ut exercitum compararent, (multo majorem numerum cuique civitati, atque antea contulerant, imperans,) et naves et equos et frumentum et minora navigia. (3) Quibus circummissis nuntiis, commota per tres annos Asia est ; dum, ut ad bellum adversus Græciam gerendum, conscribuntur fortissimi quique, et ad id bellum se comparant. (4) Quarto vero anno Ægyptii, a Cambyse subacti, defecerunt a Persis : quo facto etiam magis ad arma utrisque inferenda concitatus est. | Now when the report came to Dareios the son of Hystaspes of the battle which was fought at Marathon, the king, who even before this had been greatly exasperated with the Athenians on account of the attack made upon Sardis, then far more than before displayed indignation, and was far more desirous of making a march against Hellas. Accordingly at once he sent messengers to the various cities and ordered that they should get ready a force, appointing to each people to supply much more than at the former time, and not only ships of war, but also horses and provisions and transport vessels; and when these commands were carried round, all Asia was moved for three years, for all the best men were being enlisted for the expedition against Hellas, and were making preparations. In the fourth year however the Egyptians, who had been reduced to subjection by Cambyses, revolted from the Persians; and then he was even more desirous of marching against both these nations. |
| 7.2 | Dum vero ad expeditionem adversus Ægyptum et Athenas se Darius comparabat, ortum est inter filios ipsius ingens de principatu contentio. Etenim e lege Persarum debet rex, priusquam in bellum proficiscatur, successorem nominare regni. (2) Erant autem Dario, priusquam ad regnum promoveretur, tres filii nati e priore uxore, Gobryæ filia ; et, e quo rex factus est, alii quattuor ex Atossa, Cyri filia. Priorum natu maximus erat Artabazanes ; posteriorum Xerxes. (3) Hi igitur, non eadem matre nati, de principatu inter se contendebant : Artabazanes dictitans, se maximum natu esse omnium ; et apud omnes populos receptum esse, ut filius natu maximus in regnum succedat patri : Xerxes vero, esse se filium Atossæ, Cyri filiæ: Cyrum autem acquisivisse Persis libertatem. | While Dareios was thus preparing to set out against Egypt and against Athens, there arose a great strife among his sons about the supreme power; and they said that he must not make his expeditions until he had designated one of them to be king, according to the custom of the Persians. For to Dareios already before he became king three sons had been born of his former wife the daughter of Gobryas, and after he became king four other sons of Atossa the daughter of Cyrus: of the first the eldest was Artobazanes, and of those who had been born later, Xerxes. These being not of the same mother were at strife with one another, Artobazanes contending that he was the eldest of all the sons, and that it was a custom maintained by all men that the eldest should have the rule, and Xerxes arguing that he was the son of Atossa the daughter of Cyrus, and that Cyrus was he who had won for the Persians their freedom. |
| 7.3 | Sententiam suam Darius nondum aperuerat, quum forte per idem tempus Susa advenit Demaratus, Aristonis filius, qui postquam regno Spartanorum privatus est, voluntarium sibi ipse exilium imposuerat. (2) Hic vir, cognito filiorum Darii dissidio, conveniens (ut quidem fama de eo fert) Xerxem, suasit ei, ut ceteris, quæ ille pro sua causa dicebat, hæc adderet : natum se esse Dario jam regnanti et Persarum tenenti imperium ; Artabazanem vero, privato etiam tum patri : itaque nec conveniens nec justum esse, ut alius præ ipso istam accipiat dignitatem. Nam et Spartæ (et hoc illi Demaratus suggessit) hanc legem obtinere, si alii nati sint priusquam rex fuisset pater, alius autem post hos quidem, sed regnante patre, natus sit, ut hic post natus in regnum succedat. (3) Quo Demarati monito quum Xerxes uteretur, agnoscens Darius æqua illum dicere, regem illum nominavit. Videtur autem mihi Xerxes etiam absque hoc monito regnum fuisse adepturus ; nam omnia apud Darium poterat Atossa. | Now while Dareios did not as yet declare his judgment, it chanced that Demaratos also, the son of Ariston, had come up to Susa at this very same time, having been deprived of the kingdom in Sparta and having laid upon himself a sentence of exile from Lacedemon. This man, hearing of the difference between the sons of Dareios, came (as it is reported of him) and counselled Xerxes to say in addition to those things which he was wont to say, that he had been born to Dareios at the time when he was already reigning as king and was holding the supreme power over the Persians, while Artobazanes had been born while Dareios was still in a private station: it was not fitting therefore nor just that another should have the honor before him; for even in Sparta, suggested Demaratos, this was the custom, that is to say, if some of the sons had been born first, before their father began to reign, and another came after, born later while he was reigning, the succession of the kingdom belonged to him who had been born later. Xerxes accordingly made use of the suggestion of Demaratos; and Dareios perceiving that he spoke that which was just, designated him to be king. It is my opinion however that even without this suggestion Xerxes would have become king, for Atossa was all-powerful. |
| 7.4 | Darius, postquam regem Persarum nominaverat Xerxem, jam in eo erat ut belli faceret initium. At enim, proximo ab his rebus et ab Ægypti defectione anno accidit, ut idem Darius in medio belli apparatu e vita discederet, postquam annos omnino regnasset sex et triginta : neque ei contigit aut de rebellantibus Ægyptiis aut de Atheniensibus sumere pœnam. Mortuo igitur Dario, regnum rediit ad Xerxem, Darii filium. | Then having designated Xerxes to the Persians as their king, Dareios wished to go on his expeditions. However in the next year after this and after the revolt of Egypt, it came to pass that Dareios himself died, having been king in all six-and-thirty years; and thus he did not succeed in taking vengeance either upon the revolted Egyptians or upon the Athenians. Dareios being dead the kingdom passed to his son Xerxes. |
| 7.5 | Xerxes ad bellum quidem Græciæ inferendium initio neutiquam inclinabat ; sed contra Ægyptum copias contraxit. (2) Quem conveniens Mardonius Gobryæ filius, consobrinus Xerxis, Darii e sorore nepos, qui apud ipsum plurimum omnium Persarum valebat auctoritate, talem exorsus est sermonem : « Domine, æquum non est, ut Athenienses, qui multis jam malis Persas affecerunt, non dent pœnas factorum. (3) At nunc quidem tu peragas hæc, quæ in manibus habes : domita vero Ægypti insolentia, adversus Athenas duc exercitum ; quo et bonam famam acquiras apud homines, et posthac caveat quisque tuæ terræ arma inferre. » (4) Et hæc quidem oratio ad exigendam pœnam pertinebat ; sed medio sermoni alium interserebat hujusmodi : Europam terram esse pulcherrimam, arborum omnis generis frugiferarum feracem, summæ bonitatis, et dignam quæ præ mortalibus omnibus a solo Rege possideatur. | Now Xerxes at the first was by no means anxious to make a march against Hellas, but against Egypt he continued to gather a force. Mardonios however, the son of Gobryas, who was a cousin of Xerxes, being sister’s son to Dareios, was ever at his side, and having power with him more than any other of the Persians, he kept continually to such discourse as this which follows, saying: “Master, it is not fitting that the Athenians, after having done to the Persians very great evil, should not pay the penalty for that which they have done. What if thou shouldest at this present time do that which thou hast in thy hands to do; and when thou hast tamed the land of Egypt, which has broken out insolently against us, then do thou march an army against Athens, that a good report may be made of thee by men, and that in future every one may beware of making expeditions against thy land.” Thus far his speech had to do with vengeance, and to this he would make addition as follows, saying that Europe was a very fair land and bore all kinds of trees that are cultivated for fruit, and was of excellent fertility, and such that the king alone of all mortals was worthy to possess it. |
| 7.6 | Hæc ille dicebat, quod novarum rerum cupidus esset, et Græciæ vellet ipse esse præfectus. Procedente vero tempore id quod voluerat confecit, et Xerxi, ut rem aggrederetur, persuasit : accesserant enim alia quoque adjumenta, quæ ad permovendum Xerxem valebant. (2) Partim enim e Thessalia advenerant ab Aleuadis legati, invitantes regem ut adversus Græciam duceret, et promptissimam ei operam pollicentes. Erant autem hi Aleuadæ, Thessaliæ reges. Partim vero Pisistratidæ, Susa profecti, non modo eisdem utebantur sermonibus quibus Aleuadæ, sed præterea aliquanto magis instabant regi eo, quod Onomacritum secum haberent Atheniensem, fatidicum virum, qui etiam Musæi vaticinia digessit. (3) Adscenderant hi autem, in gratiam cum illo reversi : nam Athenis pulsus Onomacritus fuerat ab Hipparcho, Pisistrati filio, eo quod deprehensus a Laso Hermioniensi erat, quum Musæi vaticiniis hoc insereret, exstinctum iri insulas Lemnum versus sitas, mari hauriendas. (4) Hanc ob causam in exilium eum miserat eum Hipparchus, quum eodem antea familiarissime usus fuisset. Nunc ille simul Susa profectus, quoties in regis venit conspectum, multa de eo honorifice prædicantibus Pisistratidis, recitabat regi partem vaticiniorum ; ita quidem, ut si quod inesset quod cladem prædiceret barbaro, illud silentio præteriret ; ea vero sola seligeret, quæ res faustissimas nuntiarent ; in his illa maxime enarrans, de Hellesponto per virum Persam jungendo, et de expeditione in Græciam suscipienda. (5) Sic igitur ille vaticiniis agebat cum rege ; Pisistratidæ vero et Aleuadæ sententias suas exponendo. | These things he was wont to say, since he was one who had a desire for perilous enterprise and wished to be himself the governor of Hellas under the king. So in time he prevailed upon Xerxes and persuaded him to do this; for other things also assisted him and proved helpful to him in persuading Xerxes. In the first place there had come from Thessaly messengers sent by the Aleuadai, who were inviting the king to come against Hellas and were showing great zeal in his cause, (now these Aleuadai were kings of Thessaly): and then secondly those of the sons of Peisistratos who had come up to Susa were inviting him also, holding to the same arguments as the Aleuadai; and moreover they offered him yet more inducement in addition to these; for there was one Onomacritos an Athenian, who both uttered oracles and also had collected and arranged the oracles of Musaios; and with this man they had come up, after they had first reconciled the enmity between them. For Onomacritos had been driven forth from Athens by Hipparchos the son of Peisistratos, having been caught by Lasos of Hermion interpolating in the works of Musaios an oracle to the effect that the islands which lie off Lemnos should disappear under the sea. For this reason Hipparchos drove him forth, having before this time been very much wont to consult him. Now however he had gone up with them; and when he had come into the presence of the king, the sons of Peisistratos spoke of him in magnificent terms, and he repeated some of the oracles; and if there was in them anything which imported disaster to the Barbarians, of this he said nothing; but choosing out of them the most fortunate things he told how it was destined that the Hellespont should be yoked with a bridge by a Persian, and he set forth the manner of the march. He then thus urged Xerxes with oracles, while the sons of Peisistratos and the Aleuadai pressed him with their advice. |
| 7.7 | Postquam persuasus est Xerxes arma Græciæ inferre, tum vero, altero ab obitu Darii anno, primum adversus rebelles duxit exercitum. (2) Quibus domitis, Ægyptum, graviorem in servitutem redactam, quam in qua sub Dario fuerat, Achæmeni tradidit administrandam, fratri suo, Darii filio. Eumdem vero Achæmenem, Ægypti præfectum, interjecto tempore interfecit Inaros, vir Afer, Psammitichi filius. | So when Xerxes had been persuaded to make an expedition against Hellas, then in the next year after the death of Dareios he made a march first against those who had revolted. Having subdued these and having reduced all Egypt to slavery much greater than it had suffered in the reign of Dareios, he entrusted the government of it to Achaimenes his own brother, a son of Dareios. Now this Achaimenes being a governor of Egypt was slain afterwards by Inaros the son of Psammetichos, a Libyan. |
| 7.8 | Pacata Ægypto, Xerxes, quum in eo esset ut exercitum moderaretur adversus Athenas ducendum, conventum convocavit primariorum Persarum, sententias illorum sciscitaturus, et in medio omnium ipse, quæ vellet, expositurus. (I.) Qui ut convenere, hæc apud eos verba rex fecit : « Viri Persæ, non ego primus hunc apud vos morem introduco, sed utar a majoribus accepto. (2) Ut enim a majoribus natu audio, nunquam adhuc otiosi sedimus, e quo hoc imperium a Medis in nos translatum est, postquam Astyagem Cyrus devicit ; sed deus ita nos ducit, et nobis, ductum ejus sequentibus, multa prospere cedunt. (3) Jam Cyri quidem et Cambysis et patris mei Darii res gestas, et quos illi populos Persis acquisiverint, quid opus est ut apud bene gnaros commemorem ? (4) Ego vero, e quo hanc sedem accepi, in hoc meam curam intendo, ne his, qui ante me in hac dignitate fuere, sim inferior, neque minorem Persis potentiam acquiram. Atque hoc ipsum dum curo, reperio viam et gloria nos augendi, et terra non minore nec deteriore quam hæc, quam possidemus, imo feraciore, simul vero etiam ultionem et pœnas sumendi de his qui eas commeruerunt. (5) Itaque vos hodie convocavi, ut, quæ agere constitui, vobiscum communicem. (II.) Ponte juncturus sum Hellespontum, et exercitum per Europam ducturus in Græciam, quo ab Atheniensibus pœnas repetam malorum omnium, quibus Persas et patrem meum affecerunt. (6) Vidistis jam Darium quoque expeditionem parare adversus hos homines. At ille e vita excessit, neque ei contigit capere pœnas : ego vero, illius causa reliquorumque Persarum, non prius sum quieturus, quam Athenas subactas igne cremavero ; hos homines, qui priores me patremque meum injuriis lacessiverunt ; (7) primum quidem, incursione Sardes facta cum Aristagora Milesio, servo nostro, et sacris lucis templisque crematis : deinde vero, qualia sunt, quibus nos acceperunt, quum Dati et Artapherne ducibus terram illorum sumus ingressi ! quæ satis nosti omnes. (III.) Igitur his quidem de causis bellum illis inferre constitui. Simul vero, rem recte mecum reputans, maxima in hoc ipso commoda reperio hæc: si et hosce et eorum vicinos, qui Pelopis Phrygis terram incolunt, subegerimus ; terram Persicam ætheri Jovis faciemus conterminam : (8) neque enim ullam terram sol aspiciet, quæ nostræ sit finitima ; sed ego vobiscum, universa peragrata Europa, ex omnibus terris unam faciam. (9) Quippe ita se rem habere audio, nullam inter homines civitatem, nullum populum inter mortales reliquum esse, qui adversus nos in aciem progredi valeat, quando hos quos dixi subegerimus. Ita et his, qui male de nobis meruerunt, et insontibus pariter, servile jugum impositum fuerit. (IV.) Vos vero, hoc si feceritis, gratum mihi feceritis : (10) quum tempus vobis indicavero, quo convenire oporteat, prompte unumquemque vestrûm adesse oportebit : quisquis vero cum exercitu advenerit optime instructo, eum ego muneribus donabo, quæ apud nos honorificentissima habentur. (11) Hæc igitur ita facienda sunt. Ne vero vobis videar meum unius sequi velle consilium, in medium vobis hanc rem propono ; jubeoque ut, quisquis vestrûm voluerit, suam promat sententiam. » His dictis Xerxes finem fecit loquendi. | Xerxes then after the conquest of Egypt, being about to take in hand the expedition against Athens, summoned a chosen assembly of the best men among the Persians, that he might both learn their opinions and himself in the presence of all declare that which he intended to do; and when they were assembled, Xerxes spoke to them as follows: (a) “Persians, I shall not be the first to establish this custom in your nation, but having received it from others I shall follow it: for as I am informed by those who are older than myself, we never yet have kept quiet since we received this supremacy in succession to the Medes, when Cyrus overthrew Astyages; but God thus leads us, and for ourselves tends to good that we are busied about many things. Now about the nations which Cyrus and Cambyses and my father Dareios subdued and added to their possessions there is no need for me to speak, since ye know well: and as for me, from the day when I received by inheritance this throne upon which I sit I carefully considered always how in this honorable place I might not fall short of those who have been before me, nor add less power to the dominion of the Persians: and thus carefully considering I find a way by which not only glory may be won by us, together with a land not less in extent nor worse than that which we now possess, (and indeed more varied in its productions), but also vengeance and retribution may be brought about. Wherefore I have assembled you together now, in order that I may communicate to you that which I have it in my mind to do. (b) I design to yoke the Hellespont with a bridge, and to march an army through Europe against Hellas, in order that I may take vengeance on the Athenians for all the things which they have done both to the Persians and to my father. Ye saw how my father Dareios also was purposing to make an expedition against these men; but he has ended his life and did not succeed in taking vengeance upon them. I however, on behalf of him and also of the other Persians, will not cease until I have conquered Athens and burnt it with fire; seeing that they did wrong unprovoked to me and to my father. First they went to Sardis, having come with Aristagoras the Milesian our slave, and they set fire to the sacred groves and the temples; and then secondly, what things they did to us when we disembarked in their land, at the time when Datis and Artaphrenes were commanders of our army, ye all know well, as I think. (c) For these reasons I have resolved to make an expedition against them, and reckoning I find in the matter so many good things as ye shall hear — if we shall subdue these and the neighbors of these, who dwell in the land of Pelops the Phrygian, we shall cause the Persian land to have the same boundaries as the heaven of Zeus; since in truth upon no land will the sun look down which borders ours, but I with your help shall make all the lands into one land, having passed through the whole extent of Europe. For I am informed that things are so, namely that there is no city of men nor any race of human beings remaining, which will be able to come to a contest with us, when those whom I just now mentioned have been removed out of the way. Thus both those who have committed wrong against us will have the yoke of slavery, and also those who have not committed wrong. (d) And ye will please me best if ye do this — whensoever I shall signify to you the time at which ye ought to come, ye must appear every one of you with zeal for the service; and whosoever shall come with a force best equipped, to him I will give gifts such as are accounted in our land to be the most honorable. Thus must these things be done: but that I may not seem to you to be following my own counsel alone, I propose the matter for discussion, bidding any one of you who desires it, declare his opinion.” Having thus spoken, he ceased. |
| 7.9 | Post illum Mardonius talem sermonem est exorsus : « Domine, tu Persarum omnium præstantissimus, non solum eorum qui fuerunt, sed futurorum etiam omnium es : qui quum cetera præclare verissimeque exposueris, tum Ionas Europam habitantes non passurus sis irridere nobis, homines ea re indignos. (2) Etenim mira atque misera res esset, si Sacas et Indos et Æthiopas et Assyrios, et alios multos magnosque populos, non quod injuriam Persis intulissent, sed quod nos nostram augere voluimus potentiam, subegerimus servosque habeamus ; Græcos, autem, qui injuriis nos lacessiverunt, impune abire pateremur : (3) quid tandem metuentes ? quemnam multitudinis concursum ? quam pecuniarum vim ? (I.) Novimus sane illorum pugnæ genus ; novimus etiam quam imbecilles eorum sint vires : filiosque eorum subactos habemus, hos qui in nostra terra sedes habent, et Iones et Æolenses et Dorienses nominantur. (4) Atque etiam ipse ego periculum horum hominum feci, adversus illos a patre tuo in expeditionem missus : ubi, quum usque in Macedoniam duxissem exercitum, et propemodum ad ipsas pervenissem Athenas, nemo mihi in aciem occurrit. (II.) Quamquam ceteroquin quidem consuerunt, ut audio, Græci inconsultissime bella sua administrare, stolida pervicacia et sinistra mente. (5) Postquam enim sibi invicem bellum indixerunt, pulcherrimam et apertissimam quærunt planitiem, in quam descendant manus conserturi : quo fit ut etiam victores magno cum detrimento discedant ; de victis autem ne verbum quidem dico, nam internecione delentur. (6) Quos oportebat, quum sint homines eadem lingua utentes, per præcones et nuntios, et alia quavis ratione potius, quam prœlio, lites suas componere : sin omnino prœlio sibi decernendum putant, oportebat locum pugnæ capere, in quo utrique superatu essent difficillimi, et ibi belli fortunam temptare. (7) Quamvis igitur tam perniciosa ratione belli gerendi utantur Græci, tamen, quum ego usque in Macedoniam duxissem exercitum, ideo non magis induxerunt in animum ut in aciem contra me descenderent. (III.) At tibin', o rex, ausurus est quisquam in aciem occurrere, multitudinem navesque cunctas ex universa Asia coactas ducenti ? (8) Equidem ita sentio, eo audaciæ non progressuram esse rem Græcorum : sin me fefellerit mea opinio, si illi vecordia elati in aciem adversus nos sint descensuri, didicerint esse nos viros bello fortissimos. (9) Quare intentatum nihil relinquamus : nam sua sponte nihil fit, sed omnia hominibus conando contingunt. » In hunc modum postquam Xerxis sententiam Mardonius mollivit, dicendi finem fecit. | And after him Mardonios said: “Master, thou dost surpass not only all the Persians who were before thee, but also those who shall come after, since thou didst not only attain in thy words to that which is best and truest as regards other matters, but also thou wilt not permit the Ionians who dwell in Europe to make a mock of us, having no just right to do so: for a strange thing it would be if, when we have subdued and kept as our servants Sacans, Indians, Ethiopians, Assyrians, and other nations many in number and great, who have done no wrong to the Persians, because we desired to add to our dominions, we should not take vengeance on the Hellenes who committed wrong against us unprovoked. (a) Of what should we be afraid? — what gathering of numbers, or what resources of money? for their manner of fight we know, and as for their resources, we know that they are feeble; and we have moreover subdued already their sons, those I mean who are settled in our land and are called Ionians, Aiolians, and Dorians. Moreover I myself formerly made trial of marching against these men, being commanded thereto by thy father; and although I marched as far as Macedonia, and fell but little short of coming to Athens itself, no man came to oppose me in fight. (b) And yet it is true that the Hellenes make wars, but (as I am informed) very much without wise consideration, by reason of obstinacy and want of skill: for when they have proclaimed war upon one another, they find out first the fairest and smoothest place, and to this they come down and fight; so that even the victors depart from the fight with great loss, and as to the vanquished, of them I make no mention at all, for they are utterly destroyed. They ought however, being men who speak the same language, to make use of heralds and messengers and so to take up their differences and settle them in any way rather than by battles; but if they must absolutely war with one another, they ought to find out each of them that place in which they themselves are hardest to overcome, and here to make their trial. Therefore the Hellenes, since they use no good way, when I had marched as far as the land of Macedonia, did not come to the resolution of fighting with me. (c) Who then is likely to set himself against thee, O king, offering war, when thou art leading both all the multitudes of Asia and the whole number of the ships? I for my part am of opinion that the power of the Hellenes has not attained to such a pitch of boldness: but if after all I should prove to be deceived in my judgment, and they stirred up by inconsiderate folly should come to battle with us, they would learn that we are the best of all men in the matters of war. However that may be, let not anything be left untried; for nothing comes of itself, but from trial all things are wont to come to men.” In this way Mardonios, after having thus smoothed over the resolution expressed by Xerxes, ceased speaking: |
| 7.10 | Silentium tenentibus ceteris Persis, nec audentibus sententiam promere contrariam ei quæ proposita erat, Artabanus Hystaspis filius, patruus Xerxis, eoque fidentior hæc fecit verba : (I.) « Rex, nisi sententiæ dictæ sunt invicem oppositæ, fieri non potest ut eligatur optima ; sed oportet ea, quæ sit prolata, uti : verum illud, contrariæ si dictæ fuerint, tunc demum fieri potest ; quemadmodum sincerum aurum non per se ipsum dignoscimus, sed, dum illud (Lydio lapidi) juxta aliud aurum atterimus, ita id quod melius est discernimus. (2) Ego vero etiam patri tuo Dario, meo fratri, suaseram ne bellum Scythis inferret, hominibus nusquam incolentibus : at ille, sperans se nomades istos Scythas subacturum, mihi non paruit ; sed, expeditione suscepta, amissis exercitus sui multis fortibus viris rediit. (3) Tu vero, rex, bellum illaturus es viris multo quum Scythæ præstantioribus, qui et terra et mari fortissimi esse dicuntur. Quo in consilio quodnam insit periculum, æquum est ut ego tibi exponam. (II.) Juncto, ais, Hellesponto, ducturum te esse per Europam exercitum in Græciam. (4) Atqui acciderit etiam, ut vel terra vel mari vincamur, aut etiam utrimque. Dicuntur enim fortes hi esse viri : ac potest id etiam hinc æstimari, quod tantas copias, quantæ cum Dati et Artapherne Atticam invaserunt, soli Athenienses perdiderunt. (5) Quodsi non utrimque res illis successerit ; at hoc sane, rex, verendum est, ne conscensis navibus, pugna navali superiores, navigent in Hellespontum et pontem illum dissolvant. (III.) Ego vero non mea quadam propria prudentia hæc ita conjicio : sed qualis tandem fuit illa calamitas, quæ parum abfuit ut nos affligeret, quum pater tuus, juncto Bosporo Thracico, et ponte super Istrum posito, Scytharum in terram transiit ! (6) Omnibus modis tunc Scythæ Ionas illos, quibus commissa erat custodia pontium Istro impositorum, sollicitarunt, ut pontem rescinderent. Ubi si Histiæus, Mileti tyrannus, reliquorum tyrannorum secutus esset sententiam, neque se illi opposuisset, omnino perditæ erant res Persarum. (7) Terribile vero est vel fando audire, in unius hominis potestate sitam fuisse universam regis et Persarum salutem. (IV.) Tu igitur noli in tantum te periculum, nulla urgente necessitate, conjicere : sed me audi. (8) Nunc quidem hoc dimitte consilium : et, re diligenter tecum deliberata, deinde rursus, si tibi videtur, propone quæ optima tibi videbuntur. (9) Etenim recte consultare reperio maximum esse lucrum. Nam etiam si contra id quod volueris acciderit aliquid, nihilo minus recte consultaveris, fortuna vero superaverit consilium : qui vero turpe consilium cepit, is, si fortuna ei affuerit, lucrum quidem invenerit, nihilo vero minus malum ceperit consilium. (V.) Vides quo pacto eminentia præ ceteris animalia fulmine percutiat deus, nec sinat ea se ostentare ; minutis autem non invidet. Vides etiam ut in maxima semper ædificia et in altissimas arbores tela sua conjicit. Amat enim deus, eminentia omnia truncare. (10) Itaque etiam ingens exercitus eadem ratione perditur ab exiguo : quando deus illis metum aut fulmen incutit, indigno modo pereunt : (11) nec enim sinit deus magnum sapere, præter se, alium quemquam. (VI.) Porro, deproperare rem quamcunque parit errores, e quibus ingentia solent damna existere : in cunctando autem insunt bona, quæ si non protinus apparent, certe suo tempore aliquis reperiet. (VII.) Hæc igitur, rex, tibi suadeo. Tu vero, Gobryæ fili Mardonie, desine injuriosa verba jactare in Græcos, qui non merentur male audire. (12) Nam Græcos calumniando ipsum regem excitas ad bellum suscipiendum : quem in finem tu mihi etiam videris studium omne intendere. At ne ita fiat ! Calumnia enim gravissimum malum est : in quo duo sunt qui injuriam inferunt, unus vero qui patitur injuriam. (13) Injuriam enim infert calumniator, dum accusat absentem : infert vero et ille injuriam, qui sibi persuaderi patitur priusquam rem accurate compertam habeat. Qui vero abest quum malitiose accusatur, is duplici afficitur injuria ; primum hoc ipso, quod injuste accusatur ab altero, deinde quod ab altero pravus esse existimatur. (VIII.) Sed, si omnino oportet bellum huic populo inferre, age, rex ipse in sedibus maneat Persarum, sed, in medio depositis nostrûm utriusque liberis, tu solus suscipe expeditonem, sumptis tecum quoscunque duces selegeris, et exercitu quantumcunque volueris. (14) Tum, si res ita, ut tu ais, regi successerit, interficiantur mei liberi, et ego cum illis ! sin, ut ego prædico ; tuis liberis idem hoc fiat, et tibi ipsi, si quidem redieris ! (15) Quodsi hanc inire conditionem recusas, et nihilo minus exercitum duxeris adversus Græciam, audituros esse autumno homines qui hic relicti erunt, Mardonium, ingentis calamitatis auctorem Persis, alicubi in terra Atheniensium aut Lacedæmoniorum, nisi forte prius etiam in itinere, a canibus volucribusque fuisse laceratum, postquam cognovit quinam sint illi viri, contra quos tu regi persuades ut expeditionem suscipiat. » | And when the other Persians were silent and did not venture to declare an opinion contrary to that which had been proposed, then Artabanos the son of Hystaspes, being father’s brother to Xerxes and having reliance upon that, spoke as follows: (a) “O king, if opinions opposed to one another be not spoken, it is not possible to select the better in making the choice, but one must accept that which has been spoken; if however opposite opinions be uttered, this is possible; just as we do not distinguish the gold which is free from alloy when it is alone by itself, but when we rub it on the touchstone in comparison with other gold, then we distinguish that which is the better. Now I gave advice to thy father Dareios also, who was my brother, not to march against the Scythians, men who occupied no abiding city in any part of the earth. He however, expecting that he would subdue the Scythians who were nomads, did not listen to me; but he made a march and came back from it with the loss of many good men of his army. But thou, O king, art intending to march against men who are much better than the Scythians, men who are reported to be excellent both by sea and on land: and the thing which is to be feared in this matter it is right that I should declare to thee. (b) Thou sayest that thou wilt yoke the Hellespont with a bridge and march an army through Europe to Hellas. Now supposing it chance that we are worsted either by land or by sea, or even both, for the men are reported to be valiant in fight, (and we may judge for ourselves that it is so, since the Athenians by themselves destroyed that great army which came with Datis and Artaphrenes to the Attic land) — suppose however that they do not succeed in both, yet if they shall attack with their ships and conquer in a sea-fight, and then sail to the Hellespont and break up the bridge, this of itself, O king, will prove to be a great peril. (c) Not however by any native wisdom of my own do I conjecture that this might happen: I am conjecturing only such a misfortune as all but came upon us at the former time, when thy father, having yoked the Bosphorus of Thracia and made a bridge over the river Ister, had crossed over to go against the Scythians. At that time the Scythians used every means of entreaty to persuade the Ionians to break up the passage, to whom it had been entrusted to guard the bridges of the Ister. At that time, if Histiaios the despot of Miletos had followed the opinion of the other despots and had not made opposition to them, the power of the Persians would have been brought to an end. Yet it is a fearful thing even to hear it reported that the whole power of the king had come to depend upon one human creature. (d) Do not thou therefore propose to go into any such danger when there is no need, but do as I say — at the present time dissolve this assembly; and afterwards at whatever time it shall seem good to thee, when thou hast considered prudently with thyself, proclaim that which seems to thee best: for good counsel I hold to be a very great gain; since even if anything shall prove adverse, the counsel which has been taken is no less good, though it has been defeated by fortune; while he who took counsel badly at first, if good fortune should go with him has lighted on a prize by chance, but none the less for that his counsel was bad. (e) Thou seest how God strikes with thunderbolts the creatures which stand above the rest and suffers them not to make a proud show; while those which are small do not provoke him to jealousy: thou seest also how he hurls his darts ever at those buildings which are the highest and those trees likewise; for God is wont to cut short all those things which stand out above the rest. Thus also a numerous army is destroyed by one of few men in some such manner as this, namely when God having become jealous of them casts upon them panic or thundering from heaven, then they are destroyed utterly and not as their worth deserves; for God suffers not any other to have high thoughts save only himself. (f) Moreover the hastening of any matter breeds disasters, whence great losses are wont to be produced; but in waiting there are many good things contained, as to which, if they do not appear to be good at first, yet one will find them to be so in course of time. (g) To thee, O king, I give this counsel: but thou son of Gobryas, Mardonios, cease speaking foolish words about the Hellenes, since they in no way deserve to be spoken of with slight; for by uttering slander against the Hellenes thou art stirring the king himself to make an expedition, and it is to this very end that I think thou art straining all thy endeavor. Let not this be so; for slander is a most grievous thing: in it the wrongdoers are two, and the person who suffers wrong is one. The slanderer does a wrong in that he speaks against one who is not present, the other in that he is persuaded of the thing before he gets certain knowledge of it, and he who is not present when the words are spoken suffers wrong in the matter thus — both because he has been slandered by the one and because he has been believed to be bad by the other. (h) However, if it be absolutely needful to make an expedition against these men, come, let the king himself remain behind in the abodes of the Persians, and let us both set to the wager our sons; and then do thou lead an army by thyself, choosing for thyself the men whom thou desirest, and taking an army as large as thou thinkest good: and if matters turn out for the king as thou sayest, let my sons be slain and let me also be slain in addition to them; but if in the way which I predict, let thy sons suffer this, and with them thyself also, if thou shalt return back. But if thou art not willing to undergo this proof, but wilt by all means lead an army against Hellas, then I say that those who are left behind in this land will hear that Mardonios, after having done a great mischief to the Persians, is torn by dogs and birds, either in the land of the Athenians, or else perchance thou wilt be in the land of the Lacedemonians (unless indeed this should have come to pass even before that upon the way), and that thou hast at length been made aware against what kind of men thou art persuading the king to march.” |
| 7.11 | Hæc postquam Artabanus dixit, ira accensus Xerxes his verbis respondit : « Artabane, tu es patris mei frater : hoc te tuebitur, ne meritam injuriosis verbis mercedem accipias. (2) Verumtamen hanc tibi, quum sis ignavus et imbellis, ignominiam infligo, ut meæ in Græciam expeditionis non futurus sis comes, sed hic cum mulieribus maneas. Ego vero absque te, quæcunque dixi, effecta dabo. (3) Ne enim sim Dario, Hystaspi, Arsame, Ariaramne, Teispe, Cyro, Cambyse, Teispe, Achæmene prognatus, nisi pœnas ab Atheniensibus sumpsero ! bene gnarus, si nos quieverimus, illos non quieturos, sed nostram utique terram bello esse invasuros, si judicandum est ex his, quæ ab illis cœpta sunt fieri, qui exercitu in Asiam trajecto Sardes incenderunt. (4) Quare neutris retrogredi licet ; sed propositum est agendi aut patiendi discrimen, ut aut hæc omnia sub Græcorum cadant potestatem, aut ista omnia sub Persarum : nullum enim inter has inimicitias medium relinquitur. (5) Recte igitur factum fuerit, si jam nunc ultum eamus injurias quas priores passi sumus, ut ego periculum hoc experiar quod mihi imminet, adversus hos homines ducenti, quos quidem Pelops Phryx, servus patrum nostrorum, ita subegit, ut ad hunc usque diem et homines ipsi et eorum terra ab eodem, qui eos subegit, nomen invenerint. » | Artabanos thus spoke; and Xerxes enraged by it made answer as follows: “Artabanos, thou art my father’s brother, and this shall save thee from receiving any recompense such as thy foolish words deserve. Yet I attach to thee this dishonor, seeing that thou art a coward and spiritless, namely that thou do not march with me against Hellas, but remain here together with the women; and I, even without thy help, will accomplish all the things which I said: for I would I might not be descended from Dareios, the son of Hystaspes, the son of Arsames, the son of Ariaramnes, the son of Teïspes, or from Cyrus, the son of Cambyses, the son of Teïspes, the son of Achaimenes, if I take not vengeance on the Athenians; since I know well that if we shall keep quiet, yet they will not do so, but will again march against our land, if we may judge by the deeds which have been done by them to begin with, since they both set fire to Sardis and marched upon Asia. It is not possible therefore that either side should retire from the quarrel, but the question before us is whether we shall do or whether we shall suffer; whether all these regions shall come to be under the Hellenes or all those under the Persians: for in our hostility there is no middle course. It follows then now that it is well for us, having suffered wrong first, to take revenge, that I may find out also what is this terrible thing which I shall suffer if I lead an army against these men — men whom Pelops the Phrygian, who was the slave of my forefathers, so subdued that even to the present day both the men themselves and their land are called after the name of him who subdued them.” |
| 7.12 | Hi hucusque sermones sunt habiti. Deinde appetente nocte momordit Xerxem Artabani sententia. Noctu vero secum ipse deliberans reperit, prorsus sibi necesse non esse adversus Græciam expeditionem suscipere : et postquam ita mutavit sententiam, somno sopitus est. At eadem nocte talem, ut quidem Persæ narrant, visionem habuit. (2) Videbatur Xerxi, astare ipsi virum magnum et formosum, his verbis ipsum alloquentem : « Mutas tu igitur, Persa, tuum consilium, nec ducturus es exercitum in Græciam, postquam edixisti Persis ut copias contrahant ? Atqui nec recte facis, quod mutas sententiam ; nec, qui tibi assentiatur, quisquam est. Immo vero, quemadmodum hodie constitutum habebas facere, eadem perge via. » His ille dictis avolare visus est Xerxi. | Thus far was it spoken then; but afterwards when darkness came on, the opinion of Artabanos tormented Xerxes continually; and making night his counsellor he found that it was by no means to his advantage to make the march against Hellas. So when he had thus made a new resolve, he fell asleep, and in the night he saw, as is reported by the Persians, a vision as follows — Xerxes thought that a man tall and comely of shape came and stood by him and said: “Art thou indeed changing thy counsel, O Persian, of leading an expedition against Hellas, now that thou hast made proclamation that the Persians shall collect an army? Thou dost not well in changing thy counsel, nor will he who is here present with thee excuse thee from it; but as thou didst take counsel in the day to do, by that way go.” After he had said this, he seemed to Xerxes to fly away. |
| 7.13 | Ut dies illuxit, rex, nulla hujus insomnii ratione habita, eosdem Persas, quos collexerat antea, convocavit, et in hunc modum eos est allocutus : « Viri Persæ, date mihi veniam, contrarium superiori consilium capienti. Nam et ego ad id prudentiæ culmen, quo tendo, nondum perveni ; et, qui ad istud faciendum me excitant, nullo tempore a me discedunt. (2) Atqui postquam Artabani audivi sententiam, statim quidem in me ebullivit juventus, ut insolentiora verba in virum natu grandiorem conjicerem, quod non oportebat : verumtamen nunc, agnito meo errore, utar illius sententia. (3) Scitote igitur abjecisse me belli Græciæ inferendi consilium, et quietem agite. » His auditis, Persæ læti regem adorarunt. | And when day had dawned he made no account of this dream, but gathered together the Persians whom he had assembled also the former time and said to them these words: “Persians, pardon me that I make quick changes in my counsel; for in judgment not yet am I come to my prime, and they who advise me to do the things which I said, do not for any long time leave me to myself. However, although at first when I heard the opinion of Artabanos my youthful impulses burst out, so that I cast out unseemly words against a man older than myself; yet now I acknowledge that he is right, and I shall follow his opinion. Consider then I have changed my resolve to march against Hellas, and do ye remain still.” The Persians accordingly when they heard this were rejoiced and made obeisance. |
| 7.14 | Insequente vero nocte idem insomnium dormienti Xerxi iterum astans dixit : « Tu ergo, Darii fili, palam coram Persis abjecisti belli consilium, nulla meorum verborum ratione habita, quasi a nemine audivisses ! (2) Probe nunc scito, nisi protinus expeditionem hanc susceperis, hoc tibi inde eventurum : quemadmodum magnus amplusque evasisti brevi tempore, ita humilis rursus celeriter evades. » | But when night had come on, the same dream again came and stood by Xerxes as he lay asleep and said: “Son of Dareios, it is manifest then that thou hast resigned this expedition before the assembly of the Persians, and that thou hast made no account of my words, as if thou hadst heard them from no one at all. Now therefore be well assured of this — if thou do not make thy march forthwith, there shall thence spring up for thee this result, namely that, as thou didst in short time become great and mighty, so also thou shalt speedily be again brought low.” |
| 7.15 | Territus hoc viso Xerxes e lecto prosiliit, nuntiumque ad Artabanum misit, qui illum advocaret. Qui ubi affuit, hæc ei Xerxes dixit : « Artabane, ego statim quidem parum prudenter me gesseram, contumeliosa in te verba conjiciens boni consilii causa : brevi post vero mutavi sententiam, agnovique faciendum mihi id quod tu suasisti. (2) Verumtamen hoc ipsum facere, quamvis velim, non possum : nam, postquam mutato consilio tuam probavi sententiam, iterato apparet mihi nocturnum visum, nequaquam probans ut hoc faciam ; et nunc etiam minas intentans abiit. (3) Si igitur deus est qui illud mihi mittit, et si prorsus ei cordi est ut suscipiatur hæc in Græciam expeditio, idem hoc insomnium tibi etiam advolabit, eademque quæ mihi præcipiet. (4) Reperio autem sic hoc futurum, si tu universum meum cultum sumpseris, eoque indutus in throno meo resederis, ac deinde meo in lecto cubueris. » | Xerxes then, being very greatly disturbed by fear of the vision, started up from his bed and sent a messenger to summon Artabanos; to whom when he came Xerxes spoke thus: “Artabanos, at the first I was not discreet, when I spoke to thee foolish words on account of thy good counsel; but after no long time I changed my mind and perceived that I ought to do these things which thou didst suggest to me. I am not able however to do them, although I desire it; for indeed, now that I have turned about and changed my mind, a dream appears haunting me and by no means approving that I should do so; and just now it has left me even with a threat. If therefore it is God who sends it to me, and it is his absolute will and pleasure that an army should go against Hellas, this same dream will fly to thee also, laying upon thee a charge such as it has laid upon me; and it occurs to my mind that this might happen thus, namely if thou shouldst take all my attire and put it on, and then seat thyself on my throne, and after that lie down to sleep in my bed.” |
| 7.16 | Hæc postquam Xerxes locutus est, primum quidem dicto ejus non paruit Artabanus, quippe sibi non convenire judicans in throno residere regis : postremo vero, ut coactus est, imperata fecit, postquam hæc regi responderat : (I.) « Pari loco, rex, sunt meo judicio hæc duo, recte sapere, et bonum danti consilium obsequi velle : quorum quum utrumque tibi insit, pravorum hominum colloquia in errorem te inducunt ; quemadmodum mare, rem omnium utilissimam hominibus, ajunt ab irruentibus ventorum flatibus prohiberi ne naturam exserat suam. (2) Ego vero, quando malis me verbis accepisti, non tam hoc ipsum ægre tuli, quam istud, quod, quum duæ propositæ essent Persis sententiæ, altera injuriosam augens insolentiam, altera eandem reprimens, dicensque perniciosam rem esse, assuefacere animum ad plura semper, quam quæ habeas, concupiscenda ; quod, inquam, e duabus hisce propositis sententiis eam suscepisti, quæ et tibi et Persis periculosior est. (II.) Nunc igitur, postquam ad meliorem te convertisi, et abjecisti expeditionis adversus Græcos consilium, ais tibi apparere insomnium divinitus missum, quod te vetet omittere hanc expeditionem. (3) At ne est quidem, mi fili, res hæc divina. Insomnia enim, quæ inter homines vagantur illisque accidunt, talia sunt, qualia ego te docebo, qui multis annis, quam tu, natu sum major. (4) Qualia quis interdiu curat ac meditatur, talia eum maxime circumvolitare solent visa per somnum : nos autem his proximis diebus occupatum quam maxime animum hac expeditione habuimus. (III.) Sin hoc non tale est quale ego judico, sed divinum quidquam si huic viso inest tu recte rem omnem verbo complexus dixisti : appareat enim illud et mihi, mihique idem atque tibi præcipiat ! (5) Debet autem mihi nihilo magis apparere tua veste induto, quam mea ; nec magis tuo in lecto cubanti, quam in meo ; si modo omnino appariturum est etiam aliis. (6) Nec enim profecto adeo stultum erit hoc, quidquid est, quod tibi per somnum apparuit, ut, me si viderit, te esse opinetur, e veste tua judicium faciens. (7) Sin me autem nullo loco habuerit, neque apparere voluerit mihi, sive tua indutus sim veste, sive mea, verum tibi sit nihilominus appariturum ; hoc jam nunc explorandum est : nam si constanter apparuerit, dixerim et ego, rem esse divinam. (8) Ceterum si tibi, ut ita faciam, stat decretum, neque ego te ut illud revoces commovere possum, verum si omnino me oportet tuo in lecto somnum capere : age, hoc ubi fecero, appareat mihi quoque visum ! Donec vero hoc contigerit, equidem in mea persistam sententia. » | Xerxes spoke to him thus; and Artabanos was not willing to obey the command at first, since he did not think himself worthy to sit upon the royal throne; but at last being urged further he did that which was commanded, first having spoken these words: (a) “It is equally good in my judgment, O king, whether a man has wisdom himself or is willing to follow the counsel of him who speaks well: and thou, who hast attained to both these good things, art caused to err by the communications of evil men; just as they say that the Sea, which is of all things the most useful to men, is by blasts of winds falling upon it prevented from doing according to its own nature. I however, when I was evil spoken of by thee, was not so much stung with pain for this, as because, when two opinions were laid before the Persians, the one tending to increase wanton insolence and the other tending to check it and saying that it was a bad thing to teach the soul to endeavor always to have something more than the present possession — because, I say, when such opinions as these were laid before us, thou didst choose that one which was the more dangerous both for thyself and for the Persians. (b) And now that thou hast turned to the better counsel, thou sayest that when thou art disposed to let go the expedition against the Hellenes, a dream haunts thee sent by some god, which forbids thee to abandon thy enterprise. Nay, but here too thou dost err, my son, since this is not of the Deity; for the dreams of sleep which come roaming about to men, are of such nature as I shall inform thee, being by many years older than thou. The visions of dreams are wont to hover above us in such form for the most part as the things of which we were thinking during the day; and we in the days preceding were very much occupied with this campaign. (c) If however after all this is not such a thing as I interpret it to be, but is something which is concerned with God, thou hast summed the matter up in that which thou hast said: let it appear, as thou sayest, to me also, as to thee, and give commands. But supposing that it desires to appear to me at all, it is not bound to appear to me any the more if I have thy garments on me than if I have my own, nor any more if I take my rest in thy bed than if I am in thy own; for assuredly this thing, whatever it may be, which appears to thee in thy sleep, is not so foolish as to suppose, when it sees me, that it is thou, judging so because the garments are thine. That however which we must find out now is this, namely if it will hold me in no account, and not think fit to appear to me, whether I have my own garments or whether I have thine, but continue still to haunt thee; for if it shall indeed haunt thee perpetually, I shall myself also be disposed to say that it is of the Deity. But if thou hast resolved that it shall be so, and it is not possible to turn aside this thy resolution, but I must go to sleep in thy bed, then let it appear to me also, when I perform these things: but until then I shall hold to the opinion which I now have.” |
| 7.17 | His dictis, Artabanus, sperans se probaturum, nullius momenti esse quæ Xerxes dixerat, morem illi gessit. Postquam vero vestem Xerxis indutus in solio regis consedit, ac deinde cubitum ivit, venit ad eum, ut somno sopitus est, idem insomnium quod Xerxi apparuerat ; (2) et capiti ejus astans, hæc dixit : « Tu igitur is es, qui Xerxem, veluti curam ejus gerens, hortaris, ne bellum inferat Græciæ? At nec posthac, neque nunc, impune feres, qui infecta reddere ea, quæ fieri oportet, conaris. Xerxem autem quæ pœna maneat, dicto non audientem, ipsi declaratum est. » | Having thus said Artabanos, expecting that he would prove that Xerxes was speaking folly, did that which was commanded him; and having put on the garments of Xerxes and seated himself in the royal throne, he afterwards went to bed: and when he had fallen asleep, the same dream came to him which used to come to Xerxes, and standing over Artabanos spoke these words: “Art thou indeed he who endeavors to dissuade Xerxes from making a march against Hellas, pretending to have a care of him? However, neither in the future nor now at the present shalt thou escape unpunished for trying to turn away that which is destined to come to pass: and as for Xerxes, that which he must suffer if he disobeys, hath been shown already to the man himself.” |
| 7.18 | His verbis visum est Artabano insomnium illud minas ipsi intentare, simulque candentibus ferris velle ipsi exurere oculos. (2) Itaque alta exclamans voce, de lecto prosiliit ; assidensque Xerxi, postquam insomnii visum ei exposuit, hæc deinde verba adjecit : « Equidem, rex, utpote qui multas atque magnas res eversas vidi ab infirmioribus, retinere te volueram, ne omnibus in rebus juvenili indulgeres ætati. Itaque gnarus quam perniciosum sit nimia concupiscere, et memor Cyri in Massagetas expeditio quem exitum habuerit, memorque expeditionis Cambysis adversus Æthiopas, denique socius quum fuerim expeditionis Darii adversus Scythas ; (3) hæc omnia cognita habens, in hac fui sententia, beatum te prædicatum ab omnibus hominibus iri, si nihil moveres. At, quoniam divinitus immissus est hic impetus, et Græcis, ut videtur, ipso deo volente imminet exitium, ego etiam ipse muto sententiam, et in tuam transeo. (4) Tu igitur Persis significa quæ tibi divinitus missa sunt ; imperaque illis, ut ea exsequantur, quæ tu ad parandum hoc bellum spectantia prius edixeras. Denique ita fac, ut, quoniam hæc tibi Deus peragenda commisit, nihil, quod a te proficisci queat, desideretur. » (5) His dictis, simul atque dies illuxit, viso nocturno commoti, Xerxes cum Persis hæc communicavit, et Artabanus, qui prius solus palam rem dissuaserat, nunc aperte eandem urgebat. | Thus it seemed to Artabanos that the dream threatened him, and at the same time was just about to burn out his eyes with hot irons; and with a loud cry he started up from his bed, and sitting down beside Xerxes he related to him throughout the vision of the dream, and then said to him as follows: “I, O king, as one who has seen before now many great things brought to their fall by things less, urged thee not to yield in all things to the inclination of thy youth, since I knew that it was evil to have desire after many things; remembering on the one hand the march of Cyrus against the Massagetai, what fortune it had, and also that of Cambyses against the Ethiopians; and being myself one who took part with Dareios in the campaign against the Scythians. Knowing these things I had the opinion that thou wert to be envied of all men, so long as thou shouldest keep still. Since however there comes a divine impulse, and, as it seems, a destruction sent by heaven is taking hold of the Hellenes, I for my part am both changed in myself and also I reverse my opinions; and do thou signify to the Persians the message which is sent to thee from God, bidding them follow the commands which were given by thee at first with regard to the preparations to be made; and endeavor that on thy side nothing may be wanting, since God delivers the matter into thy hands.” These things having been said, both were excited to confidence by the vision, and so soon as it became day, Xerxes communicated the matter to the Persians, and Artabanos, who before was the only man who came forward to dissuade him, now came forward to urge on the design. |
| 7.19 | Postquam ita constitutum erat Xerxi, ut susciperet expeditionem, tertia ei visio per somnum oblata est ; quam Magi, ad se relatam, interpretati sunt ad universam spectare terram, significareque homines omnes servos illius futuros. (2) Fuit ea visio hujusmodi : visus est sibi Xerxes coronari oleæ fronde, ramosque oleæ ejus universam occupare terram, deinde vero evanescere coronam capiti impositam. (3) Hoc visum quum ita, ut dixi, interpretarentur Magi ; protinus Persarum, qui ad concilium convenerant, unusquisque suam in præfecturam profectus, studium omne, ut jussa exsequerentur, adhibuere, cupiens quisque proposita dona præ ceteris obtinere : atque ita Xerxes copias contraxit, ut nullus esset continentis locus, qui non perquireretur. | Xerxes being thus desirous to make the expedition, there came to him after this a third vision in his sleep, which the Magians, when they heard it, explained to have reference to the dominion of the whole Earth and to mean that all men should be subject to him; and the vision was this — Xerxes thought that he had been crowned with a wreath of an olive-branch and that the shoots growing from the olive-tree covered the whole Earth; and after that, the wreath, placed as it was about his head, disappeared. When the Magians had thus interpreted the vision, forthwith every man of the Persians who had been assembled together departed to his own province and was zealous by all means to perform the commands, desiring each one to receive for himself the gifts which had been proposed: and thus Xerxes was gathering his army together, searching every region of the continent. |
| 7.20 | Etenim, e quo recepta erat Ægyptus, quattuor solidi anni in comparando exercitu et rebus exercitui necessariis insumpti sunt ; volvente vero quinto anno expeditionem Xerxes suscepit ingenti copiarum multitudine. (2) Fuit enim hæc omnium, quas novimus, expeditionum longe maxima ; adeo ut ad eam nihil fuerit aut illa quam adversus Scythas Darius, aut quam ipsi olim Scythæ susceperant, quum Cimmerios persecuti, incursione in Medicam terram facta, universam propemodum superiorem Asiam a se subactam tenuerunt, quam ob causam deinde Darius ultionem ab eis capere voluit : aut illa quam Atridæ adversus Ilium dicuntur suscepisse. aut quam ante Trojana tempora Mysi atque Teucri fecerant, qui per Bosporum in Europam transgressi, Thraces omnes subegerunt, et usque ad Ionium mare descenderunt, porro usque ad Peneum fluvium meridiem versus penetrarunt. | During four full years from the conquest of Egypt he was preparing the army and the things that were of service for the army, and in the course of the fifth year he began his campaign with a host of great multitude. For of all the armies of which we have knowledge this proved to be by far the greatest; so that neither that led by Dareios against the Scythians appears anything as compared with it, nor the Scythian host, when the Scythians pursuing the Kimmerians made invasion of the Median land and subdued and occupied nearly all the upper parts of Asia, for which invasion afterwards Dareios attempted to take vengeance, nor that led by the sons of Atreus to Ilion, to judge by that which is reported of their expedition, nor that of the Mysians and Teucrians, before the Trojan war, who passed over into Europe by the Bosphorus and not only subdued all the Thracians, but came down also as far as the Ionian Sea and marched southwards to the river Peneios. |
| 7.21 | Omnes hæ expeditiones, et si quæ sunt præter has aliæ similes, non sunt dignæ quæ cum hac una conferantur. Quis enim est Asiæ populus, quem non adversus Græciam Xerxes eduxerit ? quæ aqua, quæ non defecerit, ab exercitu ejus epota, exceptis majoribus fluviis. (2) Alii quippe populi naves præbuere, alii in peditatum erant distributi, aliis imperatus erat equitatus, aliis navigia transvehendis equis, simulque homines militaturi ; alii naves longas pontibus faciendis præbere tenebantur, alii commeatum simul et naves. (3) Ac primum quidem, quoniam, qui priores circa Athon sunt circumvecti, calamitatem acceperant, jam inde a tribus fere annis ea maxime præparaverat quæ ad Athon spectabant. Nam ad Elæuntem, Chersonesi oppidum, in ancoris stabant triremes ; unde proficiscebantur homines de exercitu ex omnibus nationibus, qui sub flagellis terram perfoderent, quorum in locum alii subinde succedebant ; fodiebant autem etiam hi qui circa Athon incolebant : operique præfecti erant Bubares, Megabazi filius, et Artachæes Artæi, uterque natione Persa. | All these expeditions put together, with others, if there be any, added to them, are not equal to this one alone. For what nation did Xerxes not lead out of Asia against Hellas? and what water was not exhausted, being drunk by his host, except only the great rivers? For some supplied ships, and others were appointed to serve in the land-army; to some it was appointed to furnish cavalry, and to others vessels to carry horses, while they served in the expedition themselves also; others were ordered to furnish ships of war for the bridges, and others again ships with provisions. Then in the first place, since the former fleet had suffered disaster in sailing round Athos, preparations had been going on for about three years past with regard to Athos: for triremes lay at anchor at Elaius in the Chersonese, and with this for their starting point men of all nations belonging to the army worked at digging, compelled by the lash; and the men went to the work regularly in succession: moreover those who dwelt round about Athos worked also at the digging: and Bubares the son of Megabazos and Artachaies the son of Artaios, Persians both, were set over the work. |
| 7.22 | Est enim Athos mons ingens ac nobilis, in mare excurrens, et ab hominibus habitatus. Ubi mons in continentem desinit, peninsulæ speciem refert, estque isthmus duodecim fere stadiorum : est autem campestris hic locus, tumulos habens non magnos, a mari Acanthiorum ad illud mare quod contra Toronen est. (2) In eodem hoc isthmo, in quem desinit Athos, oppidum est Sane, a Græcis habitatum : quæ vero intra Sanen in ipso Atho incoluntur oppida, quæ tunc Persa e continentis oppidis insulana facere aggressus est, hæc sunt : Dium, Olophyxus, Acrothoon, Thyssus, Cleonæ: hæc sunt oppida, quibus Athos frequentatur. Fodiebant autem hoc modo. | Now Athos is a mountain great and famous, running down to the sea and inhabited by men: and where the mountain ends on the side of the mainland the place is like a peninsula with an isthmus about twelve furlongs across. Here it is plain land or hills of no great size, extending from the sea of the Acanthians to that which lies off Torone; and on this isthmus, where Athos ends, is situated a Hellenic city called Sane: moreover there are others beyond Sane and within the peninsula of Athos, all which at this time the Persian had resolved to make into cities of an island and no longer of the mainland; these are, Dion, Olophyxos, Acrothoon, Thyssos, Cleonai. These are the cities which occupy Athos: and they dug as follows: |
| 7.23 | Totum tractum, linea recta juxta Sanen urbem ducta, secundum nationes distribuerant barbari. Tum, ubi jam profunda fuit fossa, alii in imo stantes fodiebant, alii vero effossam terram continuo aliis tradebant, qui superne scalis insistebant ; et hi rursus aliis ; donec ad summos pervenissent, qui eam egerebant ejiciebantque. (2) Jam ceteris quidem, præterquam Phœnicibus, rupta fossæ præcipitia duplum laborem exhibuere : nam quum summa fossæ labia pari amplitudine atque inferiora facerent, non potuit hoc non eis accidere. At Phœnices, ut in aliis operibus ingenium ostendunt, sic et in isto. (3) Nam portionem eam, quæ ipsis sorte obvenerat, ita fodiebant, ut superius os fossæ duplo majus facerent, quam fossam ipsam esse oportebat : progrediente vero opere, constanter arctiorem illam faciebant, ut, quum in fundo essent, parem cum aliis latitudinem fossa haberet. (4) Erat autem ibi pratum, ubi forum habebant rerum venalium : frumentique moliti copia ex Asia eis advehebatur. | The country being divided among the Barbarians by nations for the work, at the city of Sane they drew a straight line across the isthmus, and when the channel became deep, those who stood lowest dug, while others delivered the earth as it was dug out to other men who stood above, as upon steps, and they again to others when it was received, until they came to those that were highest; and these bore it away and cast it forth. Now the others except the Phenicians had double toil by the breaking down of the steep edges of their excavation; for since they endeavored to make the opening at the top and that at the bottom both of the same measure, some such thing was likely to result, as they worked: but the Phenicians, who are apt to show ability in their works generally, did so in this work also; for when they had had assigned to them by lot so much as fell to their share, they proceeded to dig, making the opening of the excavation at the top twice as wide as the channel itself was to be; and as the work went forward, they kept contracting the width; so that, when they came to the bottom, their work was made of equal width with that of the others. Now there is a meadow there, in which there was made for them a market and a place for buying and selling; and great quantities of corn came for them regularly from Asia, ready ground. |
| 7.24 | Jam, ut ego quidem hanc rem considerans reperio, magnificentiæ causa fodi hanc fossam Xerxes jussit, cupiens et potentiam suam ostentare, et monumentum relinquere sui. Nam, quum nullo labore per isthmum transduci naves potuissent, fossam quam mare perflueret fodi jussit ea latitudine, ut duæ simul triremes, remis suis agitatæ, transire per illam possent. Eisdem illis, quibus ducenda fossa fuerat mandata, imperatum erat etiam ut Strymonem fluvium ponte jungerent. | It seems to me, making conjecture of this work, that Xerxes when he ordered this to be dug was moved by a love of magnificence and by a desire to make a display of his power and to leave a memorial behind him; for though they might have drawn the ships across the isthmus with no great labor, he bade them dig a channel for the sea of such breadth that two triremes might sail through, propelled side by side. To these same men to whom the digging had been appointed, it was appointed also to make a bridge over the river Strymon, yoking together the banks. |
| 7.25 | Hæc dum ita facienda curat, simul etiam parari armamenta jungendis in Hellesponto pontibus jussit, partim e papyro, partim e lino albo ; quam curam Phœnicibus et Ægyptiis mandavit. Deinde ne fame laboraret aut exercitus aut jumenta in Græciam ducenda, deponi commeatus jussit ; (2) et commoda sciscitatus loca, ut quemque locum maxime idoneum reperit, ibi jussit deponi, dato mandato ut undique ex Asia onerariis navibus et portoriis alii alio deveherent. (3) Igitur plurimam quidem partem in Candidum Littus, quod vocatur (Leuce Acte), devexerunt ; alii vero Tyrodizam Perinthiorum, alii Doriscum, alii Eionem, quæ super Strymonem est, alii in Macedoniam convehere commeatus jussi. | These things were being done by Xerxes thus; and meanwhile he caused ropes also to be prepared for the bridges, made of papyrus and of white flax, appointing this to the Phenicians and Egyptians; and also he was making preparations to store provisions for his army on the way, that neither the army itself nor the baggage animals might suffer from scarcity, as they made their march against Hellas. Accordingly, when he had learnt by inquiry of the various places, he bade them make stores where it was most convenient, carrying supplies to different parts by merchant ships and ferry-boats from all the countries of Asia. So they conveyed the greater part of the corn to the place which is called Leuke Acte in Thrace, while others conveyed stores to Tyrodiza of the Perinthians, others to Doriscos, others to Eïon on the Strymon, and others to Macedonia, the work being distributed between them. |
| 7.26 | Hi dum opus imperatum exsequuntur, interim coactus universus pedestris exercitus una cum Xerxe iter Sardes versus ingressus est, Critallis profectus, Cappadociæ oppido : eo enim edictum erat ut convenirent copiæ omnes, quæ per continentem cum ipso Xerxe erant ituræ. (2) Jam, quis fuerit præfectorum qui optime instructum adduxerit exercitum, adeoque munera acceperit a rege proposita, edere non possum : nam ne liquet quidem mihi, an omnino in judicium ea res venerit. (3) Exercitus vero, postquam trajecto Haly fluvio Phrygiam intravit, per eam iter faciens Celænas pervenit ; ubi fontes oriuntur Mæandri, et alius fluvii non minoris Mæandro, cui nomen est Catarrhactes, qui ex ipso foro Celænarum exortus, in Mæandrum influit : quo in foro ejusdem urbis uter suspensus est Sileni Marsyæ, quem Phryges narrant ab Apolline excoriatum suspensumque fuisse. | During the time that these were working at the task which had been proposed to them, the whole land-army had been assembled together and was marching with Xerxes to Sardis, setting forth from Critalla in Cappadokia; for there it had been ordered that the whole army should assemble, which was to go with Xerxes himself by the land: but which of the governors of provinces brought the best equipped force and received from the king the gifts proposed, I am not able to say, for I do not know that they even came to a competition in this matter. Then after they had crossed the river Halys and had entered Phrygia, marching through this land they came to Kelainai, where the springs of the river Maiander come up, and also those of another river not less than the Maiander, whose name is Catarractes; this rises in the market-place itself of Kelainai and runs into the Maiander: and here also is hanging up in the city the skin of Marsyas the Silenos, which is said by the Phrygians to have been flayed off and hung up by Apollo. |
| 7.27 | In hac urbe exspectans Xerxem consederat Pythius, Atyis filius, Lydus, ipsumque Xerxem et universum ejus exercitum magnificis epulis excepit, pecuniasque pollicitus est quas in bellum esset collaturus. (2) Qui ubi pecunias obtulit, quæsivit Xerxes e præsentibus Persis, quisnam hominum esset Pythius, et quantas possideret divitias, qui ista offerret. (3) Cui illi responderunt. « Idem hic est, rex, qui patri tuo Dario auream platanum aureamque vitem dono dedit : estque post te nunc hominum, quos novimus, omnium princeps divitiis. » | In this city Pythios the son of Atys, a Lydian, was waiting for the king and entertained his whole army, as well as Xerxes himself, with the most magnificent hospitality: moreover he professed himself ready to supply money for the war. So when Pythios offered money, Xerxes asked those of the Persians who were present, who Pythios was and how much money he possessed, that he made this offer. They said: “O king, this is he who presented thy father Dareios with the golden plane-tree and the golden vine; and even now he is in wealth the first of all men of whom we know, excepting thee only.” |
| 7.28 | Miratus Xerxes posterius hoc verbum, ipse deinde Pythium interrogavit, quantas possideret pecunias. Et ille, « rex, inquit, non te celabo, neque excusatione utar, nescire me meas facultates ; sed bene cognitas habens, accurate tibi dicam. (2) Nam simul atque certior sum factus ad mare Græcum te descendere, cupiens tibi ad bellum conferre pecunias, inquisivi ; rationeque inita, reperi, esse mihi argenti talenta bis mille, auri vero quadringentas myriadas staterum Daricorum, minus septem milibus. (3) Atque has ego pecunias tibi do muneri : est enim mihi e mancipiis atque agris victus sufficiens. » Hæc ille dixit. | Marvelling at the conclusion of these words Xerxes himself asked of Pythios then, how much money he had; and he said: “O king, I will not conceal the truth from thee, nor will I allege as an excuse that I do not know my own substance, but I will enumerate it to thee exactly, since I know the truth: for as soon as I heard that thou wert coming down to the Sea of Hellas, desiring to give thee money for the war I ascertained the truth, and calculating I found that I had of silver two thousand talents, and of gold four hundred myriads of daric staters all but seven thousand: and with this money I present thee. For myself I have sufficient livelihood from my slaves and from my estates of land.” Thus he said. |
| 7.29 | Hisque ab illo dictis Xerxes delectatus, respondit : « Hospes Lyde, e quo ego Persica egressus sum terra, nullum adhuc, præter te, hominem reperi, qui vellet hospitalia officia exercitui meo exhibere ; nec qui meum in conspectum veniens, sua sponte pecunias mihi ad bellum conferendas offerret. (2) Tu vero et magnifice exercitum meum excepisti, et pecunias ingentes polliceris. Tibi ergo vicissim ego dona hæcce tribuo : in meorum hospitum numero te repono, et quadringentas staterum myriadas de meo tibi complebo, septem milia dono dans, ne tibi ad complendas quadringentas myriadas septem milia desint, sed solida atque integra ista tibi summa a me conficiatur. (3) Perge vero tu possidere quæ acquisivisti, ac scito semper talem te virum præstare : quod ubi feceris, neque nunc, nec in posterum te pænitebit. » | And Xerxes was pleased by the things which he had spoken, and replied: “Lydian host, ever since I went forth from the Persian land I have encountered no man up to this time who was desirous to entertain my army, or who came into my presence and made offer of his own free will to contribute money to me for the war, except only thee: and thou not only didst entertain my army magnificently, but also now dost make offer of great sums of money. To thee therefore in return I give these rewards — I make thee my guest-friend, and I will complete for thee the four hundred myriads of staters by giving from myself the seven thousand, in order that thy four hundred myriads may not fall short by seven thousand, but thou mayest have a full sum in thy reckoning, completed thus by me. Keep possession of that which thou hast got for thyself, and be sure to act always thus; for if thou doest so, thou wilt have no cause to repent either at the time or afterwards.” |
| 7.30 | His dictis, Xerxes, præstito promisso, ulterius progredi perrexit. Postquam Anaua, quod vocatur, Phrygiæ oppidum, præteriit, et lacum e quo sal conficitur, Colossas pervenit, magnam Phrygiæ urbem ; in qua Lycus amnis in terræ voraginem incidens evanescit, ac deinde, postquam e quinque ferme stadiorum intervallo iterum comparuit, in Mæandrum et ipse influit. (2) Colossis profectus exercitus, ad confinia Phrygiæ Lydiæque pervenit, ad Cydrara oppidum, ubi cippus in terram defixus, qui a Crœso positus est, inscriptis literis hos limites indicat. | Having thus said and having accomplished his promise, he continued his march onwards; and passing by a city of the Phrygians called Anaua and a lake whence salt is obtained, he came to Colossai, a great city of Phrygia, where the river Lycos falls into an opening of the earth and disappears from view, and then after an interval of about five furlongs it comes up to view again, and this river also flows into the Maiander. Setting forth from Colossai towards the boundaries of the Phrygians and Lydians, the army arrived at the city of Kydrara, where a pillar is fixed, set up by Croesus, which declares by an inscription that the boundaries are there. |
| 7.31 | Ut e Phrygia Lydiam intravit, ubi diverticulum est viarum, quarum altera, ad sinistram, versus Cariam fert, altera ad dextram Sardes ; quam qui sequitur, eum omnino oportet Mæandrum fluvium trajicere, et Callatebum præterire oppidum, in quo pistores dulciarii e myrica (tamarice) et tritico mel conficiunt : hac via iter faciens Xerxes platanum reperit, quam ob speciei præstantiam aureo donavit ornatu, curamque ejus viro ex immortalibus (cohorte Persarum) lecto mandavit : postero die in primariam Lydorum urbem pervenit. | From Phrygia then he entered Lydia; and here the road parts into two, and that which goes to the left leads towards Caria, while that which goes to the right leads to Sardis; and travelling by this latter road one must needs cross the river Maiander and pass by the city of Callatebos, where men live whose trade it is to make honey of the tamarisk-tree and of wheat-flour. By this road went Xerxes and found a plane-tree, to which for its beauty he gave an adornment of gold, and appointed that some one should have charge of it always in undying succession; and on the next day he came to the city of the Lydians. |
| 7.32 | Sardes postquam Xerxes pervenit, præcones primum dimisit per Græciam, qui terram et aquam postularent, edicerentque ut cœnas pararent regi. Athenis atque Lacedæmone exceptis, in omnes alias Græciæ partes ad terram aquamque postulandam misit : (2) quod quidem hac de causa iterum fecit, quoniam, qui prius postulanti Dario non dederant, eos nunc, metu adactos, utique daturos existimabat : hoc vero ipsum certo cogniturus, iterum misit. | Having come to Sardis he proceeded first to send heralds to Hellas, to ask for earth and water, and also to give notice beforehand to prepare meals for the king; except that he sent neither to Athens nor Lacedemon to ask for earth, but to all the other States: and the reason why he sent the second time to ask for earth and water was this — as many as had not given at the former time to Dareios when he sent, these he thought would certainly give now by reason of their fear: this matter it was about which he desired to have certain knowledge, and he sent accordingly. |
| 7.33 | Deinde ad reliquum iter se comparavit, Abydum ducturus. Interim, quibus negotium datum erat ut Hellespontum ponte jungerent ex Asia in Europam pertinente, perfecerant opus. (2) Est autem Chersonesi ad Hellespontum ora in mare excurrens aspera inter Sestum urbem et Madytum, Abydo obversa : ubi deinde, haud ita multo post, Xanthippo Ariphronis filio prætore Atheniensium, captum Artaycten Persam, Sesti præfectum, vivum paxillis tabulæ affixum suspenderunt : qui, præter alia, in templum etiam Protesilai, quod prope Elæuntem est, ductis mulieribus nefanda perpetrare consueverat. | After this he made his preparations intending to march to Abydos: and meanwhile they were bridging over the Hellespont from Asia to Europe. Now there is in the Chersonese of the Hellespont between the city of Sestos and Madytos, a broad foreland running down into the sea right opposite Abydos; this is the place where no long time afterwards the Athenians under the command of Xanthippos the son of Ariphron, having taken Artaÿctes a Persian, who was the governor of Sestos, nailed him alive to a board with hands and feet extended (he was the man who was wont to take women with him to the temple of Protesilaos at Elaius and to do things there which are not lawful). |
| 7.34 | Hanc igitur in oram ex Abydo tendentes, quibus imperatum id opus erat, duo pontes struxerunt, alterum Phœnices, rudentibus e lino albo confectis ; alterum Ægyptii, e papyro. (2) Sunt autem septem stadia ex Abydo ad oram oppositam. At juncto ponte jam incidit ingens tempetas, quæ rescidit illa omnia atque dissolvit. | To this foreland they on whom this work was laid were making their bridges, starting from Abydos, the Phenicians constructing the one with ropes of white flax, and the Egyptians the other, which was made with papyrus rope. Now from Abydos to the opposite shore is a distance of seven furlongs. But when the strait had been bridged over, a great storm came on and dashed together all the work that had been made and broke it up. |
| 7.35 | Quod ubi Xerxes rescivit, gravissime ferens, trecenta verbera flagellis infligi jussit Hellesponto, et compedum par in pelagus injici : quin et memoratum audivi, simul eum misisse etiam homines, qui stigmata inurerent Hellesponto. (2) Imperavit certe, ut flagellis cædentes barbara hæc et insana pronuntiarent verba : « O amara aqua, dominus tibi hanc pœnam infligit, quod illum injuria affecisti, nihil mali ab ipso passa. (3) Et trajiciet te rex, sive volueris, sive nolueris. Merito autem nemo hominum tibi sacra facit, quippe turbido salsoque flumini. » Simul vero et mari has pœnas jussit infligi, simulque capita amputari eorum, qui jungendo Hellesponto fuerant præfecti. | Then when Xerxes heard it he was exceedingly enraged, and bade them scourge the Hellespont with three hundred strokes of the lash and let down into the sea a pair of fetters. Nay, I have heard further that he sent branders also with them to brand the Hellespont. However this may be, he enjoined them, as they were beating, to say Barbarian and presumptuous words as follows: “Thou bitter water, thy master lays upon thee this penalty, because thou didst wrong him not having suffered any wrong from him: and Xerxes the king will pass over thee whether thou be willing or no; but with right, as it seems, no man doeth sacrifice to thee, seeing that thou art a treacherous and briny stream.” The sea he enjoined them to chastise thus, and also he bade them cut off the heads of those who were appointed to have charge over the bridging of the Hellespont. |
| 7.36 | Et hæc quidem jussa exsecuti sunt quorum triste hoc fuit munus. Pontes autem deinde junxerunt alii architecti, et hoc quidem modo junxerunt : (2) colligatas actuarias quinquaginta remorum naves et triremes statuerunt, sub eo ponte qui Pontum Euxinum spectabat, numero trecentas et sexaginta, sub altero vero quattuordecim et trecentas, respectu Ponti quidem obliqua linea stantes, recta vero secundum Hellesponti cursum, ut ipse cursu intentionem sustineret rudentium. E navibus ita junctis prœlongas demiserunt ancoras ; in eo quidem ponte, qui Pontum spectabat, ventorum causa ex interiore mari flantium ; in altero vero, qui ad vesperam versus Ægæum mare erat, Euri atque Noti causa. (3) Inter actuarias naves autem atque triremes tribus in locis fenestram transitumque reliquerunt ; ut in Pontum, qui vellet, minoribus navigiis intrare posset, et e Ponto in mare exterius navigare. (4) His factis, intenderunt rudentes, ligneis suculis e continente eos torquentes : nec jam seorsum duo adhibuerunt rudentum genera, sed utrique ponti binos e lino albo, quaternos vero e papyro rudentes tribuerunt. Crassities quidem et species utriusque generis eadem erat ; sed pro ratione multo firmiores erant linei rudentes, quorum cubitus talentum pendebat. (5) Freto hac ratione juncto, sectos arborum stipites, æquali latitudine cum ponte, super intentos rudentes ordine disposuerunt : atque ita continua serie dispositos denuo arcte inter se constrinxerunt. (6) His deinde tignis ingesserunt sarmenta, et sarmentis ordine dispositis terram superne ingessere : denique, probe constipata terra, utrumque pontium latus septo munierunt, ne jumenta et equi conspecto desuper mari consternarentur. | Thus then the men did, to whom this ungracious office belonged; and meanwhile other chief-constructors proceeded to make the bridges; and thus they made them — They put together fifty-oared galleys and triremes, three hundred and sixty to be under the bridge towards the Euxine Sea, and three hundred and fourteen to be under the other, the vessels lying in the direction of the stream of the Hellespont (though crosswise in respect to the Pontus), to support the tension of the ropes. They placed them together thus, and let down very large anchors, those on the one side towards the Pontus because of the winds which blow from within outwards, and on the other side, towards the West and the Egean, because of the South-East and South Winds. They left also an opening for a passage through, so that any who wished might be able to sail into the Pontus with small vessels, and also from the Pontus outwards. Having thus done, they proceeded to stretch tight the ropes, straining them with wooden windlasses, not now appointing the two kinds of rope to be used apart from one another, but assigning to each bridge two ropes of white flax and four of the papyrus ropes. The thickness and beauty of make was the same for both, but the flaxen ropes were heavier in proportion, and of this rope a cubit weighed one talent. When the passage was bridged over, they sawed up logs of wood, and making them equal in length to the breadth of the bridge they laid them above the stretched ropes, and having set them thus in order they again fastened them above. When this was done, they carried on brushwood, and having set the brushwood also in place, they carried on to it earth; and when they had stamped down the earth firmly, they built a barrier along on each side, so that the baggage-animals and horses might not be frightened by looking out over the sea. |
| 7.37 | Postquam et quæ ad pontes spectabant, et quæ ad Athon, parata fuerunt, renuntiatumque est et ipsam fossam penitus perfectam esse, et aggeres juxta ostia fossæ ducendos, ne maris æstus ostia illa compleret ; tum vero, exacta hieme, primo vere instructus exercitus Sardibus instituit Abydum proficisci. (2) Jamque in eo erat ut iter ingrederetur, quum sol sua in cœlo sede relicta evanuit, nullis nubibus obducto cœlo, sed quam maxime sereno ; et medio die nox exstitit. Quod ubi vidit animadvertitque Xerxes, curæ ei hæc res fuit ; quæsivitque e Magis quid significaret id prodigium. (3) Responderunt Magi, Græcis significare deum exstinctionem urbium : dicentes, solem Græcis futura significare, Persis autem lunam. Quibus auditis lætus admodum Xerxes educere copias cœpit. | When the construction of the bridges had been finished, and the works about Athos, both the embankments about the mouths of the channel, which were made because of the breaking of the sea upon the beach, that the mouths of it might not be filled up, and the channel itself, were reported to be fully completed, then, after they had passed the winter at Sardis, the army set forth from thence fully equipped, at the beginning of spring, to march to Abydos; and when it had just set forth, the Sun left his place in the heaven and was invisible, though there was no gathering of clouds and the sky was perfectly clear; and instead of day it became night. When Xerxes saw and perceived this, it became a matter of concern to him; and he asked the Magians what the appearance meant to portend. These declared that the god was foreshowing to the Hellenes a leaving of their cities, saying that the Sun was the foreshower of events for the Hellenes, but the Moon for the Persians. Having been thus informed, Xerxes proceeded on the march with very great joy. |
| 7.38 | Jamque educebat, quum Pythius Lydus, metuens editum de cœlo prodigium, et donis suis confisus, Xerxem adiens, hæc dixit : « precibus meis abs te, Domine, mihi velim contingere ; quod tibi leve est præstare, mihi vero permagnum fuerit ? » (2) Et Xerxes, quidquid potius, quam quod ille in animo habuit, petiturum eum ratus, præstiturum se ei, dixit ; libereque, quæ cuperet, promere jussit. Quibus auditis ille confidens, « Domine, ait, sunt mihi quinque filii, quibus omnibus sors obtigit ut tecum in bellum adversus Græciam proficiscantur. (3) At tu, rex, mei tam longe ætate provecti miserere, unique meorum filiorum, natu maximo, remitte militiam ; ut et mei et bonorum meorum curam gerat. Reliquos vero quattuor duc tecum : et confectis rebus quas destinasti, domum redeas ! » | Then as he was leading forth his army on its march, Pythios the Lydian, being alarmed by the appearance in the heavens and elated by the gifts which he had received, came to Xerxes, and said as follows: “Master, I would desire to receive from thee a certain thing at my request, which, as it chances, is for thee an easy thing to grant, but a great thing for me, if I obtain it.” Then Xerxes, thinking that his request would be for anything rather than that which he actually asked, said that he would grant it, and bade him speak and say what he desired. He then, when he heard this, was encouraged, and spoke these words: “Master, I have, as it chances, five sons, and it is their fortune to be all going together with thee on the march against Hellas. Do thou, therefore, O king, have compassion upon me, who have come to so great an age, and release from serving in the expedition one of my sons, the eldest, in order that he may be caretaker both of myself and of my wealth: but the other four take with thyself, and after thou hast accomplished that which thou hast in thy mind, mayest thou have a safe return home.” |
| 7.39 | Cui vehementer iratus Xerxes his verbis respondit : « O homo nequam, quum ego ipse in bellum adversus Græciam proficiscar, et filios meos et fratres et cognatos et amicos eodem ducam, tu tui filii ausus es facere mentionem, qui meus es servus, quem tota cum domo ipsaque uxore me sequi oportebat ! (2) Probe nunc hoc scito, in auribus hominum habitare animum ; qui si bona audit, voluptate implet corpus ; si contraria his, indignatur. (3) Igitur quum bene fecisti et alia talia promisisti, non gloriaberis te regem beneficiis superasse : nunc vero, ubi ad impudentiam te convertisti, non tu quidem pro merito, sed minora quam pro merito accipies. Te enim et quattuor e tuis filiis servant hospitalia munera : unius vero, qui tibi præ ceteris cordi est, vita mulctaberis. » (4) Hoc dato responso, protinus his, quorum negotium erat talia exsequi, imperavit, ut perquisitum maximum natu Pythii filium discinderent medium, discissique corporis dimidium ad dextram viæ, dimidium ad sinistram disponerent ; utque illac transiret exercitus. | Then Xerxes was exceedingly angry and made answer with these words: “Thou wretched man, dost thou dare, when I am going on a march myself against Hellas, and am taking my sons and my brothers and my relations and friends, dost thou dare to make any mention of a son of thine, seeing that thou art my slave, who ought to have been accompanying me thyself with thy whole household and thy wife as well? Now therefore be assured of this, that the passionate spirit of man dwells within the ears; and when it has heard good things, it fills the body with delight, but when it has heard the opposite things to this, it swells up with anger. As then thou canst not boast of having surpassed the king in conferring benefits formerly, when thou didst to us good deeds and madest offer to do more of the same kind, so now that thou hast turned to shamelessness, thou shalt receive not thy desert but less than thou deservest: for thy gifts of hospitality shall rescue from death thyself and the four others of thy sons, but thou shalt pay the penalty with the life of the one to whom thou dost cling most.” Having answered thus, he forthwith commanded those to whom it was appointed to do these things, to find out the eldest of the sons of Pythios and to cut him in two in the middle; and having cut him in two, to dispose the halves, one on the right hand of the road and the other on the left, and that the army should pass between them by this way. |
| 7.40 | His ita perfectis, transiit deinde agmen. Et præcedebant quidem jumenta cum impedimentis ; sequebanturque copiæ ex omnis generis nationibus contractæ, promiscue incedentes, non discretæ; quo autem loco dimidia pars copiarum jam superata erat, ibi relictum erat intervallum ; nec enim hi cum rege miscebantur. (2) Regem vero præcedebant mille equites e cunctis Persis selecti : dein mille hastati, ipsi quoque ex omnibus selecti, deorsum in terram versis lanceis incedentes : post hos sacri Nisæi (qui vocantur) equi decem, quam pulcherrime ornati. (3) Nisæi autem vocantur hi equi ab amplo Mediæ campo, cui nomen est Nisæus, in quo grandes illi equi gignuntur. (4) Post hos decem equos locus assignatus erat currui Jovis sacro, quem octo trahebant candidi equi ; et pone pedibus incedebat auriga, frena tenens : hanc enim sedem nemo mortalium conscendit. (5) Post hunc ipse Xerxes vehebatur curru equis Nisæis juncto : et a latere incedebat auriga, cui nomen erat Patiramphes, Otanis filius, viri Persæ. | When these had so done, the army proceeded to pass between; and first the baggage-bearers led the way together with their horses, and after these the host composed of all kinds of nations mingled together without distinction: and when more than the half had gone by, an interval was left and these were separated from the king. For before him went first a thousand horsemen, chosen out of all the Persians; and after them a thousand spearmen chosen also from all the Persians, having the points of their spears turned down to the ground; and then ten sacred horses, called “Nesaian,” with the fairest possible trappings. Now the horses are called Nesaian for this reason — there is a wide plain in the land of Media which is called the Nesaian plain, and this plain produces the great horses of which I speak. Behind these ten horses the sacred chariot of Zeus was appointed to go, which was drawn by eight white horses; and behind the horses again followed on foot a charioteer holding the reins, for no human creature mounts upon the seat of that chariot. Then behind this came Xerxes himself in a chariot drawn by Nesaian horses, and by the side of him rode a charioteer, whose name was Patiramphes, son of Otanes a Persian. |
| 7.41 | Hoc modo Sardibus egressus est Xerxes : de curru autem descendens, quoties commodum ei videretur, in carpentum transibat. Post illum erant hastati mille, nobilissimi fortissimique Persarum, erectas lanceas tenentes : deinde alii mille equites e Persis selecti : et post equites, peditum decem milia e reliquis Persis selectorum ; (2) quorum peditum mille in hastis, pro imis cuspidibus, aurea habebant mala punica, et reliquos circumcirca includebant ; novies mille vero, qui intra hos erant, argentea mala punica habebant. (3) Aurea vero mala punica habebant etiam illi, qui lanceas in terram conversas tenebant ; et poma aurea hi, qui Xerxem proxime sequebantur. Post decies mille pedites locati erant equitum Persarum decem milia. Tum post equitatum hunc intervallum erat duorum utique stadiorum ; ac deinde reliquæ copiæ promiscue incedebant. | Thus did Xerxes march forth out of Sardis; and he used to change, whenever he was so disposed, from the chariot to a carriage. And behind him went spearmen, the best and most noble of the Persians, a thousand in number, holding their spear-points in the customary way; and after them another thousand horsemen chosen out from the Persians; and after the horsemen ten thousand men chosen out from the remainder of the Persians. This body went on foot; and of these a thousand had upon their spears pomegranates of gold instead of the spikes at the butt-end, and these enclosed the others round, while the remaining nine thousand were within these and had silver pomegranates. And those also had golden pomegranates who had their spear-points turned towards the earth, while those who followed next after Xerxes had golden apples. Then to follow the ten thousand there was appointed a body of ten thousand Persian cavalry; and after the cavalry there was an interval of as much as two furlongs. Then the rest of the host came marching without distinction. |
| 7.42 | Iter autem e Lydia dirigebat agmen ad Caicum fluvium in terram Mysiam : tum a Caico profectum, Canæ montem a sinistra habens, per Atarneum ad Carinam urbem. (2) Ab hac dein per Thebæ campum iter fecit, Atramytteum urbem et Antandrum Pelasgicam prætergrediens. Tum Idam a læva manu habens, Iliacam terram intravit. (3) Ibi primum ei, sub Ida noctem agenti, ingruentia tonitrua atque fulmina haud exiguum hominum numerum occiderunt. | So the army proceeded on its march from Lydia to the river Caïcos and the land of Mysia; and then setting forth from the Caïcos and keeping the mountain of Cane on the left hand, it marched through the region of Atarneus to the city of Carene. From this it went through the plain of Thebe, passing by the cities of Adramytteion and Antandros of the Pelasgians; and taking mount Ida on the left hand, it came on to the land of Ilion. And first, when it had stopped for the night close under mount Ida, thunder and bolts of lightning fell upon it, and destroyed here in this place a very large number of men. |
| 7.43 | Postquam ad Scamandrum pervenit agmen, quem fluviorum primum, e quo Sardibus profecti iter ingressi sunt, aqua destituit, nec ad bibendum exercitui jumentisque suffecit ; ad hunc igitur fluvium postquam Xerxes pervenit, in Priami Pergamum ascendit, spectandi loci cupidus : (2) quem ubi contemplatus est, et singula percontatus, Minervæ Iliacæ mille mactavit boves, et heroibus Magi inferias obtulerunt. Quibus peractis, noctu terror castra invasit. (3) Prima dein luce inde profecti, a sinistra reliquerunt Rhœteum urbem et Ophryneum et Dardanum, quæ est Abydo contermina ; a dextra vero Gergithas Teucros. | Then when the army had come to the river Scamander — which of all rivers to which they had come, since they set forth from Sardis and undertook their march, was the first of which the stream failed and was not sufficient for the drinking of the army and of the animals with it — when, I say, Xerxes had come to this river, he went up to the Citadel of Priam, having a desire to see it; and having seen it and learnt by inquiry of all those matters severally, he sacrificed a thousand heifers to Athene of Ilion, and the Magians poured libations in honor of the heroes: and after they had done this, a fear fell upon the army in the night. Then at break of day he set forth from thence, keeping on his left hand the cities of Rhoition and Ophryneion and Dardanos, which last borders upon Abydos, and having on the right hand the Gergith Teucrians. |
| 7.44 | Abydum postquam pervenerunt, voluit ibi Xerxes universum oculis lustrare exercitum. Et de industria ibi in tumulo præparata ei erat sedes sublimis e candido marmore ; quam Abydeni jussu regis prius exstruxerant. (2) Ibi igitur sedens, et deorsum secundum oram prospiciens, contemplatus est et pedestrem exercitum et naves : quas dum contemplatur, incessit eum cupido certamen navale spectandi. Quod ubi ei editum est spectaculum, in quo vicere Phœnices Sidonii, lætatus est et certamine et exercitu. | When Xerxes had come into the midst of Abydos, he had a desire to see all the army; and there had been made purposely for him beforehand upon a hill in this place a raised seat of white stone, which the people of Abydos had built at the command of the king given beforehand. There he took his seat, and looking down upon the shore he gazed both upon the land-army and the ships; and gazing upon them he had a longing to see a contest take place between the ships; and when it had taken place and the Phenicians of Sidon were victorious, he was delighted both with the contest and with the whole armament. |
| 7.45 | Conspiciens autem universum Hellespontum navibus suis coopertum, et oram omnem et campos Abydenorum hominibus repletos, beatum se Xerxes prædicavit : haud multo post vero lacrimas fudit. | And seeing all the Hellespont covered over with the ships, and all the shores and the plains of Abydos full of men, then Xerxes pronounced himself a happy man, and after that he fell to weeping. |
| 7.46 | Quod ubi animadvertit Artabanus, avunculus ejus, qui prius libere dixerat sententiam, hortatusque eum erat ne expeditionem in Græciam susciperet ; hic vir, lacrimantem intelligens Xerxem, his verbis eum est allocutus : « Quam longe inter se diversa, Rex, fecisti nunc et paulo ante ! modo beatum te prædicasti ; nunc lacrimas fundis. » (2) Cui ille : « Subiit namque me humanam sortem miserari, reputantem quam brevis sit universa hominis vita ; quandoquidem horum, tot numero hominum, nullus in centesimum annum superfuturus est. » (3) Reponens Artabanus ait : « Alia hoc etiam miserabiliora nobis in vitæ cursu accidunt. Etenim nemo hominum, nec ex horum numero, nex e reliquorum, ita felix natus est, cui in tam brevi vita non usu venturum sit idemtidem, nedum semel, ut mori malit quam vivere. (4) Incidentes enim calamitates, et morbi nos perturbantes, faciunt ut vita, quantumvis brevis sit, prœlonga nobis videatur. Itaque mors, quando molesta est vita, optatissimum refugium fit homini : deus vero, postquam dulcem nobis gustandam dedit vitam, dum illa fruimur, invidus esse reperitur. » | Artabanos his uncle therefore perceiving him — the same who at first boldly declared his opinion advising Xerxes not to march against Hellas — this man, I say, having observed that Xerxes wept, asked as follows: “O king, how far different from one another are the things which thou hast done now and a short while before now! for having pronounced thyself a happy man, thou art now shedding tears.” He said: “Yea, for after I had reckoned up, it came into my mind to feel pity at the thought how brief was the whole life of man, seeing that of these multitudes not one will be alive when a hundred years have gone by.” He then made answer and said: “To another evil more pitiful than this we are made subject in the course of our life; for in the period of life, short as it is, no man, either of these here or of others, is made by nature so happy, that there will not come to him many times, and not once only, the desire to be dead rather than to live; for misfortunes falling upon us and diseases disturbing our happiness make the time of life, though short indeed, seem long: thus, since life is full of trouble, death has become the most acceptable refuge for man; and God, having given him to taste of the sweetness of life, is discovered in this matter to be full of jealousy.” |
| 7.47 | Respondit Xerxes : « Artabane, est vitæ humanæ conditio talis, qualem tu significas : sed omittamus nunc de hac re dissere, neque malorum meminerimus, quum lætas res præ manibus habeamus ! Dic mihi vero hoc : (2) nisi nocturna illa visio tibi ita manifesta apparuisset, pristinamne teneres sententiam, hortarerisque me, ne Græciæ inferam bellum, an deseruisses istam sententiam ? Agedum, aperte hoc mihi dicito. » (3) Et ille : « Rex, inquit, visio illa, quæ nobis per insomnium apparuit, eum habeat exitum, quem uterque nostrûm cupimus ! Ego vero usque adhuc timoris plenus sum, nec satis mei compos, quum alia multa reputans, tum duas res omnium maximas videns tibi maxime contrarias. » | Xerxes made answer saying: “Artabanos, of human life, which is such as thou dost define it to be, let us cease to speak, and do not remember evils when we have good things in hand: but do thou declare to me this — If the vision of the dream had not appeared with so much evidence, wouldest thou still be holding thy former opinion, endeavoring to prevent me from marching against Hellas, or wouldest thou have changed from it? Come, tell me this exactly.” He answered saying: “O king, may the vision of the dream which appeared have such fulfilment as we both desire! but I am even to this moment full of apprehension and cannot contain myself, taking into account many things besides, and also seeing that two things, which are the greatest things of all, are utterly hostile to thee.” |
| 7.48 | Ad ea Xerxes his verbis utitur : « O vir mirifice, quænam hæc duo ais mihi maxime contraria ? Utrum pedestrium copiarum non satis tibi placet numerus, existimasque Græcum exercitum nostro longe fore copiosiorem ? an navales nostras copias copiis illorum fore inferiores ? an utrumque horum ? (2) nam si hac parte parum sufficientes judicas nostros apparatus, celerrime aliæ contrahi copiæ poterunt. » | To this Xerxes made answer in these words: “Thou strangest of men, of what nature are these two things which thou sayest are utterly hostile to me? Is it that the land-army is to be found fault with in the matter of numbers, and that the army of the Hellenes appears to thee likely to be many times as large as ours? or dost thou think that our fleet will fall short of theirs? or even that both of these things together will prove true? For if thou thinkest that in these respects our power is deficient, one might make gathering at once of another force.” |
| 7.49 | Respondit Artabanus : « Rex, nexque in exercitus hujus numero, neque in navium copia, quisquam sanæ mentis homo aliquid desideraverit. (I.) Quin etiam, si plures contraxeris copias, multo magis tibi duo illa, quæ dico, contraria erunt. Sunt autem hæc duo, terra et mare. Nec enim in mari usquam, ut ego conjicio, tam spatiosus portus est, qui, coorta tempestate, capere tuam classem et tutas præstare naves valeat. (2) Atqui non modo unum talem oportet esse portum ; sed in quaque continente, quam classis tua prætervehetur, esse talem oportet. Igitur quum idoneos non habeas portus, memento homines in potestate esse casuum fortunæ, non casus fortunæ in potestate hominum. (II.) Jam postquam unum e duobus illis exposui tibi, nunc alterum dicam. (3) Terra nempe tibi hoc modo contraria est, ut, si nihil fuerit quod tibi obstet, tanto magis illa futura sit contraria tibi, quando longius progredieris, imprudens ulterius semper abreptus ; nam felicitatis nulla hominibus satietas est. (4) Igitur, hoc posito nihil tibi obstare, terram dico, procedente tempore quasi processuram et ipsam ulterius semper progredienti, famem tibi esse allaturam. At vir ita demum optime rebus suis consuluerit, si in deliberando quidem, quidlibet sibi accidere posse reputans, extimescat, in re autem agenda fortis atque audax fuerit. » | Then he made answer and said: “O king, neither with this army would any one who has understanding find fault, nor with the number of the ships; and indeed if thou shalt assemble more, the two things of which I speak will be made thereby yet more hostile: and these two things are — the land and the sea. For neither in the sea is there, as I suppose, a harbor anywhere large enough to receive this fleet of thine, if a storm should arise, and to ensure the safety of the ships till it be over; and yet not one alone ought this harbor to be, but there should be such harbors along the whole coast of the continent by which thou sailest; and if there are not harbors to receive thy ships, know that accidents will rule men and not men the accidents. Now having told thee of one of the two things, I am about to tell thee of the other. The land, I say, becomes hostile to thee in this way — if nothing shall come to oppose thee, the land is hostile to thee by so much the more in proportion as thou shalt advance more, ever stealing on further and further, for there is no satiety of good fortune felt by men: and this I say, that with no one to stand against thee the country traversed, growing more and more as time goes on, will produce for thee famine. Man, however, will be in the best condition, if when he is taking counsel he feels fear, reckoning to suffer everything that can possibly come, but in doing the deed he is bold.” |
| 7.50 | Respondit Xerxes his verbis : « Artabane, recte tu quidem hæc singula disputas : at neque omnia extimesce, neque omnia pariter animo volve. (I.) Nam si in quaque re proposita omnia pariter animo volvere, quæ incidere possunt, volueris, nihil unquam efficies : melius est autem, cuncta fidenter aggrediendo, dimidium pati incommodorum, quam omnia prius timentem, nihil unquam pati. (2) Porro, si adversus omnia quæ dicuntur contendens, nihil tamen certi ipse promis, labi in his pariter debes atque is qui contraria dixit. Hoc quidem igitur perinde est. Certam autem veri cognitionem quomodo habere possit homo natus ? equidem puto, nullo modo. (3) Itaque, qui agere volunt, hos plerumque sequi amat successus : qui vero omnia reputantes cunctantur, nihil proficiunt. (II.) Vides res Persarum quousque potentiæ creverint. (4) Quodsi igitur reges illi, qui ante me fuerunt, in ea fuissent sententia qua tu es, aut si, quum aliter quidem ipsi sensissent, consiliarios habuissent homines tui similes, nequaquam videres res eorum in hoc fastigium evectas : nunc illi, periculorum aleam subeundo, huc eas evexere. (5) Magnæ enim res ejusmodi sunt ut non nisi magnis periculis possint confici. Nos igitur, illorum facta æmulantes, optimo anni tempore iter sumus ingressi : et subacta universa Europa domum revertemur, nec famem usquam passi, nec aliud quidquam triste experti. (6) Nam et commeatu affatim instructi iter facimus, et quamcunque in terram, et quemcunque ad populum perveniemus, hujus re frumentaria utemur : nec enim nomadibus hominibus, sed aratoribus, facimus bellum. » | Xerxes made answer in these words: “Artabanos, reasonably dost thou set forth these matters; but do not thou fear everything nor reckon equally for everything: for if thou shouldest set thyself with regard to all matters which come on at any time, to reckon for everything equally, thou wouldest never perform any deed. It is better to have good courage about everything and to suffer half the evils which threaten, than to have fear beforehand about everything and not to suffer any evil at all: and if, while contending against everything which is said, thou omit to declare the course which is safe, thou dost incur in these matters the reproach of failure equally with him who says the opposite to this. This then, I say, is evenly balanced: but how should one who is but man know the course which is safe? I think, in no way. To those then who choose to act, for the most part gain is wont to come; but to those who reckon for everything and shrink back, it is not much wont to come. Thou seest the power of the Persians, to what great might it has advanced: if then those who came to be kings before me had had opinions like to thine, or, though not having such opinions, had had such counsellors as thou, thou wouldest never have seen it brought forward to this point. As it is however, by running risks they conducted it on to this: for great power is in general gained by running great risks. We therefore, following their example, are making our march now during the fairest season of the year; and after we have subdued all Europe we shall return back home, neither having met with famine anywhere nor having suffered any other thing which is unpleasant. For first we march bearing with us ourselves great store of food, and secondly we shall possess the corn-crops of all the peoples to whose land and nation we come; and we are making a march now against men who plough the soil, and not against nomad tribes.” |
| 7.51 | Post hæc Artabanus dixit : « Rex, quoniam nullam rem nos sinis extimescere, tu tamen meum admitte consilium : nam, ubi de multis rebus agitur, necesse est etiam plura facere verba. (2) Cyrus, Cambysis filius, Ioniam omnem, exceptis Athenis, subegit, tributariamque Persis fecit. Hos igitur viros, tibi suadeo, nullo pacto adversus parentes ipsorum ducas : nam et absque his licuerit nobis superare hostes. (3) Oportet enim hos, si nos sequantur, aut injustissimos esse, metropolin suam in servitutem redigentes ; aut justissimos, libertatem illius adjuvantes. Atqui si injustissimi sunt, non magnum nobis lucrum afferent : si justissimi, maxima calamitate afficere tuum poterunt exercitum. (4) Denique reputa tecum, recte dici vetus illud verbum, Non simul cum principio exitum etiam omnem patere. » | After this Artabanos said: “O king, since thou dost urge us not to have fear of anything, do thou I pray thee accept a counsel from me; for when speaking of many things it is necessary to extend speech to a greater length. Cyrus the son of Cambyses subdued all Ionia except the Athenians, so that it was tributary to the Persians. These men therefore I counsel thee by no means to lead against their parent stock, seeing that even without these we are able to get the advantage over our enemies. For supposing that they go with us, either they must prove themselves doers of great wrong, if they join in reducing their mother city to slavery, or doers of great right, if they join in freeing her: now if they show themselves doers of great wrong, they bring us no very large gain in addition; but if they show themselves doers of great right, they are able then to cause much damage to thy army. Therefore lay to heart also the ancient saying, how well it has been said that at the first beginning of things the end does not completely appear.” |
| 7.52 | Ad hæc Xerxes respondit : « Artabane, omnium quas dixisti sententiarum hæc te maxime fallit, quod putas verendum esse ne Iones a nobis deficiant : quorum maximum habemus documentum, quibus tu ipse testis es, et quicunque alii cum Dario adversus Scythas militarunt, fuisse in illorum potestate aut perdere universum Persicum exercitum, aut servare ; eosdem vero justitiam et fidem præstitisse, nihilque ingrati commisisse. (2) Præterea, quum nostra in terra reliquerint liberos suos et uxores et facultates, ne cogitari quidem debet, res novas eos molituros. Itaque ne hoc quidem reformida ; sed bonum habens animum serva meam domum meumque imperium : nam tibi uni ex omnibus sceptra mea committo. » | To this Xerxes made answer: “Artabanos, of all the opinions which thou hast uttered, thou art mistaken most of all in this; seeing that thou fearest lest the Ionians should change side, about whom we have a most sure proof, of which thou art a witness thyself and also the rest are witnesses who went with Dareios on his march against the Scythians — namely this, that the whole Persian army then came to be dependent upon these men, whether they would destroy or whether they would save it, and they displayed righteous dealing and trustworthiness, and nought at all that was unfriendly. Besides this, seeing that they have left children and wives and wealth in our land, we must not even imagine that they will make any rebellion. Fear not then this thing either, but have a good heart and keep safe my house and my government; for to thee of all men I entrust my sceptre of rule.” |
| 7.53 | His dictis, Artabanum Xerxes Susa misit, deinde Persarum nobilissimos ad se convocavit. Qui ubi convenere, hæc ad eos rex verba fecit : « Persæ, convocavi vos ego, hoc a vobis contendens, ut fortes viros vos præstetis, neque res antehac a Persis gestas, magnas illas et summi æstimandas, dedecoretis : sed, et unusquisque pro se, et simul universi, prompti alacresque simus ! commune enim hoc omnibus bonum quærimus. (2) Hac vero de causa vos hortor, ut omni contentione in hoc bellum incumbatis, quoniam, ut audio, cum fortibus viris pugnandum nobis erit ; quos si vicerimus, nullus porro alius hominum exercitus nobis resistet. Nunc vero trajiciamus, deos precati Persicæ terræ præsides. » | Having thus spoken and having sent Artabanos back to Susa, next Xerxes summoned to his presence the men of most repute among the Persians, and when they were come before him, he spoke to them as follows: “Persians, I assembled you together desiring this of you, that ye should show yourselves good men and should not disgrace the deeds done in former times by the Persians, which are great and glorious; but let us each one of us by himself, and all together also, be zealous in our enterprise; for this which we labor for is a common good for all. And I exhort you that ye preserve in the war without relaxing your efforts, because, as I am informed, we are marching against good men, and if we shall overcome them, there will not be any other army of men which will ever stand against us. Now therefore let us begin the crossing, after having made prayer to those gods who have the Persians for their allotted charge.” |
| 7.54 | Et illo quidem die parabant transitum : postridie vero solem exspectabant, cupientes orientem videre, et odorum omne genus in pontibus adolentes, et myrtis viam sternentes. (2) Oriente sole, ex aurea phiala libamina Xerxes fudit in mare, et ad Solem conversus precatus est, ut nullus sibi accideret casus ejusmodi, qui cogeret ipsum a subigenda Europa prius desistere, quam ad extremos illius terminos pervenisset. (3) Peractis precibus, phialam in Hellespontum projecit, simulque aureum craterem, et Persicum gladium, quem acinacen vocant. Illud autem certo definire non possum, utrum in Solis honorem ista in mare projecerit, an Mari munera ista obtulerit, pænitentia adductus quod Hellespontum flagellis cædi jussisset. | During this day then they were making preparation to cross over; and on the next day they waited for the Sun, desiring to see him rise, and in the meantime they offered all kinds of incense upon the bridges and strewed the way with branches of myrtle. Then, as the Sun was rising, Xerxes made libation from a golden cup into the sea, and prayed to the Sun, that no accident might befall him such as should cause him to cease from subduing Europe, until he had come to its furthest limits. After having thus prayed he threw the cup into the Hellespont and with it a golden mixing-bowl and a Persian sword, which they call akinakes: but whether he cast them into the sea as an offering dedicated to the Sun, or whether he had repented of his scourging of the Hellespont and desired to present a gift to the sea as amends for this, I cannot for certain say. |
| 7.55 | His rebus peractis, Hellespontum copiæ trajecerunt : et per alterum quidem e pontibus, qui Pontum Euxinum spectabat, pedestris transibat exercitus et equitatus omnis ; per alterum vero, Ægæo mari obversum, jumenta cum impedimentis, et famulorum turba. (2) Agmen ducebant decies mille Persæ quos dixi, coronati omnes : quos sequebatur mixtus, quem item dixi, e variis populis exercitus. Hi primo die. Postridie, primum equites, et illi qui lanceas ad terram conversas gestabant ; et hi coronati : (3) deinde equi sacri, et sacer currus : tum ipse Xerxes cum hastatis et cum mille, quos dixi, equitibus ; hos sequebatur reliquus exercitus : simulque naves etiam in oppositum litus solvebant. Memoratum vero etiam audivi, postremum omnium regem transiisse. | When Xerxes had done this, they proceeded to cross over, the whole army both the footmen and the horsemen going by one bridge, namely that which was on the side of the Pontus, while the baggage-animals and the attendants went over the other, which was towards the Egean. First the ten thousand Persians led the way, all with wreaths, and after them came the mixed body of the army made up of all kinds of nations: these on that day; and on the next day, first the horsemen and those who had their spear-points turned downwards, these also wearing wreaths; and after them the sacred horses and the sacred chariot, and then Xerxes himself and the spear-bearers and the thousand horsemen; and after them the rest of the army. In the meantime the ships also put out from shore and went over to the opposite side. I have heard however another account which says that the king crossed over the very last of all. |
| 7.56 | Postquam in Europam Xerxes trajecerat, spectavit exercitum sub flagellis transeuntem. Transivit autem exercitus continuis septem diebus septemque noctibus, nulla interposita mora. (2) Ibi tunc, quum jam transiisset Hellespontum Xerxes, narrant virum Hellespontium dixisse : « O Jupiter, cur formam assumens viri Persæ, et nomen Xerxis loco Jovis asciscens, evertere vis Græciam, homines omnes adversus eam ducens ? Atqui absque his facere hoc poteras. » | When Xerxes had crossed over into Europe, he gazed upon the army crossing under the lash; and his army crossed over in seven days and seven nights, going on continuously without any pause. Then, it is said, after Xerxes had now crossed over the Hellespont, a man of that coast exclaimed: “Why, O Zeus, in the likeness of a Persian man and taking for thyself the name of Xerxes instead of Zeus, art thou proposing to lay waste Hellas, taking with thee all the nations of men? for it was possible for thee to do so even without the help of these.” |
| 7.57 | Transgressis omnibus, et iter ulterius ingredientibus, ingens oblatum est prodigium, cujus rationem nullam Xerxes habuit, quamvis facilis esset ejus interpretatio : equa enim leporem peperit. (2) Facile autem erat illud in hanc partem interpretari, Xerxem ingenti quidem fastu et magnificentia exercitum suum ducturum esse in Græciam, sed eum propriæ vitæ periculo eundem in locum rediturum. (3) Aliud etiam eidem, quum Sardibus versaretur, prodigium obtigerat : mula enim mulum pepererat duplex genitale habentem, alterum maris, alterum feminæ, et superius quidem fuerat masculinum. | When all had crossed over, after they had set forth on their way a great portent appeared to them, of which Xerxes made no account, although it was easy to conjecture its meaning — a mare gave birth to a hare. Now the meaning of this was easy to conjecture in this way, namely that Xerxes was about to march an army against Hellas very proudly and magnificently, but would come back again to the place whence he came, running for his life. There happened also a portent of another kind while he was still at Sardis — a mule brought forth young and gave birth to a mule which had organs of generation of two kinds, both those of the male and those of the female, and those of the male were above. |
| 7.58 | Neutrius horum prodigiorum ratione habita, ulterius ire Xerxes perrexit, et cum eo pedestris exercitus. Classis vero, ex Hellesponto enavigans, terram legebat, contrario pedestribus copiis cursu : (2) classis enim ad occidentem navigavit, versus Sarpedonium promontorium dirigens cursum ; quo quum pervenisset, jussa erat exspectare : terrestris autem exercitus orientem versus iter faciebat per Chersonesum, a dextra habens Hellæ sepulcrum, Athamantis filiæ, a sinistra Cardiam urbem, et per medium oppidum cui nomen Agora (id est Forum), transitum faciens. (3) Hinc circum Melanem sinum qui vocatur flexit ; trajectoque Melane fluvio, cujus aqua non suffecit exercitui, sed defecit, hoc trajecto fluvio, a quo Melas ille sinus nomen invenit, ad occidentem direxit iter, Ænum, Æolicam urbem, et Stentoridem lacum præteriens, donec Doriscum pervenit. | Xerxes however made no account of either of these portents, but proceeded on his way, and with him the land-army. The fleet meanwhile was sailing out of the Hellespont and coasting along, going in the opposite direction to the land-army; for the fleet was sailing towards the West, making for the promontory of Sarpedon, to which it had been ordered beforehand to go, and there wait for the army; but the land-army meanwhile was making its march towards the East and the sunrising, through the Chersonese, keeping on its right the tomb of Helle the daughter of Athamas, and on its left the city of Cardia, and marching through the midst of a town the name of which is Agora. Thence bending round the gulf called Melas and having crossed over the river Melas, the stream of which did not suffice at this time for the army but failed — having crossed, I say, this river, from which the gulf also has its name, it went on Westwards, passing by Ainos a city of the Aiolians, and by the lake Stentoris, until at last it came to Doriscos. |
| 7.59 | Est autem Doriscus ora Thraciæ et ampla planities, quam magnus fluvius perfluit Hebrus. In eadem planitie castellum exstructum erat regium, quod ipsum Doriscus vocatur ; in quo Persicum a Dario locatum erat præsidium ab eo inde tempore quo Scythis ille bellum intulit. (2) Hic igitur locus idoneus Xerxi visus est, in quo ordinaret suum exercitum, et numerum illius iniret : idque fecit. Itaque naves cunctas, postquam Doriscum pervenere, præfecti navium jussu Xerxis ad litus Dorisco contiguum applicuerunt ; quo in litore sita est Sale, oppidum Samothracicum, et Zona ; in ipsa vero extremitate est Serrheum, celebre promontorium : regio hæc autem olim sedes fuerat Ciconum. (3) Hoc ad litus appulsas naves in terram subduxerunt, refeceruntque : et per idem tempus Xerxes in Dorisco numerum inivit suarum copiarum. | Now Doriscos is a sea-beach and plain of great extent in Thrace, and through it flows the great river Hebros: here a royal fortress had been built, the same which is now called Doriscos, and a garrison of Persians had been established in it by Dareios, ever since the time when he went on his march against the Scythians. It seemed then to Xerxes that the place was convenient to order his army and to number it throughout, and so he proceeded to do. The commanders of the ships at the bidding of Xerxes had brought all their ships, when they arrived at Doriscos, up to the sea-beach which adjoins Doriscos, on which there is situated both Sale a city of the Samothrakians, and also Zone, and of which the extreme point is the promontory of Serreion, which is well known; and the region belonged in ancient time to the Kikonians. To this beach then they had brought in their ships, and having drawn them up on land they were letting them get dry: and during this time he proceeded to number the army at Doriscos. |
| 7.60 | Quemnam quidem militum numerum populus quisque contulerit, exacte definire non possum ; nec enim ab ullo homine hoc memoratur : universi vero exercitus multitudo reperta est fuisse centum et septuaginta myriadum. (2) Numerus autem initus est hoc modo : in unum locum congregarunt decem hominum milia, hisque quam arctissime fieri poterat constipatis circulum extrorsus circumduxerunt : deinde, dimissis his decem milibus, maceriem secundum circulum illum exstruxerunt ea altitudine, ut umbilicum attingeret hominis. (3) Quo facto, alios intra circumductum murum introire jusserunt, donec omnium numerum hoc modo iniissent. Inito numero, per populos exercitum discreverunt. | Now of the number which each separate nation supplied I am not able to give certain information, for this is not reported by any persons; but of the whole land-army taken together the number proved to be one hundred and seventy myriads: and they numbered them throughout in the following manner — they gathered together in one place a body of ten thousand men, and packing them together as closely as they could, they drew a circle round outside: and thus having drawn a circle round and having let the ten thousand men go from it, they built a wall of rough stones round the circumference of the circle, rising to the height of a man’s navel. Having made this, they caused others to go into the space which had been built round, until they had in this manner numbered them all throughout: and after they had numbered them, they ordered them separately by nations. |
| 7.61 | Erant autem populi militantes hi : Persæ, hoc modo instructi : in capite pileos gestabant non compactos, quos « tiaras » vocant ; circa corpus, tunicas manicatas varii coloris, et loricas ferreis e squamis in piscium similitudinem ; circa crura, braccas ; pro clypeis vero, crates vimineas ; sub his, suspensas habebant pharetras : hastas autem habebant breves, arcus vero grandes, tela ex arundine, præterea ad dextrum femur e zona suspensos pugiones. (2) Dux eorum Otanes fuit, pater Amestridis, uxoris Xerxis. Hi olim a Græcis Cephenes nominabantur, a se ipsis vero et a finitimis Artæi. (3) Postquam vero Perseus, Danaes et Jovis filius, ad Cepheum venit, Beli filium, illiusque filiam in matrimonio habuit Andromedam, natus ei filius est, quem Persen nominavit, et ibi reliquit, quam masculam prolem Cepheus non haberet : ab illoque dein nomen Persæ invenerunt. | Now those who served were as follows — The Persians with this equipment — about their heads they had soft felt caps called tiaras, and about their body tunics of various colors with sleeves, and iron breastplates of scales like those of a fish, and about the legs trousers; and instead of the ordinary shields they had shields of wicker-work, under which hung quivers; and they had short spears and large bows and arrows of reed, and moreover daggers hanging by the right thigh from the girdle: and they acknowledged as their commander Otanes the father of Amestris the wife of Xerxes. Now these were called by the Hellenes in ancient time Kephenes; by themselves however and by their neighbors they were called Artaians: but when Perseus, the son of Danae and Zeus, came to Kepheus the son of Belos and took to wife his daughter Andromeda, there was born to them a son to whom he gave the name Perses, and this son he left behind there, for it chanced that Kepheus had no male offspring: after him therefore this race was named. |
| 7.62 | Medi eodem instructi militabant : est enim Medicus hic cultus, non Persicus. (2) Habebant autem Medi ducem Tigranem, ex Achæmenidarum familia. Vocati hi erant olim ab omnibus Arii : e quo vero Medea Colchica Athenis ad hos Arios venit, hi quoque nomen suum mutarunt : et hoc quidem ipsi Medi de sese memorant. (3) Porro Cissii militantes reliquo quidem cultu eodem, quo Persæ, utebantur : pro pileis vero mitras gestabant. Dux eorum Anaphes fuit, Otanis filius. (4) Hyrcaniorum cultus nihil a Persarum cultu differebat : præfuit autem his Megapanus, qui postero tempore Babyloniæ fuit præfectus. | The Medes served in the expedition equipped in precisely the same manner; for this equipment is in fact Median and not Persian: and the Medes acknowledged as their commander Tigranes an Achaimenid. These in ancient time used to be generally called Arians; but when Medea the Colchian came from Athens to these Arians, they also changed their name. Thus the Medes themselves report about themselves. The Kissians served with equipment in other respects like that of the Persians, but instead of the felt caps they wore fillets: and of the Kissians Anaphes the son of Otanes was commander. The Hyrcanians were armed like the Persians, acknowledging as their leader Megapanos, the same who after these events became governor of Babylon. |
| 7.63 | Assyrii militantes in capite gestabant galeas æneas, barbarico quodam modo nec ad describendum facili plexas ; scuta autem et hastas et pugiones similes habebant Ægyptiis ; præterea vero clavas ligneas ferreis nodis munitas, et linteas loricas. (2) Hi a Græcis Syrii vocabantur, a barbaris vero Assyrii. Mixti eisdem erant Chaldæi. Dux eorum Otaspes fuit, Artachæi filius. | The Assyrians served with helmets about their heads made of bronze or plaited in a Barbarian style which it is not easy to describe; and they had shields and spears, and daggers like the Egyptian knives, and moreover they had wooden clubs with knobs of iron, and corslets of linen. These are by the Hellenes called Syrians, but by the Barbarians they have been called always Assyrians: [among these were the Chaldeans]: and the commander of them was Otaspes the son of Artachaies. |
| 7.64 | Bactrii capitis cultu utentes militabant simili maxime Medico ; arcubus vero ex arundine indigenta, hastis brevibus. (2) Sacæ autem, Scythica gens, in capite cyrbasias gestabant in acutum desinentes et firmiter erectas ; ceterum braccis erant induti : arcus autem habebant indigenas, et pugiones, adhæc securium genus, quæ sagares vocantur. Hos, quum Scythæ essent Amyrgii, Sacas vocabant : Persæ enim Scythas omnes Sacas nominant. (3) Bactriorum autem et Sacarum dux fuit Hystaspes, Darii filius et Atossæ, Cyri filiæ. | The Bactrians served wearing about their heads nearly the same covering as the Medes, and having native bows of reed and short spears. The Scaran Scythians had about their heads caps which were carried up to a point and set upright and stiff; and they wore trousers, and carried native bows and daggers, and besides this axes of the kind called sagaris. These were called Amyrgian Sacans, being in fact Scythians; for the Persians call all the Scythians Sacans: and of the Bactrians and Sacans the commander was Hystaspes, the son of Dareios and of Atossa the daughter of Cyrus. |
| 7.65 | Indi vestibus erant induti e gossypio paratis : arcus autem habebant ex arundine factos, et tela arundinea ferro præfixa. Hic cultus Indorum erat : quorum agmini collecto dux præfectus erat Pharnazathres, Artabatis filius. | The Indians wore garments made of tree-wool, and they had bows of reed and arrows of reed with iron points. Thus were the Indians equipped; and serving with the rest they had been assigned to Pharnazathres the son of Artabates. |
| 7.66 | Arii arcubus quidem instructi erant Medicis ; reliqua similia Bactriis habebant. Dux autem Ariorum Sisamnes fuit, Hydarnis filius. (2) Parthi, et Chorasmii, et Sogdi, et Gandarii, et Dadicæ, eodem modo instructi militabant atque Bactrii. Horum hi erant duces : Parthis et Chorasmiis præfuit Artabazus, Pharnacis filius ; Sogdis Azanes, Artæi filius ; Gandariis et Dadicis Artyphius, filius Artabani. | The Arians were equipped with Median bows, and in other respects like the Bactrians: and of the Arians Sisamnes the son of Hydarnes was in command. The Parthians and Chorasmians and Sogdians and Gandarians and Dadicans served with the same equipment as the Bactrians. Of these the commanders were, Artabazos the son of Pharnakes of the Parthians and Chorasmians, Azanes the son of Artaios of the Sogdians, and Artyphios the son of Artabanos of the Gandarians and Dadicans. |
| 7.67 | Caspii sisyrnas (pænulas villosas) induti militabant, et arcus habebant pro populi more ex arundine factos, atque acinaces. Hi quidem ita instructi erant, ducem habentes Ariomardum, Artyphii fratrem. (2) Sed Sarangæ pictis ornati vestibus erant, caligasque habebant genu usque pertinentes, arcus vero et hastas Medicas. Dux eorum Pherendates fuit, Megabazi filius. (3) Pactyes sisyrnis erant induti, arcusque indigenas et pugiones habebant. Præfuit his Artyntes, Ithamatris filius. | The Caspians served wearing coats of skin and having native bows of reed and short swords: thus were these equipped; and they acknowledged as their leader Ariomardos the brother of Artyphios. The Sarangians were conspicuous among the rest by wearing dyed garments; and they had boots reaching up to the knee, and Median bows and spears: of these the commander was Pherendates the son of Megabazos. The Pactyans were wearers of skin coats and had native bows and daggers: these acknowledged as their commander Artaÿntes the son of Ithamitres. |
| 7.68 | Utii et Myci et Paricanii eodem modo, quo Pactyes, erant, instructi. Duces eorum hi erant : Utiorum et Mycorum, Arsamenes, Darii filius ; Paricaniorum vero Siromitres filius Œobazi. | The Utians and Mycans and Paricanians were equipped like the Pactyans: of these the commanders were, Arsamenes the son of Dareios of the Utians and Mycans, and of the Paricanians Siromitres the son of Oiobazos. |
| 7.69 | Arabes, sagis, quas vocant zeiras, induti succinctis, dextro humero arcus prœlongos gestabant, qui in utramque intendi partem poterant. (2) Æthiopes, pardorum leonumque pellibus amicti, arcus e palmæ spatha (ramis quibus folia insident) habebant prœlongos, quattuor non minus cubitorum ; tela vero, his imponenda, brevia, quæ loco ferri lapide acuto erant præfixa, quo etiam sigilla insculpunt. Hastas præterea habebant, cornu dorcadis acuminato præfixas in lanceæ modum : habuere vero etiam clavas nodosas. Corporis dimidium, in pugnam prodeuntes, creta dealbatum habebant, dimidium minio pictum. (3) Arabum et Æthiopum supra Ægyptum incolentium dux fuit Arsames, Darii et Artystonæ filius, Cyri filiæ quam Darius uxorum maxime amaverat, effigiemque ejus auream faciendam curaverat malleo ductam. Arsames igitur Æthiopibus supra Ægyptum incolentibus et Arabibus præfuit. | The Arabians wore loose mantles girt up, and they carried at their right side bows that bent backward of great length. The Ethiopians had skins of leopards and lions tied upon them, and bows made of a slip of palm-wood, which were of great length, not less than four cubits, and for them small arrows of reed with a sharpened stone at the head instead of iron, the same stone with which they engrave seals: in addition to this they had spears, and on them was the sharpened horn of a gazelle by way of a spear-head, and they had also clubs with knobs upon them. Of their body they used to smear over half with white, when they went into battle, and the other half with red. Of the Arabians and the Ethiopians who dwelt above Egypt the commander was Arsames, the son of Dareios and of Artystone, the daughter of Cyrus, whom Dareios loved most of all his wives, and had an image made of her of beaten gold. Of the Ethiopians above Egypt and of the Arabians the commander, I say, was Arsames. |
| 7.70 | Orientales vero Æthiopes (nam duplex Æthiopum genus militabat) cum Indis erant locati, forma quidem ab alteris non diversi, sed lingua solum et capillis. Orientales enim Æthiopes rectos habent capillos, Libyci vero crispos maxime omnium hominum. (2) Asiatici hi Æthiopes ceteroquin pari fere modo atque Indi erant instructi, caput autem tectum habebant pelle equina de capite equi detracta cum auribus et juba, ita uta ipsa juba pro crista esset, aures autem equi firmiter erectæ starent : pro scutis autem, gruum pellibus corpora tegebant. | But the Ethiopians from the direction of the sunrising (for the Ethiopians were in two bodies) had been appointed to serve with the Indians, being in no way different from the other Ethiopians, but in their language and in the nature of their hair only; for the Ethiopians from the East are straight-haired, but those of Libya have hair more thick and woolly than that of any other men. These Ethiopians from Asia were armed for the most part like the Indians, but they had upon their heads the skin of a horse’s forehead flayed off with the ears and the mane, and the mane served instead of a crest, while they had the ears of the horse set up straight and stiff: and instead of shields they used to make defences to hold before themselves of the skins of cranes. |
| 7.71 | Afri pellibus induti incedebant, jaculis utentes adustis. Dux eorum Massages fuit, Oarizi filius. | The Libyans went with equipments of leather, and they used javelins burnt at the point. These acknowledged as their commander Massages the son of Oarizos. |
| 7.72 | Paphlagones militabant in capite galeas gestantes plexas : scuta eisdem exigua erant, et hastæ non magnæ; adhæc jacula et pugiones ; pedibus inductæ caligæ, ad mediam tibiam ascendentes. (2) Ligyes et Matieni et Mariandyni et Syri eodem modo, atque Paphlagones, instructi militabant. Syri autem hi a Persis Cappadoces vocantur. (3) Et dux quidem Paphlagonum et Matienorum fuit Dotus, Megasidri filius ; Mariandynorum vero et Ligyum et Syrorum, Gobryas, Darii filius et Artystonæ. | The Paphlagonians served with plaited helmets upon their heads, small shields, and spears of no great size, and also javelins and daggers; and about their feet native boots reaching up to the middle of the shin. The Ligyans and Matienians and Mariandynoi and Syrians served with the same equipment as the Paphlagonians: these Syrians are called by the Persians Cappadokians. Of the Paphlagonians and Matienians the commander was Dotos the son of Megasidros, and of the Mariandynoi and Lygians and Syrians, Gobryas, who was the son of Dareios and Artystone. |
| 7.73 | Phryges similiter atque Paphlagones erant armati, exigua differentia. Hic populus, ut Macedones affirmant, quamdiu in Europa cum Macedonibus habitavit, Briges nominabatur : qui postquam in Asiam transierunt, mutato una cum sede eorum nomine, Phryges sese appellarunt. (2) Armenii, eodem modo quo Phryges, instructi erant, quum quidem sint Phrygum coloni. Ambobus simul præerat Artochmes, Darii gener. | The Phrygians had an equipment very like that of the Paphlagonians with some slight difference. Now the Phrygians, as the Macedonians say, used to be called Brigians during the time that they were natives of Europe and dwelt with the Macedonians; but after they had changed into Asia, with their country they changed also their name and were called Phrygians. The Armenians were armed just like the Phrygians, being settlers from the Phrygians. Of these two together the commander was Artochmes, who was married to a daughter of Dareios. |
| 7.74 | Lydorum armatura simillima Græcanicæ erat. Hi Lydi, quum olim Mæones fuissent nominati, deinde a Lydo, Atyis filio, nomen invenerunt et prius mutarunt. (2) Mysi in capite galeas gestabant sui generis, clypeis utentes brevibus, jaculis autem adustis. Lydorum hi sunt coloni, et ab Olympo monte Olympieni vocantur. Lydis Mysisque præerat Artaphernes, Artaphernis illius filius, qui cum Dati Marathonem invasit. | The Lydians had arms very closely resembling those of the Hellenes. Now the Lydians were in old time called Medonians, and they were named again after Lydos the son of Atys, changing their former name. The Mysians had upon their heads native helmets, and they bore small shields and used javelins burnt at the point. These are settlers from the Lydians, and from mount Olympos they are called Olympienoi. Of the Lydians and Mysians the commander was Artaphrenes the son of Artaphrenes, he who invaded Marathon together with Datis. |
| 7.75 | Thraces militantes caput pelle vulpina tectum habebant, circa corpus tunicam et tunicæ superinductum sagum (zeiran) variegatum ; circum pedes et crura caligas ex hinnulorum corio ; adhæc jacula et peltas et breves pugiones. (2) Hi, postquam in Asiam transierunt, Bithyni nominati sunt ; prius vero, ut ipsi ajunt, Strymonii vocabantur, quum ad Strymonem habitarent : sedibus suis autem pulsos fuisse ajunt a Teucris et Mysis. Thracibus his Asiaticis præfuit Bassaces, Artabani filius. | The Thracians served having fox-skins upon their heads and tunics about their body, with loose mantles of various colors thrown round over them; and about their feet and lower part of the leg they wore boots of deer-skin; and besides this they had javelins and round bucklers and small daggers. These when they had crossed over into Asia came to be called Bithynians, but formerly they were called, as they themselves report, Strymonians, since they dwelt upon the river Strymon; and they say that they were driven out of their abode by the Teucrians and Mysians. Of the Thracians who lived in Asia the commander was Bassakes the son of Artabanos. |
| 7.76 | [Chalybes ?] parmas habebant exiguas e bovino corio, et bina quisque venabula in Lycia confecta ; et capitibus impositas galeas æneas, et super his aures et cornua bovis ex ære, itemque cristas ; tibias pannis purpureis habebant involutas. Apud hunc populum est Martis oraculum. | .... [The Chalybians?] had small shields of raw ox-hide, and each man carried two hunting-spears of Lykian workmanship. On their heads they wore helmets of bronze, and to the helmets the ears and horns of an ox were attached, in bronze, and upon them also there were crests; and the lower part of their legs was wrapped round with red-colored strips of cloth. Among these men there is an Oracle of Ares. |
| 7.77 | Cabelenses Mæones, qui Lasonii vocantur, eodem quo Cilices cultu erant instructi ; quem cultum tunc indicabo, quum in enarrationis hujus ordine ad Cilices pervenero. (2) Milyæ brevia habebant spicula, et vestes fibulis substrictas ; nonnulli eorum arcus habebant Lycios ; capita autem galeis tecta coriaceis. His omnibus præfuit Badres, Hystanis filius. | The Meonian Cabelians, who are called Lasonians, had the same equipment as the Kilikians, and what this was I shall explain when in the course of the catalogue I come to the array of the Kilikians. The Milyans had short spears, and their garments were fastened on with buckles; some of them had Lykian bows, and about their heads they had caps made of leather. Of all these Badres the son of Hystanes was in command. |
| 7.78 | Moschi capitibus impositas habebant galeas ligneas, parmas et hastas breves, sed ferrum hastarum erat prœlongum. Tibareni et Macrones et Mosynœci militabant similiter atque Moschi armati. (2) Ordinabant hos autem hi duces : Moschos et Tibarenos Ariomardus, Darii filius et Parmyis, filiæ Smerdis, Cyri neptis : Macronas vero et Mosynœcos Artayctes, filius Cherasmis, qui Sesto ad Hellespontum præfectus erat. | The Moschoi had wooden caps upon their heads, and shields and small spears, on which long points were set. The Tibarenians and Macronians and Mossynoicoi served with equipment like that of the Moschoi, and these were arrayed together under the following commanders — the Moschoi and Tibarenians under Ariomardos, who was the son of Dareios and of Parmys, the daughter of Smerdis son of Cyrus; the Macronians and Mossynoicoi under Artaÿctes the son of Cherasmis, who was governor of Sestos on the Hellespont. |
| 7.79 | Mares in capitibus galeas gestabant suo more plexas, parmas breves coriaces habebant, et jacula. (2) Colchi ligneas galeas in capitibus habebant, parvas parmas e cruda bovis pelle, hastas breves ; adhæc etiam gladios. Marum et Colchorum dux fuit Pharandates, Teaspis filius. (3) Alarodii et Saspires similiter Colchis armati militabant : præfuitque his Masistius, Siromitræ filius. | The Mares wore on their heads native helmets of plaited work, and had small shields of hide and javelins; and the Colchians wore wooden helmets about their heads, and had small shields of raw ox-hide and short spears, and also knives. Of the Mares and Colchians the commander was Pharandates the son of Teaspis. The Alarodians and Saspeirians served armed like the Colchians; and of these the commander was Masistios the son of Siromitres. |
| 7.80 | Insulani populi, qui castra sequebantur, ex illis Maris Rubri insulis, in quibus rex sedes assignat his qui Anaspasti (transportati) vocantur, veste atque armis utebantur simillimis Medicis. (2) Insulanis his præfuit Mardontes Bagæi filius, qui altero post hæc anno dux apud Mycalen in prœlio cecidit. | The island tribes which came with the army from the Erythraian Sea, belonging to the islands in which the king settles those who are called the “Removed,” had clothing and arms very like those of the Medes. Of these islanders the commander was Mardontes the son of Bagaios, who in the year after these events was a commander of the army at Mykale and lost his life in the battle. |
| 7.81 | Hi igitur sunt populi, qui in continente, et quidem pedibus, militabant. Et pedestribus his copiis præfuerunt viri quos dixi : qui et ordinarunt eos et eorum numerum inierunt, et chiliarchas et myriarchas (milium et decem milium duces) nominarunt : hecatontarchas vero et decadarchas (centuriones et decuriones) nominarunt myriarchæ. Jam singulorum agminum populorumque alii quidem fuerant etiam duces minores ; sed hi sub imperio erant eorum quos commemoravi. | These were the nations which served in the campaign by land and had been appointed to be among the foot-soldiers. Of this army those who have been mentioned were commanders; and they were the men who sit it in order by divisions and numbered it and appointed commanders of thousands and commanders of tens of thousands, but the commanders of hundreds and of tens were appointed by the commanders of ten thousands; and there were others who were leaders of divisions and nations. |
| 7.82 | His ipsis vero, et universo pedestri exercitui præfecti erant Mardonius, Gobryæ filius, et Tritantæchmes, Artabani illius, qui pro sententia dixerat non esse bellum inferendum Græciæ, et Smerdomenes, Otanis filius ; (duo hi, Darii e fratribus nepotes, Xerxis erant consobrini;) et Masistes, Darii et Atossæ filius, et Gergis Arizi, et Megabazus Zopyri. | These, I say, who have been mentioned were commanders of the army; and over these and over the whole army together that went on foot there were in command Mardonios the son of Gobryas, Tritantaichmes the son of that Artabanos who gave the opinion that they should not make the march against Hellas, Smerdomenes the son of Otanes (both these being sons of brothers of Dareios and so cousins of Xerxes), Masistes the son of Dareios and Atossa, Gergis the son of Ariazos, and Megabyzos the son of Zopyros. |
| 7.83 | Hi universo pedestri exercitui præerant, exceptis decem milibus. His enim selectis decem milibus Persarum Hydarnes præfuit, Hydarnis filius. Vocabantur autem hi Persæ Immortales, hac de causa : quando ex illorum numero aliquis defecit aut morte aut morbo coactus, alius in ejus locum jam delectus erat vir, ut semper essent decies mille, nec plures nec pauciores. (2) Præcipuo autem inter omnes cultu eminebant Persæ, et fortissimi hi erant. Armatura ea fuit quam dixi ; præterea vero auro multo et copioso fulgebant. Pellices etiam secum hi ducebant carpentis vectas, et frequens famulitium pulcre ornatum : eisdemque, seorsum a ceteris militibus, cameli et jumenta commeatus vehebant. | These were generals of the whole together that went on foot, excepting the ten thousand; and of these ten thousand chosen Persians the general was Hydarnes the son of Hydarnes; and these Persians were called “Immortals,” because, if any one of them made the number incomplete, being overcome either by death or disease, another man was chosen to his place, and they were never either more or fewer than ten thousand. Now of all the nations, the Persians showed the greatest splendor of ornament and were themselves the best men. They had equipment such as has been mentioned, and besides this they were conspicuous among the rest for great quantity of gold freely used; and they took with them carriages, and in them concubines and a multitude of attendants well furnished; and provisions for them apart from the soldiers were borne by camels and beasts of burden. |
| 7.84 | Equis quidem vehuntur omnes isti populi : at non omnes equitatum contulere, sed hi soli : Persæ, eodem modo armati atque pedites ipsorum, nisi quod horum nonnulli in capitibus partim ænea partim ferrea opera gestabant malleo ducta. | The nations who serve as cavalry are these; not all however supplied cavalry, but only as many as here follow — the Persians equipped in the same manner as their foot-soldiers, except that upon their heads some of them had beaten-work of metal, either bronze or iron. |
| 7.85 | Sunt porro homines nomades Sagartii nominati, populus quidem Persicus, et lingua Persica utens, cultu vero inter Persicum et Pactyicum medio. Hi equitum contulerant octo milia : arma autem illis non sunt in usu, nec ænea, nec ferrea, præterquam pugiones. Utuntur vero funibus e loris plexis : (2) quibus fidentes in bellum proficiscuntur. Est autem pugnæ genus horum hominum hujusmodi : quando cum hostibus congrediuntur, projiciunt funes, quorum in extremitate laquei sunt ; quidquid prehendit funis, sive equus sit, sive homo, id ad se trahit eques ; et ille laqueo implicatus interficitur. Talis horum pugna est ; locati autem erant cum Persis. | There are also certain nomads called Sagartians, Persian in race and in language and having a dress which is midway between that of the Persians and that of the Pactyans. These furnished eight thousand horse, and they are not accustomed to have any arms either of bronze or of iron excepting daggers, but they use ropes twisted of thongs, and trust to these when they go into war: and the manner of fighting of these men is as follows — when they come to conflict with the enemy, they throw the ropes with nooses at the end of them, and whatsoever the man catches by the throw, whether horse or man, he draws to himself, and they being entangled in toils are thus destroyed. This is the manner of fighting of these men, and they were arrayed next to the Persians. |
| 7.86 | Medi equites eodem modo, quo pedites, instructi erant : itemque Cissii. (2) Indorum item cultus et arma eadem atque peditum ; habebant autem et equos sellarios et currus : juncti autem currus erant partim equis, partim asinis silvestribus. (3) Bactriorum quoque cultus equitum idem ac peditum : pariterque Caspiorum. (4) Libyes item, qui cum equis aderant, eodem cultu atque pedites erant instructi ; sed hi quidem cuncti currus agebant. (5) Caspirorum etiam et Paricaniorum et Arabum equitum cultus et arma nihil a peditibus differebant : sed Arabes omnes camelis vehebantur, qui celeritate non cedunt equis. | The Medes had the same equipment as their men on foot, and the Kissians likewise. The Indians were armed in the same manner as those of them who served on foot, and they both rode horses and drove chariots, in which were harnessed horses or wild asses. The Bactrians were equipped in the same way as those who served on foot, and the Caspians likewise. The Libyans too were equipped like those who served on foot, and these also all drove chariots. So too the Caspians and Paricanians were equipped like those who served on foot, and they all rode on camels, which in swiftness were not inferior to horses. |
| 7.87 | Hi ergo soli populi equitatum contulerant. Numerus vero equitum octoginta milium fuit, exceptis camelis et curribus. Et reliqui quidem equites turmatim ordinati erant ; Arabes vero postremi, erant locati, hac de causa postremi, ne equi consternarentur ; camelos enim ægerrime patiuntur equi. | These nations alone served as cavalry, and the number of the cavalry proved to be eight myriads, apart from the camels and the chariots. Now the rest of the cavalry was arrayed in squadrons, but the Arabians were placed after them and last of all, for the horses could not endure the camels, and therefore they were placed last, in order that the horses might not be frightened. |
| 7.88 | Equitatui præfecti erant Harmamithres et Tithæus, Datis filii. Collega horum Pharnuches, tertius præfectus equitum, ob morbum Sardibus erat relictus : (2) quum enim Sardibus egrederetur exercitus, tristis huic casus acciderat. Dum equo vehitur, sub pedes equi intercurrit canis : et equus, qui illum non prospexerat, consternatus rectum sese erigit, et Pharnuchem excutit ; qui humum prolapsus sanguinem evomuit, et in phthisin morbus transiit. (3) Equum autem statim initio ea pœna affecerunt famuli, quam herus jussit : in eum locum deducto, ubi herum excusserat, crura in genibus præciderunt. Ita Pharnuches præfectura equitum excidit. | The commanders of the cavalry were Harmamithras and Tithaios sons of Datis, but the third, Pharnuches, who was in command of the horse with them, had been left behind at Sardis sick: for as they were setting forth from Sardis, an accident befell him of an unwished-for kind — as he was riding, a dog ran up under his horse’s feet, and the horse not having seen it beforehand was frightened, and rearing up he threw Pharnuches off his back, who falling vomited blood, and his sickness turned to a consumption. To the horse however they forthwith at the first did as he commanded, that is to say, the servants led him away to the place where he had thrown his master and cut off his legs at the knees. Thus was Pharnuches removed from his command. |
| 7.89 | Triremes numero fuere mille ducentæ et septem : quas præbuerant hi populi : Phœnices, cum Syris Palæstinæ, trecentas ; quorum armatura hujusmodi erat : capita galeis tecta, similibus maxime Græcanicis galeis ; circa corpus thoraces lintei ; tum clypeos habebant quorum oræ ferro non erant munitæ, et jacula. (2) Phœnices hi, ut ajunt ipsi, olim ad mare Rubrum habitaverant : illinc transgressi, nunc Syriæ oram maritimam incolunt. Syriæ autem hic tractus omnis, usque ad Ægyptum, Palæstina vocatur. (3) Ægyptii naves præbuerant ducentas. Hi plexas sive nexiles gestabant galeas, scuta cava, quorum oræ multo ferro erant munitæ, hastas ad navalem pugnam comparatas, et ingentes bipennes. Multitudo eorum thoraces gestabant, magnosque gladios habebant. Talis horum armatura erat. | Of the triremes the number proved to be one thousand two hundred and seven, and these were they who furnished them — the Phenicians, together with the Syrians who dwell in Palestine furnished three hundred; and they were equipped thus, that is to say, they had about their heads leathern caps made very nearly in the Hellenic fashion, and they wore corslets of linen, and had shields without rims and javelins. These Phenicians dwelt in ancient time, as they themselves report, upon the Erythraian Sea, and thence they passed over and dwell in the country along the sea coast of Syria; and this part of Syria and all as far as Egypt is called Palestine. The Egyptians furnished two hundred ships: these men had about their heads helmets of plaited work, and they had hollow shields with the rims large, and spears for sea-fighting, and large axes: the greater number of them wore corslets, and they had large knives. These men were thus equipped. |
| 7.90 | Cyprii naves præbuerant centum et quinquaginta, hoc modo armati : reges eorum caput mitra obvolutum habebant : reliqui pilleos gestabant : cetera vero ut Græci. (2) Sunt autem Cypriorum plures populi : alii Salamine et Athenis oriundi ; alii ex Arcadia ; alii e Cythno ; alii e Phœnice ; alii ex Æthiopia, ut ipsi Cyprii affirmant. | And the Cyprians furnished a hundred and fifty ships, being themselves equipped as follows — their kings had their heads wound round with fillets, and the rest had felt caps, but in other respects they were like the Hellenes. Among these there are various races as follows — some of them are from Salamis and Athens, others from Arcadia, others from Kythnos, others again from Phenicia and others from Ethiopia, as the Cyprians themselves report. |
| 7.91 | Cilices centum contulerant naves. Hi capita galeis tecta habebant vernaculis, pro scutis parmulas gestabant e crudo bovino corio confectas, tunicas induti laneas : bina quisque jacula habebat, et ensem Ægyptiaco maxime gladio similem. Hi antiquitus Hypachæi nominati erant : dein a Cilice, Agenoris filio, viro Phœnice, nomen invenere. (2) Pamphyli triginta naves præbuerant, Græcanicis armis instructi. Sunt autem hi Pamphyli Trojanorum posteri illorum, qui cum Amphilocho et Calchante disjecti fuere. | The Kilikians furnished a hundred ships; and these again had about their heads native helmets, and for shields they carried targets made of raw ox-hide: they wore tunics of wool and each man had two javelins and a sword, this last being made very like the Egyptian knives. These in old time were called Hypachaians, and they got their later name from Kilix the son of Agenor, a Phenician. The Pamphylians furnished thirty ships and were equipped in Hellenic arms. These Pamphylians are of those who were dispersed from Troy together with Amphilochos and Calchas. |
| 7.92 | Lycii quinquaginta præbuerant naves, thoracibus et ocreis instructi. Arcus habebant e corno arbore, sagittas arundineas non alatas, et jacula : ex humeris eorum pelles pendebant caprinæ: capitibus impositi pilei pennis circumcirca coronati : præterea pugionibus et falcibus armati erant. (2) Erant vero Lycii e Creta oriundi, Termilæ olim nominati, deinde a Lyco, Pandionis filio, viro Atheniensi, invenere nomen. | The Lykians furnished fifty ships; and they were wearers of corslets and greaves, and had bows of cornel-wood and arrows of reeds without feathers and javelins and a goat-skin hanging over their shoulders, and about their heads felt caps wreathed round with feathers; also they had daggers and falchions. The Lykians were formerly called Termilai, being originally of Crete, and they got their later name from Lycos the son of Pandion, an Athenian. |
| 7.93 | Dorienses Asiatici triginta naves contulerant, Græcanico more armati, e Peloponneso oriundi. (2) Cares septuaginta naves præbuerant, falcibus et pugionibus armati, ceteroquin vero Græcanico more instructi. His quodnam antiquitus fuerit nomen, in superiori harum Historiarum parte dictum est. | The Dorians of Asia furnished thirty ships; and these had Hellenic arms and were originally from the Peloponnese. The Carians supplied seventy ships; and they were equipped in other respects like Hellenes but they had also falchions and daggers. What was the former name of these has been told in the first part of the history. |
| 7.94 | Iones centum contulerant naves, eodem modo instructi atque Græci. Iones, quamdiu in Peloponneso eam regionem, quæ nunc Achaia vocatur, incoluerant, priusquam Danaus et Xuthus in Peloponnesum advenissent, ut Græci ajunt, Pelasgi Ægialees (id est, litorales) vocabantur : deinde ab Ione, Xuthi filio, nomen invenerunt. | The Ionians furnished a hundred ships, and were equipped like Hellenes. Now the Ionians, so long time as they dwelt in the Peloponnese, in the land which is now called Achaia, and before the time when Danaos and Xuthos came to the Peloponnese, were called, as the Hellenes report, Pelasgians of the Coastland, and then Ionians after Ion the son of Xuthos. |
| 7.95 | Insulani septemdecim contulerant naves, eodem modo armati atque Græci. Etiam hic Pelasgicus est populus, qui deinde Ionicus eadem ratione nominatus est atque illi duodecim civitatum Iones Athenis oriundi. (2) Æolenses sexaginta præbuerant naves, eodem modo atque Græci armati : et hi quoque olim Pelasgi nominati, ut Græci memorant. (3) Hellespontii, exceptis Abydenis : nam Abydenis imperaverat rex ut domi manerent, et pontes custodirent : ceteri igitur e Ponto expeditionis hujus socii naves contulerant centum, eodem modo instructi ac Græci. Sunt autem hi Ionum et Doriensium coloni. | The islanders furnished seventeen ships, and were armed like Hellenes, this also being a Pelasgian race, though afterwards it came to be called Ionian by the same rule as the Ionians of the twelve cities, who came from Athens. The Aiolians supplied sixty ships; and these were equipped like Hellenes and used to be called Pelasgians in the old time, as the Hellenes report. The Hellespontians, excepting those of Abydos (for the men of Abydos had been appointed by the king to stay in their place and be guards of the bridges), the rest, I say, of those who served in the expedition from the Pontus furnished a hundred ships, and were equipped like Hellenes: these are colonists of the Ionians and Dorians. |
| 7.96 | In singulis istarum navium erant propugnatores Persæ et Medi et Sacæ. Quæ ex earumdem navium numero optime vehebantur, has præbuerant Phœnices, et in his præ ceteris Sidonii. (2) Singulorum autem populorum copiis navalibus, perinde atque terrestribus, præerant duces e popularibus : quorum ego nomina edere, quum nihil necesse sit ad historiæ rationem, supersedeo. Nec enim cuique populo duces erant memoratu digni : et, quot in quoque populo civitates, tot etiam duces erant. (3) Sequebantur hi autem non ut duces vere nominati aut prætores, sed ut reliqui militantes servi. Ceterum imperatores penes quos summa fuit imperii, et singulorum populorum duces, quotquot eorum Persæ fuerunt, a me dicti sunt. | In all the ships there served as fighting-men Persians, Medes, or Sacans; and of the ships, those which sailed best were furnished by the Phenicians, and of the Phenicians the best by the men of Sidon. Over all these men and also over those of them who were appointed to serve in the land-army, there were for each tribe native chieftains, of whom, since I am not compelled by the course of the inquiry, I make no mention by the way; for in the first place the chieftains of each separate nation were not persons worthy of mention, and then moreover within each nation there were as many chieftains as there were cities. These went with the expedition too not as commanders, but like the others serving as slaves; for the generals who had the absolute power and commanded the various nations, that is to say those who were Persians, having already been mentioned by me. |
| 7.97 | Navalibus autem copiis cum imperio præfecti hi erant : Ariabignes, Darii filius, et Praxaspes Aspathinis, et Megabazus Megabatis, et Achæmenes Darii filius. Ionicis quidem et Caricis copiis Ariabignes præfuit, Darii filius e filia Gobryæ; (2) Ægyptiis autem Achæmenes, frater Xerxis eodem patre eademque matre natus ; reliquis nauticis copiis duo reliqui. Actuaria autem navigia partim triginta partim quinquaginta remorum, tum cercuros, et equis transvehendis naves parvas convenisse constat ad tria milia numero. | Of the naval force the following were commanders — Ariabignes the son of Dareios, Prexaspes the son of Aspathines, Megabazos the son of Megabates, and Achaimenes the son of Dareios; that is to say, of the Ionian and Carian force Ariabignes, who was the son of Dareios and of the daughter of Gobryas; of the Egyptians Achaimenes was commander, being brother of Xerxes by both parents; and of the rest of the armament the other two were in command: and galleys of thirty oars and of fifty oars, and light vessels, and long ships to carry horses had been assembled together, as it proved, to the number of three thousand. |
| 7.98 | Eorum qui in hac classe militarunt, secundum imperatores, illustrissimi erant hi : Tetramnestus, Anysi filius, Sidonius ; Mapen, Siromi filius, Tyrius ; Merbalus Agbali, Aradius ; Syennesis, Oromedontis, Cilix ; Cyberniscus, Sicæ filius, Lycius ; Gorgus, Chersis filius, et Timonax Timagoræ, uterque Cyprius ; tres Cares, Histiæus, Tymnis filius, Pigres Seldomi, et Damasithymus, Candaulis filius. | Of those who sailed in the ships the men of most note after the commanders were these — of Sidon, Tetramnestos son of Anysos; of Tyre, Matten son of Siromos; or Arados, Merbalos son of Agbalos; of Kilikia, Syennesis son of Oromedon; of Lykia, Kyberniscos son of Sicas; of Cyprus, Gorgos son of Chersis and Timonax son of Timagoras; of Caria, Histiaios son of Tymnes, Pigres son of Hysseldomos, and Damasithymos son of Candaules. |
| 7.99 | Reliquos ordinum duces silentio prætereo ; nec enim necesse est mihi hos commemorare, excepta Artemisia muliere, quam fuisse hujus belli Græciæ illati sociam demiror. Hæc enim, mortuo marito, quum ipsa regnum teneret, filiumque haberet adolescentem, animi impetu roboreque elata, expeditioni huic sociam sese, nulla necessitate adacta, adjunxit. (2) Nomen igitur huic Artemisia fuit, pater Lygdamnis, paternum genus ex Halicarnasso, maternum e Creta. Imperavit illa Halicarnassensibus, Cois, Nisyriis et Calydniis ; præbueratque naves quinque, (3) quæ navium omnium universæ classis, post Sidonias, præstantissimæ erant. Eadem apud regem optimas præ sociis omnibus sententias dixit. (4) Quibus civitatibus imperasse eam dixi, has omnes Doricæ gentis esse affirmo : Halicarnassenses nempe, Trœzenios : reliquos vero, Epidaurios. Hactenus igitur navales recensui copias. | Of the rest of the officers I make no mention by the way (since I am not bound to do so), but only of Artemisia, at whom I marvel most that she joined the expedition against Hellas, being a woman; for after her husband died, she holding the power herself, although she had a son who was a young man, went on the expedition impelled by high spirit and manly courage, no necessity being laid upon her. Now her name, as I said, was Artemisia and she was the daughter of Lygdamis, and by descent she was of Halicarnassos on the side of her father, but of Crete by her mother. She was ruler of the men of Halicarnassos and Cos and Nisyros and Calydna, furnishing five ships; and she furnished ships which were of all the fleet reputed the best after those of the Sidonians, and of all his allies she set forth the best counsels to the king. Of the States of which I said that she was leader I declare the people to be all of Dorian race, those of Halicarnassos being Troizenians, and the rest Epidaurians. So far then I have spoken of the naval force. |
| 7.100 | Postquam initus est copiarum numerus, et ordine compositus universus exercitus, cupivit Xerxes eum obeundo lustrare : idque fecit. Curru præter unumquemque populum prætervectus, singula percontabatur, et scribæ scripto consignabant ; donec ab una extremitate ad alteram et equitum et peditum pervenit. (2) Deinde navibus in mare deductis, relicto curru navem conscendit Sidoniam, in eaque sub tabernaculo aureo residens præter proras navium prætervectus est, sciscitans de singulis, perinde atque in terrestri exercitu fecerat, et omnia scripto consignari jubens. (3) Naves, e quadringentorum admodum pedum intervallo a litore abductas, in ancoris tenebant præfecti, proris omnibus continua fronte in terram conversis, propugnatoribus in armis stantibus, velut ad pugnam paratis : et rex spectabat, inter proras et litus navigans. | Then when Xerxes had numbered the army, and it had been arranged in divisions, he had a mind to drive through it himself and inspect it: and afterwards he proceeded so to do; and driving through in a chariot by each nation, he inquired about them and his scribes wrote down the names, until he had gone from end to end both of the horse and of the foot. When he had done this, the ships were drawn down into the sea, and Xerxes, changing from his chariot to a ship of Sidon, sat down under a golden canopy and sailed along by the prows of the ships, asking of all just as he had done with the land-army, and having the answers written down. And the captains had taken their ships out to a distance of about four hundred feet from the beach and were staying them there, all having turned the prows of the ships towards the shore in an even line and having armed all the fighting-men as for war; and he inspected them sailing within, between the prows of the ships and the beach. |
| 7.101 | Ita lustrata classe, Xerxes navi egressus Demaratum vocari jussit, Aristonis filium, expeditionis adversus Græciam socium ; eumque, ubi affuit, his verbis compellavit : « Demarate, nunc me juvat, e te quæ scire cupio quærere. (2) Tu Græcus es, et, ut ego non e te solum, sed et e reliquis Græcis, qui mihi in colloquium veniunt, audio, ex ea civitate es, quæ nec minima est nec infirmissima. (3) Nunc ergo hoc dic mihi, an Græci ausuri sint manus contra me tollere. Nam, ut equidem existimo, ne universi quidem Græci et reliqui ad occidentem habitantes homines, si vires suas cuncti conjungerent, pares forent ad resistendum mihi, præsertim quum non sint inter se concordes. (4) At cupio tamen etiam e te, quid sit quod de hoc dicas, cognoscere. » Cui ita interroganti Demaratus respondit : « Utrum, rex, e veritate tibi dicam, an ad gratiam ? » Et ille jussit eum e veritate dicere ; nihilo enim minus illum ob id sibi acceptum fore, quam antea fuisset. | Now when he had sailed through these and had disembarked from his ship, he sent for Demaratos the son of Ariston, who was marching with him against Hellas; and having called him he asked as follows: “Demaratos, now it is my pleasure to ask thee somewhat which I desire to know. Thou art not only a Hellene, but also, as I am informed both by thee and by the other Hellenes who come to speech with me, of a city which is neither the least nor the feeblest of Hellas. Now therefore declare to me this, namely whether the Hellenes will endure to raise hands against me: for, as I suppose, even if all the Hellenes and the remaining nations who dwell towards the West should be gathered together, they are not strong enough in fight to endure my attack, supposing them to be my enemies. I desire however to be informed also of thy opinion, what thou sayest about these matters.” He inquired thus, and the other made answer and said: “O king, shall I utter the truth in speaking to thee, or that which will give pleasure?” and he bade him utter the truth, saying that he should suffer nothing unpleasant in consequence of this, any more than he suffered before. |
| 7.102 | His auditis, Demaratus hæc dixit : « Rex, quoniam e rei veritate me loqui plane jubes, eaque dicere quæ non mentitum me esse posthac quisquam deprehendat, hoc dico : in Græcia ab omni quidem ætate paupertas habitavit : accessit vero virtus, sapientiæ et legis validæ filia, qua utens Græcia et paupertatem abigit et dominatum. (2) Et laudo quidem Græcos omnes circa terras illas Doricas habitantes : nec vero de cunctis nunc Græcis verba faciam, sed de solis Lacedæmoniis : quos, primum, dico nequaquam accepturos esse tuas conditiones, servitutem Græciæ proponentes ; deinde, obviam illos tibi ituros aio in pugnam, etiamsi alii omnes Græci tecum sentirent. (3) Ad numerum autem quod attinet, noli quærere quot sint numero, qui hoc facturi sint : nam sive mille fuerint qui in aciem prodeant, hi tecum congredientur, sive his pauciores sive plures. » | When Demaratos heard this, he spoke as follows: “O king, since thou biddest me by all means utter the truth, and so speak as one who shall not be afterwards convicted by thee of having spoken falsely, I say this — with Hellas poverty is ever an inbred growth, while valor is one that has been brought in, being acquired by intelligence and the force of law; and of it Hellas makes use ever to avert from herself not only poverty but also servitude to a master. Now I commend all the Hellenes who are settled in those Dorian lands, but this which I am about to say has regard not to all, but to the Lacedemonians alone: of these I say, first that it is not possible that they will ever accept thy terms, which carry with them servitude for Hellas; and next I say that they will stand against thee in fight, even if all the other Hellenes shall be of thy party: and as for numbers, ask now how many they are, that they are able to do this; for whether it chances that a thousand of them have come out into the field, these will fight with thee, or if there be less than this, or again if there be more.” |
| 7.103 | Quibus auditis, ridens Xerxes ait : « Demarate, quodnam emisisti verbum, mille viros cum tam ingenti exercitu congressuros ! (2) Dic mihi, age : ais tu, regem te horum hominum fuisse : volesne igitur tu e vestigio contra decem pugnare viros ? Atqui, si vestri cives cuncti tales sunt, quales tu declaras, decet te regem eorum, e vestris institutis, cum duplo numero congredi. (3) Nam si illorum quisque denis viris de meo exercitu par est, a te utique postulo ut viginti viris par sis : atque ita demum recte stabit ratio quam tu dicis. Sin, quum tales sitis talique statura, quali tu et alii Græci qui me convenire consueverunt, tantopere gloriamini, vide ne vana jactatio sit hoc quod dicitis. (4) Age enim, videamus quid probabili ulla ratione fieri possit : quonam tandem pacto mille homines, aut etiam decies, aut denique quinquagies mille, qui cuncti pariter liberi sint, nec unius subjecti imperio : quo pacto, inquam, hi resistere tanto exercitui poterunt ? Nam, si sunt illi quinquies mille, nos plures quam milleni sumus qui illorum unumquemque circumstabimus. (5) Quodsi quidem, ut apud nos, sic illi unius subjecti essent imperio, possent illius metu et contra suam naturam fieri meliores, et flagellis coacti pauciores numero adversus plures in prœlium ire : sed liberi, et suo arbitrio permissi, neutrum horum facient. (6) Puto vero equidem, æquali etiam numero ægre Græcos solis Persis resistere posse. Sed apud nos hoc reperitur, quod tu ais ; quamquam non frequens, sed rarum : sunt enim inter Persas, in satellitum meorum numero, viri qui cum tribus simul Græcis pugnam inire non detrectabunt : quorum tu inexpertus, multa nugaris. » | Xerxes hearing this laughed, and said: “Demaratos, what a speech is this which thou hast uttered, saying that a thousand men will fight with this vast army! Come tell me this — thou sayest that thou wert thyself king of these men; wilt thou therefore consent forthwith to fight with ten men? and yet if your State is such throughout as thou dost describe it, thou their king ought by your laws to stand in array against double as many as another man; that is to say, if each of them is a match for ten men of my army, I expect of thee that thou shouldest be a match for twenty. Thus would be confirmed the report which is made by thee: but if ye, who boast thus greatly are such men and in size so great only as the Hellenes who come commonly to speech with me, thyself included, then beware lest this which has been spoken prove but an empty vaunt. For come, let me examine it by all that is probable: how could a thousand or ten thousand or even fifty thousand, at least if they were all equally free and were not ruled by one man, stand against so great an army? since, as thou knowest, we shall be more than a thousand coming about each one of them, supposing them to be in number five thousand. If indeed they were ruled by one man after our fashion, they might perhaps from fear of him become braver than it was their nature to be, or they might go compelled by the lash to fight with greater numbers, being themselves fewer in number; but if left at liberty, they would do neither of these things: and I for my part suppose that, even if equally matched in numbers, the Hellenes would hardly dare to fight with the Persians taken alone. With us however this of which thou speakest is found in single men, not indeed often, but rarely; for there are Persians of my spearmen who will consent to fight with three men of the Hellenes at once: but thou hast had no experience of these things and therefore thou speakest very much at random.” |
| 7.104 | Ad hæc Demaratus, « Rex, inquit, ab initio noveram, vera me dicentem non dicturum grata tibi : sed, quoniam me coegisti verissima eloqui, dixi quæ ad Spartanos attinent. (2) Quamquam, quo pacto ego nunc maxime adversus illos affectus sim, tu optime nosti ; quum illi me, honore et muneribus paternis spoliatum, domo atque patria pepulerint : quem tuus pater benigne exceptum, victu ac domicilio donavit. Quare credibile non est, hominem sanæ mentis exploratam respuere benevolentiam, sed eam potius quam maxime complecti. (3) Ego vero neque cum decem simul viris posse me dimicare prædico, nec cum duobus : et, mei si res arbitrii sit, ne cum uno quidem congrediar. Quod si vero necessitas aut magnum aliquod discrimen urgeret, libenter admodum cum uno ex his viris congrederer, quorum unus quisque tribus se parem ait esse Græcis. (4) Ita etiam Lacedæmonii, singuli cum singulis pugnantes, nullis viris sunt inferiores ; conferti vero, omnium hominum fortissimi. Licet enim liberi sint, non sunt tamen omni e parte liberi : præest enim eis domina, Lex ; quam illi dominam multo magis timent, quam te dominum tui. Faciunt certe quidem semper id quod lex imperat : imperat autem illa semper idem, vetans ex acie profugere quantacunque sit hostium multitudo, jubens vero in ordine suo stantes aut vincere aut occumbere. (5) At si nugari videor tibi hæc dicendo, desino reliqua persequi : nunc, quæ dixi, coactus dixi. Cedant autem tibi omnia e tua, rex, sententia ! » | To this Demaratos replied: “O king, from the first I was sure that if I uttered the truth I should not speak that which was pleasing to thee; since however thou didst compel me to speak the very truth, I told thee of the matters which concern the Spartans. And yet how I am at this present time attached to them by affection thou knowest better than any; seeing that first they took away from me the rank and privileges which came to me from my fathers, and then also they have caused me to be without native land and an exile; but thy father took me up and gave me livelihood and a house to dwell in. Surely it is not to be supposed likely that the prudent man will thrust aside friendliness which is offered to him, but rather that he will accept it with full contentment. And I do not profess that I am able to fight either with ten men or with two, nay, if I had my will, I would not even fight with one; but if there were necessity or if the cause which urged me to the combat were a great one, I would fight most willingly with one of these men who says that he is a match for three of the Hellenes. So also the Lacedemonians are not inferior to any men when fighting one by one, and they are the best of all men when fighting in a body: for though free, yet they are not free in all things, for over them is set Law as a master, whom they fear much more even than thy people fear thee. It is certain at least that they do whatsoever that master commands; and he commands ever the same thing, that is to say, he bids them not flee out of battle from any multitude of men, but stay in their post and win the victory or lose their life. But if when I say these things I seem to thee to be speaking at random, of other things for the future I prefer to be silent; and at this time I spake only because I was compelled. May it come to pass however according to thy mind, O king.” |
| 7.105 | Hæc a Demarato dicta in risum vertit Xerxes neque ulla concitatus est ira, sed comiter hominem dimisit : (2) eoque absoluto colloquio, exercitum per Thraciam adversus Græciam eduxit, postquam Dorisco huic, ubi adhuc moratus erat, Mascamen præfecit, Megadostis filium, amoto ab hac dignitate præfecto illo qui a Dario erat constitutus. | He thus made answer, and Xerxes turned the matter to laughter and felt no anger, but dismissed him with kindness. Then after he had conversed with him, and had appointed Mascames son of Megadostes to be governor at this place Doriscos, removing the governor who had been appointed by Dareios, Xerxes marched forth his army through Thrace to invade Hellas. |
| 7.106 | Mascames autem hic, qui ibi relictus est, talem se virum præstitit, ut ei uni deinde Xerxes quotannis munera mittere consueverit, tanquam qui præter omnes, quotquot aut ipse aut Darius præfectos constituerat, fortissime rem gessisset : eodemque honore Artaxerxes etiam, Xerxis filius, posteros Mascamis prosecutus est. (2) Constituti enim jam ante hanc expeditionem erant regii præfecti in Thracia et ubique in Hellesponto. Hi igitur omnes, tam qui in Thracia erant, quam qui in Hellesponto, excepto Dorisci præfecto, post hanc Xerxis expeditionem ejecti sunt a Græcis : Mascamen vero, Dorisci præfectum, nulli unquam, quamquam multi conati sunt, ejicere potuerunt ; quam ob causam constanter ei dona mittuntur a rege Persarum. | And Mascames, whom he left behind here, proved to be a man of such qualities that to him alone Xerxes used to send gifts, considering him the best of all the men whom either he himself or Dareios had appointed to be governors — he used to send him gifts, I say, every year, and so also did Artaxerxes the son of Xerxes to the descendants of Mascames. For even before this march governors had been appointed in Thrace and everywhere about the Hellespont; and these all, both those in Thrace and in the Hellespont, were conquered by the Hellenes after this expedition, except only the one who was at Doriscos; but Mascames at Doriscos none were ever able to conquer, though many tried. For this reason the gifts are sent continually for him from the king who reigns over the Persians. |
| 7.107 | Ex illorum autem numero, qui a Græcis ejecti sunt, nullum rex Xerxes fortem fuisse virum judicavit, præterquam unum Bogen, Eionis præfectum : (2) quem laudare ille non desiit, et filios ejus in Persis relictos præcipuo honore prosequebatur. Etenim insigni etiam laude dignus Boges fuit : qui ab Atheniensibus et Cimone Miltiadis filio oppugnatus, quum potuisset fide data salvus egredi et in Asiam redire, noluit, ne per ignaviam vitæ suæ consuluisse videretur regi, sed ad extremum usque duravit. (3) Postquam autem nihil alimenti in urbe fuit reliquum, ingenti rogo exstructo, liberos et uxorem et pellices et famulos jugulavit, jugulatosque in ignem conjecit : deinde, auro omni et argento, quod in urbe erat, per murum in Strymonem disperso, se ipsum super illorum cadavera in ignem præcipitavit. Itaque merito hic vir ad hunc usque diem a Persis laudatur. | Of those however who were conquered by the Hellenes Xerxes did not consider any to be a good man except only Boges, who was at Eïon: him he never ceased commending, and he honored very highly his children who survived him in the land of Persia. For in truth Boges proved himself worthy of great commendation, seeing that when he was besieged by the Athenians under Kimon the son of Miltiades, though he might have gone forth under a truce and so returned home to Asia, he preferred not to do this, for fear that the king should that it was by cowardice that he survived; and he continued to hold out till the last. Then when there was no longer any supply of provisions within the wall, he heaped together a great pyre, and he cut the throats of his children, his wife, his concubines and his servants, and threw them into the fire; and after this he scattered all the gold and silver in the city from the wall into the river Strymon, and having so done he threw himself into the fire. Thus he is justly commended even to this present time by the Persians. |
| 7.108 | Xerxes vero, e Dorisco in Græciam ducens exercitum, per quoscunque iter faciebat populos, cunctos secum militare coegit. Erat enim, ut jam ante exposui, omnis ille tractus usque ad Thessaliam in Persarum ditione et regi tributaria, a Megabazo primum, ac dein a Mardonio subacta. (2) Iter autem e Dorisco faciens præteriit primum Samothracica castella, quorum postremum ad occidentem situm est oppidum cui nomen Mesembria ; cui proximum est Thasiorum oppidum Stryme. Inter hæc duo oppida medius interfluit Lissus fluvius ; qui tunc non suffecit aquæ præbendæ exercitui Xerxis, sed defecit. Vocabatur autem olim hæc regio Gallaica, nunc vero Briantica : at est etiam hæc, verum si quæris, Ciconum. | Xerxes from Doriscos was proceeding onwards to invade Hellas; and as he went he compelled those who successively came in his way, to join his march: for the whole country as far as Thessaly had been reduced to subjection, as has been set forth by me before, and was tributary under the king, having been subdued by Megabazos and afterwards by Mardonios. And he passed in his march from Doriscos first by the Samothrakian strongholds, of which that which is situated furthest towards the West is a city called Mesambria. Next to this follows Stryme, a city of the Thasians, and midway between them flows the river Lisos, which at this time did not suffice when supplying its water to the army of Xerxes, but the stream failed. This country was in old time called Gallaïke, but now Briantike; however by strict justice this also belongs to the Kikonians. |
| 7.109 | Trajecto Lissi fluvii alveo exsiccato, præter Græcas hasce civitates duxit, Maroneam, Dicæam, Abdera. Præter has, inquam, iter fecit, et præter claros lacus circa illas sitos hosce : Ismaridem lacum, qui est inter Maroneam et Strymen ; tum, prope Dicæam, Bistonidem lacum, in quem duo fluvii aquam infundunt, Trauus et Compsatus. (2) Circa Abdera præter lacum quidem notabilem nullum Xerxes præteriit ; Nestum vero fluvium trajecit, qui ibi in mare influit. Post has regiones ulterius progrediens, præteriit continentis oppida : quorum ad unum est lacus triginta fere stadiorum in circuitu, piscosus, et salsus admodum. Hunc lacum sola jumenta potando arefecerunt : nomen oppido illi est Pistyrus. Omnia vero ista oppida maritima et Græcanica a sinistra relinquens præteriit. | Having crossed over the bed of the river Lisos after it had been dried up, he passed by these Hellenic cities, namely Maroneia, Dicaia and Abdera. These I say he passed by, and also the following lakes of note lying near them — the Ismarian lake, lying between Maroneia and Stryme; the Bistonian lake near Dicaia, into which two rivers pour their waters, the Trauos and the Compsantos; and at Abdera no lake indeed of any note was passed by Xerxes, but the river Nestos, which flows there into the sea. Then after passing these places he went by the cities of the mainland, near one of which there is, as it chances, a lake of somewhere about thirty furlongs in circumference, abounding in fish and very brackish; this the baggage-animals alone dried up, being watered at it: and the name of this city is Pistyros. These cities, I say, lying by the sea coast and belonging to Hellenes, he passed by, leaving them on the left hand. |
| 7.110 | Populi autem Thracici, quorum per fines agmen Xerxes duxit, hi sunt : Pæti, Cicones, Bistones, Sapæi, Dersæi, Edoni, Satræ. Ex his qui ad mare habitant, navibus regem secuti sunt ; qui mediterranea incolunt, quos recensui, exceptis Satris, reliqui omnes pedibus sequi coacti sunt. | And the tribes of Thracians through whose country he marched were as follows, namely the Paitians, Kikonians, Bistonians, Sapaians, Dersaians, Edonians, Satrians. Of these they who were settled along the sea coast accompanied him with their ships, and those of them who dwelt inland and have been enumerated by me, were compelled to accompany him on land, except the Satrians. |
| 7.111 | Satræ vero nullius unquam hominis imperio, quod equidem noverim, fuerunt subjecti : sed soli e Thracibus ad meam usque ætatem liberi semper permanserunt. Incolunt enim præaltos montes, nemoribus omnis generis et nive obtectos, suntque bello inprimis strenui. Hi sunt, qui Bacchi oraculum possident. (2) Oraculum hoc in altissimis montibus situm est ; et Bessi sunt qui apud Satras in hoc templo oracula interpretantur ; oracula autem sacerdos mulier edit, sicuti Delphis, neque illa magis perplexa. | The Satrians however never yet became obedient to any man, so far as we know, but they remain up to my time still free, alone of all the Thracians; for they dwell in lofty mountains, which are covered with forest of all kinds and with snow, and also they are very skilful in war. These are they who possess the Oracle of Dionysos; which Oracle is on their most lofty mountains. Of the Satrians those who act as prophets of the temple are the Bessians; it is a prophetess who utters the oracles, as at Delphi; and beyond this there is nothing further of a remarkable character. |
| 7.112 | Regionem quam dixi emensus Xerxes, deinde præter Pierum castella transiit, quorum uni Phagres nomen est, alii Pergamus. Et hac quidem iter juxta ipsa castella fecit, a dextra Pangæum relinquens, vastum montem et præaltum ; in quo et auri et argenti insunt metalla, quæ partim a Pieribus, partim ab Odomantis, maxime vero a Satris exercentur. | Xerxes having passed over the land which has been spoken of, next after this passed the strongholds of the Pierians, of which the name of the one is Phagres and of the other Pergamos. By this way, I say, he made his march, going close by the walls of these, and keeping Mount Pangaion on the right hand, which is both great and lofty and in which are mines both of gold and of silver possessed by the Pierians and Odomantians, and especially by the Satrians. |
| 7.113 | Postquam per populos a septentrione Pangæi habitantes, per Pæones, Doberes et Pæoplas transiit, versus occidentem vertit, donec ad fluvium Strymonem pervenit, et ad Eionem urbem ; cui tunc adhuc vivus præfectus erat Boges, cujus paulo ante hæc feci mentionem. (2) Terra hæc circa Pangæum montem Phyllis vocatur ; quæ, occidentem versus, ad fluvium Angiten pertinet, qui in Strymonem influit ; versus meridiem vero ad ipsum Strymonem, cui sacra fecerunt Magi, mactatis in eum equis albis. | Thus passing by the Paionians, Doberians and Paioplians, who dwell beyond Pangaion towards the North Wind, he went on Westwards, until at last he came to the river Strymon and the city of Eïon, of which, so long as he lived, Boges was commander, the same about whom I was speaking a short time back. This country about Mount Pangaion is called Phyllis, and it extends Westwards to the river Angites, which flows into the Strymon, and Southwards it stretches to the Strymon itself; and at this river the Magians sacrificed for good omens, slaying white horses. |
| 7.114 | Hisce et multis aliis incantamentis in fluvium peractis, in Novem Viis Edonorum per pontes fecerunt iter, quibus junctum Strymonum invenerunt. (2) Quem locum ubi audierunt Novem vias vocari, totidem ibi pueros ac virgines virorum indigenarum vivos defoderunt. (3) Persicus hic mos est, vivos defodere. Nam et Amestrin, Xerxis uxorem, audio, ætate provectam, bis septem Persarum illustrium liberos defodi jussisse, deum qui sub terra esse dicitur ea defossione pro sua salute remuneraturam. | Having done this and many other things in addition to this, as charms for the river, at the Nine Ways in the land of the Edonians, they proceeded by the bridges, for they had found the Strymon already yoked with bridges; and being informed that this place was called the Nine Ways, they buried alive in it that number of boys and maidens, children of the natives of the place. Now burying alive is a Persian custom; for I am informed that Amestris also, the wife of Xerxes, when she had grown old, made return for her own life to the god who is said to be beneath the earth by burying twice seven children of Persians who were men of renown. |
| 7.115 | Ut a Strymone profectus est exercitus, ibi versus occidentem est ora maris, in qua sitam urbem Græcam Argilon præteriit. Regio hæc, et quæ supra est, Bisaltia vocatur. (2) Inde sinum, cui Neptuni templum imminet, a sinistra habens, postquam per Syleum qui vocatur campum transiit, et Stagirum præteriit Græcam urbem, Acanthum pervenit ; singulos horum populorum et eorum qui circa Pangæum incolunt, simul secum ducens, pariter atque illos quos supra commemoravi : quorum hi qui ad mare habitant, navibus ei militabant ; qui vero supra mare, pedibus sequebantur. (3) Viam autem hanc, qua rex Xerxes exercitum duxit, nec confundunt Thraces, nec conserunt, sed ad meam usque ætatem magnopere venerantur. | As the army proceeded on its march from the Strymon, it found after this a sea-beach stretching towards the setting of the sun, and passed by the Hellenic city, Argilos, which was there placed. This region and that which lies above it is called Bisaltia. Thence, keeping on the left hand the gulf which lies of Posideion, he went through the plain which is called the plain of Syleus, passing by Stageiros a Hellenic city, and so came to Acanthos, taking with him as he went each one of these tribes and also of those who dwell about Mount Pangaion, just as he did those whom I enumerated before, having the men who dwelt along the sea coast to serve in the ships and those who dwelt inland to accompany him on foot. This road by which Xerxes the king marched his army, the Thracians do not disturb nor sow crops over, but pay very great reverence to it down to my own time. |
| 7.116 | Acanthum ut Xerxes pervenit, hospitium Acanthiis edixit, et Medica veste eos donavit laudavitque, promptos videns ad bellum, cognitoque eorum circa fossam studio. | Then when he had come to Acanthos, Xerxes proclaimed a guest-friendship with the people of Acanthos and also presented them with the Median dress and commended them, perceiving that they were zealous to serve him in the war and hearing of that which had been dug. |
| 7.117 | Dum Acanthi versatur Xerxes, morbo mortuus est Artachæes, qui fossæ fuerat præfectus, probatus regi vir, genere Achæmenides, statura inter Persas cunctos eminens, quippe non nisi quattuor digitis brevior quinque cubitis regiis, idemque omnium hominum vocalissimus. (2) Itaque ingenti luctu affectus Xerxes magnifice illum extulit humavitque, et universus exercitus tumulo humum aggessit. Huic Artachæi ex oraculi effato sacra faciunt Acanthii, nomen ejus invocantes. Ita rex Xerxes obitum Artachæis luctu prosecutus est. | And while Xerxes was in Acanthos, it happened that he who had been set over the making of the channel, Artachaies by name, died of sickness, a man who was highly esteemed by Xerxes and belonged to the Achaimenid family; also he was in stature the tallest of all the Persians, falling short by only four fingers of being five royal cubits in height, and he had a voice the loudest of all men; so that Xerxes was greatly grieved at the loss of him, and carried him forth and buried him with great honor, and the whole army joined in throwing up a mound for him. To this Artachaies the Acanthians by the bidding of an oracle do sacrifice as a hero, calling upon his name in worship. King Xerxes, I say, was greatly grieved at the loss of Artachaies. |
| 7.118 | Græci vero ii, qui exercitum exceperunt, hospitiumque præbuere Xerxi, ad extremam redacti sunt miseriam, adeo ut suis etiam laribus fierent extorres. Quippe Thasiis quidem, quum nomine civitatum suarum, quæ in continente sunt, Xerxis exercitum hospitio et cœna excepissent, Antipater Orgis filius ad id delectus, vir inter cives suos in primis probatus, demonstravit insumpta in cœnam fuisse quadringenta argenti talenta. | And meanwhile the Hellenes who were entertaining his army and providing Xerxes with dinners had been brought to utter ruin, so that they were being driven from house and home; seeing that when the Thasians, for example, entertained the army of Xerxes and provided him with a dinner on behalf of their towns upon the mainland, Antipater the son of Orgeus, who had been appointed for this purpose, a man of repute among the citizens equal to the best, reported that four hundred talents of silver had been spent upon the dinner. |
| 7.119 | Similemque aliarum etiam civitatum principes rationem impensarum reddiderunt. Erat enim cœna, utpote multo ante indicta, et magna cura apparata, hujus modi. (2) Simul atque præconum vocem audiverunt per civitates adventum exercitus annuntiantium, partiti inter se oppidani frumentum quod in urbe erat, farinam triticeam et hordeaceam multos per menses conficiebant omnes ; simulque pecora saginabant, pulcritudine et pretio exquisita, avesque tam terrestres quam palustres et domibus et in vivariis alebant, quibus exciperent exercitum ; denique aurea et argentea pocula crateresque et reliqua omnia quæ mensæ imponuntur, comparabant. (3) Et hæc quidem soli utique regi ejusque convivis comparabantur ; reliquo vero exercitui sola cibaria imperata. Quando advenit exercitus, tabernaculum structum paratumque erat, quæ mansio esset ipsi Xerxi : reliquus exercitus sub dio agebat. (4) Ubi cœnæ aderat hora, hi qui hospites recipiebant laboris abunde habebant : illi vero, postquam bene pasti noctem ibi transegerunt, postridie revulso tabernaculo, et ablatis quæcunque moveri poterant, discedebant, nihil relinquentes, sed asportantes omnia. | Just so or nearly so in the other cities also those who were set over the business reported the reckoning to be: for the dinner was given as follows, having been ordered a long time beforehand, and being counted by them a matter of great importance — In the first place, so soon as they heard of it from the heralds who carried round the proclamation, the citizens in the various cities distributed corn among their several households, and all continued to make wheat and barley meal for many months; then they fed cattle, finding out and obtaining the finest animals for a high price; and they kept birds both of the land and of the water, in cages or in pools, all for the entertainment of the army. Then again they had drinking-cups and mixing-bowls made of gold and of silver, and all the other things which are placed upon the table: these were made for the king himself and for those who ate at his table; but for the rest of the army only the things appointed for food were provided. Then whenever the army came to any place, there was a tent pitched ready wherein Xerxes himself made his stay, while the rest of the army remained out in the open air; and when it came to be time for dinner, then the entertainers had labor; but the others, after they had been satiated with food and had spent the night there, on the next day tore up the tent and taking with them all the movable furniture proceeded on their march, leaving nothing, but carrying all away with them. |
| 7.120 | Quam in partem commode dictum memoratur Megacreontis, civis Abderitæ, qui suasit Abderitis, ut cives universi, mares atque feminæ, templa adirent sua, supplicesque precantur a diis, ut posthac dimidium imminentium malorum velint amoliri, et præteritorum causa gratias eisdem diis agerent, quod rex Xerxes non bis singulis diebus cibum capere consuesset. Quodsi enim imperatum Abderitis fuisset, prandium etiam similiter atque cœnam parare, duorum alterutrum illis fuisse eligendum, aut non manere advenientem Xerxem, aut, si mansissent, omnium hominum pessime attritum iri. Isti igitur, quamquam gravissime afflicti, tamen exsecuti sunt mandatum. | Then was uttered a word well spoken by Megacreon, a man of Abdera, who advised those of Abdera to go in a body, both themselves and their wives, to their temples, and to sit down as suppliants of the gods, entreating them that for the future also they would ward off from them the half of the evils which threatened; and he bade them feel great thankfulness to the gods for the past events, because king Xerxes had not thought good to take food twice in each day; for if it had been ordered to them beforehand to prepare breakfast also in like manner as the dinner, it would have remained for the men of Abdera either not to await the coming of Xerxes, or if they stayed, to be crushed by misfortune more than any other men upon the Earth. They then, I say, though hard put to it, yet were performing that which was appointed to them. |
| 7.121 | Acantho Xerxes classem a se dimisit, iter persequi jussam, mandato dato præfectis, ut navales copiæ ad Thermam sese opperirentur : ad illam dico Thermam, quæ Thermæo sinui imminet, qui ab illa etiam nomen invenit : hac enim maxime compendiariam esse viam cognoverat. (2) Quippe a Dorisco, usque Acanthum, in hunc modum ordinatus exercitus fecerat iter : terrestres omnes copias in tria agmina æquis fere partibus Xerxes partitus erat ; quorum unum jussum erat secundum mare simul cum classe iter facere ; ei Mardonius et Masistes præerant ; (3) alterum e tribus agmen, ducibus Tritantæchme et Gergi, per mediterranea proficiscebatur ; tertia pars, cum qua ipse erat Xerxes, media incedebat inter reliquas via, ducesque habebat Smerdomenem et Megabyzum. | And from Acanthos Xerxes, after having commanded the generals to wait for the fleet at Therma, let the ships take their course apart from himself, (now this Therma is that which is situated on the Thermaic gulf, from which also this gulf has its name); and thus he did because he was informed that this was the shortest way: for from Doriscos as far as Acanthos the army had been making its march thus — Xerxes had divided the whole land-army into three divisions, and one of them he had set to go along the sea accompanying the fleet, of which division Mardonios and Masistes were commanders; another third of the army had been appointed to go by the inland way, and of this the generals in command were Tritantaichmes and Gergis; and meanwhile the third of the subdivisions, with which Xerxes himself went, marched in the middle between them, and acknowledged as its commanders Smerdomenes and Megabyzos. |
| 7.122 | Navalis igitur exercitus, postquam a Xerxe dimissus est, per fossam navigavit, quæ per Athon montem in eum sinum perducta erat, supra quem situm est Assa oppidum, et Pilorus, et Singus, et Sarta ; inde, assumpta ex his quoque oppidis militum manu, in Thermæum sinum navigare perrexit. (2) Deinde Ampelon circumvectus, Toronæum promontorium, præter Græcas hasce civitates navigavit, Toronam, Galepsum, Sermylam, Mecybernam, Olynthum ; e quibus item naves et milites assumpsit. Nomen hujus regionis Sithonia est. | The fleet, when it was let go by Xerxes and had sailed right through the channel made in Athos (which went across to the gulf on which are situated the cities of Assa, Piloros, Singos and Sarte), having taken up a contingent from these cities also, sailed thence with a free course to the Thermaïc gulf, and turning round Ampelos the headland of Torone, it left on one side the following Hellenic cities, from which it took up contingents of ships and men, namely Torone, Galepsos, Sermyle, Mekyberna, Olynthos: this region is called Sithonia. |
| 7.123 | Ab Ampelo dein promontorio idem nauticus Xerxis exercitus rectam viam ad Canastræum promontorium carpens, quod ex universa Pallene maxime prominet, naves inde et milites e Potidæa et Aphyti et Neapoli et Æga et Therambo et Sciona et Menda et Sana assumpsit : hæc enim sunt oppida in Pallene, quæ nunc vocatur, sita ; cui regioni olim Phlegra fuerat nomen. (2) Hanc regionem prætervectus, in constitutum locum navigavit, obiter assumptis etiam copiis ex oppidis Pallenæ finitimis, et Thermæo sinui adjacentibus, quorum hæc sunt nomina : (3) Lipaxus, Combrea, Aisæ, Gigonus, Campsa, Smila, Ænea. Regio, in qua insunt hæc oppida, etiam nunc Crossæa vocatur. (4) Ab Ænea, in qua finem enumerandorum oppidorum feci, jam in ipsum Thermæum sinum, et in terram Mydoniam navigavit classis, pervenitque ad prædictam urbem Thermam, et Sindum et Chalestram oppidum, ad Axium fluvium ; qui Mygdoniam a Bottiæide disterminat, cujus in regionis arcto ad mare spatio oppida sunt Ichnæ et Pella. | And the fleet of Xerxes, cutting across from the headland of Ampelos to that of Canastron, which runs out furthest to sea of all Pallene, took up there contingents of ships and men from Potidaia, Aphytis, Neapolis, Aige, Therambo, Skione, Mende and Sane, for these are the cities which occupy the region which now is called Pallene, but was formerly called Phlegra. Then sailing along the coast of this country also the fleet continued its course towards the place which has been mentioned before, taking up contingents also from the cities which come next after Pallene and border upon the Thermaïc gulf; and the names of them are these — Lipaxos, Combreia, Aisa, Gigonos, Campsa, Smila, Aineia; and the region in which these cities are is called even to the present day Crossaia. Then sailing from Aineia, with which name I brought to an end the list of the cities, at once the fleet came into the Thermaïc gulf and to the region of Mygdonia, and so it arrived at the aforesaid Therma and at the cities of Sindos and Chalestra upon the river Axios. This river is the boundary between the land of Mygdonia and Bottiaia, of which district the narrow region which lies on the sea coast is occupied by the cities of Ichnai and Pella. |
| 7.124 | Classis igitur ibi circa Axium fluvium et Thermam urbem aliaque in medio sita oppida in statione mansit, regem exspectans. Xerxes vero et terrestris exercitus, ex Acantho profectus, per mediterranea carpsit viam, Thermam tendens. (2) Fecit autem iter per Pæonicam terram et per Crestonicam ad fluvium Echedorum, qui e Crestonæis initio sumpto per Mygdoniam fluit, et juxta paludem, quæ est supra Axium fluvium, in sinum illum aquas suas infundit. | Now while his naval force was encamped about the river Axios an the city of Therma and the cities which lie between these two, waiting for the coming of the king, Xerxes and the land-army were proceeding from Acanthos, cutting through the middle by the shortest way with a view to reaching Therma: and he was proceeding through Paionia and Crestonia to the river Cheidoros, which beginning from the land of the Crestonians, runs through the region of Mygdonia and comes out alongside of the marsh which is by the river Axios. |
| 7.125 | Hac dum iter fecit Xerxes, in camelos impedimenta portantes impetum fecere leones. Hi enim noctu e consuetis suis sedibus descendentes, nullo alio neque jumento tacto, neque homine, solas corripiebant camelos. (2) Atqui mirari subit, quid causæ fuerit quod leones compelleret, ut, intactis reliquis omnibus, solis camelis insidiarentur, quum nunquam vel vidissent hoc animal, vel periculum ejus fecissent. | As he was proceeding by this way, lions attacked the camels which carried his provisions; for the lions used to come down regularly by night, leaving their own haunts, but they touched nothing else, neither beast of burden nor man, but killed the camels only: and I marvel what was the cause, and what was it that impelled the lions to abstain from all else and to attack the camels only, creatures which they had never seen before, and of which they had had no experience. |
| 7.126 | Sunt autem in his regionibus frequentes leones, et boves item silvestres, quorum cornua immani sunt magnitudine ; quæ in Græciam solent importari. (2) Terminus autem leonibus est Nestus fluvius per Abdera fluens, et Acarnaniam perfluens Achelous. Nam nec orientem versus ulla in parte anterioris Europæ ultra Nestum leonem aliquis videat, nec ab occidente Acheloi in reliqua continente ; sed inter duos istos fluvios leones gignuntur. | Now there are in these parts both many lions and also wild oxen, those that have the very large horns which are often brought into Hellas: and the limit within which these lions are found is on the one side the river Nestos, which flows through Abdera, and on the other the Achelos, which flows through Acarnania; for neither do the East of the Nestos, in any part of Europe before you come to this, would you see a lion, nor again in the remaining part of the continent to the West of the Acheloos, but they are produced in the middle space between these rivers. |
| 7.127 | Thermam ut Xerxes pervenit, substitit ibi cum exercitu. Obtinebant autem castra exercitus ejus totam oram maritimam, inde a Therma urbe et terra Mygdonia usque ad Lydiam fluvium et Haliacmonem, qui Bottiæam a Macedonia disterminant, in eundem alveum aquas suas confundentes. (2) Tantum terræ spatium occuparunt barbarorum castra. Fluviorum autem, quos commemoravi, solus Echedorus, e Crestonæis fluens, ad potandum non suffecit exercitui, sed aqua illum destituit. | When Xerxes had reached Therma he established the army there; and his army encamping there occupied of the land along by the sea no less than this — beginning from the city of Therma and from Mygdonia it extended as far as the river Lydias and the Haliacmon, which form the boundary between the lands of Bottiaia and Macedonia, mingling their waters together in one and the same stream. The Barbarians, I say, were encamped in these regions; and of the rivers which have been enumerated, only the river Cheidoros flowing from the Crestonian land was insufficient for the drinking of the army and failed in its stream. |
| 7.128 | Xerxes vero e Therma prospectans Thessalicos montes, Olympum atque Ossam, altitudine mirum in modum eminentes, ut rescivit in medio illorum angustam esse convallem, quam perfluat Peneus amnis, audivitque esse ibi viam quæ in Thessaliam ferat, cupidus fuit nave conscensa spectandi ostium Penei : quippe ducturus erat exercitum superiore via per Macedonas superne habitantes in Perrhæbos præter Gonnon urbem, quum tutissimum illac iter esse rescivisset. (2) Et sicut cupivit, ita fecit. Conscensa nave Sidonia, quam eandem semper conscendere consueverat, quoties tale quidpiam susciperet, signum reliquis etiam navibus proposuit solvendi, relicto ibi pedestri exercitu. (3) Ubi ad ostium Penei Xerxes pervenit, illudque spectavit, ingenti captus est admiratione : advocatosque viæ duces interrogavit, fierine posset, ut averteretur fluvius et alia parte in mare derivaretur. | Then Xerxes seeing from Therma the mountains of Thessaly, Olympos and Ossa, that they were of very great height, and being informed that in the midst between them there was a narrow channel, through which flows the Peneios, and hearing also that by this way there was a good road leading to Thessaly, formed a desire to sail thither and look at the outlet of the Peneios, because he was meaning to march by the upper road, through the land of the Macedonians who dwell inland, until he came to the Perraibians, passing by the city of Gonnos; for by this way he was informed that it was safest to go. And having formed this desire, so also he proceeded to do; that is, he embarked in a Sidonian ship, the same in which he used always to embark when he wished to do anything of this kind, and he displayed a signal for the others to put out to sea also, leaving there the land-army. Then when Xerxes had looked at the outlet of the Peneios, he was possessed by great wonder, and summoning his guides he asked them whether it was possible to turn the river aside and bring it out to the sea by another way. |
| 7.129 | Thessaliam fama est lacum olim fuisse, utpote altissimis montibus undique circumclausam. (2) Etenim latus orienti obversum præcludunt Pelion et Ossa montes, quorum radices sese contingunt ; septentrionale latus Olympus præcludit, occidentale Pindus, meridiei et Noto obversum Othrys : et cava terra inter prædictos montes intercepta, Thessalia est. (3) Igitur quum in hanc terram et alii frequentes rivi et quinque præ ceteris clari influant hi, Peneus, Apidanus, Onochonus, Enipeus, et Pamisus ; omnes hi modo nominati rivi, e montibus Thessaliam cingentibus in hunc campum influentes, per unam convallem, eamque angustam, exitum habent in mare, postquam in unum alveum aquas suas cuncti ante infuderunt : qui e quo confluxere, ceteri nomem omittunt suum, et unum Penei nomen manet. (4) Pristinis vero temporibus, quum convallis illa nondum existeret, quæ exitum aperit aquis, ajunt rivos illos, et præter rivos Bœbeidem lacum, nomina quidem ea quibus nunc appellantur non habuisse, sed nihilo minus quam nunc fluxisse, atque adeo effecisse ut pelagus esset tota Thessalia. (5) Et ipsi quidem Thessali ajunt, Neptunum fecisse convallem illam, per quam tanquam canalem effluit Peneus : nec præter rationem hoc affirmant. Qui enim Neptunum existimat movere terram, et, quæ terræ motu diducta sunt, opera hujus dei esse ; is istud quoque videns dixerit, Neptunum id fecisse. Est enim illa montium diductio, ut mihi plane apparebat, terræ motu effecta. | Now it is said that Thessaly was in old time a lake, being enclosed on all sides by very lofty mountains: for the parts of it which lie towards the East are shut in by the ranges of Pelion and Ossa, which join one another in their lower slopes, the parts towards the North Wind by Olympos, those towards the West by Pindos and those towards the mid-day and the South Wind by Othrys; and the region in the midst, between these mountains which have been named, is Thessaly, forming as it were a hollow. Whereas then many rivers flow into it and among them these five of most note, namely Peneios, Apidanos, Onochonos, Enipeus and Pamisos, these, which collect their waters from the mountains that enclose Thessaly round, and flow into this plain, with names separate each one, having their outflow into the sea by one channel and that a narrow one, first mingling their waters all together in one and the same stream; and so soon as they are mingled together, from that point onwards the Peneios prevails with its name over the rest and causes the others to lose their separate names. And it is said that in ancient time, there not being yet this channel and outflow between the mountains, these rivers, and besides these rivers the lake Boibeïs also, had no names as they have now, but by their waters they made Thessaly to be all sea. The Thessalians themselves say that Poseidon made the channel through which the Peneios flows; and reasonably they report it thus, because whosoever believes that it is Poseidon who shakes the Earth and that the partings asunder produced by earthquake are the work of this god, would say, if he saw this, that it was made by Poseidon; for the parting asunder of the mountains is the work of an earthquake, as is evident to me. |
| 7.130 | Viæ autem duces, quærenti Xerxi an alius foret Peneo exitus in mare, rem accurate compertam habentes, responderunt : « Non est, rex, huic flumini alius exitus qui ad mare pertineat, nisi hic ipse : est enim tota Thessalia undique montibus cincta. » Ad hæc Xerxes dixisse memoratur : « Prudentes viri sunt Thessali : (2) itaque jam multo ante sibi præcaverunt, melius sibi consulentes, quum alioquin, tum quod terram incolunt captu et expugnatu facilem. Nulla enim alia re fuerit opus, nisi ut hoc flumen in illorum terram immittatur aggere ex hac convalle repulsum, et ex iis per quos nunc fluit alveis aversum, quo universa Thessalia præter montes, aquis mergeretur. » (3) Hæc dixit ad Aleuæ filios spectantia, quod illi, Thessali quum essent, primi Græcorum sese regi tradiderant, quos de communi gentis consilio societatem sibi pollicitos esse Xerxes arbitrabatur. His dictis, quæ voluerat contemplatus, Thermam renavigavit. | So the guides, when Xerxes asked whether there was any other possible outlet to the sea for the Peneios, said with exact knowledge of the truth: “O king, for this river there is no other outgoing which extends to the sea, but this alone; for all Thessaly is circled about with mountains as with a crown.” To this Xerxes is said to have replied: “The Thessalians then are prudent men. This it appears was that which they desired to guard against in good time when they changed their counsel, reflecting on this especially besides other things, namely that they had a country which, it appears, is easy to conquer and may quickly be taken: for it would have been necessary only to let the river flow over their land by making an embankment to keep it from going through the narrow channel and so diverting the course by which now it flows, in order to put all Thessaly under water except the mountains.” This he said in reference to the sons of Aleuas, because they, being Thessalians, were the first of the Hellenes who gave themselves over to the king; for Xerxes thought that they offered him friendship on behalf of their whole nation. Having said thus and having looked at the place, he sailed back to Therma. |
| 7.131 | Ibi tum aliquammultos dies in Pieria est commoratus. Etenim montem Macedonicum tertia pars exercitus tondebat, ut illac universæ copiæ in Perrhæbos transirent. Interim præcones per Græciam ad postulandam terram dimissi redierunt ; alii vacui, alii terram et aquam afferentes. | He then was staying in the region of Pieria many days, for the road over the mountains of Macedonia was being cut meanwhile by a third part of his army, that all the host might pass over by this way into the land of the Perraibians: and now the heralds returned who had been sent to Hellas to demand the gift of earth, some empty-handed and others bearing earth and water. |
| 7.132 | Qui hæc dederunt populi, hi fere fuere : Thessali, Dolopes, Ænianes, Perrhæbi, Locri, Magnetes, Malienses, Achæi Phthiotæ, Thebani et reliqui Bœoti, exceptis Thespiensibus et Platæensibus. (2) Contra hos Græci ii, qui bellum adversus barbarum susceperunt, fœdus pepigerunt interposito juramento, cujus hæc erat formula : Quicunque populi Græci Persæ sese tradiderint, nulla necessitate coacti, rebus suis bene habentibus, hos Delphico deo decimam proventuum dare debere. Hæc formula fœderis fuit a Græcis contra hos initi. | And among those who gave that which was demanded were the following, namely the Thessalians, Dolopians, Enianians, Perraibians, Locrians, Megnesians, Malians, Achaians of Phthiotis, and Thebans, with the rest of the Boeotians also excepting the Thespians and Plataians. Against these the Hellenes who took up war with the Barbarian made an oath; and the oath was this — “From all those of Greek blood who delivered themselves up to the Persians without necessity, when their affairs were in good condition, we will take a tithe of their goods, and give it to the god at Delphi.” Thus ran the oath which was taken by the Hellenes. |
| 7.133 | Athenas autem et Spartam præcones ad terram postulandam Xerxes non misit, hac de causa : superiori tempore, quum ad hoc ipsum Darius legatos misisset, hos, qui postulatum venerant, Athenienses in barathrum, Lacedæmonii vero in puteum prcæipitaverant, jussos ex his terram et aquam capere regi afferendam. (2) Hanc ob causam ad hos Xerxes non misit qui postularent. Quod quidem ob facinus adversus præcones admissum quidnam Atheniensibus mali acciderit, dicere non possum, nisi quod terra eorum et urbs evastata est : at hoc quidem non illam ob culpam puto accidisse. | Xerxes however had not sent to Athens or to Sparta heralds to demand the gift of earth, and for this reason, namely because at the former time when Dareios had sent for this very purpose, the one people threw the men who made the demand into the pit and the others into a well, and bade them take from thence earth and water and bear them to the king. For this reason Xerxes did not send men to make this demand. And what evil thing came upon the Athenians for having done this to the heralds, I am not able to say, except indeed that their land and city were laid waste; but I do not think that this happened for that cause. |
| 7.134 | In Lacedæmonios vero incubuit Talthybii ira, præconis Agamemnonis. Est enim Spartæ Talthybii fanum : et supersunt ibi posteri Talthybii, Talthybiadæ nominati, quibus hoc privilegium datum est, ut omnia præconum munera apud Spartanos exerceant. (2) Ab illo vero tempore Spartanis sacra facientibus non contigit perlitare : idque longum per tempus apud eos obtinuit. (3) Quod quum dolerent Lacedæmonii, et in magna ponerent calamitate, contione populi sæpius habita, et præconio edito in hanc sententiam, si quis vellet Lacedæmoniorum pro Sparta mortem obire ; tum vero Sperthias Aneristi filius, et Bulis Nicolai, cives Spartani, et nobili loco nati, et opibus apprime eminentes, ultro sese obtulerunt ad pœnas Xerxi solvendas pro Darii præconibus Spartæ occisis. Ita hos Spartani, tanquam subituros supplicium, in Medos miserunt. | On the Lacedemonians however the wrath fell of Talthybios, the herald of Agamemnon; for in Sparta there is a temple of Talthybios, and there are also descendants of Talthybios called Talthybiads, to whom have been given as a right all the missions of heralds which go from Sparta; and after this event it was not possible for the Spartans when they sacrificed to obtain favorable omens. This was the case with them for a long time; and as the Lacedemonians were grieved and regarded it as a great misfortune, and general assemblies were repeatedly gathered together and proclamation made, asking if any one of the Lacedemonians was willing to die for Sparta, at length Sperthias the son of Aneristos and Bulis the son of Nicolaos, Spartans of noble birth and in wealth attaining to the first rank, voluntarily submitted to pay the penalty to Xerxes for the heralds of Dareios which had perished at Sparta. Thus the Spartans sent these to the Medes to be put to death. |
| 7.135 | Estque et audacia ista horum virorum admiratione digna, et eorumdem oratio, quæ fuit hujusmodi. Dum Susa proficiscuntur, veniunt ad Hydarnem. Is Hydarnes genere Persa erat, præfectus oræ maritimæ Asiæ; (2) qui eos ad hospitium vocatos, et liberaliter exceptos, his verbis interrogavit : « Viri Lacedæmonii, quid tandem respuitis amici esse Regis ? Me et res meas respicientes, videtis quo pacto sciat rex viros bonos honorare. (3) Ita igitur vos quoque si regi vos traderetis (nam viri boni esse ab ipso estis judicati), unusquisque vestrum parti cuidam Græciæ imperaturus esset regis beneficio. » Ad hæc illi responderunt : « Hydarnes, non ex æquo proficiscitur hoc quod tu nobis das consilium. (4) Nam id, quod tu expertus es, nobis consulis : alterum autem non es expertus. Servire quidem nosti ; libertatis vero nondum cepisti experimentum, utrum dulcis sit, annon. Hanc enim si esses expertus, consuleres nobis, ut pro ea non hastis modo pugnaremus, verum etiam securibus. » Hæc illi responderunt Hydarni. | And not only the courage then shown by these men is worthy of admiration, but also the following sayings in addition: for as they were on their way to Susa they came to Hydarnes (now Hydarnes was a Persian by race and commander of those who dwelt on the sea coasts of Asia), and he offered them hospitality and entertained them; and while they were his guests he asked them as follows: “Lacedemonians, why is it that ye flee from becoming friends to the king? for ye may see that the king knows how to honor good men, when ye look at me and at my fortunes. So also ye, Lacedemonians, if ye gave yourselves to the king, since ye have the reputation with him already of being good men, would have rule each one of you over Hellenic land by the gift of the king.” To this they made answer thus: “Hydarnes, thy counsel with regard to us is not equally balanced, for thou givest counsel having made trial indeed of the one thing, but being without experience of the other: thou knowest well what it is to be a slave, but thou hast never yet made trial of freedom, whether it is pleasant to the taste or no; for if thou shouldest make trial of it, thou wouldest then counsel us to fight for it not with spears only but also with axes. Thus they answered Hydarnes. |
| 7.136 | Inde ubi Susa ascenderunt, et in conspectum venere regis, primum quidem, jubentibus satellitibus et vim illis afferentibus ut in terram prostrati adorarent regem, neutiquam se, etiam si in caput ab illis detruderentur, id facturos ajebant ; nec enim sui moris esse adorare hominem, nec ea causa venisse. (2) Tum, postquam ne id facerent ita repugnarunt, deinde hæc et his similia dixere : « Rex Medorum, miserunt nos Lacedæmonii, ut pro præconibus Spartæ occisis pœnam solvamus. » (3) Quibus Xerxes, ut erat generoso animo, hæc respondit : Non se similem futurum Lacedæmoniis : illos enim, occidendo præcones, jura omnibus hominibus sancta violasse ; se vero, quod in illis damnet facinus, id non admissurum ; neque illos vicissim interficiendo culpa liberaturum Lacedæmonios. | And then, after they had gone up to Susa and had come into the presence of the king, first when the spearmen of the guard commanded them and endeavored to compel them by force to do obeisance to the king by falling down before him, they said that they would not do any such deed, though they should be pushed down by them head foremost; for it was not their custom to do obeisance to a man, and it was not for this that they had come. Then when they had resisted this, next they spoke these words or words to this effect: “O king of the Medes, the Lacedemonians sent us in place of the heralds who were slain in Sparta, to pay the penalty for their lives.” When they said this, Xerxes moved by a spirit of magnanimity replied that he would not be like the Lacedemonians; for they had violated the rules which prevailed among all men by slaying heralds, but he would not do that himself which he blamed them for having done, nor would he free the Lacedemonians from their guilt by slaying these in return. |
| 7.137 | Ita, ratione ista a Lacedæmoniis inita, pacata in præsens tempus est Talthybii ira, licet Spartam redierint Sperthias et Bulis. (2) At multo post tempore recruduit illa, ut ajunt Lacedæmonii, in bello Peloponnesiorum et Atheniensium. Quæ res, si qua alia, utique divinitus accidisse mihi videtur. (3) Nam, ut in legatos ingrueret Talthybii ira, neque cessaret priusquam exitum esset nacta, id jus et fas ferebat : quod vero in filios ingruerit horum virorum qui pacandæ ejus causa ad regem erant profecti, in Nicolaum Bulidis filium, et in Sperthiæ filium Aneristum, qui Halienses [alii piscatores] Tirynthios cepit, navi oneraria navigans viris repleta ; id igitur e divini numinis memore ira accidisse plane mihi fit manifestum. (4) Hi enim, quum a Lacedæmoniis legati missi essent in Asiam, proditi a Sitalce Terei filio, Thracum rege, et Nymphodoro Pytheæ filio Abderita, intercepti sunt prope Bisanthen ad Hellespontum ; et in Atticam abducti, interfecti sunt ab Atheniensibus, cum eisque Aristeas Adimanti filius, Corinthius. Sed hoc quidem multis annis post hanc regis accidit expeditionem. | Thus the wrath of Talthybios ceased for the time being, even though the Spartans had done no more than this and although Sperthias and Bulis returned back to Sparta; but a long time after this it was roused again during the war between the Peloponnesians and Athenians, as the Lacedemonians report. This I perceive to have been most evidently the act of the Deity: for in that the wrath of Talthybios fell upon messengers and did not cease until it had been fully satisfied, so much was but in accordance with justice; but that it happened to come upon the sons of these men who went up to the king on account of the wrath, namely upon Nicolaos the son of Bulis and Aneristos the son of Sperthias (the same who conquered the men of Halieis, who came from Tiryns, by sailing into their harbor with a merchant ship filled with fighting men) — by this it is evident to me that the matter came to pass by the act of the Deity caused by this wrath. For these men, sent by the Lacedemonians as envoys to Asia, having been betrayed by Sitalkes the son of Teres king of the Thracians and by Nymphodoros the son of Pythes a man of Abdera, were captured at Bisanthe on the Hellespont; and then having been carried away to Attica they were put to death by the Athenians, and with them also Aristeas the son of Adeimantos the Corinthian. These things happened many years after the expedition of the king. |
| 7.138 | Sed ad superiorem revertor narrationem. Regis hæc expeditio titulum quidem habebat tanquam adversus Athenas tendens, sed contra universam dirigebatur Græciam. (2) Qua re multo ante cognita, non eodem modo Græci omnes erant affecti. Quippe eorum alii, quum terram et aquam Persæ dedissent, confidebant nihil mali a barbaro sibi illatum iri : (3) alii vero, qui non dederant, ingenti metu tenebantur ; quum nec navium idoneus numerus esset in Græcia, quibus excipere invadentem hostem possent, et multitudo arma capere nollet, sed haud cunctanter faveret Medis. | And I return now to the former narrative. Now the march of the king’s army was in name against Athens, but in fact it was going against all Hellas: and the Hellenes being informed of this long before were not all equally affected by it; for some of them having given earth and water to the Persian had confidence, supposing that they would suffer no hurt from the Barbarian; while others not having given were in great terror, seeing that there were not ships existing in Hellas which were capable as regards number of receiving the invader in fight, and seeing that the greater part of the States were not willing to take up the war, but adopted readily the side of the Medes. |
| 7.139 | Atque hoc loco necessitas me cogit, ut sententiam dicam, invidiosam quidem illam apud plerosque homines : nec tamen me retinebo, quin id, quoniam manifeste verum mihi videtur, pronuntiem. (2) Si Athenienses imminentis periculi metu terra sua excessissent, aut si manentes tradidissent se Xerxi, Græcorum nulli periculum facturi erant mari occurrendi regi. (3) Quodsi ergo mari nemo restitisset Xerxi, in continenti utique ita se res erat habitura : quantumvis multæ murorum loricæ per Isthmum fuissent a Peloponnesiis erectæ, deserti Lacedæmonii a sociis (non illis quidem volentibus, sed necessitate coactis, quippe quorum civitates singulatim ab hostium classe fuissent expugnatæ) soli fuissent relicti : soli autem relicti, fortibus editis facinoribus, generose erant occubituri. (4) Aut hoc fato erant functuri : aut, priusquam illud forent experti, quum vidissent reliquos Græcos cum Medis sentire, ipsi quoque deditionem erant facturi : atque ita, utrumlibet accidisset, Græcia in potestate erat futura Persarum. (5) Nam murorum illorum per Isthmum ductorum quænam futura fuisset utilitas, exputare equidem non possum, quando rex maris tenuisset imperium. (6) Nunc si quis dicat, Athenienses sospitatores fuisse Græciæ, non aberraverit a vero : etenim, utram rationem rerum gerendarum illi sequerentur, ea ratio præponderatura erat. Itaque, quum hoc sint secuti ut libera maneret Græcia, hi soli sunt, qui, quidquid Græci nominis reliquum erat quod cum Medis non sentiret, id excitarunt, quique, secundum deos utique, regem repulerunt. (7) Neque eos oracula terribilia Delphis advenientia, ingentemque incutientia metum, movere potuerunt ut Græciam desererent : sed permanentes sustinuerunt invadentem fines suos hostem. | And here I am compelled by necessity to declare an opinion which in the eyes of most men would seem to be invidious, but nevertheless I will not abstain from saying that which I see evidently to be the truth. If the Athenians had been seized with fear of the danger which threatened them and had left their land, or again, without leaving their land, had stayed and given themselves up to Xerxes, none would have made any attempt by sea to oppose the king. If then none had opposed Xerxes by sea, it would have happened on the land somewhat thus — even if many tunics of walls had been thrown across the Isthmus by the Peloponnesians, the Lacedemonians would have been deserted by their allies, not voluntarily but of necessity, since these would have been conquered city after city by the naval force of the Barbarian, and so they would have been left alone: and having been left alone and having displayed great deeds of valor, they would have met their death nobly. Either they would have suffered this fate, or before this, seeing the other Hellenes also taking the side of the Medes, they would have made an agreement with Xerxes; and thus in either case Hellas would have come to be under the rule of the Persians: for as to the good to be got from the walls thrown across the Isthmus, I am unable to discover what it would have been, when the king had command of the sea. As it is however, if a man should say that the Athenians proved to be the saviors of Hellas, he would not fail to hit the truth; for to whichever side these turned, to that the balance was likely to incline: and these were they who, preferring that Hellas should continue to exist in freedom, roused up all of Hellas which remained, so much, that is, as had not gone over to the Medes, and (after the gods at least) these were they who repelled the king. Nor did fearful oracles, which came from Delphi and cast them into dread, induce them to leave Hellas, but they stayed behind and endured to receive the invader of their land. |
| 7.140 | Missis enim Delphos legatis consulere oraculum Athenienses voluerant. Qui legati postquam, peractis circa templum legitimis cærimoniis, ædem erant ingressi consederantque, hoc eis Pythia, cui nomen erat Aristonica, oraculum ediderat:
ædibus et summis collibus in-orbem-conditæ urbis. Nec enim caput firmum manebit, nec corpus, nec extremi pedes, neque manus, nec de media quidquam supererit, sed pernicies advenit. Disturbabit enim illam et ignis, et acer Mavors, Syriacum agens currum. Multaque etiam alia munita perdet loca, non modo tuum: multaque Immortalium templa rabido dabit igni, quæ jam nunc passim stant sudore fluentia, metuque trementia : et de summis tectis sanguis ater defluit, inevitabilium prænuntius malorum. Sed excedite hoc penetrali, et animi robur opponite malis. » |
For the Athenians had sent men to Delphi to inquire and were preparing to consult the Oracle; and after these had performed the usual rites in the sacred precincts, when they had entered the sanctuary and were sitting down there, the Pythian prophetess, whose name was Aristonike, uttered to them this oracle:
limits, Leaving thy home and the heights of the wheel-round city behind thee! Lo, there remaineth now nor the head nor the body in safety — Neither the feet below nor the hands nor the middle are left thee — All are destroyed together; for fire and the passionate War-god, Urging the Syrian car to speed, doth hurl them to ruin. Not thine alone, he shall cause many more great strongholds to perish, Yes, many temples of gods to the ravening fire shall deliver — Temples which stand now surely with sweat of their terror down-streaming, Quaking with dread; and lo! from the topmost roof to the pavement Dark blood trickles, forecasting the dire unavoidable evil. Forth with you, forth from the shrine, and steep your soul in the sorrow!” |
| 7.141 | His auditis, Atheniensium legati gravissimo luctu erant affecti. Qui quum ob nuntiatam calamitatem prorsus abjecissent animum, Timon Androbuli filius, civis Delphensis, spectatus in primis inter suos, consuluit eis, ut sumpto oleæ ramo iterum intrarent, et supplicum habitu denuo peterent oraculum. (2) Qui quum illi obsecuti essent, dixissentque : « O rex Apollo, melius nobis oraculum de patria ede, hos supplicum ramos respiciens, quos tibi ferimus, aut ex hoc penetrali non discedimus, sed hic manebimus usque dum vita excedamus: » hæc ubi dixerunt, alterum illis oraculum Pythia edidit hujusmodi:
multis illum verbis precata prudentique consilio. Tibi vero hoc rursus verbum edico, adamantis simile firmitate. Quando cetera omnia capientur, quæ intra Cecropis fines et sacri Cithæronis latebras sunt comprehensa; Tritoniæ hoc dat late-cernens Juppiter, ut ligneus murus solus inexpugnabilis sit, qui te tuosque liberos servet. Neque tu equitum mane peditumque invadentem a continente numerosum exercitum tranquillus ; sed recipite te, terga vertens. Erit tempus, quum tu etiam contra stabis. O divina Salamis ! perdes tu filios mulierum sive passim disseminata Cerere, sive collecta. » |
Hearing this the men who had been sent by the Athenians to consult the Oracle were very greatly distressed; and as they were despairing by reason of the evil which had been prophesied to them, Timon the son of Androbulos, a man of the Delphians in reputation equal to the first, counselled them to take a suppliant’s bough and to approach the second time and consult the Oracle as suppliants. The Athenians did as he advised and said: “Lord, we pray thee utter to us some better oracle about our native land, having respect to these suppliant boughs which we have come to thee bearing; otherwise surely we will not depart away from the sanctuary, but will remain here where we are now, even until we bring our lives to an end.” When they spoke these words, the prophetess gave them a second oracle as follows:
with words very many and wiles close-woven entreat him. But I will tell thee this more, and will clench it with steel adamantine: Then when all else shall be taken, whatever the boundary of Kecrops Holdeth within, and the dark ravines of divinest Kithairon, A bulwark of wood at the last Zeus grants to the Trito-born goddess Sole to remain unwasted, which thee and thy children shall profit. Stay thou not there for the horsemen to come and the footmen unnumbered; Stay thou not still for the host from the mainland to come, but retire thee, Turning thy back to the foe, for yet thou shalt face him hereafter. Salamis, thou the divine, thou shalt cause sons of women to perish, Or when the grain is scattered or when it is gathered together.” |
| 7.142 | Quæ quum mitiora ipsis essent esseque viderentur quam prius editum oraculum, scripto hæc consignarunt, et redierunt Athenas. Id ipsum vero responsum postquam reversi legati ad populum retulere, et aliæ multæ dicebantur sententiæ ab his qui in mentem oraculi inquirebant, et hæ duæ maxime inter se conflictantes. (2) Dicebant seniorum nonnulli, videri sibi deum significare superfuturam esse arcem. Erat enim olim arx Athenarum septo munita : hi igitur, id septum cogitantes, hunc esse ligneum illum murum conjectabantur. (3) Alii contra, naves, ajebant, a deo significari ; hasque parandas esse atque instruendas, omissis aliis rebus omnibus, contendebant. Hi vero ipsi, qui naves esse dicebant ligneum murum, in duobus postremis Pythiæ versibus illis hæsitabant:
sive passim disseminata Cerere, sive collecta. » |
This seemed to them to be (as in truth it was) a milder utterance than the former one; therefore they had it written down and departed with it to Athens: and when the messengers after their return made report to the people, many various opinions were expressed by persons inquiring into the meaning of the oracle, and among them these, standing most in opposition to one another — some of the elder men said they thought that the god had prophesied to them that the Acropolis should survive; for the Acropolis of the Athenians was in old time fenced with a thorn hedge; and they conjectured accordingly that this saying about the “bulwark of wood” referred to the fence: others on the contrary said that the god meant by this their ships, and they advised to leave all else and get ready these. Now they who said that the ships were the bulwark of wood were shaken in their interpretation by the two last verses which the prophetess uttered:
Or when the grain is scattered or when it is gathered together.” |
| 7.143 | Erat autem Athenis vir quidam, nuper inter primarios cives locum consecutus, cui erat nomen Themistocles, vulgo vero Neoclis filius appellabatur. (2) Hic vir, negans recte ista accipi ab oraculorum interpretibus, in hanc sententiam disseruit : Si vere ad Athenienses spectaret istud dictum, non adeo miti verbo usurum fuisse, ait, deum, sed « O misera Salamis » dicturum fuisse, non « O divina Salamis; » si quidem circa eam perituri essent incolæ. (3) Sed enim in hostes valere dei responsum, si quid illud recte intelligat, non in Athenienses. Itaque suasit civibus, ut ad navalem pugnam sese compararent ; hunc enim esse ligneum murum. (4) Hanc in partem quum sententiam Themistocles dixisset, censuerunt Athenienses potiorem esse hanc rationem, quam illam quæ erat ab oraculorum interpretibus proposita : qui, apparatum navalis pugnæ dissuadentes, summam rei in eo verti contendebant, ut ne manus quidem contra invadentes hostes tollerent, sed, relicta prorsus Attica, in alia terra novas sedes quærerent. | Now there was one man of the Athenians who had lately been coming forward to take a place among the first, whose name was Themistocles, called son of Neocles. This man said that the interpreters of oracles did not make right conjecture of the whole, and he spoke as follows, saying that if these words that had been uttered referred really to the Athenians, he did not think it would have been so mildly expressed in the oracle, but rather thus, “Salamis, thou the merciless,” instead of “Salamis, thou the divine,” at least if its settlers were destined to perish round about it: but in truth the oracle had been spoken by the god with reference to the enemy, if one understood it rightly, and not to the Athenians: therefore he counselled them to get ready to fight a battle by sea, for in this was their bulwark of wood. When Themistocles declared his opinion thus, the Athenians judged that this was to be preferred by them rather than the advice of the interpreters of oracles, who bade them not make ready for a sea-fight, nor in short raise their hands at all in opposition, but leave the land of Attica and settle in some other. |
| 7.144 | Alia vero etiam ante hanc ejusdem Themistoclis sententia opportune vicerat. Quum ingentes fuissent in Atheniensium ærario pecuniæ, quæ e metallis a Laureo redierant, in eoque res esset, ut ea pecunia viritim a civibus divideretur, et unusquisque decem acciperet drachmas ; (2) tunc Themistocles persuaserat civibus, ut, omissa illa distributione, naves ex hac pecunia ducentas ædificarent ad bellum, bellum cum Æginetis intelligens. Hoc enim bellum, tunc conflatum, Græciæ fuit saluti, eo quod Athenienses mari dare operam coegit. (3) Sed naves hæ, ad quem comparatæ fuerant usum, in eum quidem non sunt adhibitæ: at ita tamen opportuno tempore in promptu fuere Græciæ. Has igitur naves, ante comparatas, tunc habuere Athenienses ; præterque eas aliæ erant ædificandæ. (4) Et post acceptum oraculi responsum habita deliberatione decreverunt, deo obsequentes cum omnibus copiis naves conscendere, et mari, una cum eis e Græcis qui ita vellent, excipere barbarum Græciam invadentem. Ista igitur, quæ dixi, oracula Athiensibus evenerant. | Another opinion too of Themistocles before this one proved the best at the right moment, when the Athenians, having got large sums of money in the public treasury, which had come in to them from the mines which are at Laureion, were intending to share it among themselves, taking each in turn the sum of ten drachmas. Then Themistocles persuaded the Athenians to give up this plan of division and to make for themselves with this money two hundred ships for the war, meaning by that the war with the Eginetans: for this war having arisen proved in fact the salvation of Hellas at that time, by compelling the Athenians to become a naval power. And the ships, not having been used for the purpose for which they had been made, thus proved of service at need to Hellas. These ships then, I say, the Athenians had already, having built them beforehand, and it was necessary in addition to these to construct others. They resolved then, when they took counsel after the oracle was given, to receive the Barbarian invading Hellas with their ships in full force, following the commands of the god, in combination with those of the Hellenes who were willing to join them. These oracles, as I mentioned, had been given before to the Athenians. |
| 7.145 | Postquam vero in unum locum convenere quicunque e Græcis Græciam incolentibus meliora sentiebant, ibi tum collatis inter se sermonibus, fideque data, de communi consilio placuit, primum rerum omnium componere inimicitias et mutua bella, quæ inter ipsos obtinerent. Erant autem et contra alios suscepta bella ; maximum vero obtinebat inter Athenienses et Æginetas. (2) Deinde vero, quum rescivissent Sardibus cum exercitu esse Xerxem, placuit speculatores mittere in Asiam, qui res regis explorarent ; tum et Argos mittere legatos, societatem adversus Persas conciliaturos ; item alios in Siciliam mittere ad Gelonem Dinomenis filium, et in Corcyram, qui auxilia Græcis mittenda postularent ; denique alios in Cretam : hoc consilio, ut, si fieri posset, in unum coalesceret Græcum omne genus, cunctique concordes junctis agerent viribus ; quippe cunctis pariter Græcis imminente periculo. Dicebantur autem permagnæ esse res Gelonis, multo ampliores quam ullius populi Græci. | And when those Hellenes who had the better mind about Hellas came together to one place, and considered their affairs and interchanged assurances with one another, then deliberating together they thought it well first of all things to reconcile the enmities and bring to an end the wars which they had with one another. Now there were wars engaged between others also, and especially between the Athenians and the Eginetans. After this, being informed that Xerxes was with his army at Sardis, they determined to send spies to Asia to make observation of the power of the king; and moreover they resolved to send envoys to Argos to form an alliance against the Persian, and to send others to Sicily to Gelon the son of Deinomenes and also to Corcyra, to urge them to come to the assistance of Hellas, and others again to Crete; for they made it their aim that if possible the Hellenic race might unite in one, and that they might join all together and act towards the same end, since dangers were threatening all the Hellenes equally. Now the power of Gelon was said to be great, far greater than any other Hellenic power. |
| 7.146 | His ita decretis, depositis inimicitiis, primum speculatores mittunt in Asiam, tres viros. (2) Qui postquam Sardes venerunt, exercitumque explorarunt regis, deprehensi sunt, tortique a ducibus copiarum pedestrium, abducebantur supplicio afficiendi : capitis enim erant damnati. (3) Quod ubi Xerxes rescivit, improbata ducum sententia, satellitum nonnullos misit jussos ad se adducere speculatores, si vivos etiam nunc nacti essent. (4) Qui quum illos superstites invenissent, et in conspectum produxissent regis ; tum vero rex, postquam ex eis quæsivit qua causa venissent, imperavit satellitibus, ut circumducerent homines ; pedestremque omnem exercitum et equitatum illis ostenderent, spectaculoque satiatos, in quamcunque vellent ipsi regionem dimitterent incolumes. | When they had thus resolved, they reconciled their enmities and then sent first three men as spies to Asia. These having come to Sardis and having got knowledge about the king’s army, were discovered, and after having been examined by the generals of the land-army were being led off to die. For these men, I say, death had been determined; but Xerxes, being informed of this, found fault with the decision of the generals and sent some of the spearmen of his guard, enjoining them, if they should find the spies yet alive, to bring them to his presence. So having found them yet surviving they brought them into the presence of the king; and upon that Xerxes, being informed for what purpose they had come, commanded the spearmen to lead them round and to show them the whole army both foot and horse, and when they should have had their fill of looking at these things, to let them go unhurt to whatsoever land they desired. |
| 7.147 | Ista imperans rex, hanc rationem adjecit, ut diceret, si periissent speculatores, nec præscituros fuisse Græcos quanto regis copiæ sint fama ampliores, nec ipsos magnum incommodum hostibus fuisse allaturos tribus occisis viris : (2) verum hi si in Græciam redierint, videri Græcos, cognitis rebus ipsius, ante susceptam hanc expeditionem libertatem suam tradituros ; atque ita ne opus quidem Persis fore, ut ducendi adversus illos exercitus molestiam sustineant. (3) Similis ista regis sententia fuit alteri huic. Quum Abydi Xerxes versaretur, conspicatus est naves frumentarias e Ponto per Hellespontum navigantes, et Æginam atque Peloponnesum petentes. (4) Consiliarii igitur qui assidebant ei, ut cognoverunt hostiles esse naves, capere illas erant parati, respicientes nutum regis, quando ille imperium esset daturus. Xerxes vero ex illis quæsivit, quorsum navigarent. Qui ut dixere, « Ad tuos hostes, domine ; frumentum eis advehentes: » (5) respondit ille : « Atque etiam nos eodem navigamus, quo hi, et aliis rebus et frumento instructi. Quid ergo mali hi faciunt, quod frumentum nobis apportent ? » (6) Speculatores igitur, quos dixi, postquam omnia spectarunt et a Xerxe dimissi sunt, ita in Europam rediere. | Such was the command which he gave, adding at the same time this saying, namely that if the spies had been put to death, the Hellenes would not have been informed beforehand of his power, how far beyond description it was; while on the other hand by putting to death three men they would not very greatly have damaged the enemy; but when these returned back to Hellas, he thought it likely that the Hellenes, hearing of his power, would deliver up their freedom to him themselves, before the expedition took place which was being set in motion; and thus there would be no need for them to have the labor of marching an army against them. This opinion of his is like his manner of thinking at other times; for when Xerxes was in Abydos, he saw vessels which carried corn from the Pontus sailing out through the Hellespont on their way to Egina and the Peloponnese. Those then who sat by his side, being informed that the ships belonged to the enemy, were prepared to capture them, and were looking to the king to see when he would give the word; but Xerxes asked about them whither the men were sailing, and they replied: “Master, to thy foes, conveying to them corn”: he then made answer and said: “Are we not also sailing to the same place as these men, furnished with corn as well as with other things necessary? How then do these wrong us, since they are conveying provisions for our use?” The spies then, having thus looked at everything and after that having been dismissed, returned back to Europe. |
| 7.148 | Græci contra Persam conjurati, postquam in Asiam speculatores mandarunt, porro Argos miserunt legatos. Ajunt autem Argivi, res tunc apud se in hunc modum esse gestas. (2) Statim ab initio cognitos ipsis fuisse apparatus quos adversus Græciam faceret Barbarus : quumque simul intellexissent operam daturos esse Græcos, ut sese in societatem contra Persas asciscerent, legatos se misisse Delphos, qui e deo quærerent, quidnam facientes optime consulturi essent rebus suis : (3) nuper enim sex milia de suis occisos esse a Lacedæmoniis et a Cleomene, Anaxandridæ filio ; ea causa legatos se misisse. Interrogantibus vero hoc responsum reddidisse Pythiam:
verutum intus tenens, cautus sede; et capiti cave : caput enim corpus servabit. » |
And meanwhile those of the Hellenes who had sworn alliance against the Persian, after the sending forth of the spies proceeded to send envoys next to Argos. Now the Argives report that the matters concerning themselves took place as follows — They were informed, they say, at the very first of the movement which was being set on foot by the Barbarian against Hellas; and having been informed of this and perceiving that the Hellenes would endeavor to get their alliance against the Persians, they had sent messengers to inquire of the god at Delphi, and to ask how they should act in order that it might be best for themselves: because lately there had been slain of them six thousand men by the Lacedemonians and by Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides, and this in fact was the reason that they were sending to inquire: and when they inquired, the Pythian prophetess made answer to them as follows:
Keep thou thy spear within bounds, and sit well-guarded behind it; Guard well the head, and the head shall preserve the limbs and the body.” |
| 7.149 | Hæc ajunt senatum respondisse, tametsi Argivos oraculum vetuisset contrahere cum Græcis societatem : (2) et, metuentes licet oraculum, cupidos tamen fuisse fœdus in triginta annos cum Lacedæmoniis paciscendi, ut intra hos annos pueri ipsorum ad virilem pervenirent ætatem. Quodsi enim fœdus non conciliaretur, veritos esse, ne, si forte ad superius malum alia quædam calamitas in bello Persico accessisset, reliquum foret ut prorsus Lacedæmoniorum subjicerentur imperio. (3) Ad ista autem a senatu dicta eos e legatis, qui Sparta erant missi, hæc respondisse : De fœdere quidem relaturos se ad multitudinem ; de belli imperio autem mandatum sibi esse ut respondeant, dicereque se, duos sibi esse reges, Argivis vero unum : non posse igitur fieri, ut alteri utri regi Spartanorum abrogetur imperium. At, quin cum suis duobus Argivus æquum jus suffragii habeat, nihil impedire. (4) Ita, ajunt Argivi, non ferendam sibi visam esse Spartanorum arrogantiam, maluisseque se sub barbarorum esse imperio, quam Lacedæmoniis parere : edixisseque senatum legatis, ut ante solis occasum finibus suis excederent ; id ni facerent, hostium loco habitum iri. | Thus they report that the Council made answer, although the oracle forbade them to make the alliance with the Hellenes; and they were anxious, they say, that a truce from hostilities for thirty years should be made, although they feared the oracle, in order, as they allege, that their sons might grow to manhood in these years; whereas if a truce did not exist, they had fear that, supposing another disaster should come upon them in fighting against the Persian in addition to that which had befallen them already, they might be for all future time subject to the Lacedemonians. To that which was spoken by the Council those of the envoys who were of Sparta replied, that as to the truce they would refer the matter to their public assembly, but as to the leadership they had themselves been commissioned to make reply, and did in fact say this, namely that they had two kings, while the Argives had one; and it was not possible to remove either of the two who were of Sparta from the leadership, but there was nothing to prevent the Argive king from having an equal vote with each of their two. Then, say the Argives, they could not endure the grasping selfishness of the Spartans, but chose to be ruled by the Barbarians rather than to yield at all to the Lacedemonians; and they gave notice to the envoys to depart out of the territory of the Argives before sunset, or, if not, they would be dealt with as enemies. |
| 7.150 | Ista quidem his de rebus ipsi memorant Argivi. Est vero alia fama per Græciam vulgata ; misisse Xerxem, priusquam expeditionem in Græciam susciperet, Argos caduceatorem. (2) Qui ubi advenit, in hunc modum locutus esse fertur : « Viri Argivi, rex Persarum hæc vobis dicit. Nos Persen existimamus, a quo progeniti sumus, fuisse Persei filium, Danaæ nepotem, natum e Cephei filia Andromeda : ita igitur a vobis fuerimus oriundi. (3) Proinde æquum non est, ut aut nos progenitoribus nostris bellum faciamus, aut ut vos, aliis opem ferentes, contra nos in acie stetis ; sed ut domi manentes, quietem agatis. Nam, si mihi e sententia res successerint, nullos potiore loco, quam vos, habebo. » (4) Hæc audientes, Argivos magni fecisse : et statim quidem, nihil nec pollicitos esse Græcis, nec ab illis postulasse ; sed, postquam eos ad societatem Græci invitarunt, tum vero, quum bene gnari essent Lacedæmonios secum non communicaturos esse imperium, dimidium illius postulasse, ut hoc prætextu utentes otium agerent. | The Argives themselves report so much about these matters: but there is another story reported in Hellas to the effect that Xerxes sent a herald to Argos before he set forth to make an expedition against Hellas, and this herald, they say, when he had come, spoke as follows: “Men of Argos, king Xerxes says to you these things — We hold that Perses, from whom we are descended, was the son of Perseus, the son of Danae, and was born of the daughter of Kepheus, Andromeda; and according to this it would seem that we are descended from you. It is not fitting then that we should go forth on an expedition against those from whom we trace our descent, nor that ye should set yourselves in opposition to us by rendering assistance to others; but it is fitting that ye keep still and remain by yourselves: for if things happen according to my mind, I shall not esteem any people to be of greater consequence than you.” Having heard this the Argives, it is said, considered it a great matter; and therefore at first they made no offer of help nor did they ask for any share; but afterwards, when the Hellenes tried to get them on their side, then, since they knew well that the Lacedemonians would not give them a share in the command, they asked for this merely in order that they might have a pretext for remaining still. |
| 7.151 | Cum his etiam congruere, ajunt Græcorum nonnulli, aliam rem, quæ quidem multis post annis incidisse memoratur. Affuisse tunc forte Susis Memnoniis, alterius cujuspiam rei causa, legatos Atheniensium, Calliam Hipponici filium, ejusque collegas : (2) Argivos vero et ipsos, per idem illud tempus missis Susa legatis, ex Artaxerxe quæsivisse, utrum sibi adhuc firma maneat amicitia quam cum Xerxe conciliassent, sicut vellent, an hostes ab illo judicentur. His regem Artaxerxem respondisse, utique firmam manere, neque se ullam civitatem sibi magis amicam, quam Argos, existimare. | Also some of the Hellenes report that the following event, in agreement with this account, came to pass many years after these things — there happened, they say, to be in Susa the city of Memnon envoys of the Athenians come about some other matter, namely Callias the son of Hipponicos and the others who went up with him; and the Argives at that very time had also sent envoys to Susa, and these asked Artoxerxes the son of Xerxes, whether the friendship which they had formed with Xerxes still remained unbroken, as they wished, or whether they were esteemed by him to be enemies; and king Artoxerxes said that it most certainly remained unbroken, and that there was no city which he considered to be more his friend than Argos. |
| 7.152 | Jam vero, an revera Xerxes caduceatorem Argos miserit ista dicentem ; et an Argivorum legati, Susa profecti, Artaxerxem de amicitia interrogaverint ; id equidem pro certo confirmare non possum : nec de his aliam pronuntio sententiam, nisi quam ipsi dicunt Argivi. (2) Ceterum hoc satis scio, si omnes homines propria mala in commune conferrent, cum aliorum malis illa permutaturi, fore ut unusquisque, propius inspectis aliorum malis, lubens rursus ea reportaret, quæ ipse attulisset. Ita nimirum non turpissime Argivi egerunt. (3) Ego autem dicere debeo quæ memorantur ; nec vero omnibus utique fidem debeo adhibere : atque hoc idem in universam hanc Historiam dictum intelligi velim. Nam et hoc traditur, Argivos advocasse Persam in Græciam, quum male illis cessisset adversus Lacedæmonios bellum, quumque quidvis potius sibi accidere mallent, quam in tristi eo statu, quo tunc erant, manere. Atque hæc de Argivis hactenus. | Now whether Xerxes did indeed send a herald to Argos saying that which has been reported, and whether envoys of the Argives who had gone up to Susa inquired of Artoxerxes concerning friendship, I am not able to say for certain; nor do I declare any opinion about the matters in question other than that which the Argives themselves report: but I know this much, that if all the nations of men should bring together into one place the evils which they have suffered themselves, desiring to make exchange with their neighbors, each people of them, when they had examined closely the evils suffered by their fellows, would gladly carry away back with them those which they had brought. Thus it is not the Argives who have acted most basely of all. I however am bound to report that which is reported, though I am not bound altogether to believe it; and let this saying be considered to hold good as regards every narrative in the history: for I must add that this also is reported, namely that the Argives were actually those who invited the Persian to invade Hellas, because their war with the Lacedemonians had had an evil issue, being willing to suffer anything whatever rather than the trouble which was then upon them. That which concerns the Argives has now been said. |
| 7.153 | In Siciliam et alii a sociis missi legati venerunt, cum Gelone acturi, et a Lacedæmoniis missus Syagrus. (2) Gelonis hujus progenitor, Gelæ incola, e Telo insula erat, contra Triopium sita : qui, quum a Lindiis e Rhodo, duce Antiphemo, Gela conderetur, coloniæ fuerat socius. (3) Hujus posteri, procedente tempore, hierophantæ fuerunt Inferarum Dearum, et constanter idem munus tenuerunt ; ad quod Telines, unus ex illorum majoribus, tali modo fuerat promotus. (4) Cives nonnulli Geloi, in seditione victi ab adversariis, in Mactorium oppidum confugerant supra Gelam situm. Hos Telines Gelam reduxit, nulla hominum manu adjutus, sed solis sacris harum darum. Unde vero hæc sumpserit, aut quomodo nactus sit, dicere non possum. (5) Sed his fretus reduxit illos hac conditione, ut posteri ipsius hierophantæ illarum dearum essent. Quod autem audio rem tantam a Teline esse perfectam, id eo magis etiam miror, quod, quum talia non a quolibet homine patrari posse existimaverim, sed ab animo forti et virili robore debere proficisci, hic e contrario perhibetur a Siciliæ incolis effeminatus et mollis admodum homo fuisse. At is quidem ita munus hoc obtinuerat. | And meanwhile envoys had come to Sicily from the allies, to confer with Gelon, among whom was also Syagros from the Lacedemonians. Now the ancestor of this Gelon, he who was at Gela as a settler, was a native of the island of Telos, which lies off Triopion; and when Gela was founded by the Lindians of Rhodes and by Antiphemos, he was not left behind. Then in course of time his descendants became and continued to be priests of the mysteries of the Earth goddesses, an office which was acquired by Telines one of their ancestors in the following manner — certain of the men of Gela, being worsted in a party struggle, had fled to Mactorion, the city which stands above Gela: these men Telines brought back to Gela from exile with no force of men but only with the sacred rites of these goddesses; but from whom he received them, or whether he obtained them for himself, this I am not able to say; trusting in these however, he brought the men back from exile, on the condition that his descendants should be priests of the mysteries of the goddesses. To me it has caused wonder also that Telines should have been able to perform so great a deed, considering that which I am told; for such deeds, I think, are not apt to proceed from every man, but from one who has a brave spirit and manly vigor, whereas Telines is said by the dwellers in Sicily to have been on the contrary a man of effeminate character and rather poor spirit. He then had thus obtained the privilege of which I speak. |
| 7.154 | Mortuo Cleandro, Pantaris filio, qui, postquam septem annis Gelæ fuerat tyrannus, a Sabyllo cive Geloo est interfectus ; ibi tum Hippocrates, Cleandri frater, monarchiam suscepit. (2) Quo regnante Gelon, unus e posteris Telinis hierophantæ, cum aliis multis — et in his cum Ænesidemo Patæci filio —, corporis custos fuit Hippocratis. (3) Nec vero multo post Gelon ob virtutem præfectus universi equitatus nominatus est. Nam quum Callipolitas et Naxios oppugnaret Hippocrates, et Zanclæeos et Leontinos, itemque Syracusios et barbarorum multos ; in cunctis his bellis præclare Gelonis virtus emicuit. (4) Earum autem quas dixi civitatum nulla, præter Syracusas, effugit quin in servitutem ab Hippocrate redigeretur. Syracusios vero, prœlio victos ad Elorum fluvium, liberaverunt Corinthii et Corcyræi, conciliata pace in hanc conditionem, ut Camarinam Hippocrati traderent Syracusii : nam antiquitus Syracusiorum Camarina fuerat. | And when Cleander the son of Pantares brought his life to an end, having been despot of Gela for seven years and being killed at last by Sabyllos a man of Gela, then Hippocrates succeeded to the monarchy, who was brother of Cleander. And while Hippocrates was despot, Gelon, who was a descendant of Telines the priest of the mysteries, was spearman of the guard to Hippocrates with many others and among them Ainesidemos the son of Pataicos. Then after no long time he was appointed by reason of valor to be commander of the whole cavalry; for when Hippocrates besieged successively the cities of Callipolis, Naxos, Zancle, Leontini, and also Syracuse and many towns of the Barbarians, in these wars Gelon showed himself a most brilliant warrior; and of the cities which I just now mentioned, not one except Syracuse escaped being reduced to subjection by Hippocrates: the Syracusans however, after they had been defeated in battle at the river Eloros, were rescued by the Corinthians and Corcyreans; these rescued them and brought the quarrel to a settlement on this condition, namely that the Syracusans should deliver up Camarina to Hippocrates. Now Camarina used in ancient time to belong to the men of Syracuse. |
| 7.155 | Postquam vero Hippocrati etiam, quum totidem annos quot Cleander frater regnasset, accidit ut ad Hyblam urbem, bellum gerens cum Siculis, occumberet ; tunc nimirum hic Gelon, nomine quidem tenus opem ferens filiis Hippocratis Euclidi et Cleandro, quibus jam parere cives noluerant, re vera autem, prœlio victis Gelois, solus ipse regnavit, Hippocratis filiis imperio fraudatis. (2) Quæ res quum ei præter spem successisset, deinde gamoros quos vocant Syracusiorum (id est prædiorum possessores) urbe ejectos a populo et a propriis servis, qui Cillicyrii vocantur, e Casmena oppido Syracusas reduxit, atque ita hac quoque urbe potitus est : populus enim Syracusiorum adventanti Geloni et se et urbem tradidit. | Then when it was the fate of Hippocrates also, after having been despot for the same number of years as his brother Cleander, to be killed at the city of Hybla, whither he had gone on an expedition against the Sikelians, then Gelon made a pretence of helping the sons of Hippocrates, Eucleides and Cleander, when the citizens were no longer willing to submit; but actually, when he had been victorious in a battle over the men of Gela, he robbed the sons of Hippocrates of the power and was ruler himself. After this stroke of fortune Gelon restored those of the Syracusans who were called “land-holders,” after they had been driven into exile by the common people and by their own slaves, who were called Kyllyrians, these, I say, he restored from the city of Casmene to Syracuse, and so got possession of this last city also, for the common people of Syracuse, when Gelon came against them, delivered up to him their city and themselves. |
| 7.156 | Syracusis potitus Gelon jam non tanti fecit Gelæ imperare : itaque hanc urbem fratri suo Hieroni permisit, ipse vero Syracusas quolibet modo munivit et auxit : erantque ei Syracusæ loco omnium. Et brevi hæc urbs crevit floruitque. (2) Nam et Camarinæos cunctos, Syracusas transductos, cives fecit, diruta Camarina urbe : et majore parte Geloorum civium eodem modo, quo Camarinæis, usus est. (3) Megarenses quoque Siciliam incolentes, quum ab illo oppugnati in deditionem venissent ; opulentiores eorum, qui bellum contra eum suscitaverant, et ob id se perditum iri putabant, pariter Syracusas transduxit, civesque fecit ; (4) plebem autem Megarensium, quæ belli non fuerat auctor, et nihil ab illo mali se passuram exspectabat, hanc item Syracusas perductam vendidit ea conditione, ut e Sicilia exportarentur. (5) Eodemque modo etiam Eubœensibus usus est Siciliam incolentibus, discreta plebe a locupletibus. Egit autem ita cum utrisque hac causa, quod molestiæ et periculi plenum putaret, una cum plebe habitare. Tali modo potens tyrannus Gelon evaserat. | So after he had received Syracuse into his power, he made less account of Gela, of which he was ruler also in addition, and he gave it in charge to Hieron his brother, while he proceeded to strengthen Syracuse. So forthwith that city rose and shot up to prosperity; for in the first place he brought all those of Camarina to Syracuse and made them citizens, and razed to the ground the city of Camarina; then secondly he did the same to more than half of the men of Gela, as he had done to those of Camarina: and as regards the Megarians of Sicily, when they were besieged and had surrendered by capitulation, the well-to-do men of them, though they had stirred up war with him and expected to be put to death for this reason, he brought to Syracuse and made them citizens, but the common people of the Megarians, who had no share in the guilt of this war and did not expect that they would suffer any evil, these also he brought to Syracuse and sold them as slaves to be carried away from Sicily: and the same thing he did moreover to the men of Euboia in Sicily, making a distinction between them: and he dealt thus with these two cities because he thought that a body of commons was a most unpleasant element in the State. In the manner then which has been described Gelon had become a powerful despot. |
| 7.157 | Tunc vero, postquam Syracusas venere Græcorum legati, in conspectum Gelonis producti, hæc apud eum verba fecerunt : « Miserunt nos Lacedæmonii et Athenienses horumque socii, ad societatem adversus Barbarum te invitaturos. (2) Haud dubie enim hunc nosti Græciam invadentem ; virum Persam, qui Hellesponto ponte juncto universas Orientis copias ex Asia transducturus est, et bellum illaturus Græciæ; causam quidem prætexens, contra Athenas se ducere exercitum, in animo autem habens totam sibi Græciam subjicere. (3) Tu vero magna præditus es potentia, et haud minima pars Græciæ apud te est, quippe qui imperas Siciliæ. Succurre igitur liberantibus Græciam, cum eisque eam libera ! (4) Etenim junctis Græciæ viribus omnibus magna contrahitur manus, et pares sumus invadenti hosti. Sin nostrûm alii nos produnt, alii vindicare nolunt, et exigua pars Græciæ sana est ; tunc vero est verendum, ne Græcia pereat universa. (5) Noli enim existimare, si nos prœlio victos Persa subegerit, non eundem ad te pariter venturum ; sed, priusquam istud accidat, tibi prospice. Nobs enim opem ferens, te ipsum tutum præstabis. Et rem bono consilio susceptam bonus plerumque sequi exitus solet. » Sic illi locuti sunt. | And at this time when the envoys of the Hellenes had arrived at Syracuse, they came to speech with him and said as follows: “The Lacedemonians and their allies sent us to get thee to be on our side against the Barbarian; for we suppose that thou art certainly informed of him who is about to invade Hellas, namely that a Persian is designing to bridge over the Hellespont, and to make an expedition against Hellas, leading against us out of Asia all the armies of the East, under color of marching upon Athens, but in fact meaning to bring all Hellas to subjection under him. Do thou therefore, seeing that thou hast attained to a great power and hast no small portion of Hellas for thy share, being the ruler of Sicily, come to the assistance of those who are endeavoring to free Hellas, and join in making her free; for if all Hellas be gathered together in one, it forms a great body, and we are made a match in fight for those who are coming against us; but if some of us go over to the enemy and others are not willing to help, and the sound portion of Hellas is consequently small, there is at once in this a danger that all Hellas may fall to ruin. For do not thou hope that if the Persian shall overcome us in battle he will not come to thee, but guard thyself against this beforehand; for in coming to our assistance thou art helping thyself; and the matter which is wisely planned has for the most part a good issue afterwards.” The envoys spoke thus. |
| 7.158 | Gelon vero, vehementer illos increpans, in hunc modum respondit : « Viri Græci, arroganti utentes oratione ausi estis me hortari ut subsidio vobis veniam adversus Barbarum. (2) At iidem vos, quum prius ego vos rogavi, ut barbarorum exercitum mecum aggrederemini, quo tempore adversus Carthaginienses bellum mihi incumbebat, obtestatusque sum ut Doriei necem, Anaxandridæ filii, ab Egestæis commissam ulcisceremini, simulque adjutorem me vobis obtuli ad liberanda emporia, e equibus magna commoda fructusque ad vos redibant, nec mei causa venistis ad opem mihi ferendam, neque ad ulciscendam Doriei cædem ; et, per vos si stetisset, omnia hæc in barbarorum forent potestate. (3) At, postquam bene atque prospere mihi omnia cesserunt, nunc, ubi in vos versum est bellum, in vosque ingruit, ita demum memoria vos subiit Gelonis. (4) Verumtamen, quamvis a vobis turpiter fuerim contemptus, non ego vestrûm ero similis, sed paratus sum opem vobis ferre, ducentas præbiturus triremes, et vicies mille milites gravis armaturæ, bis mille equites, bis mille sagittarios, bis mille funditores, et bis mille cursorios equites leviter armatos : denique universo Græcorum exercitui frumentum me suppeditaturum, usque dum debellarimus, recipio. (5) At hac conditione hæc polliceor, ut dux et imperator sim Græcorum adversus Barbarum : alia conditione neque ipse venturus sum, nec alios missurus. » | And Gelon was very vehement with them, speaking to them as follows: “Hellenes, a selfish speech is this, with which ye have ventured to come and invite me to be your ally against the Barbarian; whereas ye yourselves, when I in former time requested of you to join with me in fighting against an army of Barbarians, contention having arisen between me and the Carthaginians, and when I charged you to exact vengeance of the men of Egesta for the death of Dorieos the son of Anaxandrides, while at the same time I offered to help in setting free the trading-places, from which great advantages and gains have been reaped by you — ye, I say, then neither for my own sake came to my assistance, nor in order to exact vengeance for the death of Dorieos; and, so far as ye are concerned, all these parts are even now under the rule of Barbarians. But since it turned out well for us and came to a better issue, now that the war has come round and reached you, there has at last arisen in your minds a recollection of Gelon. However, though I have met with contempt at your hands, I will not act like you; but I am prepared to come to your assistance, supplying two hundred triremes and twenty thousand hoplites, with two thousand horsemen, two thousand bowmen, two thousand slingers and two thousand light-armed men to run beside the horsemen; and moreover I will undertake to supply corn for the whole army of the Hellenes, until we have finished the war. These things I engage to supply on this condition, namely that I shall be commander and leader of the Hellenes against the Barbarian; but on any other condition I will neither come myself nor will I send others.” |
| 7.159 | Hæc audiens non tulit Syagrus, et his verbis respondit : « Ingentia profecto lamenta tolleret Pelopides Agamemnon, si audiret Spartanis imperium ablatum a Gelone et Syracusiis. (2) Immo hujus conditionis ne porro mentionem facias, ut tibi tradamus imperium. Sed, si vis auxilio venire Græciæ, scito sub Lacedæmoniorum te fore imperio : id si tibi non placet, noli auxilio venire. » | Hearing this Syagros could not contain himself but spoke these words: “Deeply, I trow, would Agamemnon son of Pelops lament, if he heard that the Spartans had had the leadership taken away from them by Gelon and by the Syracusans. Nay, but make thou no further mention of this condition, namely that we should deliver the leadership to thee; but if thou art desirous to come to the assistance of Hellas, know that thou wilt be under the command of the Lacedemonians; and if thou dost indeed claim not to be under command, come not thou to our help at all.” |
| 7.160 | Ad hæc Gelon, videns aversantem Syagri sermonem, postremam hanc illis proposuit conditionem : « Hospes Spartane, inquit, contumeliosa verba, in hominem projecta, iram solent excitare : at tu, quamvis contumelioso usus sermone, me tamen non induces ut in respondendo sim immodestus. (2) Quandoquidem vero vos tanto studio urgetis ut imperium teneatis, consentaneum est ut ego majori etiam studio, quam vos, mihi hoc postulem, quippe multo majorem exercitum multoque plures naves vobis adducturus. At quoniam adeo ardua vobis hæc conditio posita est, nos de eo quod prius postulavimus, nonnihil concedemus. (3) Si pedestribus copiis vos præfueritis, ego nauticis præero : sin vobis volupe est classi præesse, ego pedestribus præero copiis. Aut in alterutro horum acquiescere vos oportet, aut abire talibus sociis destitutos. » Hæc igitur Gelon proponebat. | To this Gelon, seeing that the speech of Syagros was adverse, set forth to them his last proposal thus: “Stranger from Sparta, reproaches sinking into the heart of a man are wont to rouse his spirit in anger against them; thou however, though thou hast uttered insults against me in thy speech, wilt not bring me to show myself unseemly in my reply. But whereas ye so strongly lay claim to the leadership, it were fitting that I should lay claim to it more than ye, seeing that I am the leader of an army many times as large and of ships many more. Since however this condition is so distasteful to you, we will recede somewhat from our former proposal. Suppose that ye should be leaders of the land-army and I of the fleet; or if it pleases you to lead the sea-forces, I am willing to be leader of those on land; and either ye must be contented with these terms or go away without the alliance which I have to give.” Gelon, I say, made these offers. |
| 7.161 | Verum antevertens Atheniensium legatus Lacedæmonium, his verbis illi respondit : « Rex Syracusiorum, non ducem petituros nos ad te Græcia misit, sed exercitum. Tu vero negas exercitum te missurum, nisi Græciæ imperes ; nempe imperare illi cupis. (2) Quatenus igitur universi Græcorum exercitus ducatum tibi postulasti, satis nos Athenienses habuimus silentium tenere, bene gnari idoneum fore Laconem ad rationem tibi pro utrisque reddendam : nunc vero, ubi de universi imperii summa concedens, classis postulas imperium, sic tibi habe. (3) Si vel Laco tibi concederet classis imperium, nos non concederemus : nostrum enim hoc munus est, nisi Lacedæmonii id velint. His ergo, si classis obtinere imperium voluerint, non repugnamus : alii vero id concedemus nemini. (4) Sic enim frustra nos maximas Græcorum omnium nauticas copias paratas haberemus, si Syracusiis nos Athenienses imperio cederemus, qui populum exhibemus antiquissimum, solique sumus Græcorum qui nunquam solum vertimus : quo de populo etiam Homerus poeta fortissimum virum ait ad Ilium venisse, et ordinasse instruxisseque exercitum. Quo minus reprehendendi sumus quod ista dicimus. » | And the envoy of the Athenians, answering before that of the Lacedemonians, replied to him as follows: “O king of the Syracusans, it was not of a leader that Hellas was in want when it sent us to thee, but of an army. Thou however dost not set before us the hope that thou wilt send an army, except thou have the leadership of Hellas; and thou art striving how thou mayest become commander of the armies of Hellas. So long then as it was thy demand to be leader of the whole army of the Hellenes, it was sufficient for us Athenians to keep silence, knowing that the Lacedemonian would be able to make defence even for us both; but now, since being repulsed from the demand for the whole thou art requesting to be commander of the naval force, we tell that thus it is — not even if the Lacedemonian shall permit thee to be commander of it, will we permit thee; for this at least is our own, if the Lacedemonians do not themselves desire to have it. With these, if they desire to be the leaders, we do not contend; but none others beside ourselves shall we permit to be in command of the ships: for then to no purpose should we be possessors of a sea-force larger than any other which belongs to the Hellenes, if, being Athenians, we should yield the leadership to Syracusans, we who boast of a race which is the most ancient of all and who are of all the Hellenes the only people who have not changed from one land to another; to whom also belonged a man whom Homer the Epic poet said was the best of all who came to Ilion in drawing up an army and setting it in array. Thus we are not justly to be reproached if we say these things.” |
| 7.162 | Tum vero Gelon, « Hospes Atheniensis, ait, vos videmini imperatores quidem habere, sed, quibus hi imperent, non habituros. Quoniam igitur nihil remittentes, omnia vultis tenere ; ocyus hinc abire maturate, domumque reversi nuntiate Græciæ, ver ei ex anno esse exemptum. » (2) Cujus dicti hæc sententia est, quam ille significare voluit : nempe satis constat, præstantissimam anni partem ver esse ; suum autem exercitum præstantissimam partem dixit in Græcorum exercitu. Itaque Græciam, societate ipsius destitutam, comparavit cum anno, cui ver sit exemptum. | To this Gelon made answer thus: “Stranger of Athens, it would seem that ye have the commanders, but that ye will not have the men to be commanded. Since then ye will not at all give way, but desire to have the whole, it were well that ye should depart home as quickly as possible and report to the Hellenes that the spring has been taken out of their year.” Now this is the meaning of the saying — evidently the spring is the noblest part of the year; and so he meant to say that his army was the noblest part of the army of the Hellenes: for Hellas therefore, deprived of his alliance, it was, he said, as if the spring had been taken out of the year. |
| 7.163 | Legati igitur Græcorum, hisce cum Gelone actis, domum navigarunt. Atque ita tunc Gelon, timens quidem Græcis, veritusque ne superando Barbaro impares sint futuri, sed indignum et intolerabile existimans, ipsum, in Peloponnesum trajicientem, sub imperio esse Lacedæmoniorum, quum Siciliæ sit tyrannus ; hanc quidem aspernatus est conditionem, sed aliam rationem est secutus. (2) Simul atque Persam intellexit transiisse Hellespontum, cum tribus navibus actuariis quinquaginta remorum Cadmum, Scythæ filium, genere Coum, Delphos misit, multis pecuniis et pacificis mandatis instructum, qui belli exitum exspectaret, et quidem, si vicisset Barbarus, pecunias ei et terram et aquam nomine Gelonis traderet ; sin Græci vicissent, pecunias reportaret. | The envoys of the Hellenes, having thus had conference with Gelon, sailed away; and Gelon upon this, fearing on the one hand about the Hellenes, lest they should not be able to overcome the Barbarian, and on the other hand considering it monstrous and not to be endured that he should come to Peloponnesus and be under the command of the Lacedemonians, seeing that he was despot of Sicily, gave up the thought of this way and followed another: for so soon as he was informed that the Persian had crossed over the Hellespont, he sent Cadmos the son of Skythes, a man of Cos, with three fifty-oared galleys to Delphi, bearing large sums of money and friendly proposals, to wait there and see how the battle would fall out: and if the Barbarian should be victorious, he was to give him the money and also to offer him earth and water from those over whom Gelon had rule; but if the Hellenes should be victorious, he was bidden to bring it back. |
| 7.164 | Cadmus hic antea, quum patri in regnum Coorum firmo rerum statu successisset, sua sponte, nullo imminente periculo, sola justitia ductus, in medio Cois deposuerat regnum, et in Siciliam migraverat. Ibi cum Samiis Zanclam urbem tenuit habitavitque, eam cujus nomen in Messanam mutatum est. (2) Hunc igitur Cadmum, qui isto modo in Siciliam venerat, Gelon propter reliquam etiam viri justitiam sibi perspectam, Delphos misit : isque præter alia justitiæ documenta etiam hoc non minimum a se editum reliquit, (3) quod, quum magnas in manibus haberet pecunias a Gelone sibi creditas, intervertere eas, quamquam nihil prohibebat, noluerit ; sed, postquam pugna navali vicerant Græci, et Xerxes cum exercitu abierat, ipse etiam in Siciliam reversus pecunias omnes Geloni reportaverit. | Now this Cadmos before these events, having received from his father in a prosperous state the government of the people of Cos, had voluntarily and with no danger threatening, but moved merely by uprightness of nature, placed the government in the hands of the people of Cos and had departed to Sicily, where he took from the Samians and newly colonised the city of Zancle, which had changed its name to Messene. This same Cadmos, having come thither in such manner as I have said, Gelon was now sending, having selected him on account of the integrity which in other matters he had himself found to be in him; and this man, in addition to the other upright acts which had been done by him, left also this to be remembered, which was not the least of them: for having got into his hands that great sum of money which Gelon entrusted to his charge, though he might have taken possession of it himself he did not choose to do so; but when the Hellenes had got the better in the sea-fight and Xerxes had marched away and departed, he also returned to Sicily bringing back with him the whole sum of money. |
| 7.165 | Memorant etiam Siculi, quamvis sub imperio futurum Lacedæmoniorum, vel sic tamen Gelonem subsidio venturum fuisse Græcis, nisi Terillus Crinippi filius, Himeræ tyrannus, a Therone Ænesidemi filio, Agrigentinorum monarcha, Himera ejectus, sub ipsum hoc tempus trecenta milia Pœnorum et Libyum et Iberorum et Ligurum et Helisycorum et Sardorum et Corsicanorum, horumque ducem Amilcarem Annonis filium, regem Carthaginiensium, in Siciliam transduxisset. (2) Nempe Amilcarem ad istam suscipiendam expeditionem induxerat Terillus pro hospitii jure opem ejus implorans : maxime vero eum commoverat Anaxilai studium, Cretinæ filii, qui, quum Rhegii esset tyrannus, traditis Amilcari filiis suis obsidibus, persuaserat ei ut in Siciliam trajiceret ad opem socero suo ferendam : filiam enim Terilli, nomine Cydippen, in matrimonio Anaxilaus habuit. Ita igitur Gelonem, ajunt, quum Græcis auxilio venire non potuisset, pecunias illas Delphos misisse. | The story which here follows is also reported by those who dwell in Sicily, namely that, even though he was to be under the command of the Lacedemonians, Gelon would have come to the assistance of the Hellenes, but that Terillos, the son of Crinippos and despot of Himera, having been driven out of Himera by Theron the son of Ainesidemos the ruler of the Agrigentines, was just at this very time bringing in an army of Phenicians, Libyans, Iberians, Ligurians, Elisycans, Sardinians and Corsicans, to the number of thirty myriads, with Amilcas the son of Annon king of the Carthaginians as their commander, whom Terillos had persuaded partly by reason of his own guest-friendship, and especially by the zealous assistance of Anaxilaos the son of Cretines, who was despot of Rhegion, and who to help his father-in-law endeavored to bring in Amilcas to Sicily, and had given him his sons as hostages; for Anaxilaos was married to the daughter of Terillos, whose name was Kydippe. Thus it was, they say, that Gelon was not able to come to the assistance of the Hellenes, and sent therefore the money to Delphi. |
| 7.166 | Præterea hæc quoque memorant, eodem die in Sicilia Gelonem et Theronem Amilcarem Carthaginiensem prœlio superasse, quo die Græci ad Salaminem Persam superarunt. (2) Amilcarem vero, qui a patre Carthaginiensis, a matre vero Syracusius fuit, et ob virtutem ad regiam dignitatem a Carthaginiensibus erat promotus ; hunc, audio, postquam collatis signis victus est prœlio, disparuisse : neque enim vivum, nec mortuum, usquam terrarum fuisse repertum, quamquam Gelon omnia deligentissime perquisiverit. | In addition to this they report also that, as it happened, Gelon and Theron were victorious over Amilcas the Carthaginian on the very same day when the Hellenes were victorious at Salamis over the Persian. And this Amilcas, who was a Carthaginian on the father’s side but on the mother’s Syracusan, and who had become king of the Carthaginians by merit, when the engagement took place and he was being worsted in the battle, disappeared, as I am informed; for neither alive nor dead did he appear again anywhere upon the earth, though Gelon used all diligence in the search for him. |
| 7.167 | Narrant vero Pœni, probabili ratione utentes, barbaros cum Græcis in Sicilia ab solis ortu usque ad vesperam pugnasse ; (eo enim usque extraxisse pugnam;) Amilcarem autem per id tempus in castris manentem sacra fecisse et perlitasse, integra corpora super ingente pyra cremantem ; tum vero, quum, vinum forte infundens sacris, suos vidisset in fugam versos, se ipsum in ignem conjecisse, atque ita crematum nusquam comparuisse. (2) Eidem vero Amilcari, sive hac ratione, quam Pœni narrant, e conspectu hominum remoto, sive altera quam Syracusii tradunt, Carthaginienses et sacra faciunt et in omnibus civitatibus, quæ ipsorum sunt coloniæ, monumenta erexerunt, maximum vero in ipsa Carthagine. Sed hæc de Siculis rebus hactenus. | Moreover there is also this story reported by the Carthaginians themselves, who therein relate that which is probable in itself, namely that while the Barbarians fought with the Hellenes in Sicily from the early morning till late in the afternoon (for to such a length the combat is said to have been protracted), during this time Amilcas was remaining in the camp and was making sacrifices to get good omens of success, offering whole bodies of victims upon a great pyre: and when he saw that there was a rout of his own army, he being then, as it chanced, in the act of pouring a libation over the victims, threw himself into the fire, and thus he was burnt up and disappeared. Amilcas then having disappeared, whether it was in such a manner as this, as it is reported by the Phenicians, or in some other way, the Carthaginians both offer sacrifices to him now, and also they made memorials of him then in all the cities of their colonies, and the greatest in Carthage itself. So far of the affairs of Sicily. |
| 7.168 | Corcyræi vero aliud legatis responderunt, aliud fecerunt : nam et hos ad societatem invitarunt iidem qui in Siciliam erant missi ; eademque oratione apud hos usi sunt qua apud Gelonem. (2) Et hi quidem statim polliciti sunt auxilia se missuros, dicentes non negligendam sibi esse salutem Græciæ quæ si periret, nihil aliud sibi fore reliquum, nisi ut proximo quoque die servitutem servirent : itaque, quanta maxima vi possent, illi esse succurrendum. (3) Ita speciose responderant. At ubi affuit auxilia mittendi tempus, ibi tum, alia sentientes, naves quidem compleverunt sexaginta : sed ægre in altum provecti Peloponnesum adierunt, et circa Pylum et Tænarum Laconicæ terræ, inhibitis velis naves in alto tenentes, exspectarunt hi quoque exitum belli ; minime quidem sperantes fore ut Græci superiores discedant, sed existimantes Persam ingenti reportata victoria universæ Græciæ imperio potiturum. (4) Itaque consulto id fecerunt, quo hæc et talia Xerxi dicere possent : « Nos, rex, quum Græci ad hujus belli societatem asciscerent, qui copias non minimas habemus, et navium haud minimum numerum præbere poteramus, sed maximum post Athenienses, noluimus contra te arma ferre, aut quidquam quod ingratum tibi foret, facere. » Talia dicendo sperabant melius secum, quam cum aliis, actum iri : quod etiam eventurum fuerat, ut equidem opinor. (5) Adversus Græcos vero alia eis parata excusatio erat, qua etiam usi sunt. Accusantibus enim illos Græcis quod auxilia non misissent, dixerunt : complesse se quidem sexaginta triremes, sed ventis etesiis prohibitos esse Maleam circumvehi ; ea causa ad Salaminem non pervenisse, nec ullo pravo consilio factum esse, ut pugnæ navali non interfuerint. Ita hi Græcos eluserunt. | And as for the Corcyreans, they made answer to the envoys as follows, afterwards acting as I shall tell: for the same men who had gone to Sicily endeavored also to obtain the help of these, saying the same things which they said to Gelon; and the Corcyreans at the time engaged to send a force and to help in the defence, declaring that they must not permit Hellas to be ruined without an effort on their part, for if it should suffer disaster, they would be reduced to subjection from the very first day; but they must give assistance so far as lay in their power. Thus speciously they made reply; but when the time came to send help, they manned sixty ships, having other intentions in their minds, and after making much difficulty they put out to sea and reached Peloponnese; and then near Pylos and Tainaron in the land of the Lacedemonians they kept their ships at anchor, waiting, as Gelon did, to see how the war would turn out: for they did not expect that the Hellenes would overcome, but thought that the Persian would gain the victory over them with ease and be ruler of all Hellas. Accordingly they were acting of set purpose, in order that they might be able to say to the Persian some such words as these: “O king, when the Hellenes endeavored to obtain our help for this war, we, who have a power which is not the smallest of all, and could have supplied a contingent of ships in number not the smallest, but after the Athenians the largest, did not choose to oppose thee or to do anything which was not to thy mind.” By speaking thus they hoped that they would obtain some advantage over the rest, and so it would have happened, as I am of opinion: while they had for the Hellenes an excuse ready made, that namely of which they actually made use: for when the Hellenes reproached them because they did not come to help, they said that they had manned sixty triremes, but had not been able to get past Malea owing to the Etesian Winds; therefore it was that they had not come to Salamis, nor was it by any want of courage on their part that they had been left of the sea-fight. |
| 7.169 | Cretenses, postquam eos ad belli societatem invitarunt Græci quibus id mandatum erat, hanc iniere rationem. Communi consilio Delphos missis legatis quæsiverunt e deo, an ex usu ipsorum esset futurum, si opem ferrent Græciæ. (2) Quibus Pythia respondit : « Stulti conquerimini quantam vobis lacrimarum materiam propter auxilium Menelao latum immiserit Minos, iratus quod, quum Græci vobis ad ulciscendam ipsius in Camico patratam cædem operam suam non contulissent, vos illis ad vindicandam mulierem a barbaro viro e Sparta raptam socios vos adjunxistis ! » Id responsum ubi ad se relatum Cretenses audivere, opem Græcis ferre supersederunt. | These then evaded the request of the Hellenes thus: but the Cretans, when those of the Hellenes who had been appointed to deal with these endeavored to obtain their help, did thus, that is to say, they joined together and sent men to inquire of the god at Delphi whether it would be better for them if they gave assistance to Hellas: and the Pythian prophetess answered: “Ye fools, do ye think those woes too few, which Minos sent upon you in his wrath, because of the assistance that ye gave to Menelaos? seeing that, whereas they did not join with you in taking vengeance for his death in Camicos, ye nevertheless joined with them in taking vengeance for the woman who by a Barbarian was carried off from Sparta.” When the Cretans heard this answer reported, they abstained from the giving of assistance. |
| 7.170 | Minoem quippe fama est, quum Dædalum quærens in Sicaniam venisset, quæ nunc Sicilia vocatur, violenta morte ibi occubuisse : interjecto autem tempore Cretenses hortante deo, universos præter Polichnitas et Præsios magna cum classe in Siciliam profectos, urbem Camicum, quam mea ætate Agrigentini incolebant, quinque annis continuis oppugnasse ; ad extremum vero, quum nec capere urbem, nec diutius manere fame pressi possent, re infecta discessisse. (2) Eosdem deinde, narrant, circa Iapygiam navigantes, ingenti oborta tempestate ad terram fuisse appulsos, fractisque navibus, quum nulla in Cretam redeundi ratio appareret, ibi mansisse, et condita Hyria urbe, e Cretensibus mutato nomine Iapyges Messapios, et ex insulanis incolas continentis esse factos : (3) tum deinde ex Hyria reliquas ab eisdem ductas conditasque esse colonias, quas longo interjecto tempore evertere conantes Tarentini ingentem cladem passi sunt, ut cædes hæc hominum Græci generis maxima fuerit omnium quas novimus, tam ipsorum Tarentinorum, quam Rheginorum. E Rheginis enim civibus, qui, a Micytho Chœri filio vi coacti, auxilio Tarentinis venerant, ea occasione perierunt tria milia ; ipsorum vero Tarentinorum, qui obiere, non constabat numerus. (4) Micythus autem, qui minister fuit Anaxilai, Rhegii relictus erat ad administrandam urbem ; idem qui deinde Rhegio pulsus, Tegeam Arcadiæ habitavit, et multas illas Olympiæ statuas dedicavit. | For the story goes that Minos, having come to Sicania, which is now called Sicily, in search of Daidalos, died there by a violent death; and after a time the Cretans, urged thereto by a god, all except the men of Polichne and Praisos, came with a great armament to Sicania and besieged for seven years the city of Camicos, which in my time was occupied by the Agrigentines; and at last not being able either to capture it or to remain before it, because they were hard pressed by famine, they departed and went away. And when, as they sailed, they came to be off the coast of Iapygia, a great storm seized them and cast them away upon the coast; and their vessels being dashed to pieces, they, since they saw no longer any way of coming to Crete, founded there the city of Hyria; and there they stayed and were changed so that they became instead of Cretans, Messapians of Iapygia, and instead of islanders, dwellers on the mainland: then from the city of Hyria they founded those other settlements which the Tarentines long afterwards endeavored to destroy and suffer great disaster in that enterprise, so that this in fact proved to be the greatest slaughter of Hellenes that is known to us, and not only of the Tarentines themselves but of those citizens of Rhegion who were compelled by Mikythos the son of Choiros to go to the assistance of the Tarentines, and of whom there were slain in this manner three thousand men: of the Tarentines themselves however, who were slain there, there was no numbering made. This Mikythos, who was a servant of Anaxilaos, had been left by him in charge of Rhegion; and he it was who after being driven out of Rhegion took up his abode at Tegea of the Arcadians and dedicated those many statues at Olympia. |
| 7.171 | Sed hæc de Rheginis et Tarentinis in transcursu dicta sunto. In Cretam vero hominibus viduatam immigrasse, ajunt Præsii, alios homines, maximeque Græcos : tertia vero post Minois obitum generatione gestum esse bellum Trojanum, in quo non postremi ordinis adjutores Menelai Cretenses fuisse satis ajunt constare. (2) Pro ista vero opera Græcis navata, postquam a Troja rediissent Cretenses, famem pestemque et ipsis et gregibus ipsorum esse obortam ; denique, desolata iterum Creta, tertios nunc Cretenses una cum his, qui e superioribus reliqui fuissent, eam habitare. Hæc igitur in memoriam illis revocans Pythia prohibuit auxilia Græcis mittere volentes. | This of the men of Rhegion and of the Tarentines has been an episode in my narrative: in Crete however, as the men of Praisos report, after it had been thus stripped of inhabitants, settlements were made by various nations, but especially by Hellenes; and in the next generation but one after the death of Minos came the Trojan war, in which the Cretans proved not the most contemptible of those who came to assist Menelaos. Then after this, when they had returned home from Troy, famine and pestilence came upon both the men and their cattle, until at last Crete was stripped of its inhabitants for the second time, and a third population of Cretans now occupy it together with those which were left of the former inhabitants. The Pythian prophetess, I say, by calling these things to their minds stopped them from giving assistance to the Hellenes, though they desired to do so. |
| 7.172 | Thessali primum necessitate coacti Medorum partes sequi cœperunt, postquam ostenderunt non sibi placere Aleuadarum artificia. Nam simulatque intellexerunt Persam esse in Europam trajecturum, nuntios in Isthmum miserunt, ubi convenerant legati a civitatibus meliora sentientibus delecti, qui pro salute Græciæ deliberarent. (2) Ad hos ubi venerant Thessalorum legati, hac oratione usi sunt : « Viri Græci, custodire oportet fauces Olympicas, quo Thessalia et universa Græcia a bello tuta præstetur. (3) Sumus quidem nos parati ad eas vobiscum custodiendas, sed et vos oportet validum mittere exercitum : etenim, nisi miseritis, scitote nos cum Persa fœdus esse inituros. Nec enim profecto æquum est, ut nos, qui ante reliquam Græciam adeo sumus expositi, soli pro vobis pereamus. (4) Quodsi vos opem ferre non vultis, nullam nobis necessitatem poteritis imponere ; ultra vires enim cogi nemo potest : sed ipsi dabimus operam ut saluti nostræ aliqua ratione consulamus. » Hæc Thessalorum fuit oratio. | As for the Thessalians, they at first had taken the side of the Persians against their will, and they gave proof that they were not pleased by that which the Aleuadai were designing; for so soon as they heard that the Persian was about to cross over into Europe, they sent envoys to the Isthmus: now at the Isthmus were assembled representatives of Hellas chosen by the cities which had the better mind about Hellas: having come then to these, the envoys of the Thessalians said: “Hellenes, ye must guard the pass by Olympos, in order that both Thessaly and the whole of Hellas may be sheltered from the war. We are prepared to join with you in guarding it, but ye must send a large force as well as we; for if ye shall not send, be assured that we shall make agreement with the Persian; since it is not right that we, standing as outposts so far in advance of the rest of Hellas, should perish alone in your defence: and not being willing to come to our help, ye cannot apply to us any force to compel inability; but we shall endeavor to devise some means of safety for ourselves.” Thus spoke the Thessalians; |
| 7.173 | Qua audita oratione decreverunt Græci pedestrem exercitum mari in Thessaliam mittere, qui fauces illas custodiret. Qui ubi collectus est exercitus, per Euripum navigavit ; et postquam Alon Achaiæ Phthiolidis pervenit, in terram expositus, relictis ibi navibus, in Thessaliam ire perrexit : et in Tempe pervenit, ubi sunt fauces quæ ex inferiori Macedonia in Thessaliam ferunt secundum Peneum fluvium, qui inter Olympum montem et Ossam interfluit. (2) Ibi castra posuerunt collecta Græcorum circa decem milia gravis armaturæ: cum eisque Thessalorum erat equitatus. Imperator erat Lacedæmoniorum Euænetus, Careni filius, e polemarchis electus, non quidem e regia familia natus ; Atheniensium vero, Themistocles Neoclis filius. (3) At nonnisi paucos dies hi ibi manserunt. Advenientes enim ab Alexandro Macedone, Amyntæ filio, legati suaserunt eis ut discederent, neu in his faucibus manentes conculcarentur ab invadente exercitu ; quibus verbis illi multitudinem copiarum pedestrium nauticarumque significarunt. (4) His igitur ita suadentibus, quum salutare videretur consilium, satisque constaret bene adversus ipsos animatum esse Macedonem, paruerunt Græci. Mihi vero videtur metus fuisse, qui illis ut discederent suaserit, quum intellexissent aliam præter hanc esse viam qua in Thessaliam transire hostis posset, per superiorem Macedoniam et Perrhæborum fines juxta Gonnon urbem ; qua etiam in Thessaliam transiit Xerxis exercitus. Græci igitur, naves suas repetentes, ad Isthmum retro sunt profecti. | And the Hellenes upon this resolved to send to Thessaly by sea an army of men on foot to guard the pass: and when the army was assembled it set sail through Euripos, and having come to Alos in the Achaian land, it disembarked there and marched into Thessaly leaving the ships behind at Alos, and arrived at Tempe, the pass which leads from lower Macedonia into Thessaly by the river Peneios, going between the mountains of Olympos and Ossa. There the Hellenes encamped, being assembled to the number of about ten thousand hoplites, and to them was added the cavalry of the Thessalians; and the commander of the Lacedemonians was Euainetos the son of Carenos, who had been chosen from the polemarchs, not being of the royal house, and of the Athenians Themistocles the son of Neocles. They remained however but few days here, for envoys came from Alexander the son of Amyntas the Macedonian, who advised them to depart thence and not to remain in the pass and be trodden under foot by the invading host, signifying to them at the same time both the great numbers of the army and the ships which they had. When these gave them this counsel, they followed the advice, for they thought that the counsel was good, and the Macedonian was evidently well-disposed towards them. Also, as I think, it was fear that persuaded them to it, when they were informed that there was another pass besides this to the Thessalian land by upper Macedonia through the Perraibians and by the city of Gonnos, the way by which the army of Xerxes did in fact make its entrance. So the Hellenes went down to their ships again and made their way back to the Isthmus. |
| 7.174 | Hæc in Thessaliam expeditio suscepta est, quum rex in eo fuit ut in Europam ex Asia trajiceret, jamque Abydum pervenerat. Ita ergo Thessali, sociis destituti, studiose neque amplius dubitanter Medorum partes sunt amplexi, adeo et in ipsis rebus gerendis utilissimos sese regi præstiterint. | Such was the expedition to Thessaly, which took place when the king was about to cross over from Asia to Europe and was already at Abydos. So the Thessalians, being stripped of allies, upon this took the side of the Medes with a good will and no longer half-heartedly, so that in the course of events they proved very serviceable to the king. |
| 7.175 | Græci postquam ad Isthmum pervenere, reputantes ea quæ ab Alexandro nuntiata erant, deliberarunt qua ratione bellum administrarent, et quibus in locis sedes belli esset statuenda. (2) Vicit sententia, ut Thermopylarum fauces custodirentur : nam et angustiores has esse constabat quam illas per quas e Macedonia in Thessaliam transitur, simulque propiores hæ erant ipsorum terræ; callem autem, per quem deinde factum est ut interciperentur Græci ad Thermopylas, ne esse quidem noverant, priusquam Thermopylas ingressi resciverunt a Trachiniis. (3) Decreverunt igitur, custoditis illis faucibus Barbarum introitu in Græciam prohibere, classem vero ad Artemisium terræ Histiæotidis mittere. Nam vicina inter se sunt ista loca, ut quid utrobique geratur facile cognosci possit ; et locorum hæc ratio est. | When the Hellenes had returned to the Isthmus, they deliberated, having regard to that which had been said by Alexander, where and in what regions they should set the war on foot: and the opinion which prevailed was to guard the pass at Thermopylai; for it was seen to be narrower than that leading into Thessaly, and at the same time it was single, and nearer also to their own land; and as for the path by means of which were taken those of the Hellenes who were taken by the enemy at Thermopylai, they did not even know of its existence until they were informed by the people of Trachis after they had come to Thermopylai. This pass then they resolved to guard, and not permit the Barbarian to go by into Hellas; and they resolved that the fleet should sail to Artemision in the territory of Histiaia: for these points are near to one another, so that each division of their forces could have information of what was happening to the other. And the places are so situated as I shall describe. |
| 7.176 | Artemisium ex aperto mari Thracico in angustum fretum coarctatur, quod est inter Sciathum insulam et continentem Magnesiæ: inde angustias illas excipit Artemisium litus Eubœæ, in quo est Artemidos (Dianæ) templum. (2) Fauces autem illæ, per quas e Trachine in Græciam est introitus, ubi angustissimæ sunt, non ultra dimidiatum plethrum (quinquaginta pedes) patent. Nec vero ibi angustissimus locus universi hujus tractus est, sed ante et post Thermopylas : nam prope Alpenos, qui sunt post illas, nonnisi uni agendo vehiculo via patet ; rursusque ante Thermopylas, ubi est Phœnix rivus, prope Anthelam oppidum, non nisi uni vehiculo patet iter. (3) Ab occidente vero Thermopylarum mons est præaltus, inaccessus præruptusque, ad Œtam tendens : ab oriente vero viæ, mare est et paludes. Sunt autem in his faucibus aquæ calidæ, quas Chytros (id est Lebetes) incolæ vocant ; supra quas ara erecta est Herculi. (4) In hisce faucibus constructus erat murus, in quo olim porta fuerat. Murum illum Phocenses exstruxerant metu Thessalorum, qui e Thesprotia venerant, terram Æolidem habitaturi, quam nunc possident. (5) Quum enim id agerent Thessali, ut vi subigerent Phocenses, muro isto exstructo hi sibi præcaverunt ; atque etiam in viam, qua transitur, calidam aquam derivarunt, quo voraginosus fieret locus ; quidlibet machinantes, ne in terram suam irrumperent Thessali. (6) Murus igitur ille antiquitus erat ædificatus, tunc vero majori e parte corruerat vetustate : Græci autem restituere eum decreverunt, et ibi Barbarum introitu Græciæ prohibere. Abest autem proxime a via vicus, nomine Alpine : e quo rei frumentariæ Græci prospicere statuerunt. | As to Artemision first, coming out of the Thracian Sea the space is contracted from great width to that narrow channel which lies between the island of Skiathos and the mainland of Magnesia; and after the strait there follows at once in Euboea the sea-beach called Artemision, upon which there is a temple of Artemis. Then secondly the passage into Hellas by Trechis is, where it is narrowest, but fifty feet wide: it is not here however that the narrowest part of this whole region lies, but in front of Thermopylai and also behind it, consisting of a single wheel-track only both by Alpenoi, which lies behind Thermopylai and again by the river Phoinix near the town of Anthela there is no space but a single wheel-track only: and on the West of Thermopylai there is a mountain which is impassable and precipitous, rising up to a great height and extending towards the range of Oite, while on the East of the road the sea with swampy pools succeeds at once. In this passage there are hot springs, which the natives of the place call the “Pots,” and an altar of Heracles is set up near them. Moreover a wall had once been built at this pass, and in old times there was a gate set in it; which wall was built by the Phokians, who were struck with fear because the Thessalians had come from the land of the Thesprotians to settle in the Aiolian land, the same which they now possess. Since then the Thessalians, as they supposed, were attempting to subdue them, the Phokians guarded themselves against this beforehand; and at that time they let the water of the hot springs run over the passage, that the place might be converted into a ravine, and devised every means that the Thessalians might not make invasion of their land. Now the ancient wall had been built long before, and the greater part of it was by that time in ruins from lapse of time; the Hellenes however resolved to set it up again, and at this spot to repel the Barbarian from Hellas: and very near the road there is a village called Alpenoi, from which the Hellenes counted on getting supplies. |
| 7.177 | Hæc itaque loca haud dubie opportuna illis visa erant : atque adeo, provisis rebus omnibus, reputantes nec multitudine hominum ibi uti posse Barbaros, nec equitatu, excipere ibidem impetum invadentis Græciam hostis decreverunt. (2) Quumque cognovissent in Pieria esse Persam, ex Isthmo discesserunt et pedibus alii profecti sunt ad Thermopylas, alii mari ad Artemisium. | These places then the Hellenes perceived to be such as their purpose required; for they considered everything beforehand and calculated that the Barbarians would not be able to take advantage either of superior numbers or of cavalry, and therefore they resolved here to receive the invader of Hellas: and when they were informed that the Persian was in Pieria, they broke up from the Isthmus and set forth for the campaign, some going to Thermopylai by land, and others making for Artemision by sea. |
| 7.178 | Dum ita Græci, bifariam divisi, occurrere hosti maturant ; interim Delphenses, et sibi et Græciæ timentes, deum consuluerunt. Redditumque his est responsum, precibus votisque placarent ventos ; hos enim magnos Græciæ fore adjutores. (2) Id acceptum responsum protinus Delphenses Græcis omnibus, qui libertatem tueri cupiebant, renuntiarunt, eoque nuntio apud hos, quippe ad Barbari adventum vehementer trepidantes, immortalem inierunt gratiam. (3) Deinde iidem Delphenses ventis aram dedicarunt in Thyia, ubi locus sacer est Thyiæ, Cephissi filiæ, cujus de nomine locus iste nomen invenit, sacrificiisque illos placarunt. Atque etiam nunc ex oraculi jussu ventos placant Delphenses. | The Hellenes, I say, were coming to the rescue with speed, having been appointed to their several places: and meanwhile the men of Delphi consulted the Oracle of the god on behalf of themselves and on behalf of Hellas, being struck with dread; and a reply was given them that they should pray to the Winds, for these would be powerful helpers of Hellas in fight. So the Delphians, having accepted the oracle, first reported the answer which had been given them to those of the Hellenes who desired to be free; and having reported this to them at a time when they were in great dread of the Barbarian, they laid up for themselves an immortal store of gratitude: then after this the men of Delphi established an altar for the Winds in Thuia, where is the sacred enclosure of Thuia the daughter of Kephisos, after whom moreover this place has its name; and also they approached them with sacrifices. The Delphians then according to the oracle even to this day make propitiary offerings to the Winds. |
| 7.179 | Nauticus Xerxis exercitus, Therma urbe profectus, navibus decem optime navigantibus (quæ classem antecedebant) recta Sciathum trajecit ; ubi in statione erant speculatoriæ tres naves Græcorum, Trœzenia, Æginensis, et Attica. Prospicientes autem hi naves barbarorum, fugæ sese mandant. | And meanwhile the fleet of Xerxes setting forth from the city of Therma had passed over with ten of its ships, which were those that sailed best, straight towards Skiathos, where three Hellenic ships, a Troizenian, an Eginetan and an Athenian, were keeping watch in advance. When the crews of these caught sight of the ships of the Barbarians, they set off to make their escape. |
| 7.180 | Et Trœzeniam quidem navem, cui præerat Praxinus, protinus capiunt insequentes barbari. Quo facto, e classiariis eum qui forma ceteris præstabat, in proram navis deductum, mactant, faustum omen sibi ducentes pulcherrimum Græcorum, quem primum omnium cepissent. (2) Erat autem mactato huic nomen Leo ; qui fortasse aliquatenus ex ipso etiam hoc nomine istum fructum percepit. | And the ship of Troizen, of which Prexinos was in command, was pursued and captured at once by the Barbarians; who upon that took the man who was most distinguished by beauty among the fighting-men on board of her, and cut his throat at the prow of the ship, making a good omen for themselves of the first of the Hellenes whom they had captured who was pre-eminent for beauty. The name of this man who was sacrificed was Leon, and perhaps he had also his name to thank in some degree for what befell him. |
| 7.181 | Æginensis vero triremis, cui Asonides erat præfectus, trepidationem etiam quamdam injecit hostibus. Militabat enim in ea Pytheas, Ischenoi filius, qui fortissimum virum illo die se præstitit ; et, postquam capta est navis, eo usque pugnans restitit, donec totus veluti in frusta esset concisus. (2) Quem Persæ, qui in illis navibus militabant, quum cadens non esset mortuus, sed spiraret adhuc, propter ipsius virtutem in vita servare maximi facientes, myrrhis vulnera viri curarunt, et fasciis e byssina sindone obligarunt : (3) eundemque, ut ad castra sua redirent, universo exercitui summa cum admiratione ostenderunt, benigneque cum eo egerunt : reliquos autem, quos in eadem navi ceperant, mancipiorum loco habuere. | The ship of Egina however, of which Asonides was master, even gave them some trouble to capture it, seeing that Pytheas the son of Ischenoös served as a fighting-man on board of her, who proved himself a most valiant man on this day; for when the ship was being taken, he held out fighting until he was hacked all to pieces: and as when he had fallen he did not die, but had still breath in him, the Persians who served as fighting-men on board the ships, because of his valor used all diligence to save his life, both applying unguents of myrrh to heal his wounds and also wrapping him up in bands of the finest linen; and when they came back to their own main body, they showed him to all the army, making a marvel of him and giving him good treatment; but the rest whom they had taken in this ship they treated as slaves. |
| 7.182 | Ita igitur duæ ex illis navibus ab hostibus captæ sunt : tertia vero triremis, cui Phormus præerat Atheniensis, dum fuga se recepit, ad terram impacta est in Penei ostiis : et navi quidem potiti sunt barbari, viris autem non item. Hi enim, simulatque ad litus navem ejecerant, exsilire et per Thessaliam iter facientes redierunt Athenas. (2) Hæc Græci ad Artemisium castra habentes, per ignes e Sciatho editos cognoverunt ; et cognitis, territi ab Artemisio ad Chalcidem cum classe se receperunt, Euripum custodituri, relictis quidem speculatoribus in editis Eubœæ locis. | Two of the three ships, I say, were captured thus; but the third, of which Phormos an Athenian was master, ran ashore in its flight at the mouth of the river Peneios; and the Barbarians got possession of the vessel but not of the crew; for so soon as the Athenians had run the ship ashore, they leapt out of her, and passing through Thessaly made their way to Athens. Of these things the Hellenes who were stationed at Artemision were informed by fire-signals from Skiathos; and being informed of them and being struck with fear, they removed their place of anchorage from Atermision to Chalkis, intending to guard the Euripos, but leaving at the same time watchers by day on the heights of Euboea. |
| 7.183 | E decem, quas dixi, navibus hostium tres ad scopulum accesserunt inter Sciathum et Magnesiam interjectum, qui Myrmex (id est Formica) vocatur. (2) Super eo ubi barbari advectam lapideam columnam erexerunt, dein, ut jam nihil amplius navigationi obstabat, prætermissis ab regis e Therma profectione undecim diebus, omnibus navibus Therma profecti, cursum versus Græciam continuarunt. (3) Scopulum autem illum, in medio fere freto situm, indicaverat eis Pammon Scyrius. Totum igitur diem navigantes barbari viam confecerunt usque ad Sepiadem terræ Magnesiæ et ad litus inter Casthanæam oppidum et Sepiadem oram interjectum. | Of the ten ships of the Barbarians three sailed up to the reef called Myrmex, which lies between Skiathos and Magnesia; and when the Barbarians had there erected a stone pillar, which for that purpose they brought to the reef, they set forth with their main body from Therma, the difficulties of the passage having now been cleared away, and sailed thither with all their ships, having let eleven days go by since the king set forth on his march from Therma. Now of this reef lying exactly in the middle of the fairway they were informed by Pammon of Skyros. Sailing then throughout the day the Barbarians accomplished the voyage to Sepias in Magnesia and to the sea-beach which is between the city of Casthanaia and the headland of Sepias. |
| 7.184 | Ad hunc usque locum, et usque Thermopylas, exsors malorum fuit Xerxis exercitus, et numerus quidem hominum, ut ego computando invenio, tunc adhuc hic fuit : quum naves ex Asia profectæ numero fuerint ducentæ et septem supra mille, veterem multitudinem e singulis populis collectam reperio fuisse unum et ducenta quadraginta milia hominum cum quadringentis, ducenos in quaque navi viros supputando. (2) Erant autem in quaque illarum navium, præter indigenas classiarios, triceni viri Persæ, Medi, et Sacæ: quæ altera multitudo efficit homines tricies sexies mille, ducentos et decem. (3) Huic vero et superiori numero adjiciam etiam eos, qui in quinquaginta remorum navibus actuariis fuerunt ; statuens in earum quaque, plus minus, fuisse octogenos. Collecta autem hujusmodi navigia fuerunt, ut jam ante demonstravi, ter mille : fuerint igitur in his ducenta quadraginta hominum milia. (4) Itaque navales hæ copiæ ex Asia transductæ numero fuere quingenta septemdecim hominum milia cum sexcentis et decem. (5) Jam peditatus fuit decies septies centenorum milium ; equitatus vero milium octoginta. His adjiciam Arabes camelis vectos, et Afros agitantes currus ; quorum summam statuo fuisse viginti milium. (6) Ita conficitur nauticarum et pedestrium copiarum numerus, in unam summam collatus, vicies ter centena et septemdecim hominum milia cum sexcentis et decem. (7) Hic est igitur copiarum numerus, quas ex Asia eductas diximus, non computato famulitio quod illas sequebatur, nec frumentariis navibus, et qui his vehebantur. | So far as this place and so far as Thermopylai the army was exempt from calamity; and the number was then still, as I find by computation, this — Of the ships which came from Asia, which were one thousand two hundred and seven, the original number of the crews supplied by the several nations I find to have been twenty-four myriads and also in addition to them one thousand four hundred, if one reckons at the rate of two hundred men to each ship: and on board of each of these ships there served as fighting-men, besides the fighting-men belonging to its own nation in each case, thirty men who were Persians, Medes, or Sacans; and this amounts to three myriads six thousand two hundred and ten in addition to the others. I will add also to this and to the former number the crews of the fifty-oared galleys, assuming that there were eighty men, more or less, in each one. Of these vessels there were gathered together, as was before said, three thousand: it would follow therefore that there were in them four-and-twenty myriads of men. This was the naval force which came from Asia, amounting in all to fifty-one myriads and also seven thousand six hundred and ten in addition. Then of the footmen there had been found to be a hundred and seventy myriads, and of the horsemen eight myriads: and I will add also to these the Arabian camel-drivers and the Libyan drivers of chariots, assuming them to amount to twenty thousand men. The result is then that the number of the ships’ crews combined with that of the land-army amounts to two hundred and thirty-one myriads and also in addition seven thousand six hundred and ten. This is the statement of the Army which was brought up out of Asia itself, without counting the attendants which accompanied it or the corn-transports and the men who sailed in these. |
| 7.185 | Jam cum universo hoc, quem enumeravimus, exercitu simul computandus ille est, qui ex Europa est contractus : de cujus quidem numero non nisi e mea opinione dicere possum. Ac naves quidem Græci Thraciam et vicinas Thraciæ insulas incolentes contulere centum et viginti : quibus e navibus conficitur hominum numerus, viginti quattuor milia. (2) Pedestrium vero copiarum, quas contulere Thraces et Pæones et Eordi et Bottiæi et Chalcidicum genus et Brygi et Pieres et Macedones et Perrhæbi et Ænianes et Dolopes et Magnetes et Achæi Phthiotæ et quotquot Thraciæ oram maritimam habitant : copiarum, inquam, ex his populis contractarum numerum fuisse æstimo, trecenta hominum milia. (3) Quo numero cum illorum numero, qui ex Asia transducti sunt, in unam summam collato, conficitur universus numerus armatorum, sexies et vicies centena et unum et quadraginta milia, sexcenti et decem. | There is still to be reckoned, in addition to all this which has been summed up, the force which was being led from Europe; and of this we must give a probable estimate. The Hellenes of Thrace and of the islands which lie off the coast of Thrace supplied a hundred and twenty ships; from which ships there results a sum of twenty-four thousand men: and as regards the land-force which was supplied by the Thracians, Paionians, Eordians, Bottiaians, the race which inhabits Chalkidike, the Brygians, Pierians, Macedonians, Perraibians, Enianians, Dolopians, Magnesians, Achaians, and all those who dwell in the coast-region of Thrace, of these various nations I estimate that there were thirty myriads. These myriads then added to those from Asia make a total sum of two hundred and sixty-four myriads of fighting men and in addition to these sixteen hundred and ten. |
| 7.186 | Tantus quum fuerit armatorum numerus, jam famulorum, qui hos sequebantur, eorumque qui in frumentariis erant navibus, et in reliquis utique navigiis exercitum comitantibus ; horum, inquam, numerum non minorem, sed majorem etiam, puto fuisse quam numerum armatorum : (2) attamen parem hunc pono illi, et nihilo majorem, nec vero etiam minorem. Exæquato igitur horum numero cum numero illorum, prodit duplus numerus superioris. (3) Itaque quinquagies bis centena et octoginta tria milia ducentosque et viginti viros duxerat Xerxes Darii filius usque ad Sepiadem et ad Thermopylas. | Such being the number of this body of fighting-men, the attendants who went with these and the men who were in the small vessels which carried corn, and again in the other vessels which sailed with the army, these I suppose were not less in number but more than the fighting men. I assume them to be equal in number with these, and neither at all more nor less; and so, being supposed equal in number with the fighting body, they make up the same number of myriads as they. Thus five hundred and twenty-eight myriads three thousand two hundred and twenty was the number of men whom Xerxes son of Dareios led as far as Sepias and Thermopylai. |
| 7.187 | Hi igitur universi exercitus Xerxis numerus fuit. Mulierum vero panificium curantium, et pellicum, et eunuchorum, nemo certum edere numerum possit, non magis quam equorum ceterorumque jumentorum impedimenta portantium, et canum Indicorum, quorum omnium immanis numerus castra secutus est. (2) Quare minime mirandum mihi videtur, fluminum nonnullorum aquam defecisse : sed illud potius miror, quo pacto cibaria suffecerint tot myriadibus. (3) Etenim inito calculo reperio, si unum tritici chœnicem unusquisque in diem, nec amplius, accepit, singulis diebus consumpta esse centena et dena milia medimnorum, insuperque medimnos trecentos et quadraginta : (4) quo in calculo non computavi id, quod mulieribus et eunuchis et jumentis et canibus tribui debuit. Tot autem quum fuerint virorum myriades, formæ præstantia et magnitudine corporis nemo ex omni hoc numero quam Xerxes ipse, dignior fuit qui tanto præesset imperio. | This is the number of the whole army of Xerxes; but of the women who made bread for it, and of the concubines and eunuchs no man can state any exact number, nor again of the draught-animals and other beasts of burden or of the Indian hounds, which accompanied it, could any one state the number by reason of their multitude: so that it does not occur to me to wonder that the streams of some rivers should have failed them, but I wonder rather how the provisions were sufficient to feed so many myriads; for I find on computation that if each man received a quart of wheat every day and nothing more, there would be expended every day eleven myriads of medimnoi and three hundred and forty medimnoi besides: and here I am not reckoning anything for the women, eunuchs, baggage-animals, or dogs. Of all these men, amounting to so many myriads, not one was for beauty and stature more worthy than Xerxes himself to possess this power. |
| 7.188 | Jam classis, postquam solutis navibus, ut supra dixi, secundo cursu ad litus terræ Magnesiæ pervenit, quod inter Casthanæam oppidum et oram Sepiadem interjectum est ; priores quidem naves ad ipsam terram appulerunt, reliquæ vero, quoniam non adeo late patebat litus, post illas in ancoris stationem ceperunt, mare spectantes, et octo deinceps ordinibus in quincuncem locatæ. (2) Ita quidem eam noctem transegere. Sub lucem vero, quum serenum ad id tempus cœlum tranquillusque fuisset āër, subito effervescente mari ingens coorta est tempestas vehemensque ventus subsolanus, quem Hellespontiam vocant hujus regionis incolæ. (3) Quotquot igitur ex his augescentem animadverterant ventum, et quibus per stationis rationem licuit, hi subductis in terram navibus a tempestate sibi caverunt, salvique et ipsi et eorum naves evaserunt. Quas vero naves nactus est ventus tenentes altum, harum alias ad Ipnos (id est Furnos) qui vocantur abripuit in Pelio monte, alias ad proximum litus afflixit : aliæ ad ipsam Sepiadem allisæ sunt, aliæ ad Melibœam oppidum, aliæ ad Casthanæam ejectæ; eratque ineluctabilis vis tempestatis. | The fleet, I say, set forth and sailed: and when it had put in to land in the region of Magnesia at the beach which is between the city of Casthanaia and the headland of Sepias, the first of the ships which came lay moored by the land and the others rode at anchor behind them; for, as the beach was not large in extent, they lay at anchor with prows projecting towards the sea in an order which was eight ships deep. For that night they lay thus; but at early dawn, after clear sky and windless calm, the sea began to be violently agitated and a great storm fell upon them with a strong East Wind, that wind which they who dwell about those parts call Hellespontias. Now as many of them as perceived that the wind was rising and who were so moored that it was possible for them to do so, drew up their ships on land before the storm came, and both they and their ships escaped; but as for those of the ships which it caught out at sea, some it cast away at the place called Ipnoi in Pelion and others on the beach, while some were wrecked on the headland of Sepias itself, others at the city of Meliboia, and others were thrown up on shore at Casthanaia: and the violence of the storm could not be resisted. |
| 7.189 | Fertur autem fama, Athenienses ex oraculi responso Boream invocasse, quum aliud illis allatum fuisset responsum, jubens eos generum advocare auxilio. Boreas enim, ut Græci narrant, uxorem habuit Atticam, Orithyiam, Erechthei filiam. (2) Pro hac igitur affinitate Athenienses, ut fama est, conjectantes Boream suum esse generum, quum Chalcide cum navibus insidiantes augescentem sensissent tempestatem, aut jam antea, sacrificiis placarunt invocaruntque Boream et Orithyiam, orantes ut auxilio sibi venirent, perderentque barbarorum naves, sicut antea ad Athon montem. (3) An igitur hanc ob causam in barbaros stationem agentes ingruerit Boreas, non definiam : sed Athenienses quidem ajunt, et antea et tunc Boream ipsos juvisse, atque hæc effecisse : et, postquam domum sunt reversi, fanum statuerunt Boreæ ad Ilissum fluvium. | There is a story reported that the Athenians had called upon Boreas to aid them, by suggestion of an oracle, because there had come to them another utterance of the god bidding them call upon their brother by marriage to be their helper. Now according to the story of the Hellenes Boreas has a wife who is of Attica, Oreithuia the daughter of Erechththeus. By reason of this affinity, I say, the Athenians, according to the tale which has gone abroad, conjectured that their “brother by marriage” was Boreas, and when they perceived the wind rising, as they lay with their ships at Chalkis in Euboea, or even before that, they offered sacrifices and called upon Boreas and Oreithuia to assist them and to destroy the ships of the Barbarians, as they had done before round about mount Athos. Whether it was for this reason that the wind Boreas fell upon the Barbarians while they lay at anchor, I am not able to say; but however that may be, the Athenians report that Boreas had come to their help in former times, and that at this time he accomplished those things for them of which I speak; and when they had returned home they set up a temple dedicated to Boreas by the river Ilissos. |
| 7.190 | Hac calamitate, qui minimum numerum tradunt, naves periisse ajunt non minus quadringentas, homines autem innumerabiles, et rerum pretiosarum infinitam multitudinem ; ita quidem, ut Aminocli Cretinæ filio, civi Magneti, qui circa Sepiadem prædia habuit, perquam utile fuerit hoc naufragium : is enim multa deinde aurea pocula, multaque argentea, in litus ejecta sustulit, arcasque etiam reperit cimeliis Persarum repletas, et infinita alia [aurea] pretiosa collegit. At idem vir, quamvis locuples repertis his rebus factus, felix tamen ceteroqui non fuit : quippe tristis etiam casus eum afflictabat, per filii necem. | In this disaster the number of the ships which were lost was not less than four hundred, according to the report of those who state the number which is lowest, with men innumerable and an immense quantity of valuable things; insomuch that to Ameinocles the son of Cretines, a Magnesian who held lands about Sepias, this shipwreck proved very gainful; for he picked up many cups of gold which were thrown up afterwards on the shore, and many also of silver, and found treasure-chests which had belonged to the Persians, and made acquisition of other things of gold more than can be described. This man however, though he became very wealthy by the things which he found, yet in other respects was not fortunate; for he too suffered misfortune, being troubled by the slaying of a son. |
| 7.191 | Onerariarum autem navium frumentum vehentium, reliquorumque minorum navigiorum, quæ interierunt, non constat numerus. Itaque duces classis, metuentes ne in se tanta calamitate afflictos Thessali impetum facerent, alto vallo e naufragiis parato castra circumdedere. (2) Tres enim continuos dies tempestas duravit. Ad extremum vero Magi cæsis vento victimis, adhibitisque magicis incantationibus, ad hæc sacris Thetidi factis et Nereidibus, quarto die vim venti compescuerunt, sive is alioquin ipse sua sponte quievit. (3) Thetidi autem sacra fecerunt, quum ab Ionibus accepissent, ex hoc loco raptam illam fuisse a Peleo, et totam hanc oram Sepiadem eidem et reliquis Nereidibus sacram esse. Igitur ventus quidem quarto die quievit. | Of the corn-transports and other vessels which perished there was no numbering made; and so great was the loss that the commanders of the fleet, being struck with fear lest the Thessalians should attack them now that they had been brought into an evil plight, threw round their camp a lofty palisade built of the fragments of wreck. For the storm continued during three days; but at last the Magians, making sacrifice of victims and singing incantations to appease the Wind by enchantments, and in addition to this, offering to Thetis and the Nereïds, caused it to cease on the fourth day, or else for some other reason it abated of its own will. Now they offered sacrifice to Thetis, being informed by the Ionians of the story that she was carried off from the place by Peleus, and that the whole headland of Sepias belonged to her and to the other Nereïds. The storm then had ceased on the fourth day. |
| 7.192 | Secundo vero die ab eo, quo primum coorta tempestas erat, speculatores ex Eubœæ promontoriis decurrentes Græcis de Persarum naufragio omnia significarunt. (2) Quibus rebus hi cognitis, Neptunum Servatorem precati, et votis libaminibusque factis, quanta celeritate poterant ad Artemisium redire maturarunt, sperantes nonnisi paucas naves sibi fore adversarias. (3) Hi igitur iterum ad Artemisium stationem ceperunt, hostem observantes : et Neptuni Servatoris cognomen ab illo tempore usque ad hunc diem apud Græcos in usu est. | And meanwhile the day-watchers had run down from the heights of Euboea on the day after the first storm began, and were keeping the Hellenes informed of all that had happened as regards the shipwreck. They then, being informed of it, prayed first to Poseidon the Savior and poured libations, and then they hastened to go back to Artemision, expecting that there would be but a very few ships of the enemy left to come against them. They, I say, came for the second time and lay with their ships about Artemision: and from that time even to this they preserve the use of the surname “Savior” for Poseidon. |
| 7.193 | Barbari, ut quievit ventus et compositi erant fluctus, deductis navibus, secundum continentem navigarunt : et Magnesiæ promontorium circumvecti, recta in sinum qui ad Pagasas fert tetenderunt. (2) Est in hoc sinu locus terræ Magnesiæ, ubi Herculem ajunt, postquam ex Argo navi aquatum missus fuisset, relictum esse ab Iasone ejusque sociis, quum Æam Colchicam ad auferendum aureum vellus navigarent. Illinc enim, aquati, soluturi erant in pelagus ; qua de re nomen loco impositum est Aphetæ (id est locus unde solvitur). Hoc igitur in loco stationem cepit Xerxis classis. | Meanwhile the Barbarians, when the wind had ceased and the swell of the sea had calmed down, drew their ships into the sea and sailed on along the shore of the mainland, and having rounded the extremity of Magnesia they sailed straight into the gulf which leads towards Pagasai. In this gulf of Magnesia there is a place where it is said that Heracles was left behind by Jason and his comrades, having been sent from the Argo to fetch water, at the time when they were sailing for the fleece to Aia in the land of Colchis: for from that place they designed, when they had taken in water, to loose their ship into the open sea; and from this the place has come to have the name Aphetai. Here then the fleet of Xerxes took up its moorings. |
| 7.194 | Forte autem accidit, ut quindecim naves, quæ postremæ navigabant, longius in altum ejicerentur : quæ ut conspexerunt Græcorum naves ad Artemisium stantes, (2) suas esse naves rati barbari, cursu versus illas directo, medios in hostes inciderunt. Dux illarum navium fuit Sandôces Thamasii flius, Cymæ Æolicæ præfectus ; quem superiore tempore rex Darius, quum judex fuisset regius, in culpa deprehensum, compertum nimirum quod accepta pecunia injustam sententiam pronuntiasset, in crucem agi jusserat. (3) Et jam suspensus erat, quum Darius, rationem secum iniens rerum ab illo gestarum, reperit multo plura esse ejusdem merita in regiam domum, quam male facta : quod postquam Darius reperit, agnoscens properantius a se quam sapientius esse actum, solvi hominem jussit. (4) Ita ille supplicium a Dario sibi decretum effugit, superstesque fuit. At idem, nunc in Græcos delatus, non iterum erat elapsurus : ut enim annavigantes hos Græci viderunt, cognito illorum errore, contra evecti, facile cunctos ceperunt. | Now it chanced that fifteen of these ships put out to sea a good deal later than the rest, and they happened to catch sight of the ships of the Hellenes at Artemision. These ships the Barbarians supposed to be their own, and they sailed thither accordingly and fell among the enemy. Of these the commander was Sandokes the son of Thamasios, the governor of Kyme in Aiolia, whom before this time king Dareios had taken and crucified (he being one of the Royal Judges) for this reason, namely that Sandokes had pronounced judgment unjustly for money. So then after he was hung up, Dareios reckoned and found that more good services had been done by him to the royal house than were equal to his offences; and having found this, and perceived that he had himself acted with more haste than wisdom, he let him go. Thus he escaped from king Dareios, and did not perish but survived; now, however, when he sailed in toward the Hellenes, he was destined not to escape the second time; for when the Hellenes saw them sailing up, perceiving the mistake which was being made they put out against them and captured them without difficulty. |
| 7.195 | In una harum navium navigans Aridolis captus est, Alabandorum Cariæ tyrannus : in alia Paphiorum prætor Penthylus, Demonoi filius ; qui quum duodecim naves e Papho eduxisset, amissis illarum undecim tempestate ad Sepiadem ingruente, nunc una reliqua ad Artemisium navigans captus est. (2) Hos Græci, interrogatos quæ de Xerxis exercitu cognoscere cupiebant, vinctos in Corinthiorum Isthmum miserunt. | Sailing in one of these ships Aridolis was captured, the despot of Alabanda in Caria, and in another the Paphian commander Penthylos son of Demonoös, who brought twelve ships from Paphos, but had lost eleven of them in the storm which had come on by Sepias, and now was captured sailing in towards Artemision with the one which had escaped. These men the Hellenes sent away in bonds to the Isthmus of the Corinthians, after having inquired of them that which they desired to learn of the army of Xerxes. |
| 7.196 | Ita igitur barbarorum classis, exceptis quindecim navibus, quibus præfuisse Sandocen dixi, ad Aphetas pervenit. (2) Xerxes autem cum pedestribus copiis, itinere per Thessaliam et Achaiam Phthiotidem facto, tertio etiam ante die in Maliensium fines erat ingressus. In Thessalia vero certamen instituerat inter suos equos et Thessalicum equitatum, cujus experiri virtutem voluit, quum rescivisset esse hunc præstantissimum totius Græciæ; et ex eo quidem certamine longe inferiores Græci equi discesserant. (3) E fluviis autem Thessaliæ unus Onochonus ad bibendum non satis aquæ præbuit exercitui : ex eis vero qui Achaiam perfluunt, etiam is qui illorum maximus est, Epidanus, non nisi ægre duravit. | The fleet of the Barbarians then, except the fifteen ships of which I said that Sandokes was in command, had arrived at Aphetai; and Xerxes meanwhile with the land-army, having marched through Thessalia and Achaia, had already entered the land of the Malians two days before, after having held in Thessaly a contest for his own horses, making trial also of the Thessalian cavalry, because he was informed that it was the best of all among the Hellenes; and in this trial the horses of Hellas were far surpassed by the others. Now of the rivers in Thessalia the Onochonos alone failed to suffice by its stream for the drinking of the army; but of the rivers which flow in Achaia even that which is the largest of them, namely Epidanos, even this, I say, held out but barely. |
| 7.197 | Postquam Alum in Achaia Xerxes pervenerat, viæ duces omnia enarrare cupientes, indigenam famam ei retulerunt ad Jovis Laphystii fanum spectantem : Athamantem Æoli filium, consiliis cum Ino communicatis, Phrixo mortem esse machinatum, interjecto vero tempore Achæos ex oraculi responso posteris ejusdem hosce imposuisse labores : (2) quicunque hujus familiæ natu maximus est, ei introitu in prytaneum, quod leiton Achæi vocant, interdicunt ; ipsique, ne ingrediatur, excubias agunt ; qui si nihilo minus introivisset, nullo pacto exire ei prius licet quam ad aram ducatur ubi mactandus est. Ad hæc narrarunt, multos ex his, qui ita mactandi fuissent, sibi timentes, in aliam terram tanquam exsulatum abiisse : quorum si quis interjecto tempore rediisset, deprehendaturque prytaneum ingressus, eum mactari, coronis et infulis ornatum, et cum pompa eductum. (3) Teneri autem hac lege posteros Cytissori, Phrixi filii, ea causa quoniam, quum Achæi ex oraculi responso lustrandæ terræ suæ causa Athamantem Æoli filium mactaturi essent, adveniens ex Æa Colchidis hic Cytissorus illum liberaverit : hoc enim facto Cytissorum iram dei in posteros suos contraxisse. (4) His auditis Xerxes, ut ad lucum pervenit, et ipse eo abstinuit, et universo exercitui ut abstinerent edixit : et domum posterorum Athamantis pariter atque templum veneratus est. | When Xerxes had reached Alos of Achaia, the guides who gave him information of the way, wishing to inform him fully of everything, reported to him a legend of the place, the things, namely, which have to do with the temple of Zeus Laphystios; how Athamas the son of Aiolos contrived death for Phrixos, having taken counsel with Ino, and after this how by command of an oracle the Achaians propose to his descendants the following tasks to be performed — whosoever is the eldest of this race, on him they lay an injunction that he is forbidden to enter the City Hall, and they themselves keep watch; now the City Hall is called by the Achaians the “Hall of the People”; and if he enter it, it may not be that he shall come forth until he is about to be sacrificed. They related moreover in addition to this, that many of these who were about to be sacrificed had before now run away and departed to another land, because they were afraid; and if afterwards in course of time they returned to their own land and were caught, they were placed in the City Hall: and they told how the man is sacrificed all thickly covered with wreaths, and with what form of procession he is brought forth to the sacrifice. This is done to the descendants of Kytissoros the son of Phrixos, because, when the Achaians were making of Athamas the son of Aiolos a victim to purge the sins of the land according to the command of an oracle, and were just about to sacrifice him, this Kytissoros coming from Aia of the Colchians rescued him; and having done so he brought the wrath of the gods upon his own descendants. Having heard these things, Xerxes, when he came to the sacred grove, both abstained from entering it himself, and gave the command to his whole army to so likewise; and he paid reverence both to the house and to the sacred enclosure of the descendants of Athamas. |
| 7.198 | Hæc quidem in Thessalia et in Achaia gesta. Ex hisce dein regionibus Maliensium fines Xerxes ingressus est, ad sinum maris, in quo quotidie æstus maris accidit ei reciprocatio. (2) Juxta hunc sinum est locus campestris, partim latus, partim vero admodum angustus. Circa illum locum montes præalti et inaccessi, Trachiniæ petræ dicti, universam Maliacam terram includunt. (3) Primum ad hunc sinum oppidum, ex Achaia venienti, Anticyra est ; juxta quam Spercheus fluvius, ex Ænianibus profluens, in mare influit. Ab hoc, interjectis viginti stadiis, alius fluvius est, cui nomen Dyras ; quem fama est emersisse ad ferendam Herculi, quum cremaretur, opem. Ab hoc, rursus viginti stadiis interjectis, alius fluvius est, nomine Melas. | These then are the things which happened in Thessalia and in Achaia; and from these regions he proceeded to the Malian land, going along by a gulf of the sea, in which there is an ebb and flow of the tide every day. Round about this gulf there is a level space, which in parts is broad but in other parts very narrow; and mountains lofty and inaccessible surrounding this place enclose the whole land of Malis and are called the rocks of Trachis. The first city upon this gulf as one goes from Achaia is Antikyra, by which the river Spercheios flowing from the land of the Enianians runs out into the sea. At a distance of twenty furlongs or thereabouts from this river there is another, of which the name is Dyras; this is said to have appeared that it might bring assistance to Heracles when he was burning: then again at a distance of twenty furlongs from this there is another river called Melas. |
| 7.199 | Ab hoc Melane fluvio quinque stadia Trachis urbs abest. Eodemque loco, ubi Trachis sita est, latissime patet hæc regio a montibus ad mare : est enim planities vicies bis mille plethrorum. (2) Est autem in monte, qui Trachinium agrum præcludit, divortium a meridie Trachinis, per quod divortium Asopus fluit juxta montis radicem. | From this river Melas the city of Trachis is distant five furlongs; and here, in the parts where Trachis is situated, is even the widest portion of all this district, as regards the space from the mountains to the sea; for the plain has an extent of twenty-two thousand plethra. In the mountain-range which encloses the land of Trachis there is a cleft to the South of Trachis itself; and through this cleft the river Asopos flows, and runs along by the foot of the mountain. |
| 7.200 | Est item alius fluvius a meridie Asopi, Phœnix, non magnus ; qui postquam ex his montibus defluxit, Asopo miscetur. Prope hunc Phœnicem fluvium arctissimus est hujus tractus locus : quippe una sola via ibi munita est, qua nonnisi singulis plaustris transitus patet. A Phœnice vero fluvio quindecim sunt stadia ad Thermopylas : (2) tum in intervallo, quod est inter Phœnicem fluvium et Thermopylas, vicus est nomine Anthela, præter quem præterfluens Asopus in mare evolvitur : et circa eundem vicum latius est spatium, in quo stat templum Cereris Amphictyonidis, et sedes sunt Amphictyonibus paratæ, et ipsius Amphictyonis templum. | There is also another river called Phoinix, to the South of the Asopos, of no great size, which flowing from these mountains runs out into the Asopos; and at the river Phoinix is the narrowest place, for here has been constructed a road with a single wheel-track only. Then from the river Phoinix it is a distance of fifteen furlongs to Thermopylai; and in the space between the river Phoinix and Thermopylai there is a village called Anthela, by which the river Asopos flows, and so runs out into the sea; and about this village there is a wide space in which is set up a temple dedicated to Demeter of the Amphictyons, and there are seats for the Amphictyonic councillors and a temple dedicated to Amphictyon himself. |
| 7.201 | Jam Xerxes in Trachinio campo terræ Maliacæ castra posuit : Græci vero in ipso transitu. Nominatur autem hic locus a plerisque quidem Græcis Thermopylæ, incolæ vero et finitimi nude Pylas dicunt. (2) Itaque utrique in his locis castra habebant : occupabat autem Xerxes totum spatium septentrionem versus a Thermopylis usque Trachinem pertinens ; Græci vero ea quæ in hac continente versus Notum et meridiem sita sunt. | King Xerxes, I say, was encamped within the region of Trachis in the land of the Malians, and the Hellenes within the pass. This place is called by the Hellenes in general Thermopylai, but by the natives of the place and those who dwell in the country round it is called Pylai. Both sides then were encamped hereabout, and the one had command of all that lies beyond Trachis in the direction of the North Wind, and the others of that which tends towards the South Wind and the mid-day on this side of the continent. |
| 7.202 | Græci vero hoc in loco Persam exspectantes, hi fuere : Spartani trecenti graviter armati : tum Tegeatæ et Mantinenses mille, utrorumque quingenti : ex Orchomeno Arcadiæ centum et viginti, et e reliqua Arcadia mille ; (2) tot Arcades fuere : Corinthii vero quadringenti : e Phliunte ducenti ; e Mycenis octoginta. Hi sunt qui e Peloponneso affuerunt. E Bœotis vero, Thespienses septingenti, et Thebani quadringenti. | These were the Hellenes who awaited the attack of the Persian in this place — of the Spartans three hundred hoplites; of the men of Tegea and Mantineia a thousand, half from each place, from Orchomenos in Arcadia a hundred and twenty, and from the rest of Arcadia a thousand — of the Arcadians so many; from Corinth four hundred, from Phlius two hundred, and of the men of Mykene eighty: these were they who came from the Peloponnese; and from the Boeotians seven hundred of the Thespians, and of the Thebans four hundred. |
| 7.203 | Præter hos vero evocati aderant Locri Opuntii omnibus copiis, et Phocenses mille. Ipsi enim Græci missis legatis hos advocaverant, dicentes, tanquam antecursores sese venisse ante alios, exspectari vero reliquos socios in proximum quemque diem, et maris tutelam sibi curæ esse, custodirique illud ab Atheniensibus et Æginetis reliquisque in classem designatis. Nihil autem illis esse gravius metuendum : (2) non enim deum esse, qui Græciam invadat, sed hominem : nullum autem nec esse nec futurum esse mortalem, cui, e quo natus sit, malum nullum acciderit ; immo maximis accidere maxima. Debere itaque etiam illum, qui Græciam invadat, mortalis quum sit, gloria sua excidere. His auditis, illi Trachinem auxilio Græcis venerunt. | In addition to these the Locrians of Opus had been summoned to come in their full force, and of the Phokians a thousand: for the Hellenes had of themselves sent a summons to them, saying by messengers that they had come as forerunners of the others, that the rest of the allies were to be expected every day, that their sea was safely guarded, being watched by the Athenians and the Eginetans and by those who had been appointed to serve in the fleet, and that they need fear nothing: for he was not a god, they said, who was coming to attack Hellas, but a man; and there was no mortal, nor would be any, with those fortunes evil had not been mingled at his very birth, and the greatest evils for the greatest men; therefore he also who was marching against them, being mortal, would be destined to fail of his expectation. They accordingly, hearing this, came to the assistance of the others at Trachis. |
| 7.204 | His igitur et alii quidem e quaque civitate duces præerant ; sed, quem maxime cuncti admirabantur, et penes quem summa erat totius imperii, Lacedæmonius fuit Leonidas, genus ab Hercule ducens hac majorum serie : pater Anaxandrides fuit, avus Leon : tum reliqui progenitores, Eurycratides, Anaxander, Eurycrates, Polydorus, Alcamenes, Telecles, Archelaus, Hegesilaus, Doryssus, Leobotes, Echestratus, Agis, Eurysthenes, Aristodemus ; Aristomachus, Cleodæus, Hyllus, Hercules. Is Leonidas regnum Spartæ necopinans erat adeptus. | Of these troops, although there were other commanders also according to the State to which each belonged, yet he who was most held in regard and who was leader of the whole army was the Lacedemonian Leonidas son of Anaxandrides, son of Leon, son of Eurycratides, son of Anaxander, son of Eurycrates, son of Polydoros, son of Alcamenes, son of Teleclos, son of Archelaos, son of Hegesilaos, son of Doryssos, son of Leobotes, son of Echestratos, son of Agis, son of Eurysthenes, son of Aristodemos, son of Aristomachos, son of Cleodaios, son of Hyllos, son of Heracles; who had obtained the kingdom of Sparta contrary to expectation. |
| 7.205 | Quum enim duo illi fratres essent natu majores, Cleomenes et Dorieus, procul habuerat cogitationem regni adipiscendi. Sed Cleomene sine mascula prole defuncto, quum jam tum Dorieus etiam non amplius in vivis esset, quippe in Sicilia mortuus, ita ad Leonidam regnum pervenit, quoniam et major natu erat Cleombroto, Anaxandridæ filio natu minimo, et Cleomenis etiam filiam in matrimonio habebat. (2) Is igitur ad Thermopylas erat profectus cum delectis ab ipso trecentis illis, justæ ætatis viris, et quibus domi liberi erant. Adsumpserat autem, priusquam advenisset, Thebanos quoque illos quorum numerum supra declaravi, quibus Leontiades præerat, Eurymachi filius. (3) Quos solos e Græcis assumere ea causa properaverat Leonidas, quod accusabantur Thebani vehementer cum Medis sentire. Invitaverat igitur eos ad armorum societatem, cognoscere cupiens, utrum missuri essent secum socios, an ex aperto repudiaturi Græcorum societatem : et illi, aliud licet sentientes, miserant. | For as he had two brothers each older than himself, namely Cleomenes and Dorieos, he had been far removed from the thought of becoming king. Since however Cleomenes had died without male child, and Dorieos was then no longer alive, but he also had brought his life to an end in Sicily, thus the kingdom came to Leonidas, both because was of elder birth than Cleombrotos (for Cleombrotos was the youngest of the sons of Anaxandrides) and also because he had in marriage the daughter of Cleomenes. He then at this time went to Thermopylai, having chosen the three hundred who were appointed by law and men who chanced to have sons; and he took with him besides, before he arrived, those Thebans whom I mentioned when I reckoned them in the number of the troops, of whom the commander was Leontiades the son of Eurymachos: and for this reason Leonidas was anxious to take up these with him of all the Hellenes, namely because accusations had been strongly brought against them that they were taking the side of the Medes; therefore he summoned them to the war, desiring to know whether they would send troops with them or whether they would openly renounce the alliance of the Hellenes; and they sent men, having other thoughts in their mind the while. |
| 7.206 | Et Leonidam quidem cum his, qui cum eo erant, primos omnium miserant Spartani hoc consilio, ut et reliqui socii, his conspectis, adversus hostes proficiscerentur, neque ipsi pariter Medorum sequerentur partes, si cunctari Spartanos intellexissent. Deinde vero, quum Carnea nunc obstarent, peractis festis diebus, custodia Spartæ relicta, cum omnibus copiis occurrere decreverant hosti. (2) Similiter vero etiam reliqui socii facere constituerant : qui, quum in idem ipsum tempus, quo hæc gerebantur, Olympias incideret, rati non tam cito ad Thermopylas armis decretum iri, antecursores interim miserunt. Tale igitur horum fuit consilium. | These with Leonidas the Spartans had sent out first, in order that seeing them the other allies might join in the campaign, and for fear that they also might take the side of the Medes, if they heard that the Spartans were putting off their action. Afterwards, however, when they had kept the festival, (for the festival of the Carneia stood in their way), they intended then to leave a garrison in Sparta and to come to help in full force with speed: and just so also the rest of the allies had thought of doing themselves; for it chanced that the Olympic festival fell at the same time as these events. Accordingly, since they did not suppose that the fighting in Thermopylai would so soon be decided, they sent only the forerunners of their force. These, I say, had intended to do thus. |
| 7.207 | Jam, qui ad Thermopylas fuere Græci, ubi haud procul ab introitu fuit Persa, timore perculsi de receptu consultare cœperunt. Et reliquis quidem Peloponnesiis placuit, abire in Peloponnesum, et Isthmum custodire. (2) Leonidas vero, sententiam istam vehementer indignatis Phocensibus et Locris, de communi horum consilio manere ibi decrevit, legatosque per civitates dimittere qui ab illis auxilia arcesserent, quandoquidem nimis exiguus ipsorum numerus esset ad prohibendum Medorum exercitum. | And meanwhile the Hellenes at Thermopylai, when the Persian had come near to the pass, were in dread, and deliberated about making retreat from their position. To the rest of the Peloponnesians then it seemed best that they should go to the Peloponnese and hold the Isthmus in guard; but Leonidas, when the Phokians and Locrians were indignant at this opinion, gave his vote for remaining there, and for sending at the same time messengers to the several States bidding them to come up to help them, since they were but few to repel the army of the Medes. |
| 7.208 | Dum hi ita consultant, interim Xerxes equitem misit speculatorem, qui et numerum eorum, et quid facerent, exploraret. Audierat enim, quum adhuc in Thessalia esset, collectum hoc loco stare exiguum exercitum, cujus duces sint Lacedæmonii et Leonidas, ab Hercule genus ducens. (2) Ut ad castra accessit eques, contemplatus est, spectavitque non totum quidem exercitum ; nam, qui intra murum erant, quem a se instauratum Græci custodiebant, hos conspicere non potuit : exteriores vero observavit, qui ante murum stationem habebant. (3) Erant autem tunc forte extra murum locati Lacedæmonii. Horum igitur alios vidit gymnasticis exercitationibus vacantes, alios comam pectentes. Miratus eques spectaculum, cognito hominum numero, omnibusque rebus accurate perceptis, rediit per otium, nemine persequente, sed omnibus eum prorsus contemptui habentibus. Reversus, Xerxi cuncta quæ viderat renuntiavit. | As they were thus deliberating, Xerxes sent a scout on horseback to see how many they were in number and what they were doing; for he had heard while he was yet in Thessaly that there had been assembled in this place a small force, and that the leaders of it were Lacedemonians together with Leonidas, who was of the race of Heracles. And when the horseman had ridden up towards their camp, he looked upon them and had a view not indeed of the whole of their army, for of those which were posted within the wall, which they had repaired and were keeping a guard, it was not possible to have a view, but he observed those who were outside, whose station was in front of the wall; and it chanced at that time that the Lacedemonians were they who were posted outside. So then he saw some of the men practising athletic exercises and some combing their long hair: and as he looked upon these things he marvelled, and at the same time he observed their number: and when he had observed all exactly, he rode back unmolested, for no one attempted to pursue him and he found himself treated with much indifference. And when he returned he reported to Xerxes all that which he had seen. |
| 7.209 | Quibus auditis, conjectare Xerxes non potuit id quod res erat, comparare sese hos homines ad pereundum postquam perdidissent ipsi quam plurimos potuissent : sed, quum ridicula facere ei viderentur, Demaratum ad se vocavit, Aristonis filium, qui in castris aderat. (2) Is ubi advenerat, de singulis eum interrogavit Xerxes, cognoscere cupiens quid esset quod facerent Lacedæmonii. Et ille, « Audisti me, inquit, jam ante, quum adversus Græciam proficisceremur, de his viris disserentem ; at risui me habuisti quum audiebas dicentem tibi quemnam fore harum rerum exitum præviderem. Mihi enim, rex, summa contentio est, veritatem adversus te colere. (3) Audi igitur etiam nunc. Adsunt hi viri, de introitu nobiscum pugnaturi, et ad hoc se comparant. Hic enim apud illos mos obtinet : quando vitæ discrimen sunt adituri, tunc capita curant. (4) Scito vero : si hosce, et eos qui Spartæ manent, subegeris ; nullus alius hominum populus est, qui adversus te, rex, manus tollere sustineat. Nunc enim cum regno inter Græcos præclarissimo tibi res est, et cum viris fortissimis. » (5) Quæ dicta, quum prorsus incredibilia Xerxi viderentur, iterum quæsivit, quo tandem pacto tam exigua hominum manus suo exercitui esset repugnatura. Et ille, « Rex, inquit, age mecum ut cum homine mendaci, nisi hæc ita eventura sunt ut ego dico. » | Hearing this Xerxes was not able to conjecture the truth about the matter, namely that they were preparing themselves to die and to deal death to the enemy so far as they might; but it seemed to him that they were acting in a manner merely ridiculous; and therefore he sent for Demaratos the son of Ariston, who was in his camp, and when he came, Xerxes asked him of these things severally, desiring to discover what this was which the Lacedemonians were doing: and he said: “Thou didst hear from my mouth at a former time, when we were setting forth to go against Hellas, the things concerning these men; and having heard them thou madest me an object of laughter, because I told thee of these things which I perceived would come to pass; for to me it is the greatest of all ends to speak the truth continually before thee, O king. Hear then now also: these men have come to fight with us for the passage, and this is it that they are preparing to do; for they have a custom which is as follows — whenever they are about to put their lives in peril, then they attend to the arrangement of their hair. Be assured however, that if thou shalt subdue these and the rest of them which remain behind in Sparta, there is no other race of men which will await thy onset, O king, or will raise hands against thee: for now thou art about to fight against the noblest kingdom and city of those which are among the Hellenes, and the best men.” To Xerxes that which was said seemed to be utterly incredible, and he asked again a second time in what manner being so few they would fight with his host. He said; “O king, deal with me as with a liar, if thou find not that these things come to pass as I say.” |
| 7.210 | Hæc Demaratus dicens Xerxi non persuasit. Itaque quattuor rex intermisit dies, assidue illos sperans fuga se recepturos. Quinto vero die, quum illi non recessissent, sed per obstinatam, ut Xerxi videbantur, impudentiam temeritatemque manerent, iratus rex Medos et Cissios adversus illos misit, dato mandato ut vivos caperent et in conspectum suum adducerent. (2) Ut vero in Græcos cum impetu irruerunt Medi, multi ex eis cecidere : quibus successere alii, nec se recepere, quamvis magna clade accepta : ostenderuntque cuilibet, maxime vero regi ipsi, multos quidem homines esse, sed paucos viros. Præliati sunt autem per totum diem. | Thus saying he did not convince Xerxes, who let four days go by, expecting always that they would take to flight; but on the fifth day, when they did not depart but remained, being obstinate, as he thought, in impudence and folly, he was enraged and sent against them the Medes and the Kissians, charging them to take the men alive and bring them into his presence. Then when the Medes moved forward and attacked the Hellenes, there fell many of them, and others kept coming up continually, and they were not driven back, though suffering great loss: and they made it evident to every man, and to the king himself not least of all, that human beings are many but men are few. This combat went on throughout the day. |
| 7.211 | Postquam ita male accepti sunt Medi, tum hi quidem in castra se recepere : et Persæ eis succedentes, quos Immortales rex appellabat, quibus præerat Hydarnes, in hostem iverunt ; quasi hi utique facile confecturi rem essent. (2) Ut vero hi quoque pugnam cum Græcis conseruere, nihilo amplius, quam Medi, promoverunt, sed eandem habuere sortem ; quippe in angusto transitu pugnantes, ubi explicari multitudo non poterat, et hastis utentes brevioribus quam Græci. (3) Lacedæmonii vero memorabilem ediderunt pugnam, quum aliis rebus ostendentes peritos sese cum imperitis congredi, tum quod subinde terga verterent, veluti fugam capessentes universi, deinde vero, quando fugientibus Persæ cum clamore strepituque instabant, ipsique jam in eo erant ut deprehenderentur, subito conversa acie hosti sese opponerent, atque ita innumerabilem Persarum prosternerent multitudinem. Ceciderunt autem ibi Spartanorum etiam nonnulli. (4) Postquam vero, quamvis magno conatu, et turmatim et quovis modo impetum facientes, nulla parte introitus potiri Persæ potuerunt, postremo hi quoque retrogressi sunt. | And when the Medes were being roughly handled, then these retired from the battle, and the Persians, those namely whom the king called “Immortals,” of whom Hydarnes was commander, took their place and came to the attack, supposing that they at least would easily overcome the enemy. When however these also engaged in combat with the Hellenes, they gained no more success than the Median troops but the same as they, seeing that they were fighting in a place with a narrow passage, using shorter spears than the Hellenes, and not being able to take advantage of their superior numbers. The Lacedemonians meanwhile were fighting in a memorable fashion, and besides other things of which they made display, being men perfectly skilled in fighting opposed to men who were unskilled, they would turn their backs to the enemy and make a pretence of taking to flight; and the Barbarians, seeing them thus taking a flight, would follow after them with shouting and clashing of arms: then the Lacedemonians, when they were being caught up, turned and faced the Barbarians; and thus turning round they would slay innumerable multitudes of the Persians; and there fell also at these times a few of the Spartans themselves. So, as the Persians were not able to obtain any success by making trial of the entrance and attacking it by divisions and every way, they retired back. |
| 7.212 | Dum ita conflictabantur, fertur Xerxes, quum spectandi causa haud procul abesset, ter de solio suo exsiliisse, metuens nempe suo exercitui. (2) Tunc igitur ita pugnatum est. Postridie vero ejus diei nihilo felicius barbari pugnaverunt. Quum enim exiguus esset Græcorum numerus, rati barbari confectos esse illos vulneribus, neque vires amplius ad resistendum habituros, denuo eos aggressi sunt. (3) At Græci, per ordines perque populos digesti, in vicem cuncti pugnarunt, Phocensibus exceptis : hi enim in monte erant locati, semitam custodituri. Ubi vero nihilo melius, quam pridie, Persæ rem sibi viderunt succedere, abscesserunt. | And during these onsets it is said that the king, looking on, three times leapt up from his seat, struck with fear for his army. Thus they contended then: and on the following day the Barbarians strove with no better success; for because the men opposed to them were few in number, they engaged in battle with the expectation that they would be found to be disabled and would not be capable any longer of raising their hands against them in fight. The Hellenes however were ordered by companies as well as by nations, and they fought successively each in turn, excepting the Phokians, for these were posted upon the mountain to guard the path. So the Persians, finding nothing different from that which they had seen on the former day, retired back from the fight. |
| 7.213 | Ibi tunc regem, quidnam consilii caperet incertum, convenit Ephialtes, Eurydemi filius, Maliensis, ingens ab illo præmium se relaturum sperans, indicavitque ei semitam per montes ad Thermopylas ferentem ; atque ita Græcos prodidit, stationem ibi habentes. (2) Idem postea, metu Lacedæmoniorum, in Thessaliam profugit : exsulantisque caput proposita pecunia proscriptum est a Pylagoris, quum Amphictyones ad agendum Pylæum conventum essent congregati. Interjecto vero tempore, quum Anticyram rediisset, ab Athenade Trachinio occisus est. (3) Et interfecit quidem Ephialten Athenades aliam ob causam, quam in sequentibus historiis exponam : at nihilo minus tamen præmio honoratus est a Lacedæmoniis. Ita igitur Ephialtes postea periit. | Then when the king was in a strait as to what he should do in the matter before him, Epialtes the son of Eurydemos, a Malian, came to speech with him, supposing that he would win a very great reward from the king; and this man told him of the path which leads over the mountain to Thermopylai, and brought about the destruction of those Hellenes who remained in that place. Afterwards from fear of the Lacedemonians he fled to Thessaly, and when he had fled, a price was proclaimed for his life by the Deputies, when the Amphictyons met for their assembly at Pylai. Then some time afterwards having returned to Antikyra he was slain by Athenades a man of Trachis. Now this Athenades killed Epialtes for another cause, which I shall set forth in the following part of the history, but he was honored for it none the less by the Lacedemonians. Thus Epialtes after these events was slain. |
| 7.214 | Fertur autem etiam alia fama, Onetam Phanagoræ filium, Carystium, et Corydalum Anticyrensem cum rege sermones illos habuisse, et Persas circum montem illum circumduxisse ; mihi neutiquam credibilis. (2) Nam falsam esse partim inde colligi oportet, quod Græcorum Pylagori, quos utique præ ceteris compertam habuisse rei veritatem consentaneum est, non Onetæ et Corydali caput proscripserunt, sed Ephialtæ Trachinii ; tum, quod Ephialten novimus ob hanc culpam exsulasse. (3) Ceterum cognita quidem hæc semita Onetæ quoque, quamquam non Maliensi, esse potuit, si hanc regionem sæpius adierat : at enimvero Ephialtes est, qui hostes per semitam illam circa montem circumduxit : hunc hujus culpæ reum scribo. | There is however another tale told, that Onetes the son of Phanagoras, a man of Carystos, and Corydallos of Antikyra were those who showed the Persians the way round the mountain; but this I can by no means accept: for first we must judge by this fact, namely that the Deputies of the Hellenes did not proclaim a price for the lives of Onetes and Corydallos, but for that of Epialtes the Trachinian, having surely obtained the most exact information of the matter; and secondly we know that Epialtes was an exile from his country to avoid this charge. True it is indeed that Onetes might know of this path, even though he were not a Malian, if he had had much intercourse with the country; but Epialtes it was who led them round the mountain by the path, and him therefore I write down as the guilty man. |
| 7.215 | Xerxes, ea probans quæ se effecturum pollicitus Ephialtes erat, vehementer gavisus, sine mora Hydarnen et qui sub ejus ductu erant misit : et illi sub noctem, quo tempore accenduntur lucernæ, e castris profecti sunt. (2) Invenerant illam semitam indigenæ Malienses ; eaque reperta Thessalis adversus Phocenses itineris duces fuerant, quo tempore Phocenses introitum in suam regionem opposito obstruxerant muro, atque ita tutos se a bello præstiterant : atque ex illo inde tempore apparuit illa usui nulli esse Maliensibus. | Xerxes accordingly, being pleased by that which Epialtes engaged to accomplish, at once with great joy proceeded to send Hydarnes and the men of whom Hydarnes was commander; and they set forth from the camp about the time when the lamps are lit. This path of which we speak had been discovered by the Malians who dwell in that land, and having discovered it they led the Thessalians by it against the Phokians, at the time when the Phokians had fenced the pass with a wall and thus were sheltered from the attacks upon them: so long ago as this had the pass been proved by the Malians to be of no value. |
| 7.216 | Est autem callis hujus per montem ferentis ratio hæc: incipit ab Asopo fluvio, ubi ille per montium divortium perfluit ; est autem monti, per quem semita transit, semitæque ipsi idem nomen, Anopæa: fertque hæc Anopæa secundum dorsum montis, et desinit circa Alpenum, primum oppidorum Locrensium versus Malienses, eo loco ubi Melampygus qui dicitur lapis est, suntque Cercopum sedes : ubi etiam angustissimus callis est. | And this path lies as follows — it begins from the river Asopos, which flows through the cleft, and the name of this mountain and of the path is the same, namely Anopaia; and this Anopaia stretches over the ridge of the mountain and ends by the town of Alpenos, which is the first town of the Locrians towards Malis, and by the stone called Black Buttocks and the seats of the Kercopes, where is the very narrowest part. |
| 7.217 | Hac igitur semita, quam descripsi, Persæ trajecto Asopo totam noctem iter fecerunt, a dextra habentes Œtæorum montes, a sinistra vero montes Trachiniorum : et illuxit aurora, quum ad summum montem pervenerunt. (2) Hoc igitur loco montem custodiebant, ut etiam ante demonstravi, Phocenses mille graviter armati, et suam regionem tutantes, et callem custodientes. (3) Inferior enim introitus ab eis, quos dixi, custodiebatur : semitam autem, quæ fert per montem, Phocenses custodiebant, qui Leonidæ ultro hanc operam receperant. | By this path thus situated the Persians after crossing over the Asopos proceeded all through the night, having on their right hand the mountains of the Oitaians and on the left those of the Trachinians: and when dawn appeared, they had reached the summit of the mountain. In this part of the mountain there were, as I have before shown, a thousand hoplites of the Phokians keeping guard, to protect their own country and to keep the path: for while the pass below was guarded by those whom I have mentioned, the path over the mountain was guarded by the Phokians, who had undertaken the business for Leonidas by their own offer. |
| 7.218 | Ascendentes quidem latuerant Persæ, quum quercubus totus obsitus mons esset : postquam vero ascenderant, hoc modo adventantes illos cognovere Phocenses, quum tranquillum esset cœlum, propter folia sub pedibus strata multus, ut res fert, ortus strepitus excitavit eos ut ad arma concurrerent : et protinus barbari affuerunt. (2) Qui ubi armatos conspexere viros, mirati sunt, quod, quum neminem sibi putassent occursurum, in exercitum incidissent. Ibi tum Hydarnes, veritus ne, qui Phocenses erant, Lacedæmonii essent, quæsivit ex Ephialte, cujus populi is esset exercitus : et ubi quod res erat audivit, in aciem Persas instruxit. (3) At Phocenses, quum multis crebrisque telis ferirentur, rati non nisi adversus se hos esse profectos, arrepta fuga in summum montis verticem se receperunt, ad occumbendam mortem parati. (4) Hi igitur ita erant animati : at Persæ, qui cum Ephialte et Hydarne erant, nullam Phocensium rationem habentes, descendere de monte properarunt. | While the Persians were ascending they were concealed from these, since all the mountain was covered with oak-trees; and the Phokians became aware of them after they had made the ascent as follows — the day was calm, and not a little noise was made by the Persians, as was likely when leaves were lying spread upon the ground under their feet; upon which the Phokians started up and began to put on their arms, and by this time the Barbarians were close upon them. These, when they saw men arming themselves, fell into wonder, for they were expecting that no one would appear to oppose them, and instead of that they had met with an armed force. Then Hydarnes, seized with fear lest the Phokians should be Lacedemonians, asked Epialtes of what people the force was; and being accurately informed he set the Persians in order for battle. The Phokians however, when they were hit by the arrows of the enemy, which flew thickly, fled and got away at once to the topmost peak of the mountain, fully assured that it was against them that the enemy had designed to come, and here they were ready to meet death. These, I say, were in this mind; but the Persians meanwhile with Epialtes and Hydarnes made no account of the Phokians, but descended the mountain with all speed. |
| 7.219 | Qui ad Thermopylas erant Græci, his primum Megistias vates, inspectis victimis, prædixerat mortem primo mane eis instantem : deinde advenere etiam transfugæ, circuitum hostium nuntiantes : (2) hi, quum adhuc tunc nox esset, significaverunt : tertio autem speculatores diurni, de summitatibus montium decurrentes, illucescente jam die, idem indicium fecere. Ibi tum Græci, quid sibi faciendum esset deliberantes, in diversas abiere sententias, aliis contendentibus non deserendam esse stationem, aliis contra nitentibus. (3) Hinc soluto consilio, discesserunt alii, et suam quisque in civitatem tendens dispersi sunt : alii vero parati erant cum Leonida manere. | To the Hellenes who were in Thermopylai first the soothsayer Megistias, after looking into the victims which were sacrificed, declared the death which was to come to them at dawn of day; and afterwards deserters brought the report of the Persians having gone round. These signified it to them while it was yet night, and thirdly came the day-watchers, who had run down from the heights when day was already dawning. Then the Hellenes deliberated, and their opinions were divided; for some urged that they should not desert their post, while others opposed this counsel. After this they departed from their assembly, and some went away and dispersed each to their several cities, while others of them were ready to remain there together with Leonidas. |
| 7.220 | Dicunt autem, ipsum Leonidam illos dimisisse, ne perirent curantem ; se autem et præsentes Spartanos non decere dicentem deserere stationem ad quam custodiendam principio missi essent. (2) Et ego quoque quam maxime in hac sum sententia, Leonidam, quum minime promptos esse socios vidisset, nec ad subeundum secum periculum ultro paratos, abire illos jussisse ; sibi autem, ut abiret, inhonestum judicasse. (3) Contra, si maneret, ingens eum gloria manebat, et Spartæ felicitas non exstinguebatur. Etenim Spartanis, jam in primo hujus belli initio oraculum consulentibus, responderat Pythia, aut eversum iri Lacedæmonem a barbaris ; aut regem ipsorum periturum. (4) Hoc eis illa responsum versibus hexametris comprehensum dederat, his verbis:
aut ingens urbs gloriosa a viris Persis evertitur ; aut, si non hoc, ab Hercule oriundum flebunt mortuum regem Lacedæmonis fines. Nec enim sustinebit eum taurorum robur leonumque contra stantium ; Jovis enim ille robur habet ; eumque dico non iri repressum prius, quam horum alterutrum fuerit sortitus. » |
However it is reported also that Leonidas himself sent them away, having a care that they might not perish, but thinking that it was not seemly for himself and for the Spartans who were present to leave the post to which they had come at first to keep guard there. I am inclined rather to be of this latter opinion, namely that because Leonidas perceived that the allies were out of heart and did not desire to face the danger with him to the end, he ordered them to depart, but held that for himself to go away was not honorable, whereas if he remained, a great fame of him would be left behind, and the prosperity of Sparta would not be blotted out: for an oracle had been given by the Pythian prophetess to the Spartans, when they consulted about this war at the time when it was being first set on foot, to the effect that either Lacedemon must be destroyed by the Barbarians, or their king must lose his life. This reply the prophetess gave them in hexameter verses, and it ran thus:
Either your glorious city is sacked by the children of Perses, Or, if it be not so, then a king of the stock Heracleian Dead shall be mourned for by all in the boundaries of broad Lacedemon. Him nor the might of bulls nor the raging of lions shall hinder; For he hath might as of Zeus; and I say he shall not be restrained, Till one of the other of these he have utterly torn and divided.” |
| 7.221 | Cujus rei mihi hoc etiam haud minimum documentum est, quod non modo reliqui dimissi sunt, sed quod satis constat, vati etiam exercitum sequenti, Megistiæ Acarnani, genus a Melampode derivanti, eidem qui e victimis eventura illis prædixerat, missionem dedisse Leonidam, veritum ne cum ipsis periret. At ille, quamquam missionem nactus, non tamen discessit ; sed filium, militiæ hujus socium, qui unicus illi natus erat, dimisit. | Of this the following has been to my mind a proof as convincing as any other, namely that Leonidas is known to have endeavored to dismiss the soothsayer also who accompanied this army, Megistias the Acarnanian, who was said to be descended from Melampus, that he might not perish with them after he had declared from the victims that which was about to come to pass for them. He however when he was bidden to go would not himself depart, but sent away his son who was with him in the army, besides whom he had no other child. |
| 7.222 | Ceteri igitur socii dimissi abierunt, mandato Leonidæ obsequentes. Thespienses vero et Thebani soli apud Lacedæmonios manserunt. (2) Et Thebani quidem nolentes et inviti manserunt ; retinuit eos autem Leonidas, obsidum loco habens : Thespienses vero summa sua voluntate ; neutiquam enim Leonidam et qui cum illo erant se deserturos abscessurosque ajebant, sed apud illos mansuros mortemque cum eisdem occubituros. His præerat Demophilus, Diadromæ filius. | The allies then who were dismissed departed and went away, obeying the word of Leonidas, and only the Thespians and the Thebans remained behind with the Lacedemonians. Of these the Thebans stayed against their will and not because they desired it, for Leonidas kept them, counting them as hostages; but the Thespians very willingly, for they said that they would not depart and leave Leonidas and those with him, but they stayed behind and died with them. The commander of these was Demophilos the son of Diadromes. |
| 7.223 | Orto sole, Xerxes libamina fecit : deinde aliquamdiu moratus, quo tempore forum maxime frequentari hominibus solet impressionem in hostem facere instituit : ita enim significatum ei ab Ephialte erat. Nam descensus de monte brevior est, atque iter inde ad Thermopylas compendiosius, quam circuitus et ascensus montis. (2) Barbari igitur, qui cum Xerxe erant, in hostem perrexerunt : et Græci cum Leonida, utpote ad mortem ire parati, jam multo longius, quam ante, in spatiosiorem faucium partem progressi sunt. (3) Nam muri quidem munimentum custodiebatur ; superioribus vero diebus in ipsas etiam fauces progressi pugnaverant. Nunc igitur, quum extra angustias consererent pugnam, ingens hostium cecidit multitudo. Etenim manipulorum duces, flagellis a tergo instantes, et unumquemque cædentes, ad ulterius progrediendum suos concitabant. (4) Itaque eorum multi in mare incidentes perierunt ; multo vero plures, alii ab aliis, vivi conculcati sunt : nec ulla ratio habebatur pereuntium. Nam Lacedæmonii, quum imminere sibi mortem ab his qui montem circumiverant non ignorarent, quanta maxima poterant fortitudinis specimina adversus barbaros ediderunt, nullo modo parcentes sibi, ac furiosorum in morem pugnantes. | Xerxes meanwhile, having made libations at sunrise, stayed for some time, until about the hour when the market fills, and then made an advance upon them; for thus it had been enjoined by Epialtes, seeing that the descent of the mountain is shorter and the space to be passed over much less than the going round and the ascent. The Barbarians accordingly with Xerxes were advancing to the attack; and the Hellenes with Leonidas, feeling that they were going forth to death, now advanced out much further than at first into the broader part of the defile; for when the fence of the wall was being guarded, they on the former days fought retiring before the enemy into the narrow part of the pass; but now they engaged with them outside the narrows, and very many of the Barbarians fell: for behind them the leaders of the divisions with scourges in their hands were striking each man, ever urging them on to the front. Many of them then were driven into the sea and perished, and many more still were trodden down while yet alive by one another, and there was no reckoning of the number that perished: for knowing the death which was about to come upon them by reason of those who were going round the mountain, they displayed upon the Barbarians all the strength which they had, to its greatest extent, disregarding danger and acting as if possessed by a spirit of recklessness. |
| 7.224 | Hastæ quidem jam tunc plerisque fractæ erant, et gladiis illi Persas conficiebant. (2) In eo labore, ab altera parte, Leonidas fotissime pugnans cecidit, cum eoque alii illustres Spartani ; quorum ergo, ut dignorum virorum, nomina sciscitatus sum cognovique : rescivi vero etiam omnium nomina trecentorum. (3) Ab altera parte, e Persis ibidem et alii multi illustres ceciderunt viri, et in his duo Darii filii, Abrocomes, et Hyperanthes, quos e Phrataguna Artanis filia Darius susceperat. (4) Artanes autem frater fuerat Darii, Hystaspis filius, Arsamis nepos. Is Dario filiam suam elocans, simul totam suam domum ei donaverat, quum unica ipsius proles illa esset. | Now by this time the spears of the greater number of them were broken, so it chanced, in this combat, and they were slaying the Persians with their swords; and in this fighting fell Leonidas, having proved himself a very good man, and others also of the Spartans with him, men of note, of whose names I was informed as of men who had proved themselves worthy, and indeed I was told also the names of all the three hundred. Moreover of the Persians there fell here, besides many others of note, especially two sons of Dareios, Abrocomes and Hyperanthes, born to Dareios of Phratagune the daughter of Artanes: now Artanes was the brother of king Dareios and the son of Hystaspes, the son of Arsames; and he in giving his daughter in marriage to Dareios gave also with her all his substance, because she was his only child. |
| 7.225 | Igitur duo Xerxis fratres ibi ceciderunt pugnantes super Leonidæ cadavere, de quo acre fuit inter Persas et Lacedæmonios certamen : donec ad extremum sua virtute Græci illud subtraxerunt, quater in fugam versis adversariis. Ita pugnatum est, donec qui cum Ephialte erant advenere. (2) Quos ubi accedere intellexerunt Græci, tum vero mutatum certamen est. Tunc enim in angustias viæ se receperunt, et murum etiam prætergressi, ubi ad tumulum venerunt, qui in introitu angustiarum est, ubi nunc lapideus leo stat in Leonidæ memoriam, ibi confertim consederunt exceptis Thebanis ceteri omnes. (3) Eodemque loco gladiis sese defendentes, quibus gladii supererant, alii manibus dentibusque depugnantes, obruti sunt barbarorum telis, partim subruta muri munitione ex adverso ingruentium, partim e circuitu undique circumstantium. | Two brothers of Xerxes, I say, fell here fighting; and meanwhile over the body of Leonidas there arose a great struggle between the Persians and the Lacedemonians, until the Hellenes by valor dragged this away from the enemy and turned their opponents to flight four times. This conflict continued until those who had gone with Epialtes came up; and when the Hellenes learnt that these had come, from that moment the nature of the combat was changed; for they retired backwards to the narrow part of the way, and having passed by the wall they went and placed themselves upon the hillock, all in a body together except only the Thebans: now this hillock is in the entrance, where now the stone lion is placed for Leonidas. On this spot while defending themselves with daggers, that is those who still had them left, and also with hands and with teeth, they were overwhelmed by the missiles of the Barbarians, some of these having followed directly after them and destroyed the fence of the wall, while others had come round and stood about them on all sides. |
| 7.226 | Tales quum se præstiterint Lacedæmonii et Thespienses omnes, fortissimus tamen ex his fuisse dicitur Dieneces Spartanus : quem ajunt, priusquam cum Medis congrederentur, verbum illud dixisse, quum Trachinium quemdam audivisset dicentem, quando barbari tela emiserint, multitudine telorum solem iri obscuratum ; tantam enim esse hostium multitudinem. (2) Hunc igitur, nihil perterritum, sed aspernantem Medorum multitudinem, respondisse ajunt, fausta omnia Græcis nuntiare hospitem Trachinium ; quandoquidem sole telis Medorum obscurato, in umbra sint pugnaturi, non in sole. Hæc et ejusdem generis alia dicta, ajunt, Dienecem Lacedæmonium fortis animi monumenta reliquisse. | Such were the proofs of valor given by the Lacedemonians and Thespians; yet the Spartan Dienekes is said to have proved himself the best man of all, the same who, as they report, uttered this saying before they engaged battle with the Medes — being informed by one of the men of Trachis that when the Barbarians discharged their arrows they obscured the light of the sun by the multitude of the arrows, so great was the number of their host, he was not dismayed by this, but making small account of the number of the Medes, he said that their guest from Trachis brought them very good news, for if the Medes obscured the light of the sun, the battle against them would be in the shade and not in the sun. This and other sayings of this kind they report that Dienekes the Lacedemonian left as memorials of himself. |
| 7.227 | Post hunc fortissimos se præstitisse memorant Lacedæmonios duos fratres, Alpheum et Maronem, Orsiphanti filios. E Thespiensibus vero præcipuam laudem abstulit vir, cui Dithyrambus nomen fuit, Harmatidæ filius. | And after him the bravest they say of the Lacedemonians were two brothers Alpheos and Maron, sons of Orsiphantos. Of the Thespians the man who gained most honor was named Dithyrambos son of Harmatides. |
| 7.228 | Sepulti sunt omnes eodem loco quod ceciderunt, et tam in horum honorem, quam in illorum qui ante ceciderant quam dimissi a Leonida socii abierunt, hæ inscriptiones positæ sunt:
ex Peloponneso quattuor milia virorum. » jacere, dictis illorum obsequentes. » Spercheo fluvio occiderunt trajecto, vatis, qui instans tunc fatum probe cognitum habens, deserere tamen Spartæ duces non sustinuit. » |
The men were buried were they fell; and for these, as well as for those who were slain before being sent away by Leonidas, there is an inscription which runs thus:
Thousands four did contend, men of the Peloponnese.” Here in this spot we remain, faithfully keeping their laws.” Where Sperchios doth flow, slew when they forded the stream; Soothsayer he, who then knowing clearly the fates that were coming, Did not endure in the fray Sparta’s good leaders to leave.” |
| 7.229 | Narrant, e trecentis illis Spartanis duos viros, Eurytum et Aristodemum, quum, si commune voluissent consilium sequi, potuissent ambo aut simul salvi Spartam redire, ut qui a Leonida e castris dimissi decubuerant in Alpenis, vehementi oculorum dolore laborantes ; aut, si redire ad commilitones voluissent, mortem potuissent obire cum reliquis : (2) hos igitur, narrant, quum alterutrum horum licuisset eligere, noluisse commune sequi consilium ; sed, inter se dissentientes, Eurytum, cognito Persarum per montem circuitu, arma postulasse, captisque armis jussisse helotam suum ad pugnantes se ducere ; et, postquam ad illos pervenit, helotam quidem fuga salutem petiisse, ipsum vero in hostium agmen irruentem occubuisse : Aristodemum autem, deficientem animo, remansisse. (3) Quodsi igitur unus Aristodemus oculorum morbo laborasset, eaque causa Spartam rediisset, aut si ambo simul reversi essent, Spartani (ut mihi videtur) nullam in eos iram erant exercituri : nunc vero, quum alter periit, alter, qui in eadem causa fuerat, mori recusavit, necessario vehementer irasci Aristodemo debuerunt. | Two of these three hundred, it is said, namely Eurystos and Aristodemos, who, if they had made agreement with one another, might either have come safe home to Sparta together (seeing that they had been dismissed from the camp by Leonidas and were lying at Alpenoi with disease of the eyes, suffering extremely), or again, if they had not wished to return home, they might have been slain together with the rest — when they might, I say, have done either one of these two things, would not agree together; but the two being divided in opinion, Eurystos, it is said, when he was informed that the Persians had gone round, asked for his arms and having put them on ordered his Helot to lead him to those who were fighting; and after he had led him thither, the man who had led him ran away and departed, but Eurystos plunged into the thick of the fighting, and so lost his life: but Aristodemos was left behind fainting. Now if either Aristodemos had been ill alone, and so had returned home to Sparta, or the men had both of them come back together, I do not suppose that the Spartans would have displayed any anger against them; but in this case, as the one of them had lost his life and the other, clinging to an excuse which the first also might have used, had not been willing to die, it necessarily happened that the Spartans had great indignation against Aristodemos. |
| 7.230 | Alii igitur, hoc modo hacque occasione Aristodemum, memorant, salvum Spartam evasisse : alii vero ajunt, ad deferendum nuntium quemdam missum eum fuisse e castris, et, quum pugnæ deinde interesse potuisset, noluisse, sed in via moratum, superstitem fuisse ; socium autem, qui simul cum cum eo missus fuerat, ad pugnam rediisse, in eaque occubuisse. | Some say that Aristodemos came safe to Sparta in this manner, and on a pretext such as I have said; but others, that he had been sent as a messenger from the camp, and when he might have come up in time to find the battle going on, was not willing to do so, but stayed upon the road and so saved his life, while his fellow-messenger reached the battle and was slain. |
| 7.231 | Quidquid est, Lacedæmonem reversus Aristodemus probro et ignominia notatus est, atque ita infamis habitus, ut nemo Spartanorum lumen ei accenderet, nec cum eo colloqueretur, utque per ignominiam trepidus Aristodemus nominaretur. Sed idem vir in pugna ad Platæas culpam, quæ eum premebat, dissolvit totam. | When Aristodemos, I say, had returned home to Lacedemon, he had reproach and dishonor; and that which he suffered by way of dishonor was this — no one of the Spartans would either give him light for a fire or speak with him, and he had reproach in that he was called Aristodemos the coward. He however in the battle at Plataia repaired all the guilt that was charged against him. |
| 7.232 | Memorant etiam, alium e trecentis, nomine Pantiten, quum ad deferendum nuntium in Thessaliam fuisset missus, superstitem fuisse ; eundem vero, quum Spartam reversus ignominia esset notatus, voluntario suspendio vitam finiisse. | But it is reported that another man also survived of these three hundred, whose name was Pantites, having been sent as a messenger to Thessaly, and this man, when he returned back to Sparta and found himself dishonored, is said to have strangled himself. |
| 7.233 | Thebani vero, quibus dux præerat Leontiades, hactenus quidem a Græcorum partibus stantes, necessitate coacti, adversus regis exercitum dimicaverant. (2) Ut vero superiorem esse viderunt rem Persarum, quo tempore Græci qui cum Leonida fuerant ad tumulum se recipere properabant, his desertis, passis manibus ad barbaros accesserunt, dicentes id quod verissimum erat, cum Medis sese sentire ; et inter primos terram et aquam regi tradidisse ; necessitate autem coactos venisse ad Thermopylas, et a cladis culpa regi illatæ esse immunes. (3) His dictis, salvi evaserunt ; habebant enim etiam Thessalos dictorum testes. Nec tamen prorsus feliciter eis res cessit. Nam, ut accedentes eos in potestate habuerunt barbari, nonnullos etiam, ut accedebant, interfecerunt ; plurimis vero Xerxis jussu regia inusserunt stigmata, initio a duce Leontiade facto ; cujus viri filium Eurymachum, interjecto tempore, Platæenses interfecerunt, quum quadringentorum dux fuisset Thebanorum, quorum ope Platæensium urbem occupaverat. | The Thebans however, of whom the commander was Leontiades, being with the Hellenes had continued for some time to fight against the king’s army, constrained by necessity; but when they saw that the fortunes of the Persians were prevailing, then and not before, while the Hellenes with Leonidas were making their way with speed to the hillock, they separated from these and holding out their hands came near to the Barbarians, saying at the same time that which was most true, namely that they were on the side of the Medes and that they had been among the first to give earth and water to the king; and moreover that they had come to Thermopylai constrained by necessity, and were blameless for the loss which had been inflicted upon the king: so that thus saying they preserved their lives, for they had also the Thessalians to bear witness to these words. However, they did not altogether meet with good fortune, for some had even been slain as they had been approaching, and when they had come and the Barbarians had them in their power, the greater number of them were branded by command of Xerxes with the royal marks, beginning with their leader Leontiades, the same whose son Eurymachos was afterwards slain by the Plataians, when he had been made commander of four hundred Thebans and had seized the city of the Plataians. |
| 7.234 | Hoc igitur modo ad Thermopylas Græci pugnaverant. Tum vero Xerxes vocatum ad se Demaratum interrogavit, hoc usus sermonis introitu : « Demarate, vir probus es : e vero ita judico : quæcunque enim dixisti, ea ita evenerunt. (2) Nunc autem dic mihi, quotnam numero sint reliqui Lacedæmonii ; et ex his quot sint horum similes in re bellica, an etiam tales sint omnes. » Et ille, « Rex, inquit, multitudo quidem omnium Lacedæmoniorum ingens est, et civitates sunt multæ: quod vero tu scire cupis, id dicam. (3) Est in Laconica Sparta, civitas virorum octies mille admodum : et hi quidem omnes similes sunt his qui hīc pugnarunt. Ceteri vero Lacedæmonii his utique non sunt similes, at fortes tamen viri sunt. » (4) Ad hæc Xerxes ait : « Quonam igitur pacto, Demarate, hos homines minimo labore subigemus ? Age, hoc mihi prome ! Tu enim vias consiliorum omnium, quibus illi utuntur, compertas habes, quippe qui rex eorum fuisti. » | Thus did the Hellenes at Thermopylai contend in fight; and Xerxes summoned Demaratos and inquired of him, having first said this: “Demaratos, thou art a good man; and this I conclude by the truth of thy words, for all that thou saidest turned out so as thou didst say. Now, however, tell me how many in number are the remaining Lacedemonians, and of them how many are like these in matters of war; or are they so even all of them?” He said: “O king, the number of all the Lacedemonians is great and their cities are many, but that which thou desirest to learn, thou shalt know. There is in Lacedemon the city of Sparta, having about eight thousand men; and these are all equal to those who fought here: the other Lacedemonians are not equal to these, but they are good men too.” To this Xerxes said: “Demaratos, in what manner shall we with least labor get the better of these men? Come set forth to us this; for thou knowest the courses of their counsels, seeing that thou wert once their king.” |
| 7.235 | Respondit Demaratus : « Quandoquidem studiose tu me, o rex, consulis, æquum est ut tibi id, quod optimum fuerit, expromam : nempe, si trecentarum navium classem in Laconicam miseris terram. (2) Est autem prope illam sita insula, cui nomen Cythera ; de qua Chilon, vir olim apud nos sapientissimus, dicere consueverat, ingens lucrum fore Spartanis, si ea insula mari mergeretur potius, quam emineret. Nempe ille, non utique tuam classem e longo tempore prospiciens, sed quamlibet quorumcunque hominum timens classem, semper veritus erat ne ex illa insula tale quidpiam patriæ suæ immineret, quale tibi ego nunc propono. (3) Ex hac igitur insula impetum faciens tua classis terreat Lacedæmonios : et illi, proprio finitimoque bello pressi, nihil verendum est, ne reliquæ Græciæ, a pedestribus tuis copiis oppugnatæ, auxilio veniant. Domita autem reliqua Græcia, Laconicum genus per se relinquitur invalidum. (4) Istud autem ni feceris, hoc futurum exspecta. Est Peloponnesi isthmus angustus ; quo loco a conjuratis adversus te omnibus Peloponnesibus scito certamina multo acriora tibi, quam quæ adhuc facta sunt, imminere. Istud vero si feceris, isthmus ille et civitates omnes sine pugna in tuam cedent potestatem. » | He made answer: “O king, if thou dost in very earnest take counsel with me, it is right that I declare to thee the best thing. What if thou shouldest send three hundred ships from thy fleet to attack the Laconian land? Now there is lying near it an island named Kythera, about which Chilon, who was a very wise man among us, said that it would be a greater gain for the Spartans that it should be sunk under the sea than that it should remain above it; for he always anticipated that something would happen from it of such a kind as I am now setting forth to thee: not that he knew of thy armament beforehand, but that he feared equally every armament of men. Let thy forces then set forth from this island and keep the Lacedemonians in fear; and while they have a war of their own close at their doors, there will be no fear for thee from them that when the remainder of Hellas is being conquered by the land-army, they will come to the rescue there. Then after the remainder of Hellas has been reduced to subjection, from that moment the Lacedemonian power will be left alone and therefore feeble. If however thou shalt not do this, I will tell thee what thou must look for. There is a narrow isthmus leading to the Peloponnese, and in this place thou must look that other battles will be fought more severe than those which have taken place, seeing that all the Peloponnesians have sworn to a league against thee: but if thou shalt do the other thing of which I spoke, this isthmus and the cities within it will come over to thy side without a battle.” |
| 7.236 | Post hæc Achæmenes, frater Xerxis, et classi præpositus, qui huic colloquio intererat, veritus ne ad faciendum quod Demaratus suaserat Xerxes induceretur, hunc sermonem est exorsus : « Rex, video te sermonem admittere viri, qui tuæ invidet felicitati, aut etiam prodere res tuas conatur. (2) Nam hoc uti more amant Græci : invident aliis ob felicitatem, oderuntque potentiores. (3) Quodsi tu in præsenti rerum statu, postquam quadringentæ nostrarum navium naufragium fecerunt, alias trecentas de classe dimiseris quæ Peloponnesum circumnavigent, erunt nobis hostes ad resistendum pares : sin conjuncta manet nostra classis, difficilis illis erit ad oppugnandum, omninoque resistere tibi neutiquam poterunt. Adhæc universæ navales copiæ terrestribus erunt præsidio, et terrestres copiæ navalibus, una iter facientes : quos si diremeris, nec tu illis utilis esse poteris, nec illæ tibi. (4) Quodsi tuæ rationes recte erunt initæ, sic induc animum, ut nihil cures res adversariorum, quo loco gesturi sint bellum, quidve agant, aut quanta sit illorum multitudo. Satis ipsi idonei sunt suas res curare, atque nos nostras. Lacedæmonii vero, si contra Persas in pugnam progredientur, ne unam quidem hanc præsentem cladem reparabunt. » | After him spoke Achaimenes, brother of Xerxes and also commander of the fleet, who chanced to have been present at this discourse and was afraid lest Xerxes should be persuaded to do this: “O king,” he said, “I see that thou art admitting the speech of a man who envies thy good fortune, or is even a traitor to thy cause: for in truth the Hellenes delight in such a temper as this; they envy a man for his good luck, and they hate that which is stronger than themselves. And if, besides other misfortunes which we have upon us, seeing that four hundred of our ships have suffered wreck, thou shalt send away another three hundred from the station of the fleet to sail round Peloponnese, then thy antagonists become a match for thee in fight; whereas while it is all assembled together our fleet is hard for them to deal with, and they will not be at all a match for thee: and moreover the whole sea-force will support the land-force and be supported by it, if they proceed onwards together; but if thou shalt divide them, neither wilt thou be of service to them nor they to thee. My determination is rather to set thy affairs in good order and not to consider the affairs of the enemy, either where they will set on foot the war or what they will do or how many in number they are; for it is sufficient that they should themselves take thought for themselves, and we for ourselves likewise: and if the Lacedemonians come to stand against the Persians in fight, they will assuredly not heal the wound from which they are now suffering.” |
| 7.237 | Cui Xerxes his verbis respondit : « Achæmenes, recte tu mihi dicere videris, atque ita faciam. Demaratus autem ea dicit, quæ meis rebus ipse utilissima judicat : ejus tamen sententia a tua superatur. (2) Nam istud quidem non admitto, non bene eum cupere meis rebus : documento quippe mihi sunt quum superiores ejus sermones, tum res ipsa. Etenim civis quidem invidet felicitati civis, et tacite ei infensus est ; nec facile civis, a popularium aliquo consultus, ea illi quæ ipsi optima videntur suaserit, nisi probabiles in virtute progressus fecerit : cujusmodi rari sunt homines : (3) hospes vero hospiti felici benevolentissimus est, et consultanti lubens optima suaserit. Itaque maledicentia adversus Demaratum, qui meus hospes est, abstinere dehinc quemlibet jubeo. » | To him Xerxes made answer as follows: “Achaimenes, I think that thou speakest well, and so will I do; but Demaratos speaks that which he believes to be best for me, though his opinion is defeated by thine: for I will not certainly admit that which thou saidest, namely that he is not well-disposed to my cause, judging both by what was said by him before this, and also by that which is the truth, namely that though one citizen envies another for his good fortune and shows enmity to him by his silence, nor would a citizen when a fellow-citizen consulted him suggest that which seemed to him the best, unless he had attained to a great height of virtue, and such men doubtless are few; yet guest-friend to guest-friend in prosperity is well-disposed as nothing else on earth, and if his friend should consult him, he would give him the best counsel. Thus then as regards the evil-speaking against Demaratos, that is to say about one who is my guest-friend, I bid every one abstain from it in the future.” |
| 7.238 | Hæc Xerxes postquam dixit, per cæsorum cadavera transiit ; et Leonidæ, ut audivit regem hunc et ducem Lacedæmoniorum fuisse, abscindi caput et e palo erigi jussit. (2) Ac mihi quidem quum aliis documentis, tum vero maxime hoc ipso, fit manifestum, Xerxem vivo Leonidæ omnium hominum maxime iratum fuisse : alioqui enim nunquam in mortui corpus ita nefarie sæviturus erat, quandoquidem maxime omnium, quos novi, hominum Persæ honorare fortes viros consueverunt. Illi igitur, quibus id imperatum est, jussa exsecuti sunt. | Having thus said Xerxes passed in review the bodies of the dead; and as for Leonidas, hearing that he had been the king and commander of the Lacedemonians he bade them cut off his head and crucify him. And it has been made plain to me by many proofs besides, but by none more strongly than by this, that king Xerxes was enraged with Leonidas while alive more than with any other man on earth; for otherwise he would never have done this outrage to his corpse; since of all the men whom I know, the Persians are accustomed most to honor those who are good men in war. They then to whom it was appointed to do these things, proceeded to do so. |
| 7.239 | Sed redeo ad eam narrationem, quam superius imperfectam reliqui. Parare regem expeditionem adversus Græciam primi resciverant Lacedæmonii, idque mira quadam ratione resciverant. Ideoque ad Delphicum miserunt oraculum, ubi illud eis editum est responsum, quod paulo ante commemoravi. (2) Demaratus enim, Aristonis filius, exsulans apud Medos, ut equidem existimo, et ratio mecum militat, non bene animatus fuit in Lacedæmonios. Conjectare igitur licet, utrum benevolo hoc fecerit animo an insultandi causa. (3) Postquam decrevit Xerxes exercitum adversus Græciam ducere, Demaratus tunc Susis præsens, ubi id rescivit, Lacedæmoniis voluit significare. Qui quum aliam rationem qua id eis significaret, non haberet, quum periculum esset ne deprehenderetur, tali usus est commento : (4) sumpta duplicata tabella, ceram ex ea erasit, et ligno tabellæ consilium Xerxis inscripsit : quo facto, scriptum istud infusa cera denuo obduxit, ne nudam ferenti tabellam molestia exhiberetur a viarum custodibus. (5) Postquam vero Lacedæmonem perlata tabella est, conjectare Lacedæmonii, quid rei esset, prius non potuere, quam (ut equidem accepi) Cleomenis filia, Leonidæ uxor, Gorgo, eos docuisset. Hæc enim re secum perpensa, eradi ceram jussit, atque ita in ligno reperturos esse scripturam ait : (6) cui obsequentes illi scripta intus repererunt legeruntque, ac deinde reliquis Græcis legenda miserunt. Hæc igitur ita gesta esse memorant. | I will return now to that point of my narrative where it remained unfinished. The Lacedemonians had been informed before all others that the king was preparing an expedition against Hellas; and thus it happened that they sent to the Oracle at Delphi, where that reply was given them which I reported shortly before this. And they got this information in a strange manner; for Demaratos the son of Ariston after he had fled for refuge to the Medes was not friendly to the Lacedemonians, as I am of opinion and as likelihood suggests supporting my opinion; but it is open to any man to make conjecture whether he did this thing which follows in a friendly spirit or in malicious triumph over them. When Xerxes had resolved to make a campaign against Hellas, Demaratos, being in Susa and having been informed of this, had a desire to report it to the Lacedemonians. Now in no other way was he able to signify it, for there was danger that he should be discovered, but he contrived thus, that is to say, he took a folding tablet and scraped off the wax which was upon it, and then he wrote the design of the king upon the wood of the tablet, and having done so he melted the wax and poured it over the writing, so that the tablet (being carried without writing upon it) might not cause any trouble to be given by the keepers of the road. Then when it had arrived at Lacedemon, the Lacedemonians were not able to make conjecture of the matter; until at last, as I am informed, Gorgo, the daughter of Cleomenes and wife of Leonidas, suggested a plan of which she had herself thought, bidding them scrape the wax and they would find writing upon the wood; and doing as she said they found the writing and read it, and after that they sent notice to the other Hellenes. These things are said to have come to pass in this manner. |
Book VIII
Urania
| 8.1 | Græci populi in classem descripti, hi fuere : Athenienses naves præbuerant centum viginti septem ; Platæenses vero, quum rei nauticæ essent expertes, sua virtute studioque incensi, simul cum Atheniensibus naves Atticas propugnatoribus compleverant. (2) Corinthii quadraginta præbuerant naves : Megarenses, viginti. Chalcidenses item viginti compleverant ; sed naves illis suppeditarunt Athenienses. Æginetæ octodecim naves præbuerant : Sicyonii, duodecim : Lacedæmonii, decem : Epidaurii, octo : Eretrienses, septem : Trœzenii, quinque : Styrenses, duas : Cei, duas naves (triremes) et duas actuarias quinquaginta remorum : Locri denique Opuntii septem actuariis quinquaginta remorum auxilio venerant. | Those of the Hellenes who had been appointed to serve in the fleet were these — the Athenians furnished a hundred and twenty-seven ships, and the Plataians moved by valor and zeal for the service, although they had had no practice in seamanship, yet joined with the Athenians in manning their ships. The Corinthians furnished forty ships, the Megarians twenty; the Chalkidians manned twenty ships with which the Athenians furnished them; the Eginetans furnished eighteen ships, the Sikyonians twelve, the Lacedemonians ten, the Epidaurians eight, the Eretrians seven, the Troizenians five, the Styrians two, the Keïans two ships and two fifty-oared galleys, while the Locrians of Opus came also to the assistance of the rest with seven fifty-oared galleys. |
| 8.2 | Hi igitur fuere, qui ad Artemisium militarunt : dixique etiam, quem navium numerum singuli populi contulerint. Fuit autem collectarum ad Artemisium navium universus numerus, actuariis quinquaginta remorum exceptis, ducentæ septuaginta et una. (2) Imperatorem autem, penes quem imperii summa erat, præbuerant Spartani, Eurybiadem, Euryclidæ filium. Dixerant enim socii, nisi Laco summum obtineret imperium, non se secuturos esse Athenienses duces ; sed exercitum, qui futurus esset, dissoluturos. | These were those who joined in the expedition to Artemision, and I have mentioned them according to the number of the ships which they severally supplied: so the number of the ships which were assembled at Artemision was (apart from the fifty-oared galleys) two hundred and seventy-one: and the commander who had the supreme power was furnished by the Spartans, namely Eurybiades son of Eurycleides, since the allies said that they would not follow the lead of the Athenians, but unless a Lacedemonian were leader they would break up the expedition which was to be made. |
| 8.3 | Etenim jam initio, priusquam in Siciliam petendæ societatis causa misissent, agitatus sermo erat, Atheniensibus permittendum esse classis imperium. Contradicentibus vero sociis cesserant Athenienses, quod magni facerent servari Græciam, pulcreque nossent, si de principatu inter sese contenderent, perituram esse Græciam : recte quidem illi sentientes. (2) Nam civilis dissensio tanto pejor res est bello communi consensu gesto, quanto pejor res est bellum quam pax. Hoc ipsum igitur intelligentes Athenienses non repugnarunt sociis, sed cesserunt, quamdiu illis magnopere indigebant. Quod satis ipsi ostenderunt : (3) nam, postquam pulso Persa jam de ipsius terra contendere cœperant, causam præ se ferentes contumeliam Pausaniæ, Lacedæmoniis imperium eripuerunt. Sed hæc quidem insequente tempore gesta sunt. | For it had come to be said at first, even before they sent to Sicily to obtain allies, that the fleet ought to be placed in the charge of the Athenians. So as the allies opposed this, the Athenians yielded, having it much at heart that Hellas should be saved, and perceiving that if they should have disagreement with one another about the leadership, Hellas would perish: and herein they judged rightly, for disagreement between those of the same race is worse than war undertaken with one consent by as much as war is worse than peace. Being assured then of this truth, they did not contend, but gave way for so long time as they were urgently in need of the allies; and that this was so their conduct proved; for when, after repelling the Persian from themselves, they were now contending for his land and no longer for their own, they alleged the insolence of Pausanias as a pretext and took away the leadership from the Lacedemonians. This however took place afterwards. |
| 8.4 | At tunc Græci qui ad Artemisium se contulerant, ut viderunt navium multitudinem, quæ ad Aphetas convenerant, omniaque plena conspexerunt militum, metu perculsi, quod præter opinionem exspectationemque suam res barbaris successisset, de capessenda fuga et de receptu ab Artemisio versus interiora Græcia deliberarunt. (2) Quod ab illis agitari consilium ubi cognovere Eubœenses, orarunt Eurybiadem, ut aliquantisper saltem maneret, donec ipsi liberos suos reliquamque familiam in tuto collocassent. (3) Id postquam Eurybiadi non persuaserunt, alio se convertentes, Atheniensium duci persuaserunt Themistocli, proposita talentorum triginta mercede, ea conditione ut ibi manerent et ante Eubœam pugna navali decernerent. | But at this time these Hellenes also who had come to Artemision, when they saw that a great number of ships had put in to Aphetai and that everything was filled with their armament, were struck with fear, because the fortunes of the Barbarians had different issue from that which they expected, and they deliberated about retreating from Artemision to the inner parts of Hellas. And the Euboeans perceiving that they were so deliberating, asked Eurybiades to stay there by them for a short time, until they should have removed out of their land their children, and their households; and as they did not persuade him, they went elsewhere and persuaded Themistocles the commander of the Athenians by a payment of thirty talents, the condition being that the fleet should stay and fight the sea-battle in front of Euboea. |
| 8.5 | Et Themistocles, ut ibi manerent Græci, tali ratione effecit. Ex hac pecunia Eurybiadi quinque impertivit talenta, quasi nempe de suo illi daret. Hoc ita persuaso, quum e reliquis solus adhuc Adimantus obniteretur, Ocyti filius, Corinthiorum dux, dicens ab Artemisio se discessurum, nec diutius ibi moraturum : (2) hunc, interposito juramento, Themistocles his verbis allocutus est : « Non tu quidem nos deseres : tibi enim ego majora munera dabo, quam missurus tibi rex Medorum esset, si desereres socios. » His dictis, in navem Adimanti tria misit talenta. (3) Itaque illi, muneribus perculsi, persuaderi sibi passi sunt, et Eubœensibus gratum factum est ; ipse autem Themistocles lucratus est, reliqua sibi retinens : illi vero, quibus pecunciæ partem impertiverat, putabant ab Atheniensibus sibi ista conditione datam esse pecuniam. | Themistocles then caused the Hellenes to stay in the following manner — to Eurybiades he imparted five talents of the sum with the pretence that he was giving it from himself; and when Eurybiades had been persuaded by him to change his resolution, Adeimantos son of Okytos, the Corinthian commander, was the only one of all the others who still made a struggle, saying that he would sail away from Artemision and would not stay with the others: to him therefore Themistocles said with an oath: “Thou at least shalt not leave us, for I will give thee greater gifts than the king of the Medes would send to thee, if thou shouldest desert thy allies.” Thus he spoke, and at the same time he sent to the ship of Adeimantos three talents of silver. So these all had been persuaded by gifts to change their resolution, and at the same time the request of the Euboeans had been gratified and Themistocles himself gained money; and it was not known that he had the rest of the money, but those who received a share of this money were fully persuaded that it had come from the Athenian State for this purpose. |
| 8.6 | Itaque ad Eubœam manserunt Græci, et pugnam navalem commiserunt. Quæ res in hunc modum gesta est. Quum post meridiem ad Aphetas pervenissent barbari, jamque antea cognovissent, quod nunc etiam ipsi videbant, Græcorum paucas naves ad Artemisium in statione esse, incessit eos cupido illas aggrediendi, potiri eis posse sperantes. (2) Jam ex adverso quidem protinus contra eas navigare non placuit, hac causa, ne, si ipsos Græci viderent contra se navigantes, arriperent fugam, noxque fugientes reciperet ; atque erant nimirum fuga salutem consecuturi : debebat autem, ut Persæ quidem dictitabant, ne ignifer quidem in vita reliquus manere. | Thus they remained in Euboea and fought a sea-battle; and it came to pass as follows — when the Barbarians had arrived at Aphetai about the beginning of the afternoon, having been informed even before they came that a few ships of the Hellenes were stationed about Artemision and now seeing them for themselves, they were eager to attack them, to see if they could capture them. Now they did not think it good yet to sail against them directly for this reason — for fear namely that the Hellenes, when they saw them sailing against them, should set forth to take flight and darkness should come upon them in their flight; and so they were likely (thought the Persians) to get away; whereas it was right, according to their calculation, that not even the fire-bearer should escape and save his life. |
| 8.7 | Hac igitur de causa tale ceperunt consilium. Selectas ex universa classe naves ducentas extra Sciathum, ne ab hostibus conspicerentur, circummiserunt ; quæ, præter Caphareum et Geræstum Eubœam circumvectæ, in Euripum navigarent ; quo nimirum medios illos includerent, hi, ubi in Euripum pervenissent, reditum in Græciam intercipientes ; ipsi vero, ex adverso eos aggredientes. (2) Hoc consilio dimissis navibus ad id delectis, ipsi eo die aggredi Græcos non habuere in animo, non prius illos aggressuri quam edito a circumnavigantibus signo, de quo convenerat, certiores essent facti, ad locum constitutum illos pervenisse. Dum hi ita circumnavigant, interim illi apud Aphetas reliquarum navium ineunt numerum. | With a view to this then they contrived as follows — of the whole number of their ships they parted off two hundred and sent them round to sail by Caphereus and round Geriastos to the Euripos, going outside Skiathos so that they might not be sighted by the enemy as they sailed round Euboea: and their purpose was that with these coming up by that way, and blocking the enemies’ retreat, and themselves advancing against them directly, they might surround them on all sides. Having formed this plan they proceeded to send off the ships which were appointed for this, and they themselves had no design of attacking the Hellenes on that day nor until the signal agreed upon should be displayed to them by those who were sailing round, to show that they had arrived. These ships, I say, they were sending round, and meanwhile they were numbering the rest at Aphetai. |
| 8.8 | Per idem vero tempus, quo numerum hi inierunt navium, quum esset in hoc exercitu Scyllias Scionæus, omnium optimus illa ætate urinator, qui etiam in naufragio ad Pelium facto multas res pretiosas Persis servaverat, multasque item ipse acquisiverat sibi ; Scyllias hic jam pridem consilium quidem agitaverat ad Græcos transfugiendi, necdum vero occasionem exsequendi consilii erat nactus qualem hoc tempore. (2) Is igitur quo pacto nunc ab Aphetis ad Græcos pervenerit, pro certo dicere non possum : miror vero si vera sunt quæ narrantur. Narrant enim, hunc hominem, postquam ex Aphetis mare subiisset, non prius emersisse quam ad Artemisium pervenisset, viam hanc octoginta admodum stadiorum per mare emensum. (3) Memorantur quidem de eodem homine et alia, fabularum speciem habentia ; sed in his, vera nonnulla. Ut meam de hac re dicam sententiam, navigio ille ad Artemisium pervenerit. (4) Ut autem eo pervenit, protinus ducibus Græcorum et naufragium quo modo factum sit exposuit, et circummissas circa Eubœam naves indicavit. | During this time, while these were numbering their ships, it happened thus — there was in that camp a man of Skione named Skyllias, as a diver the best of all the men of that time, who also in the shipwreck which took place by Pelion had saved for the Persians many of their goods and many of them also he had acquired for himself: this Skyllias it appears had had an intention even before this of deserting to the side of the Hellenes, but it had not been possible for him to do so then. In what manner after this attempt he did actually come to the Hellenes, I am not able to say with certainty, but I marvel if the tale is true which is reported; for it is said that he dived into the sea at Aphetai and did not come up till he reached Artemision, having traversed here somewhere about eighty furlongs through the sea. Now there are told about this man several other tales which seem likely to be false, but some also which are true: about this matter however let it be stated as my opinion that he came to Artemision in a boat. Then when he had come, he forthwith informed the commanders about the shipwreck, how it had come to pass, and of the ships which had been sent away to go round Euboea. |
| 8.9 | His rebus cognitis, deliberarunt Græci : multisque dictis sententiis, decreverunt eo die ibi manere stationemque servare, post mediam autem noctem discedere, navibusque Eubœam circumnavigantibus obviam ire. (2) Deinde vero, ut nemo contra eos enavigavit, sub solis occasum ipsi adversus barbaros excursionem fecerunt, periculum facturi generis pugnæ quo illi usuri essent, et perruptionis per hostiles naves. | Hearing this, the Hellenes considered the matter with one another; and after many things had been spoken, the prevailing opinion was that they should remain there that day and encamp on shore, and then, when midnight was past, they should set forth and go to meet those ships which were sailing round. After this however, as no one sailed out to attack them, they waited for the coming of the late hours of the afternoon and sailed out themselves to attack the Barbarians, desiring to make a trial both of their manner of fighting and of the trick of breaking their line. |
| 8.10 | Quos paucis navibus adversus sese tendentes conspicati milites ducesque Xerxis, prorsus existimantes male sanos eos esse, educunt et ipsi naves, facile se illos intercepturos sperantes : probabili utique spe, ut qui Græcorum naves adeo paucas viderent, suas vero et multis partibus numerosiores et melius navigantes. Hæc illi cogitantes, medios Græcos circumcluserunt. (2) Ibi tum, quicunque ex Ionibus bene cupiebant Græcis, et inviti militabant, hi in maxima calamitate ponebant quod illos undique cinctos viderent, nec eorum ullum evasurum existimarunt : ita desperatæ his visæ erant res Græcorum. (3) Quibus autem lubentibus ea res acciderat, hi acriter inter se contendebant, ut quisque primus, navi capta Attica, præmium a rege acciperet : nam Atheniensium potissima ratio apud utrumque hostium exercitum habebatur. | And seeing them sailing thus against them with few ships, not only the others in the army of Xerxes but also their commanders judged them to be moved by mere madness, and they themselves also put out their ships to sea, supposing that they would easily capture them: and their expectation was reasonable enough, since they saw that the ships of the Hellenes were few, while theirs were many times as numerous and sailed better. Setting their mind then on this, they came round and enclosed them in the middle. Then so many of the Ionians as were kindly disposed to the Hellenes and were serving in the expedition against their will, counted it a matter of great grief to themselves when they saw them being surrounded and felt assured that not one of them would return home, so feeble did they think the power of the Hellenes to be; while those to whom that which was happening was a source of pleasure, were vying with one another, each one endeavoring to be the first to take an Athenian ship and receive gifts from the king: for in their camps there was more report of the Athenians than of any others. |
| 8.11 | Græci, quum adhuc fronte in longum directa proras navium omnium hosti adversas habuissent, ut editum est signum, primum puppes in medium contraxerunt : deinde, altero edito signo, aggressi sunt opus ; et in exiguum licet spatium conclusi, jam a fronte impetum in hostes fecerunt. (2) Ibi tunc triginta ceperunt naves barbarorum, et Philaonem, Chersidis filium, Gorgi Salaminiorum regis fratrem, spectatum in exercitu virum. Primus e Græcis navem hostium cepit civis Atheniensis Lycomedes, Æschræi filius, et virtutis præmium princeps hic rettulit. (3) Ceterum ancipite Marte pugnam hanc navalem pugnantes ingruens nox diremit : et Græci quidem ad Artemesium sunt reversi ; barbari vero Aphetas, multo graviore, quam exspectaverant, certamine defuncti. (4) In hac navali pugna e Græcis qui cum rege militabant, unus Antidorus Lemnius ad Græcorum transivit partes : cui dein ob hoc factum Athenienses prædium in Salamine dono dederunt. | The Hellenes meanwhile, when the signal was given, first set themselves with prows facing the Barbarians and drew the sterns of their ships together in the middle; and when the signal was given a second time, although shut off in a small space and prow against prow, they set to work vigorously; and they captured thirty ships of the Barbarians and also Philaon the son of Chersis, the brother of Gorgos kind of the Salaminians, who was a man of great repute in the army. Now the first of the Hellenes who captured a ship of the enemy was an Athenian, Lycomedes the son of Aischraios, and he received the prize for valor. So these, as they were contending in this sea-fight with doubtful result, were parted from one another by the coming on of night. The Hellenes accordingly sailed away to Artemision and the Barbarians to Aphetai, the contest having been widely different from their expectation. In this sea-fight Antidoros of Lemnos alone of the Hellenes who were with the king deserted to the side of the Hellenes, and the Athenians on account of this deed gave him a piece of land in Salamis. |
| 8.12 | Facta nocte, quum esset medium anni tempus æstivum, immensa vi aquarum tota nocte cecidit de cœlo, et dira tonitrua exstitere de Pelio : moxque cadavera et naufragia ejiciebantur versus Aphetas, et circa navium proras volvebantur, palmulasque impediebant remorum. (2) Hæc audientes qui ibi erant milites, terrore perculsi, prorsus se perituros existimabant, tot tantisque simul malis ingruentibus. Etenim priusquam e naufragio et tempestate ad Pelium coorta potuissent respirare, gravis incidit pugna navalis ; post pugnam vero vehementissimus imber, et validi torrentes in mare decurrentes, et dira tonitrua. Hi igitur talem egerunt noctem. | When the darkness had come on, although the season was the middle of summer, yet there came on very abundant rain, which lasted through the whole of the night, with crashing thunder from Mount Pelion; and the dead bodies and pieces of wreck were cast up at Aphetai and became entangled round the prows of the ships and struck against the blades of the oars: and the men of the army who were there, hearing these things became afraid, expecting that they would certainly perish, to such troubles had they come; for before they had had even breathing space after the shipwreck and the storm which had arisen off Mount Pelion, there had come upon them a hard sea-fight, and after the sea-fight a violent storm of rain and strong streams rushing to the sea and crashing thunder. These then had such a night as I have said. |
| 8.13 | Verum illis, quibus mandatum erat Eubœam circumnavigare, eadem nox multo fuit atrocior ; tanto quidem magis, quod in medio pelago versantibus incidit. (2) Et tristis illis finis fuit. Nam postquam illis navigantibus, quum adversus Cœla (id est Cava) Eubœæ essent, tempestates atque imber incidit ; vento abrepti, nescientes ipsi quo ferrentur, ad petras impingebantur. (3) Adeo omnia effecit deus, quibus Persarum copiæ æquales fierent copiis Græcorum, nec multo eis essent superiores. Hi igitur circa Cœla Eubœæ perierunt. | And meanwhile those of them who had been appointed to sail round Euboea experienced the very same night, but against them it raged much more fiercely, inasmuch as it fell upon them while they were making their course in the open sea. And the end of it proved distressful to them; for when the storm and the rain together came upon them as they sailed, being then off the “Hollows” of Euboea, they were borne by the wind not knowing by what way they were carried, and were cast away upon the rocks. And all this was being brought about by God in order that the Persian force might be made more equal to that of the Hellenes and might not be by very much the larger. |
| 8.14 | Qui ad Aphetas erant barbari, ut grata illis dies illuxit, tranquillas tenuere naves ; bene secum agi existimantes, si, malis defuncti, quietem in præsenti agere possent. (2) At Græcis subsidio venere tres et quinquaginta Atticæ naves : quarum et adventus vires illorum animosque confirmavit, et allatus simul nuntius, Barbaros Eubœam circumnavigantes coorta tempestate cunctos periisse. (3) Itaque eadem diei hora, qua pridie, navibus evecti, in Cilicienses naves impetum fecerunt : hisque corruptis, ingruente nocte, ad Artemisium reversi sunt. | These then, I say, were perishing about the Hollows of Euboea, and meanwhile the Barbarians at Aphetai, when day had dawned upon them, of which they were glad, were keeping their ships quiet, and were satisfied in their evil plight to remain still for the present time; but to the Hellenes there came as a reinforcement three-and-fifty Athenian ships. The coming of these gave them more courage, and at the same time they were encouraged also by a report that those of the Barbarians who had been sailing round Euboea had all been destroyed by the storm that had taken place. They waited then for the same time of day as before, and then they sailed and fell upon some Kilikian ships; and having destroyed these, they sailed away when the darkness came on, and returned to Artemision. |
| 8.15 | Tertio vero die ægerrime ferentes barbarorum duces, tam paucas naves adeo contumeliosa sibi damna inferre, veritique Xerxis iram, non amplius exspectarunt dum Græci pugnæ facerent initium ; sed se invicem cohortati, circa medium diei navibus sunt evecti. (2) Accidit autem, ut eisdem diebus et navales hæ pugnæ, et pedestres ad Thermopylas, pugnarentur. Et erat certamen omne, mari, de Euripo ; quemadmodum Leonidæ et his qui cum eo erant, de custodiendo transitu in Græciam. (3) Hi igitur sese cohortabantur, ne barbaros in Græciam transmitterent : illi vero, ut classem delerent Græcorum, et freto potirentur. | On the third day the commanders of the Barbarians, being exceedingly indignant that so small a number of ships should thus do them damage, and fearing what Xerxes might do, did not wait this time for the Hellenes to begin the fight, but passed the word of command and put out their ships to sea about the middle of the day. Now it so happened that these battles at sea and the battles on land at Thermopylai took place on the same days; and for those who fought by sea the whole aim of the fighting was concerned with the channel of Euripos, just as the aim of Leonidas and of his band was to guard the pass: the Hellenes accordingly exhorted one another not to let the Barbarians go by into Hellas; while these cheered one another on to destroy the fleet of the Hellenes and to get possession of the straits. |
| 8.16 | Jam, ubi instructa acie evecta est regia classis, quieti Græci ad Artemisium stetere. At postquam illi in lunæ speciem ordinare naves instituerunt, quo Græcos undique cinctos tenerent ; tum vero hi quoque evecti sunt, prœliumque commiserunt. (2) Et in hac quidem navali pugna pares fere utrimque fuere. Etenim Xerxis magna classis ob multitudinem navium ipsa se impediebat, quum et turbarentur naves, et aliæ in alias mutuo inciderent. At nihil tamen secius restiterunt, neque se receperunt ; quippe indignissimam rem ducentes, a paucis navibus in fugam verti. (3) Igitur multæ quidem Græcorum naves perierunt, multi item homines ; sed longe plures et naves barbarorum et homines. Hoc vero certamine defuncti, discesserunt utrimque. | Now while the forces of Xerxes were sailing in order towards them, the Hellenes kept quiet at Artemision; and the Barbarians, having made a crescent of their ships that they might enclose them, were endeavoring to surround them. Then the Hellenes put out to sea and engaged with them; and in this battle the two sides were nearly equal to one another; for the fleet of Xerxes by reason of its great size and numbers suffered damage from itself, since the ships were thrown into confusion and ran into one another: nevertheless it stood out and did not give way, for they disdained to be turned to flight by so few ships. Many ships therefore of the Hellenes were destroyed and many men perished, but many more ships and men of the Barbarians. Thus contending they parted and went each to their own place. |
| 8.17 | In hac pugna e Xerxis militibus præcipuam virtutis laudem Ægyptii retulere, quum aliis editis præclare factis, tum captis quinque Græcorum navibus simul cum vectoribus. (2) Inter Græcos virtus eminuit Atheniensium ; et inter Athenienses, Cliniæ virtus, filii Alcibiadis ; qui propria navi militabat, privato sumptu ducentis viris instructa. | In this sea-fight the Egyptians did best of the men who fought for Xerxes; and these, besides other great deeds which they displayed, captured five ships of the Hellenes together with their crews: while of the Hellenes those who did best on this day were the Athenians, and of the Athenians Cleinias the son of Alkibiades, who was serving with two hundred man and a ship of his own, furnishing the expense at his own proper cost. |
| 8.18 | Dirempto prœlio, libenter utrique ad suam stationem properarunt. Et Græci, ut e pugna reversi sunt, cadaverum quidem et naufragiorum sunt potiti ; sed, quum aspere fuissent accepti, et maxime Athenienses, quorum dimidia pars navium vulneratæ erant, ad interiora Græciæ se recipere decreverunt. | Having parted, both sides gladly hastened to their moorings; and after they had separated and got away out of the sea-fight, although the Hellenes had possession of the bodies of the dead and of the wrecks of the ships, yet having suffered severely (and especially the Athenians, of whose ships half had been disabled), they were deliberating now about retreating to the inner parts of Hellas. |
| 8.19 | Themistocles vero, reputans secum, si Ionicum genus atque Caricum abstraheretur a Barbaro, reliquis copiis superiores evadere posse Græcos ; quum Eubœenses per id tempus greges suos ad mare agerent, eo convocavit Græcorum duces, dixitque, videri sibi ansam habere, qua speraret fortissimos socios abstrahi ab rege posse. (2) Et hoc quidem nonnisi hactenus illis aperuit ; ad res autem præsentes quod spectat, ita illis faciendum ait : de Eubœensium gregibus quotquot quisque vellet pecudes mactaret ; satius enim esse, suos milites illas habere, quam hostes. Simul illos hortatus est, ut quisque præciperet suis ignes accendere. (3) De reditu vero, sibi, ait, curæ fore justum tempus quo salvi in Græciam essent perventuri. Atque hæc illis facere placuit : protinusque accensis ignibus, ad pecudes sese converterunt. | Themistocles however had conceived that if there should be detached from the force of the Barbarians the Ionian and Carian nations, they would be able to overcome the rest; and when the people of Euboea were driving their flocks down to that sea, he assembled the generals and said to them that he thought he had a device by which he hoped to cause the best of the king’s allies to leave him. This matter he revealed to that extent only; and with regard to their present circumstances, he said that they must do as follows — every one must slaughter of the flocks of the Euboeans as many as he wanted, for it was better that their army should have them than the enemy; moreover he advised that each one should command his own men to kindle a fire: and as for the time of their departure he would see to it in such wise that they should come safe to Hellas. This they were content to do, and forthwith when they had kindled a fire they turned their attention to the flocks. |
| 8.20 | Nempe Eubœenses, insuper habito Bacidis oraculo, quasi nihil dicente, nihil neque ex insula exportaverant, nec in munita loca importaverant, quasi nullus affuturus hostis esset ; adeoque ipsi res suas in magnum discrimen adduxerant. (2) Est autem Bacidis de his oraculum hujusmodi:
byblina, ut procul Eubœa absint multum-mecantes capræ. » |
For in fact the Euboeans, neglecting the oracle of Bakis as if it had no meaning at all, had neither carried away anything from their land nor laid in any store of provisions with a view to war coming upon them, and by their conduct moreover they had brought trouble upon themselves. For the oracle uttered by Bakis about these matters runs as follows:
Then do thou plan to remove the loud-bleating goats from Euboea.” |
| 8.21 | Dum hæc aguntur, affuit e Trachine speculator. Nam et ad Artemisium speculator fuit, Polyas genere Anticyrensis, cui mandatum erat (et ad hoc remis bene instructum navigium in parato habebat), ut, si gravius conflictaretur classis, id illis qui ad Thermopylas erant significaret : et similiter apud Leonidam Habronichus, Lysiclis filius, Atheniensis, paratus fuit qui conscensa actuaria navi his ad Artemisium renuntiaret, si pedestribus copiis novi quidpiam accidisset. (2) Hic igitur Habronichus advenit, significavitque quæ circa Leonidam ejusque exercitum gesta erant. Quibus illi rebus cognitis, jam non amplius differendum sibi discessum judicantes, receperunt se eodem ordine quo in statione erant locati ; primi Corinthii, postremi Athenienses. | While these were thus engaged, there came to them the scout from Trachis: for there was at Artemision a scout named Polyas, by birth of Antikyra, to whom it had been appointed, if the fleet should be disabled, to signify this to those at Thermopylai, and he had a vessel equipped and ready for this purpose; and similarly there was with Leonidas Abronichos son of Lysicles, an Athenian, ready to carry news to those at Artemision with a thirty-oared galley, if any disaster should happen to the land-army. This Abronichos then had arrived, and he proceeded to signify to them that which had come to pass about Leonidas and his army; and then when they were informed of it no longer put off their retreat, but set forth in the order in which they were severally posted, the Corinthians first and the Athenians last. |
| 8.22 | Tum vero Themistocles, selectis velocissimis Atheniensium navibus, ad aquas quasque circa ea loca potabiles se conferens, lapidibus incidit scripta, quæ Iones postridie ejus diei ad Artemisium appellentes legerunt. (2) Erat autem scriptorum sententia hæc: « Viri Iones, inique agitis, qui contra parentes militatis, et Græciam in servitutem conamini redigere. (3) Immo vero, quod maxime a vobis postulamus, nostris a partibus state ! Id si facere non licet vobis, at etiam nunc neutris vos partibus adjungite, et vos ipsi, et Caribus, ut idem faciant, persuadete. (4) Sin horum neutrum fieri potest, sed graviore necessitate, quam ut deficere ab hostibus possitis, estis astricti ; vos in ipso saltem opere, quando pugnam conseremus, consulto cessate, memores a nobis vos esse progenitos, atque etiam inimicitias has, quas cum Barbaro gerimus, primam a vobis originem traxisse. » (4) Hæc Themistocles scripsit, ut equidem arbitror, re in utramque partem deliberata ; quo eisdem his scriptis, sive ea laterent Barbarum, Iones ad deficiendum a rege et ad Græcos transeundum permoverentur ; sive ea renuntiata essent Xerxi et in calumniam apud eum adducta, de fide suspecti redderentur Iones, eaque causa a pugnis navalibus procul haberentur. | Themistocles however selected those ships of the Athenians which sailed best, and went round to the springs of drinking-water, cutting inscriptions on the stones there, which the Ionians read when they came to Artemision on the following day. These inscriptions ran thus: “Ionians, ye act not rightly in making expedition against the fathers of your race and endeavoring to enslave Hellas. Best of all were it that ye should come and be on our side; but if that may not be done by you, stand aside even now from the combat against us and ask the Carians to do the same as ye. If however neither of these two things is possible to be done, and ye are bound down by too strong compulsion to be able to make revolt, then in the action, when we engage battle, be purposely slack, remember that ye are descended from us and that our quarrel with the Barbarian took its rise at the first from you.” Themistocles wrote thus, having, as I suppose, two things together in his mind, namely that either the inscriptions might elude the notice of the king and cause the Ionians to change and come over to the side on which he was, or that having been reported and denounced to Xerxes they might cause the Ionians to be distrusted by him, and so he might keep them apart from the sea-fights. |
| 8.23 | Ut hæc inscripsit Themistocles, continuo post Græcorum discessum civis Histiæensis, navigio profectus, barbaris fugam illorum ab Artemisio nuntiavit. (2) At illi, fidem nuntio non adhibentes, in custodia hominem tenuerunt ; velocesque naves, quæ rem explorarent, præmiserunt. A quibus quum relatum esset id quod res erat, ita demum universa simul classis, ut primi spargebantur radii solis, ad Artemisium profecta est. (3) Ibi usque ad meridiem morati, Histiæam inde navigarunt. Quo ubi pervenere, Histiæorum urbe potiti, maritimos omnes vicos Ellopii agri, qui ditionis Histiæotidis est, incursarunt. | Themistocles then had set these inscriptions: and to the Barbarians there came immediately after these things a man of Histaia in a boat bringing word of the retreat of the Hellenes from Artemision. They however, not believing it, kept the messenger under guard and sent swift-sailing ships to look on before. Then these having reported the facts, at last as daylight was spreading over the sky, the whole armament sailed in a body to Artemision; and having stayed at this place till mid-day, after this they sailed to Histaia, and there arrived they took possession of the city of Histaia and overran all the villages which lie along the coast in the region of Ellopia, which is the land of Histaia. |
| 8.24 | Hi dum ibi morantur, interim Xerxes, postquam quæ ad occisorum cadavera spectant, præparaverat, nuntium misit ad classem. Præparaverat autem hæcce. Quotquot de ipsius exercitu ceciderant (erant autem ad vicies mille), ex his nonnisi mille admodum reliquit, ceteros depressis in id fossis sepelivit, superne stratis arborum foliis, ingestaque humo, ne a classiariis conspicerentur. (2) Ut Histiæam præco pervenit, convocata totius exercitus contione, hæc edixit : « Viri, armorum socii, rex Xerxes, unicuique e vobis, quisquis voluerit, potestatem dat suum ordinem relinquendi, spectatumque veniendi quo pacto ille cum male sanis his hominibus pugnet, qui se regis copias superaturos esse speraverant. » | While they were there, Xerxes, after he had made his dispositions with regard to the bodies of the dead, sent a herald to the fleet: and the dispositions which he made beforehand were as follows — for all those of his army who were lying dead at Thermopylai, (and there were as many as twenty thousand in all), with the exception of about a thousand whom he left, he dug trenches and buried them, laying over them leaves and heaping earth upon them, that they might not be seen by the men of the fleet. Then when the herald had gone over to Histaia, he gathered an assembly of the whole force and spoke these words: “Allies, king Xerxes grants permission to any one of you who desires it, to leave his post and to come and see how he fights against those most senseless men who looked to overcome the power of the king.” |
| 8.25 | Hæc postquam nuntius edixit, mox nihil rarius fuit quam navigia : ita multi cupidi erant spectandi. Et hi, ad Thermopylas transvecti, obierunt spectaruntque cadavera : et, quum Lacedæmoniis mixtos Helotas viderent, hos omnes, qui ceciderant, Lacedæmonios et Thespienses esse arbitrabantur. (2) Nec vero latuit transvectos quid de suis, qui ceciderant, Xerxes fecisset : namque manifeste ridiculum erat ; quum Persarum nonnisi mille jacentia cadavera conspicerentur, Græcorum autem in unum locum congesta quattuor milia. (3) Hunc igitur diem spectando insumpsere : postridie vero classiarii, qui trajecerant, Histiæam ad naves sunt reversi ; Xerxes autem cum suis ad ulterius progrediendum se accinxit. | When the herald had proclaimed this, then boats were of all things most in request, so many were they who desired to see this sight; and when they had passed over they went through the dead bodies and looked at them: and every one supposed that those who were lying there were all Lacedemonians or Thespians, though the Helots also were among those that they saw: however, they who had passed over did not fail to perceive that Xerxes had done that which I mentioned about the bodies of his own dead; for in truth it was a thing to cause laughter even: on the one side there were seen a thousand dead bodies lying, while the others lay all gathered together in the same place, four thousand of them. During this day then they busied themselves with looking, and on the day after this they sailed back to the ships at Histaia, while Xerxes and his army set forth upon their march. |
| 8.26 | Per idem tempus venere ad Persas transfugæ ex Arcadia, homines numero pauci, victum quærentes, et operam sum illis præstare cupientes. Hos in conspectum regis adductos interrogarunt Persæ de Græcis, quidnam illi facerent : et unus quidam præ ceteris erat, qui hox ex illis quæsivit. (2) Responderunt illi, Olympia Græcos agere, spectareque certamen gymnicum et curule. Tum rursus interrogati, quodnam esset propositum præmium, de quo contenderent ; dixere, oleæ dari coronam. (3) Ibi tum Tritantæchmes, Artabani filius, nobilissimam dicens sententiam, timiditatis culpam apud regem incurrit. (4) Ut enim audivit, coronam esse certaminis præmium, non pecunias, silentium non tenuit ; sed coram omnibus, « Papæ, inquit, Mardonie, quales contra viros tu nos pugnaturos duxisti, qui non de pecuniis, sed de virtute, certamina instituunt ! » Hoc ejus dictum erat. | There had come also to them a few deserters from Arcadia, men in want of livelihood and desiring to be employed. These the Persians brought into the king’s presence and inquired about the Hellenes, what they were doing; and one man it was who asked them this for all the rest. They told them that the Hellenes were keeping the Olympic festival and were looking on at a contest of athletics and horsemanship. He then inquired again, what was the prize proposed to them, for the sake of which they contended; and they told them of the wreath of olive which is given. Then Tigranes the son of Artabanos uttered a thought which was most noble, though thereby he incurred from the king the reproach of cowardice: for hearing that the prize was a wreath and not money, he could not endure to keep silence, but in the presence of all he spoke these words: “Ah! Mardonios, what kind of men are these against whom thou hast brought us to fight, who make their contest not for money but for honor!” Thus was it spoken by this man. |
| 8.27 | Interea temporis, post infelicem rerum ad Thermopylas exitum, protinus Thessali præconem miserunt ad Phocenses ; quippe quibus semper fuerant infensi, maxime vero a clade novissime ab illis accepta. (2) Etenim paucis annis ante hanc expeditionem a Barbaro susceptam Thessali eorumque socii, quum omnibus copiis invasissent Phocenses, victi ab illis erant aspereque accepti. (3) Quum enim apud Phocenses, ad Parnassum conclusos, vates esset Tellias Eliensis, callidum inventum hic Tellias illis commentus erat hujusmodi : (4) sexcentis viris Phocensium fortissimis, et ipsis et eorum armis, creta dealbatis, noctu de improviso impetum in Thessalos fecit, mandato dato suis, ut, quemcunque non albicantem cernerent, hunc interficerent. (5) Igitur primæ Thessalorum custodiæ, his conspectis, aliud existimantes esse prodigium, fugam capessiverunt, et post custodias ipse exercitus ; ita ut quattuor milibus cæsorum et scutorum potirentur Phocenses, quorum scutorum dimidium apud Abas dedicarunt, reliquas Delphis ; utque e decima pecuniarum hoc prœlio partarum factæ sint ingentes illæ statuæ, quæ ante templum Delphicum circa tripodem positæ sunt, et aliæ similes Abis dedicatæ. | In the meantime, so soon as the disaster at Thermopylai had come about, the Thessalians sent a herald forthwith to the Phokians, against whom they had a grudge always, but especially because of the latest disaster which they had suffered: for when both the Thessalians themselves and their allies had invaded the Phokian land not many years before this expedition of the king, they had been defeated by the Phokians and handled by them roughly. For the Phokians had been shut up in Mount Parnassos having with them a soothsayer, Tellias the Eleian; and this Tellias contrived for them a device of the following kind — he took six hundred men, the best of the Phokians, and whitened them over with chalk, both themselves and their armor, and then he attacked the Thessalians by night, telling the Phokians beforehand to slay every man whom they should see not colored over with white. So not only the sentinels of the Thessalians, who saw these first, were terrified by them, supposing it to be something portentous and other than it was, but also after the sentinels the main body of their army; so that the Phokians remained in possession of four thousand bodies of slain men and shields; of which last they dedicated half at Abai and half at Delphi; and from the tithe of booty got by this battle were made the large statues which are contending for the tripod in front of the temple at Delphi, and others similar to these are dedicated as an offering at Abai. |
| 8.28 | Hoc modo Phocenses peditatum acceperant Thessalorum, a quibus fuerant oppugnati : equitatum vero eorumdem, terram ipsorum invadentem, insanabili clade affecerant. (2) Nam in introitu, qui est ad Hyampolin, ducta ingenti fossa, in eaque vacuis depositis amphoris, et solo injecta humo rursus æquato, incurrentes exspectaverant Thessalos. (3) Et illi, tanquam facile eos oppressuri, magno impetu invecti, in amphoras inciderant, et equi fractis cruribus perierant. | Thus had the Phokians done to the Thessalian footmen, when they were besieged by them; and they had done irreparable hurt to their cavalry also, when this had invaded their land: for in the pass which is by Hyampolis they had dug a great trench and laid down in it empty wine-jars; and then having carried earth and laid it on the top and made it like the rest of the ground, they waited for the Thessalians to invade their land. These supposing that they would make short work with the Phokians, riding in full course fell upon the wine-jars; and there the legs of their horses were utterly crippled. |
| 8.29 | Cujus duplicis cladis causa infensi Phocensibus Thessali, misso præcone, hæcce eis edixere : « Meliora edocti, Phocenses, intelligite tandem, pares vos nobis non esse. (2) Nam et antehac inter Græcos, quoad nobis res eorum placuere, superiores semper fere eramus vobis, et nunc apud Barbarum tantum valemus, ut penes nos sit et agro vos exui, et in servitutem abripi. (3) At, licet omnia possimus, tamen injuriarum non sumus memores : sed pro illis rependantur nobis quinquaginta argenti talenta ; et recipimus vobis, aversuros nos mala terræ vestræ impendentia. » | Bearing then a grudge for both of these things, the Thessalians sent a herald and addressed them thus: “Phokians, we advise you to be more disposed now to change your minds and to admit that ye are not on a level with us: for in former times among the Hellenes, so long as it pleased us to be on that side, we always had the preference over you, and now we have such great power with the Barbarian that it rests with us to cause you to be deprived of your land and to be sold into slavery also. We however, though we have all the power in our hands, do not bear malice, but let there be paid to us fifty talents of silver in return for this, and we will engage to avert the dangers which threaten to come upon your land.” |
| 8.30 | Hæc Phocensibus Thessali edixere. Soli enim ex omnibus illarum regionum hominibus Phocenses Medorum partes non sequebantur, nulla quidem alia de causa, ut ego collatis inter se rationibus reperio, nisi odio Thessalorum ; qui si Græcorum partibus se adjunxissent, cum Medis facturi fuisse Phocenses mihi videntur. (2) Ista igitur quum Thessali edixissent ; nec pecunias se daturos, responderunt Phocenses, et in promptu sibi esse, Medorum partes, similiter atque Thessali faciant, amplecti, si modo vellent ; sed nolle se ultro proditores esse Græciæ. | Thus the Thessalians proposed to them; for the Phokians alone of all the people in those parts were not taking the side of the Medes, and this for no other reason, as I conjecture, but only because of their enmity with the Thessalians; and if the Thessalians had supported the cause of the Hellenes, I am of opinion that the Phokians would have been on the side of the Medes. When the Thessalians proposed this, they said that they would not give the money, and that it was open to them to take the Median side just as much as the Thessalians, if they desired it for other reasons; but they would not with their own will be traitors to Hellas. |
| 8.31 | Quod ubi relatum est responsum, tum vero Thessali, irati Phocensibus, viæ duces fuere Barbaro. (2) Et primum quidem e Trachinia Doridem sunt ingressi. Etenim Doricæ terræ angusta lacinia, triginta fere stadiorum latitudine, hac porrigitur, inter Maliacam et Phocidem terram interjecta ; qui tractus olim Dryopis erat. (3) Est autem hæc regio metropolis Doriensium, eorum qui Peloponnesum incolunt. Hanc igitur Doridem terram ingressi barbari non vastarunt ; etenim cum Medis sentiebant incolæ, nec placuerat Thessalis ut injuria his inferretur. | When these words were reported, then the Thessalians, moved with anger against the Phokians, became guides to the Barbarian to show him the way: and from the land of Trachis they entered Doris; for a narrow strip of the Dorian territory extends this way, about thirty furlongs in breadth, lying between Malis and Phokis, the region which was in ancient time called Dryopis; this land is the mother-country of the Dorians in Peloponnese. Now the Barbarians did not lay waste this land of Doris when they entered it, for the people of it were taking the side of the Medes, and also the Thessalians did not desire it. |
| 8.32 | Ut vero e Doride in Phocidem sunt ingressi, ipsos quidem Phocenses non sunt nacti. Nam eorum alii in Parnassi fastigia conscenderant : est autem ad recipiendam multitudinem idoneus Parnassi vertex contra Neonem oppidum seorsum situs, cui Tithorea nomen ; (2) in quem nimirum et res suas comportaverant, et ipsi ascenderant. Major vero pars eorumdem in Ozolas Locros sese atque res suas receperant, in Amphissam oppidum, supra Crisæum campum situm. (3) Barbari autem universam terram Phocidem incursarunt ; ita enim exercitum duxerunt Thessali : et quocunque pervenerunt, cuncta cremarunt vastaruntque, ignem et in oppida et in templa injicientes. | When however from Doris they entered Phokis, they did not indeed capture the Phokians themselves; for some of them had gone up to the heights of Parnassos — and that summit of Parnassos is very convenient to receive a large number, which lies by itself near the city of Neon, the name of it being Tithorea — to this, I say, some of them had carried up their goods and gone up themselves; but most of them had conveyed their goods out to the Ozolian Locrians, to the city of Amphissa, which is situated above the Crissaian plain. The Barbarians however overran the whole land of Phokis, for so the Thessalians led their army, and all that they came to as they marched they burned or cut down, and delivered to the flames both the cities and the temples. |
| 8.33 | Hac enim iter facientes secundum Cephissum fluvium, omnia depopulabantur ; cremaruntque Drymon oppidum, et Charadram, et Erochum, et Tethronium, et Amphicæam, et Neonem, et Pedieas, et Triteas, et Elateam, et Hyampolin, et Parapotamios, et Abas, (2) ubi opulentum erat Apollinis templum thesauris donariisque multis instructum : eratque ibidem, atque etiam nunc est, oraculum : hoc quoque templum, exspoliatum, igne cremarunt. (3) Atque Phocensium nonnullos, ad montana insecuti, captivos fecerunt ; et nonnullis etiam mulieribus, ob multitudinem vim facientium, necem attulerunt. | For they laid everything waste, proceeding this way by the river Kephisos, and they destroyed the city of Drymos by fire, and also the following, namely Charadra, Erochos, Tethronion, Amphikaia, Neon, Pedieis, Triteis, Elateia, Hyampolis, Parapotamioi and Abai, at which last-named place there was a temple of Apollo, wealthy and furnished with treasuries and votive offerings in abundance; and there was then, as there is even now, the seat of an Oracle there: this temple they plundered and burnt. Some also of the Phokians they pursued and captured upon the mountains, and some women they did to death by repeated outrage. |
| 8.34 | Parapotamios prætergressi barbari in Panopensium agrum venerunt. Inde jam discretæ illorum copiæ, bifariam divisæ sunt. Plurima quidem et validissima pars exercitus una cum ipso Xerxe, Athenas tendens, in Bœotiam intravit, in fines Orchomeniorum. (2) Bœotorum autem universa multitudo cum Medis sentiebat : et oppida illorum tutabantur viri Macedones, ab Alexandro ad hoc missi ; tutabantur ea autem, hoc ipso declaraturi Xerxi, cum Medis sentire Bœotos. Hi igitur e Barbaris hac via incedebant. | Passing by Parapotamioi the Barbarians came to Panopeus, and from this point onwards their army was separated and went different ways. The largest and strongest part of the army, proceeding with Xerxes himself against Athens, entered the land of the Boeotians, coming into the territory of Orchomenos. Now the general body of the Boeotians was taking the side of the Medes, and their cities were being kept by Macedonians appointed for each, who had been sent by Alexander; and they were keeping them this aim, namely in order to make it plain to Xerxes that the Boeotians were disposed to be on the side of the Medes. These, I say, of the Barbarians took their way in this direction. |
| 8.35 | At illorum alii, sumptis viarum ducibus, versus Delphicum templum intendebant iter, Parnassum a dextra relinquentes. Quascunque vero etiam hi Phocidis permearunt regiones, has cunctas evastarunt : nam et Panopensium oppidum incenderunt, et Dauliorum, et Æolidarum. (2) Viam autem istam hi, sejuncti ab reliquo exercitu, ingressi sunt hoc consilio, ut, spoliato Delphico templo, opes illius Xerxi regi repræsentarent. (3) Noverat autem, ut ego accepi, Xerxes omnia quæ in hoc templo erant melius quam quæ suis in ædibus reliquerat, quippe multis ea constanter memorantibus, ac præsertim Crœsi donaria, Alyattis filii. | But others of them with guides had set forth to go to the temple at Delphi, keeping Parnassos on their right hand: and all the parts of Phokis over which these marched they ravaged; for they set fire to the towns of Panopeus and Daulis and Aiolis. And for this reason they marched in that direction, parted off from the rest of the army, namely in order that they might plunder the temple at Delphi and deliver over the treasures there to king Xerxes: and Xerxes was well acquainted with all that there was in it of any account, better, I am told, than with the things which he had left in his own house at home, seeing that many constantly reported of them, and especially of the votive offerings of Croesus the son of Alyattes. |
| 8.36 | Ejus rei nuntius gravissimum Delphensibus timorem injecit : quo terrore perculsi, oraculum de sacris pecuniis rebusque pretiosis consuluerunt, utrum in terram eas defoderent, an in aliam regionem exportarent. (2) At vetuit deus loco illas movere, dicens, se ipsum ad tutanda sua sufficere. Quo audito responso, jam sibi ipsis Delphenses consuluerunt : (3) et liberos quidem et uxores trans mare in Achaiam dimisere : ipsorum vero plerique in juga conscenderunt Parnassi, resque suas in Corycium antrum comportarunt ; alii vero in Amphissam Locridem secesserunt. Itaque cuncti Delphenses reliquerunt urbem, exceptis sexaginta viris et propheta. | Meanwhile the Delphians, having been informed of this, had been brought to extreme fear; and being in great terror they consulted the Oracle about the sacred things, whether they should bury them in the earth or carry them forth to another land; but the god forbade them to meddle with these, saying that he was able by himself to take care of his own. Hearing this they began to take thought for themselves, and they sent their children and women over to Achaia on the other side of the sea, while most of the men themselves ascended up towards the summits of Parnassos and carried their property to the Corykian cave, while others departed for refuge to Amphissa of the Locrians. In short the Delphians had all left the town excepting sixty men and the prophet of the Oracle. |
| 8.37 | Ut vero appropinquarunt invadentes barbari, jamque in conspectu habuere templum ; ibi tunc propheta, cui nomen erat Aceratus, sacra arma vidit ante templum proposita, ex interiore penetrali prolata, quæ nulli hominum fas erat tangere. (2) Atque ille hoc prodigium Delphensibus, qui in urbe aderant, nuntiatum ivit. Ut vero gradum accelerantes barbari prope ædem fuere Minervæ Pronææ, alia his oblata sunt prodigia, superiori etiam prodigio majora. (3) Nam et hoc sane mirabile est, arma Martia sua sponte extra templum proposita apparuisse : sed quæ mox deinde evenerunt, ea præ omnibus ostentis maxima admiratione digna sunt. (4) Ubi enim subeuntes barbari prope Pronææ Minervæ ædem fuere, ibi tum et de cœlo fulmina in eos deciderunt, et de Parnasso abrupta duo cacumina ingenti cum fragore in eosdem præcipitarunt, multosque oppresserunt, et e Pronææ æde clamor et ululatus est exauditus. | When the Barbarians had come near and could see the temple, then the prophet, whose name was Akeratos, saw before the cell arms lying laid out, having been brought forth out of the sanctuary, which were sacred and on which it was not permitted to any man to lay hands. He then was going to announce the portent to those of the Delphians who were still there, but when the Barbarians pressing onwards came opposite the temple of Athene Pronaia, there happened to them in addition portents yet greater than that which had come to pass before: for though that too was a marvel, that arms of war should appear of themselves laid forth outside the cell, yet this, which happened straightway after that, is worthy of marvel even beyond all other prodigies. When the Barbarians in their approach were opposite the temple of Athene Pronaia, at this point of time from the heaven there fell thunderbolts upon them, and from Parnassos two crags were broken away and rushed down upon them with a great crashing noise falling upon many of them, while from the temple of Pronaia there was heard a shout, and a battle-cry was raised. |
| 8.38 | Quibus rebus simul incidentibus, terror barbaris est incussus : quos ubi fugam capessere Delphenses intellexerunt, descendentes de monte non exiguam illorum stragem edidere ; reliqui vero recta in Bœotiam profugerunt. (2) Memorarunt autem, ut ego accepi, hi e barbaris qui redierunt, præter ista se alia etiam ostenta divinitus missa vidisse : namque duos armatos, majores quam pro humana natura, continenter sibi institisse, persequentes cædemque facientes. | All these things having come together, there fell fear upon the Barbarians; and the Delphians having perceived that they were flying, came down after them and slew a great number of them; and those who survived fled straight to Boeotia. These who returned of the Barbarians reported, as I am informed, that in addition to this which we have said they saw also other miraculous things; for two men (they said) in full armor and of stature more than human followed them slaying and pursuing. |
| 8.39 | Istos duos, ajunt Delphenses, indigenas fuisse heroas, Phylacum et Autonoum, quorum fana sunt in templi vicinia ; Phylaci quidem, secundum ipsam viam, supra Pronææ ædem ; Autonoi vero, prope Castaliam sub Hyampeo cacumine. (2) Saxa autem, quæ de Parnasso deciderant, ad nostram usque ætatem superfuerunt, in agro Minervæ Pronææ sacro jacentia ; in quem, postquam per barbaros devoluta sunt, incubuerunt. Isto igitur modo hi homines a Delphico templo discesserunt. | These two the Delphians say were the native heroes Phylacos and Autonoös, whose sacred enclosures are about the temple, that of Phylacos being close by the side of the road above the temple of Pronaia and that of Autonoös near Castalia under the peak called Hyampeia. Moreover the rocks which fell from Parnassos were still preserved even to my time, lying in the sacred enclosure of Athene Pronaia, into which they fell when they rushed through the ranks of the Barbarians. Such departure had these men from the temple. |
| 8.40 | Jam classis Græcorum, ab Artemisio profecta, rogatu Atheniensium ad Salaminem appulit. Et hoc quidem consilio Athenienses a sociis, ut ad Salamina appellerent, rogaverant, ut ipsi liberos et uxores ex Attica exportatos in tuto locarent, et porro quid sibi faciendum esset deliberarent. (2) Nam pro præsente rerum statu, quum opinione sua essent frustrati, consilium capturi erant. Etenim quum existimassent se Peloponnesios cum omnibus copiis reperturos esse in Bœotia subsidentes ibique Barbarum excepturos, nihil horum repererant : sed certiores erant facti, Isthmum illos muro intercipere, et Peloponnesus ut salva sit maxime curare, hancque custodire, cetera omittentes. Hæc quum intellexissent Athenienses, idcirco socios, ut ad Salamina sisterent classem, rogaverant. | Meanwhile the fleet of the Hellenes after leaving Artemision put in to land at Salamis at the request of the Athenians: and for this reason the Athenians requested them to put in to Salamis, namely in order that they might remove out of Attica to a place of safety their children and their wives, and also deliberate what they would have to do; for in their present case they meant to take counsel afresh, because they had been deceived in their expectation. For they had thought to find the Peloponnesians in full force waiting for the Barbarians in Boeotia; they found however nothing of this, but they were informed on the contrary that the Peloponnesians were fortifying the Isthmus with a wall, valuing above all things the safety of the Peloponnese and keeping this in guard; and that they were disposed to let all else go. Being informed of this, the Athenians therefore made request of them to put in to Salamis. |
| 8.41 | Et reliqui quidem ad Salamina appulerunt, Athenienses vero ad Atticam. Quo ubi pervenere, præconio edixerunt, quo loco quisque posset Atheniensium, eo liberos et familiam in tuto locaret. (2) Ibi tunc plerique Trœzena eos miserunt, alii vero in Æginam, alii Salamina. Properarunt autem suos suaque extra Atticam in tuto locare, partim oraculi mandato obtemperare cupientes, partim, nec minime, hac de causa : (3) dicunt Athenienses, ingentem serpentem, arcis custodem, versari in templo, nec vero id perhibent solum, sed etiam tanquam re vera ibi versanti menstrua sacra faciunt apponuntque : est autem menstruum sacrificium, placenta melle condita. Hæc placenta, quum superioribus temporibus constanter consumpta fuisset, tunc intacta erat. (4) Quod ubi significavit antistita templi, tanto magis atque studiosius urbem reliquerunt Athenienses, quod etiam dea arcem deseruisset. Exportatis autem rebus omnibus, in tutoque locatis, ad castra navigarunt. | The others then put in their ships to land at Salamis, but the Athenians went over to their own land; and after their coming they made a proclamation that every one of the Athenians should endeavor to save his children and household as best he could. So the greater number sent them to Troizen, but others to Egina, and others to Salamis, and they were urgent to put these out of danger, both because they desired to obey the oracle and also especially for another reason, which was this — the Athenians say that a great serpent lives in the temple and guards the Acropolis; and they not only say this, but also they set forth for it monthly offerings, as if it were really there; and the offering consists of a honey-cake. This honey-cake, which before used always to be consumed, was at this time left untouched. When the priestess had signified this, the Athenians left the city much more and with greater eagerness than before, seeing that the goddess also had (as they supposed) left the Acropolis. Then when all their belongings had been removed out of danger, they sailed to the encampment of the fleet. |
| 8.42 | Postquam vero isti ab Artemisio ad Salamina constituerant classem, accepto ejus rei nuntio reliquæ etiam nauticæ Græcorum copiæ eodem confluxerunt, Trœzene profectæ. Edictum enim illis fuerat, ut ad Pogonem, Trœzeniorum portum, convenirent : et convenerant multo plures quam quæ ad Artemisium navali prœlio erant defunctæ, et e pluribus civitatibus. (2) Classi cum imperii summa præfectus erat idem qui ad Artemisium, Eurybiades, Euryclidæ filius, Spartanus, nec vero e regio genere natus : sed plurimas naves, optimeque navigantes, præbuerant Athenienses. | When those who came from Artemision had put their ships in to land at Salamis, the remainder of the naval force of the Hellenes, being informed of this, came over gradually to join them from Troizen: for they had been ordered beforehand to assemble at Pogon, which is the harbor of the Troizenians. There were assembled accordingly now many more ships than those which were in the sea-fight at Artemision, and from more cities. Over the whole was set as admiral the same man as at Artemision, namely Eurybiades the son of Eurycleides, a Spartan but not of the royal house; the Athenians however supplied by far the greatest number of ships and those which sailed the best. |
| 8.43 | Qui autem hac in classe militabant, hi fuere : e Peloponneso, Lacedæmonii, sedecim naves præbentes : tum Corinthii, totidem naves cum vectoribus præbentes quot ad Artemisium : Sicyonii vero quindecim præbuerunt naves ; Epidaurii, decem ; Trœzenii, quinque ; Hermionenses, tres. Sunt autem isti, exceptis Hermionensibus, Dorica et Macedna natio, ex Erineo et Pindo et Dryopide novissime profecti. (2) Hermionenses vero Dryopes sunt, ab Hercule et Maliensibus e regione quæ Doris nunc vocatur ejecti. Hæ copiæ Peloponnesiorum erant. | The following were those who joined the muster — From Peloponnese the Lacedemonians furnishing sixteen ships, the Corinthians furnishing the same complement as at Artemision, the Sikyonians furnishing fifteen ships, the Epidaurians ten, the Troizenians five, the men of Hermion three, these all, except the Hermionians, being of Doric and Makednian race and having made their last migration from Erineos and Pindos and the land of Dryopis; but the people of Hermion are Dryopians, driven out by Heracles and the Malians from the land which is now called Doris. |
| 8.44 | E populis vero continentem extra Peloponnesum incolentibus affuere, primum, Athenienses, qui præ reliquis omnibus centum et octoginta naves contulerunt : et hi quidem nunc soli erant ; nam in pugna ad Salaminem Atheniensibus Platæenses præsto non fuere, hac de causa : quo tempore Græci, relicto Artemisio, prope Chalcidem fuerant, Platæenses in oppositam Bœotiæ oram escenderant, et ad familias suas in tuto locandas erant profecti : (2) ita, dum suos tutantur, in tempore non affuerunt. Athenienses, quo tempore Pelasgi Græciam quæ nunc vocatur tenebant, Pelasgi fuerant, Cranai nominati ; sub Cecrope vero rege, Cecropidæ sunt appellati : tum regnante Erechtheo, mutato nomine, Athenienses appellati : ab Ione vero, Xuthi filio, qui copiarum dux fuit Atheniensium, Iones sunt denominati. | These were the Peloponnesians who joined the fleet, and those of the mainland outside the Peloponnese were as follows — the Athenians, furnishing a number larger than all the rest, namely one hundred and eighty ships, and serving alone, since the Plataians did not take part with the Athenians in the sea-fight at Salamis, because when the Hellenes were departing from Artemision and come near Chalkis, the Plataians disembarked on the opposite shore of Boeotia and proceeded to the removal of their households. So being engaged in saving these, they had been left behind. As for the Athenians, in the time when the Pelasgians occupied that which is now called Hellas, they were Pelasgians, being named Cranaoi, and in the time of king Kecrops they came to be called Kecropidai; then when Erechtheus had succeeded to his power, they had their name changed to Athenians; and after Ion the son of Xuthos became commander of the Athenians, they got the name from him of Ionians. |
| 8.45 | Megarenses totidem naves cum vectoribus contulerant, quot ad Artemisium. Ampraciotæ cum septem navibus præsto erant : Leucadii cum tribus ; Doricus hic quoque populus est, e Corintho. | The Megarians furnished the same complement as at Artermision; the Amprakiots came to the assistance of the rest with seven ships, and the Leucadians with three, these being by race Dorians from Corinth. |
| 8.46 | Ex insulanis Æginetæ naves contulerant triginta : et instructas quidem etiam alias habebant, sed illis suam custodiebant terram, triginta vero optime navigantibus pugnarunt ad Salaminem. Sunt autem Æginetæ Dorienses, ex Epidauro : nomen vero insulæ prius Œnone fuerat. (2) Post Æginetas, Chalcidenses aderant cum viginti navibus quas easdem ad Artemisium habuerant ; et Eretrienses cum eisdem septem navibus : Ionica hæc gens est. Deinde Cei, Ionicus populus Athenis oriundus, cum eisdem quibus ad Artemisium. (3) Naxii cum quattuor navibus aderant ; ad Medos quidem missi a civibus, quemadmodum reliqui insulani : sed spreto mandato ad Græcos sese contulerant hortante Democrito, spectato inter suos viro, qui tunc trierarcha erat. Sunt autem Iones Naxii, Athenis oriundi. (4) Styrenses easdem, quas ad Artemisium, naves contulerunt ; Cythnii vero triremem unam, et actuariam quinquaginta remorum : utrique hi Dryopes sunt. (5) Seriphii etiam, et Siphnii, et Melii cum Græcis miltarunt : hi enim soli ex insulanis Barbaro terram et aquam non tradiderant. | Of the islanders the Eginetans furnished thirty; these had also other ships manned, but with them they were guarding their own land, while with the thirty which sailed best they joined in the sea-fight at Salamis. Now the Eginetans are Dorians from Epidauros, and their island had formerly the name of Oinone. After the Eginetans came the Chalkidians with the twenty ships which were at Artemision, and the Eretrians with their seven: these are Ionians. Next the Keïans, furnishing the same as before and being by race Ionians from Athens. The Naxians furnished four ships, they having been sent out by the citizens of their State to join the Persians, like the other islanders; but neglecting these commands they had come to the Hellenes, urged thereto by Democritos, a man of repute among the citizens and at that time commander of a trireme. Now the Naxians are Ionians coming originally from Athens. The Styrians furnished the same ships as at Artemision, and the men of Kythnos one ship and one fifty-oared galley, these both being Dryopians. Also the Seriphians, the Siphnians and the Melians served with the rest; for they alone of the islanders had not given earth and water to the Barbarian. |
| 8.47 | Quos adhuc memoravi pugnæ ad Salamina socios, hi omnes citra Thesprotiam et Acherontem fluvium habitant : Thesproti enim finitimi sunt Ampraciotis et Leucadiis, qui ex ultimis Græciæ regionibus affuerunt. (2) Ex his vero qui ultra incolunt, soli Crotoniatæ fuere, qui periclitanti succurrerent Græciæ, et una quidem nave, cui præfuit vir ter Pythiorum certaminum victor, Phayllus : sunt autem Crotoniatæ origine Achæi. | These all who have been named dwelt inside the land of the Thesprotians and the river Acheron; for the Thesprotians border upon the land of the Amprakiots and Leucadians, and these were they who came from the greatest distance to serve: but of those who dwell outside these limits the men of Croton were the only people who came to the assistance of Hellas in her danger; and these sent one ship, of whom the commander was Phaÿlos, a man who had three times won victories at the Pythian games. Now the men of Croton are by descent Achaians. |
| 8.48 | Jam reliqui quidem, quos memoravi, triremes in bellum præbuerunt ; Melii vero et Siphnii et Seriphii penteconteros (longas naves remis quinquaginta instructas) et Melii quidem, genus a Lacedæmone derivantes, duas præbuere ; Siphnii vero et Seriphii, Iones ab Athenis originem ducentes, utrique unam. Fuit autem universus navium numerus, demptis penteconteris, trecentæ septuaginta et octo. | All the rest who served in the fleet furnished triremes, but the Melians, Siphnian and Seriphians fifty-oared galleys: the Melians, who are by descent from Lacedemon, furnished two, the Siphnians and Seriphians, who are Ionians from Athens, each one. And the whole number of the ships, apart from the fifty-oared galleys, was three hundred and seventy-eight. |
| 8.49 | Ut ad Salaminem convenit e prædictis civitatibus classis, deliberarunt duces, rogante Eurybiade ut sententiam diceret quisquis vellet, quo loco oportunissimum videretur pugna navali decernere, ex eis nempe locis quæ in ipsorum essent potestate : jam enim Attica pro derelicta erat : itaque de reliquis locis rogavit. (2) Et pleræque eorum, qui verba fecerunt, in hoc congruebant sententiæ, ad Isthmum navigandum esse, et ante Peloponnesum navali pugna decernendum : cujus sententiæ hanc rationem reddebant, quod, si inferiores e pugna discessissent, et Salamine essent, obsiderentur in insula, ubi nullum ipsis apparere subsidium posset ; ad Isthmum vero, ad suos se possent salvi recipere. | When the commanders had assembled at Salamis from the States which have been mentioned, they began to deliberate, Eurybiades having proposed that any one who desired it should declare his opinion as to where he thought it most convenient to fight a sea-battle in those regions of which they had command; for Attica had already been let go, and he was now proposing the question about the other regions. And the opinions of the speakers for the most part agreed that they should sail to the Isthmus and there fight a sea-battle in defence of the Peloponnese, arguing that if they should be defeated in the sea-battle, supposing them to be at Salamis they would be blockaded in an island, where no help would come to them, but at the Isthmus they would be able to land where their own men were. |
| 8.50 | Dum ita duces Peloponnesiorum disputant, advenit vir Atheniensis, nuntians in Atticam ingressum esse Barbarum, et totam regionem igne vastare. (2) Quippe exercitus una cum Xerxe, itinere per Bœotiam facto, incensa Thespiensium urbe, qui in Peloponnesum se receperant, itemque Platæensium urbe, Athenas profectus, omnia illius regionis loca evastabat. Incenderat autem Thespiam et Platæam, quod a Thebanis audisset, cum Medis illos non sentire. | While the commanders from the Peloponnese argued thus, an Athenian had come in reporting that the Barbarians were arrived in Attica and that all the land was being laid waste with fire. For the army which directed its march through Boeotia in company with Xerxes, after it had burnt the city of the Thespians (the inhabitants having left it and gone to the Peloponnese) and that of the Plataians likewise, had now come to Athens and was laying waste everything in those regions. Now he had burnt Thespiai and Plataia because he was informed by the Thebans that these were not taking the side of the Medes. |
| 8.51 | A transitu Hellesponti, unde iter facere cœperant barbari, postquam ibi unum mensem erant morati, quo in Europam transierunt, tribus poximis mensibus in Attica affuerunt, prætore Atheniensibus Calliade. (2) Deprehenderunt autem vacuam urbem, et paucos quosdam Atheniensium in templo versantes, quæstores templi, et pauperes nonnullos homines ; qui arce asseribus atque palis ligneis præsepta arcebant subeuntes. Hi et ob victus inopiam sese Salaminem non receperant, et quos se solos existimarent sententiam reperisse oraculi a Pythia editi, ligneum murum insuperabilem fore ; nempe hoc ipsum esse certum illud refugium, quod oraculo significatum esset, non naves. | So in three months from the crossing of the Hellespont, whence the Barbarians began their march, after having stayed there one month while they crossed over into Europe, they had reached Attica, in the year when Calliades was archon of the Athenians. And they took the lower city, which was deserted, and then they found that there were still a few Athenians left in the temple, either stewards of the temple or needy persons, who had barred the entrance to the Acropolis with doors and with a palisade of timber and endeavored to defend themselves against the attacks of the enemy, being men who had not gone out to Salamis partly because of their poverty, and also because they thought that they alone had discovered the meaning of the oracle which the Pythian prophetess had uttered to them, namely that the “bulwark of wood” should be impregnable, and supposed that this was in fact the safe refuge according to the oracle, and not the ships. |
| 8.52 | Persæ vero, castris in tumulo positis ex adverso arcis sito, quem Areopagum (Martium tumulum) Athenienses vocant, hoc modo illam oppugnarunt : stupam sagittis circumdatam incendebant, atque ita sagittas adversus vallum jaculabantur. (2) Tunc oppugnati Athenienses, ad extremum licet malum redacti, fallente eos etiam vallo, tamen resistebant ; nec conditiones de deditione admittebant, a Pisistratidis propositas. Resistebant autem, quum alia contrą machinantes, tum et, quoties ad portam succederent barbari, ingentibus in eos saxis devolutis ; ut perdiu Xerxes inops fuerit consilii, quum illos expugnare non posset. | So the Persians taking their post upon the rising ground opposite the Acropolis, which the Athenians call the Hill of Ares, proceeded to besiege them in this fashion, that is they put tow round about their arrows and lighted it, and then shot them against the palisade. The Athenians who were besieged continued to defend themselves nevertheless, although they had come to the extremity of distress and their palisade had played them false; nor would they accept proposals for surrender, when the sons of Peisistratos brought them forward: but endeavoring to defend themselves they contrived several contrivances against the enemy, and among the rest they rolled down large stones when the Barbarians approached the gates; so that for a long time Xerxes was in a difficulty, not being able to capture them. |
| 8.53 | Ad extremum vero, post illas difficultates, introitus quidam in arcem barbaris apparuit : debuit enim, juxta oraculum, universa Atheniensium terra, quatenus in continente erat, in barbarorum venire potestatem. (2) Erat igitur ante arcem, sed in parte a porta et ascensu aversa, locus ubi nemo excubabat, et ubi nemo crediderat quemquam hominum unquam ascensurum : eo loco, quamvis prærupto, ascenderunt nonnulli prope Aglauri fanum, Cecropis filiæ. (3) Quos ut in arcem conscendisse viderunt Athenienses, alii de muro sese præcipitarunt perieruntque, alii in interiorem templi ædem confugerunt. (4) Persæ vero qui ascenderant, primum ad portam accurrerunt, eaque aperta trucidarunt supplices ; quibus omnibus occisis, spoliarunt templum, et universam acropolin incenderunt. | In time however there appeared for the Barbarians a way of approach after their difficulties, since by the oracle it was destined that all of Attica which is on the mainland should come to be under the Persians. Thus then it happened that on the front side of the Acropolis behind the gates and the way up to the entrance, in a place where no one was keeping guard, nor would one have supposed that any man could ascend by this way, here men ascended by the temple of Aglauros the daughter of Kecrops, although indeed the place is precipitous: and when the Athenians saw that they had ascended up to the Acropolis, some of them threw themselves down from the wall and perished, while others took refuge in the sanctuary of the temple. Then those of the Persians who had ascended went first to the gates, and after opening these they proceeded to kill the suppliants; and when all had been slain by them, they plundered the temple and set fire to the whole of the Acropolis. |
| 8.54 | Tum Xerxes, Athenis penitus potitus, equitem Susa misit, qui Artabano rem ab ipsis feliciter gestam nuntiaret. Postridie vero quam nuntium hunc dimisit, convocatis Atheniensium exsulibus, qui illius castra sequebantur, mandavit, ut in arcem ascenderent, suoque ritu ibi sacra facerent ; sive quod viso nocturno monitus hoc illis imperavit, sive religio quædam eum incesserat quod templum cremasset. Et Atheniensium exsules mandata fecerunt. | Then Xerxes, having fully taken possession of Athens, sent to Susa a mounted messenger to report to Artabanos the good success which they had. And on the next day after sending the herald he called together the exiles of the Athenians who were accompanying him, and bade them go up to the Acropolis and sacrifice the victims after their own manner; whether it was that he had seen some vision of a dream which caused him to give this command, or whether perchance he had a scruple in his mind because he had set fire to the temple. The Athenian exiles did accordingly that which was commanded them. |
| 8.55 | Cur autem hujus rei fecerim mentionem, dicam. Est in hac acropoli templum Erechthei illius, qui terra genitus dicitur, quo in templo olea inest et mare, quæ Athenienses narrant ab Neptuno et Minerva, quum de terræ hujus possessione inter se certarent, posita fuisse monumenta. (2) Hæc igitur olea simul cum reliquo templo a barbaris erat cremata : altero vero ab hoc incendio die, ut in id templum ascenderunt Athenienses sacra facere jussi a Xerxe, surculum viderunt e stipite enatum, cubiti fere longitudine. Hoc quidem illi memorarunt. | And the reason why I made mention of this I will here declare — there is in this Acropolis a temple of Erechtheus, who is said to have been born of the Earth, and in this there is an olive-tree and a sea, which (according to the story told by the Athenians) Poseidon and Athene, when they contended for the land, set as witnesses of themselves. Now it happened to this olive-tree to be set on fire with the rest of the temple by the Barbarians; and on the next day after the conflagration those of the Athenians who were commanded by the king to offer sacrifice, saw when they had gone up to the temple that a shoot had run up from the stock of the tree about a cubit in length. These then made report of this. |
| 8.56 | Græci vero ad Salaminem, ut nuntiatum est eis quo statu esset Athenarum acropolis, tanto sunt terrore perculsi, ut e ducibus nonnulli ne manserint quidem donec super quæstione proposita fieret decretum, sed in naves sese conjicientes vela panderint tanquam abituri ; et reliqui, re deliberata, fecerunt decretum, ad Isthmum esse pugnandum. Jamque nox aderat ; et hi quoque, soluto consessu, naves sunt ingressi. | The Hellenes meanwhile at Salamis, when it was announced to them how it had been as regards the Acropolis of the Athenians, were disturbed so greatly that some of the commanders did not even wait for the question to be decided which had been proposed, but began to go hastily to their ships and to put up their sails, meaning to make off with speed; and by those of them who remained behind it was finally decided to fight at sea in defence of the Isthmus. So night came on, and they having been dismissed from the council were going to their ships. |
| 8.57 | Ibi tunc Themistoclem, in navem reversum, interrogavit Mnesiphilus, civis Atheniensis, quidnam ab illis decretum foret. A quo ubi cognovit, decretum esse ut navibus ad Isthmum deductis ante Peloponnesum dimicarent : (2) « Quodsi igitur, inquit, hi Salamine solverint, tu pro nulla amplius patria pugnabis. Nam in suas quique civitates se recipient, et nec Eurybiades, nec quisquam hominum alius retinere eos poterit, quin dissolvatur exercitus : et per ducum imprudentiam peritura est Græcia. (3) At tu, si qua via aut ratio superest, perge, et, quæ decreta sunt, operam da ut rescindas ; si forte persuadere Eurybiadi potueris, ut mutato consilio hic maneat. » | And when Themistocles had come to his ship, Mnesiphilos an Athenian asked him what they had resolved; and being informed by him that it had been determined to take out the ships to the Isthmus and fight a battle by sea in defence of the Peloponnese, he said: “Then, if they set sail with the ships from Salamis, thou wilt not fight any more sea-battles at all for the fatherland, for they will all take their way to their several cities and neither Eurybiades nor any other man will be able to detain them or to prevent the fleet from being dispersed: and Hellas will perish by reason of evil counsels. But if there by any means, go thou and try to unsettle that which has been resolved, if perchance thou mayest persuade Eurybiades to change his plans, so as to stay here.” |
| 8.58 | Themistocli admodum placuit monitum : qui, nullo ad hæc responso dato, ad Eurybiadis navem perrexit. Quo ubi venit, de communibus rebus, ait, se aliquid cum illo communicaturum : et ille, si quid secum vellet, navem suam conscendere eum jussit. (2) Ibi tum Eurybiadi assidens Themistocles, et omnia ista quæ e Mnesiphilo audiverat, tanquam sua, exposuit, et multa alia adjecit, donec precibus eum expugnavit, ut nave egrederetur, et in concilium iterum convocaret duces. | This advice very much commended itself to Themistocles; and without making any answer he went to the ship of Eurybiades. Having come thither he said that he desired to communicate to him a matter which concerned the common good; and Eurybiades bade him come into his ship and speak, if he desired to say anything. Then Themistocles sitting down beside him repeated to him all those things which he had heard Mnesiphilos say, making as if they were his own thoughts, and adding to them many others; until at last by urgent request he persuaded him to come out of his ship and gather the commanders to the council. |
| 8.59 | Qui ubi convenerunt, priusquam rem, cujus causa convocati duces erant, Eurybiades proponeret, multos Themistocles fecit sermones, enixe flagitans. (2) Quem loquentem interfatus, Corinthius dux Adimantus, Ocyti filius : « Themistocles, inquit, in certaminum sollemnibus, qui ante tempus surgunt, flagris cæduntur. » Et ille, sui purgandi causa, ait : « At, qui pone manent, non coronantur. » | So when they were gathered together, before Eurybiades proposed the discussion of the things for which he had assembled the commanders, Themistocles spoke with much vehemence being very eager to gain his end; and as he was speaking, the Corinthian commander, Adeimantos the son of Okytos, said: “Themistocles, at the games those who stand forth for the contest before the due time are beaten with rods.” He justifying himself said: “Yes, but those who remain behind are not crowned.” |
| 8.60 | Ita tunc quidem placide respondit Corinthio. Ad Eurybiadem vero conversus, nihil jam eorum dixit quæ ante exposuerat, dispersum iri socios, si Salamine solvissent : (2) etenim, præsentibus sociis, nullo modo decorum erat ut eos accusaret : sed aliam dicendi rationem tenens, ita locutus est : (I.) « Penes te nunc est servare Græciam, si meum consilium secutus, hic manens pugnam navalem commiseris, neque his morem gesseris qui naves ad Isthmum promovendas esse contendunt. Accipe enim, et alteram alteri rationi oppone. (3) Ad Isthmum pugnam committens, in aperto mari pugnabis, ubi minime nobis conducit, graviores naves habentibus, et numero pauciores. Porro Salaminem perdes, et Megara, et Æginam, etiamsi ceteroquin feliciter nobis res esset cessura. (4) Nam classem illorum secuturus est pedestris exercitus, adeoque tu ipse eos in Peloponnesum duxeris, periculumque fuerit ut universam perdas Græciam. (II.) Sin quæ ego dico feceris, hæc in illis commoda reperies. Primum quidem, in angusto mari confligentes paucis navibus adversus multas, si rationi consentaneus exitus fuerit pugnæ, multo erimus superiores. Nam in angusto prœlium navale facere, pro nobis est ; in aperto vero, pro illis. (5) Deinde Salamis servatur, in qua nos liberos nostros et uxores deposuimus. Tum vero etiam illud in hac ratione continetur, quod inprimis vobis cordi est : nam, hic manens, pariter pro Peloponneso pugnabis, atque ad Isthmum ; nec vero illos, si sapueris, in Peloponnesum duces. (III.) Sin quod ego spero evenerit, pugnaque navali vicerimus, tunc nec ad Isthmum vobis aderunt barbari, nec ultra Atticam progredientur, sed incondita fuga se recipient, lucrabimurque servata Megara, et Æginam, et Salaminem, ad quam nos hostibus superiores esse futuros oraculo etiam prædictum est. (6) Jam consilia rationi consentanea capientibus hominibus solent plerumque etiam consentanea evenire : sin contra rationem consulunt, ne deus quidem humanis sententiis accedere amat. » | At that time he made answer mildly to the Corinthian; and to Eurybiades he said not now any of those things which he had said before, to the effect that if they should set sail from Salamis they would disperse in different directions; for it was not seemly for him to bring charges against the allies in their presence: but he held to another way of reasoning, saying: “Now it is in thy power to save Hellas, if thou wilt follow my advice, which is to stay here and here to fight a sea-battle, and if thou wilt not follow the advice of those among these men who bid thee remove the ships to the Isthmus. For hear both ways, and then set them in comparison. If thou engage battle at the Isthmus, thou wilt fight in an open sea, into which it is by no means convenient for us that we go to fight, seeing that we have ships which are heavier and fewer in number than those of the enemy. Then secondly thou wilt give up to destruction Salamis and Megara and Egina, even if we have success in all else; for with their fleet will come also the land-army, and thus thou wilt thyself lead them to the Peloponnese and wilt risk the safety of all Hellas. If however thou shalt do as I say, thou wilt find therein all the advantages which I shall tell thee of — in the first place by engaging in a narrow place with few ships against many, if the fighting has that issue which it is reasonable to expect, we shall have very much the better; for to fight a sea-fight in a narrow space is for our advantage, but to fight in a wide open space is for theirs. Then again Salamis will be preserved, whither our children and our wives have been removed for safety; and moreover there is this also secured thereby, to which ye are most of all attached, namely that by remaining here thou wilt fight in defence of the Peloponnese as much as if the fight were at the Isthmus; and thou wilt not lead the enemy to Peloponnese, if thou art wise. Then if that which I expect come to pass and we gain a victory with our ships, the Barbarians will not come to you at the Isthmus nor will they advance further than Attica, but they will retire in disorder; and we shall be the gainers by the preservation of Megara and Egina and Salamis, at which place too an oracle tells us that we shall get the victory over our enemies. Now when men take counsel reasonably for themselves, reasonable issues are wont as a rule to come, but if they do not take counsel reasonably, then God is not wont generally to attach himself to the judgment of men.” |
| 8.61 | Hæc ubi Themistocles dixit, iterum in eum invectus est Corinthius Adimantus, tacere jubens virum cui nulla sit patria, vetansque Eurybiadem suffragia rogare super sententia ab homine exsule proposita ; quando enim patriam ostendere Themistocles potuerit, tunc demum ei licitum fore sententias cum aliis conferre. Hæc in eum dicta projecit, quod captæ Athenæ in hostium essent potestate. (2) Tum vero Themistocles et illum et Corinthios multis insectatus maledictis, ratione eis demonstravit, et urbem et terram Atheniensibus ampliorem, quam illis, esse, quamdiu ducentas habuerint naves instructas ; nullum enim Græcum populum, quem adierint, ipsos esse repulsurum. | When Themistocles thus spoke, the Corinthian Adeimantos inveighed against him for the second time, bidding him to be silent because he had no native land, and urging Eurybiades not to put to the vote the proposal of one who was a citizen of no city; for he said that Themistocles might bring opinions before the council if he could show a city belonging to him, but otherwise not. This objection he made against him because Athens had been taken and was held by the enemy. Then Themistocles said many evil things of him and of the Corinthians both, and declared also that he himself and his countrymen had in truth a city and a land larger than that of the Corinthians, so long as they had two hundred ships fully manned; for none of the Hellenes would be able to repel the Athenians if they came to fight against them. |
| 8.62 | Hæc postquam significavit, ad Eurybiadem convertens sermonem, majore concitatione ait : « Tu si hic manes, hicque manens fortem te virum præstas, recte feceris ; si non, Græciam evertes. Nam summa belli nobis in navibus vertitur. (2) Tu vero mihi morem gere. Id ni feceris ; nos quidem e vestigio, receptis nostris, Sirin proficiscemur, Italiæ urbem, jam antiquitus nostram, quam a nobis instaurandam esse oracula etiam dicunt : vos vero, talibus sociis privati, eorum quæ dixi reminiscemini. » | Signifying this he turned then to Eurybiades and spoke yet more urgently: “If thou wilt remain here, and remaining here wilt show thyself a good man, well; but if not, thou wilt bring about the overthrow of Hellas, for upon the ships depends all our power in the war. Nay, but do as I advise. If, however, thou shalt not do so, we shall forthwith take up our households and voyage to Siris in Italy, which is ours already of old and the oracles say that it is destined to be colonised by us; and ye, when ye are left alone and deprived of allies such as we are, will remember my words.” |
| 8.63 | His a Themistocle dictis meliora edoctus Eurybiades est. Et maxime quidem eo mihi videtur sententiam mutasse, quod vereretur, ne, si ad Isthmum deduceret classem, Athenienses desererent socios : qui si illos deseruissent, reliqui non amplius pares hostibus erant futuri. Hanc igitur suscepit sententiam, ut ibi manerent, ibique navali pugna decernerent. | When Themistocles thus spoke, Eurybiades was persuaded to change his mind; and, as I think, he changed his mind chiefly from fear lest the Athenians should depart and leave them, if he should take the ships to the Isthmus; for if the Athenians left them and departed, the rest would be no longer able to fight with the enemy. He chose then this counsel, to stay in that place and decide matters there by a sea-fight. |
| 8.64 | Hoc modo quum hi ad Salaminem verbis inter se essent velitati, postquam ita placuit Eurybiadi, ad committendum ibidem navale prœlium se compararunt. Et ut illuxit dies, simul cum oriente sole et terra et mare contremuit. Itaque diis vota facere placuit, et Æacidas socios invocare. (2) Utque placuit, ita fecerunt. Deos omnes precati, protinus e Salamine Ajacem et Telamonem advocarunt : et ad advehendum Æacum reliquosque Æacidas navem in Æginam miserunt. | Thus those at Salamis, after having skirmished with one another in speech, were making preparations for a sea-fight there, since Eurybiades had so determined: and as day was coming on, at the same time when the sun rose there was an earthquake felt both on the land and on the sea: and they determined to pray to the gods and to call upon the sons of Aiacos to be their helpers. And as they had determined, so also they did; for when they had prayed to all the gods, they called Ajax and Telamon to their help from Salamis, where the fleet was, and sent a ship to Egina to bring Aiacos himself and the rest of the sons of Aiacos. |
| 8.65 | Fuit per id tempus Dicæus, Theocydis filius, civis Atheniensis, exsul et in existimatione apud Medos, qui narravit : quo tempore Attica, Atheniensibus nudata, vastabatur a pedestri Xerxis exercitu, fuisse tunc se forte cum Demarato Lacedæmonio in Thriasio campo, vidisseque ibi pulverem ab Eleusine orientem, tanquam a triginta admodum milibus hominum excitatum ; quumque miratus esset quibusnam ab hominibus excitaretur ille pulvis, exaudisse mox vocem, quæ vox ei visa esset mysticus esse Iacchus. (2) Tum Demaratum, qui sacrorum Eleusiniorum esset ignarus, e se quæsisse quid esset quod ita sonaret, seque ei respondisse : « Demarate, haud aberit quin magna clades exercitum regis affligat. Quum enim deserta sit Attica, prorsus manifestum est, divinum esse hunc sonum, ab Eleusine auxilio venientem Atheniensibus eorumque sociis. (3) Quod quidem ostentum si Peloponnesum versus cadet, periculum ipsi regi et pedestribus illius copiis erit : sin ad classem convertetur quæ Salamine est, navalibus regis copiis exitium portenderit. (4) Agunt autem quinto quoque anno hoc festum Athenienses Cereri Matri et Proserpinæ: et, quisquis vult ipsorum et reliquorum Græcorum, his sacris initiatur ; et hoc vocis sono, quem audis, in ejusdem festi sollemnibus Iacchum celebrant. » (5) Ad hæc Demaratum dixisse : « Silentium tene, neu alii cuiquam hoc dicas. Quod si enim ad regem deferentur hæc tua verba, capite lues, nec aut ego aut quisquam hominum alius servare te poterit. Quare tu sile : quod autem ad exercitum hunc pertinet, id diis curæ erit. » (6) Hoc sibi Demaratum ait præcepisse : tum vero e pulvere illo et sonitu ortam esse nubem, quæ in sublime levata, versus Salaminem ad castra Græcorum delata sit. Ita se intellexisse, classem Xerxis perditum iri. Hæc Dicæus, Theocydis filius, referebat, Demaratum aliosque testes citans. | Moreover Dicaios the son of Theokydes, an Athenian, who was an exile and had become of great repute among the Medes at this time, declared that when the Attic land was being ravaged by the land-army of Xerxes, having been deserted by the Athenians, he happened then to be in company with Demaratos the Lacedemonian in the Thriasian plain; and he saw a cloud of dust going up from Eleusis, as if made by a company of about thirty thousand men, and they wondered at the cloud of dust, by what men it was caused. Then forthwith they heard a sound of voices, and Dicaios perceived that the sound was the mystic cry Iacchos; but Demaratos, having no knowledge of the sacred rites which are done at Eleusis, asked him what this was that uttered the sound, and he said: “Demaratos, it cannot be but that some great destruction is about to come to the army of the king: for as to this, it is very manifest, seeing that Attica is deserted, that this which utters the sound is of the gods, and that it is going from Eleusis to help the Athenians and their allies: if then it shall come down in the Peloponnese, there is danger for the king himself and for the army which is upon the mainland, but if it shall direct its course towards the ships which are at Salamis, the king will be in danger of losing his fleet. This feast the Athenians celebrate every year to the Mother and the Daughter; and he that desires it, both of them and of the other Hellenes, is initiated in the mysteries; and the sound of voices which thou hearest is the cry Iacchos which they utter at this feast.” To this Demaratos said: “Keep silence and tell not this tale to any other man; for if these words of thine be reported to the king, thou wilt surely lose thy head, and neither I nor any other man upon earth will be able to save thee: but keep thou quiet, and about this expedition the gods will provide.” He then thus advised, and after the cloud of dust and the sound of voices there came a mist which was borne aloft and carried towards Salamis to the camp of the Hellenes: and thus they learnt (said he) that the fleet of Xerxes was destined to be destroyed. Such was the report made by Dicaios the son of Theodykes, appealing to Demaratos and others also as witnesses. |
| 8.66 | Nauticus Xerxis exercitus, postquam e Trachine, conspecta Laconica strage, in Histiæam rursus trajecerat, tres dies ibi moratus per Euripum navigavit, et aliis tribus diebus Phalerum pervenit. (2) Videnturque mihi hostes, et terra et mari advenientes, non minore hominum numero Athenas invasisse, quam cum quo ad Sepiadem venerant et ad Thermopylas. (3) Eis enim qui tempestate perierunt, et qui ad Thermopylas ceciderunt et in navalibus pugnis ad Artemisium, hos oppono qui tunc nondum secuti regem erant, Malienses, et Dorienses, et Locros, et Bœotos ; qui nunc omnibus copiis, exceptis Thespiensibus et Platæensibus, eum sequebantur ; ad hæc utique Carystios, et Andrios, et Tenios, reliquosque insularum incolas omnes, præter quinque illas civitates, quarum nomina supra commemoravi. (4) Nam quo magis intro in Græciam progrediebatur Persa, tanto plures eum populi sequebantur. | Meanwhile those who were appointed to serve in the fleet of Xerxes, having gazed in Trachis upon the disaster of the Lacedemonians and having passed over from thence to Histiaia, after staying three days sailed through Euripos, and in other three days they had reached Phaleron. And, as I suppose, they made their attack upon Athens not fewer in number both by land and sea than when they had arrived at Sepias and at Thermopylai: for against those of them who perished by reason of the storm and those who were slain at Thermopylai and in the sea-fights at Artemision, I will set those who at that time were not yet accompanying the king, the Malians, Dorians, Locrians, and Boeotians (who accompanied him in a body, except the Thespians and Plataians), and moreover those of Carystos, Andros, and Tenos, with all the other islanders except the five cities of which I mentioned the names before; for the more the Persian advanced towards the centre of Hellas, the more nations accompanied him. |
| 8.67 | Postquam igitur hi omnes Athenas pervenerant, Pariis exceptis ; nam Parii, pone manentes in Cythno, exitum belli exspectabant : reliqui vero ut in Phalerum pervenerunt, ibi tunc Xerxes ipse ad classem descendit, cum navium ducibus cupiens sermones conferre, sententiasque eorum explorare. (2) Eo igitur profectus quum concilio præsideret, aderant convocati populorum regi subjectorum tyranni, et ordinum in classe præfecti, sedentes prout cuique illorum honorem rex tribuerat : primus quidem, Sidonius rex ; post hunc Tyrius ; tum reliqui. (3) Qui ut ordine deinceps consederant, Mardonium Xerxes misit, qui temptaret singulos interrogaretque, an faciendum esse navale prœlium censerent. | So then, when all these had come to Athens except the Parians (now the Parians had remained behind at Kythnos waiting to see how the war would turn out) — when all the rest, I say, had come to Phaleron, then Xerxes himself came down to the ships desiring to visit them and to learn the opinions of those who sailed in them: and when he had come and was set in a conspicuous place, then those who were despots of their own nations or commanders of divisions being sent for came before him from their ships, and took their seats as the king had assigned rank to each one, first the king of Sidon, then he of Tyre, and after them the rest: and when they were seated in due order, Xerxes sent Mardonios and inquired, making trial of each one, whether he should fight a battle by sea. |
| 8.68 | Quos ubi Mardonius, initio facto ab Sidonio, circumiens rogavit, communi consensu reliqui omnes pro sententia dixere, faciendum esse prœlium navale ; una Artemisia hæc verba fecit : (I.) « Dic tu regi, Mardonie, me hæc dicere. (2) Equidem, quæ in pugnis ad Eubœam factis nec ignavissima fui, nec minima facta edidi, domine, par est ut veram meam sententiam edam, dicamque quæ tuis rebus maxime conferre censeo. (3) Atqui hoc dico : parce navibus, neu prœlium navale committe. Hi enim viri tuis viris mari tanto sunt superiores, quanto mulieribus viri. Quid autem omnino necesse est ut navalis pugnæ adeas discrimen ? annon Athenas tenes, quarum causa hanc suscepisti expeditionem ? annon reliquam quoque Græciam tenes ? (4) neque quisquam tibi resistit : nam, qui adhuc restiterunt, hi ita abs te accepti sunt ut commeruere. (II.) Quem vero exitum habituras esse putem res adversariorum, dicam. (5) Si tu non properaveris navalem facere pugnam, sed hic manens ad terram applicueris naves, aut si in Peloponnesum etiam progredieris ; facile tibi, Domine, succedent ea quorum causa huc venisti. (6) Neque enim diu tibi resistere poterunt Græci, sed disperges eos, et in suas quique civitates profugient. Nec enim commeatus illis, ut ego audio, in hac insula paratus adest : nec verosimile est, si tu adversus Peloponnesum duxeris pedestrem exercitum, tranquillos hic mansuros hos qui ex illa regione venerunt ; nec illis curæ erit pro Atheniensibus discrimen navalis prœlii adire. (III.) Sin protinus prœlium facere maturaveris, vereor ne navalis exercitus male acceptus, pedestri quoque calamitatem sit allaturus. (7) Ad hæc, rex, hoc etiam cogites velim, bonis viris servos solere esse malos, malis vero bonos. (8) Atqui tibi, viro omnium optimo, mali servi sunt, hi qui in sociorum numero dicuntur esse, nempe Ægyptii, et Cyprii, et Cilices, et Pamphylii, inutiles prorsus homines. » | So when Mardonios went round asking them, beginning with the king of Sidon, the others gave their opinions all to the same effect, advising him to fight a battle by sea, but Artemisia spoke these words — (a) “Tell the king I pray thee, Mardonios, that I, who have proved myself not to be the worst in the sea-fights which have been fought near Euboea, and have displayed deeds not inferior to those of others, speak to him thus: Master, it is right that I set forth the opinion which I really have, and say that which I happen to think best for thy cause: and this I say — spare thy ships and do not make a sea-fight; for the men are as much stronger than thy men by sea, as men are stronger than women. And why must thou needs run the risk of sea-battles? Hast thou not Athens in thy possession, for the sake of which thou didst set forth on thy march, and also the rest of Hellas? and no man stands in thy way to resist, but those who did stand against thee came off as it was fitting that they should. (b) Now the manner in which I think the affairs of thy adversaries will have their issue, I will declare. If thou do not hasten to make a sea-fight, but keep thy ships here by the land, either remaining here thyself or even advancing on to the Peloponnese, that which thou hast come to do, O master, will easily be effected; for the Hellenes are not able to hold out against thee for any long time, but thou wilt soon disperse them and they will take flight to their several cities: since neither have they provisions with them in this island, as I am informed, nor is it probable that if thou shalt march thy land-army against the Peloponnese, they who have come from thence will remain still; for these will have no care to fight a battle in defence of Athens. (c) If however thou hasten to fight forthwith, I fear that damage done to the fleet may ruin the land-army also. Moreover, O king, consider also this, that the servants of good men are apt to grow bad, but those of bad men good; and thou, who art of all men the best, hast bad servants, namely those who are reckoned as allies, Egyptians and Cyprians and Kilikians and Pamphylians, in whom there is no profit.” |
| 8.69 | Hæc ubi Artemisia Mardonio dixit, quicunque reginæ favebant, dolebant eam ista locutam, verentes ne malum quoddam ei a rege immineret, quod illum vetuisset navalem pugnam facere : qui vero invidebant ei maleque cupiebant, ut quæ præ reliquis omnibus sociis in honore esset apud regem, judicio illius delectabantur, quippe exitium ei allaturo. (2) At ut ad Xerxem relatæ sunt sententiæ, admodum gavisus est illius sententiæ: et, quum jam antea eximiam esse mulierem judicasset, nunc etiam magis eam laudavit. Attamen hac in re pluribus, ait, esse parendum ; ratus ad Eubœam sponte suos rem male gessisse, quoniam ipse abfuisset : nunc autem constituerat ipse spectare pugnantes. | When she thus spoke to Mardonios, those who were friendly to Artemisia were grieved at her words, supposing that she would suffer some evil from the king because she urged him not to fight at sea; while those who had envy and jealousy of her, because she had been honored above all the allies, were rejoiced at the opposition, supposing that she would now be ruined. When however the opinions were reported to Xerxes, he was greatly pleased with the opinion of Artemisia; and whereas even before this he thought her excellent, he commended her now yet more. Nevertheless he gave orders to follow the advice of the greater number, thinking that when they fought by Euboea they were purposely slack, because he was not himself present with them, whereas now he had made himself ready to look on while they fought a sea-battle. |
| 8.70 | Postquam enavigandi signum datum est, eduxerunt naves Salaminem versus, et per otium explicuerunt aciem. At tunc quidem non suffecit dies, ut committeretur prœlium : nox enim supervenit ; et illi in posterum diem sese comparabant. (2) Græcos vero metus incessit et trepidatio, præsertim vero Peloponnesios : angebantur quippe, quod ad Salaminem residentes pro Atheniensium terra essent dimicaturi ; ubi si victi essent, in insula interclusi obsiderentur, sua terra sine præsidio relicta. | So when they passed the word to put out to sea, they brought their ships out to Salamis and quietly ranged themselves along the shore in their several positions. At that time the daylight was not sufficient for them to engage battle, for night had come on; but they made their preparations to fight on the following day. Meanwhile the Hellenes were possessed by fear and dismay, especially those who were from Peloponnese: and these were dismayed because remaining in Salamis they were to fight a battle on behalf of the land of the Athenians, and being defeated they would be cut off from escape and blockaded in an island, leaving their own land unguarded. |
| 8.71 | Sub eandem noctem pedestris barbarorum exercitus adversus Peloponnesum profectus est ; quamquam quæcunque excogitari potuerunt effecta erant, ne a continente in Peloponnesum irrumpere barbari possent. (2) Simulatque enim cognoverant Peloponnesii obiisse Leonidam cum suis ad Thermopylas, concursu ex oppidis facto Isthmum occuparunt, et præerat eis ibi Cleombrotus, Anaxandridæ filius, frater Leonidæ. (3) Ad Isthmum igitur considentes, primum Scironidem viam obstruxerunt, deinde de communi consilio murum per Isthmum instituerunt ducere. Quumque multæ essent hominum myriades, quorum quisque manum operi admovit, perficiebatur opus. Nam et lapides et lateres et ligna et corbes sabulo repletæ congerebantur ; et sociata opera opus facientes, nullo temporis momento, nec noctu, nec interdiu, cessabant. | And indeed the land-army of the Barbarians was marching forward during that very night towards the Peloponnese. Yet every means had been taken that the Barbarians might not be able to enter Peloponnesus by land: for as soon as the Peloponnesians heard that Leonidas and his company had perished at Thermopylai, they came together quickly from the cities and took post at the Isthmus, and over them was set as commander Cleombrotos, the son of Anaxandrides and brother of Leonidas. These being posted at the Isthmus had destroyed the Skironian way, and after this (having so determined in counsel with one another) they began to build a wall across the Isthmus; and as they were many myriads and every man joined in the work, the work proceeded fast; for stones and bricks and pieces of timber and baskets full of sand were carried to it continually, and they who had thus come to help paused not at all in their work either by night or by day. |
| 8.72 | Qui vero ad muniendum Isthmum operam suam consociarunt Græci, hi fuere : Lacedæmonii et Arcades omnes, et Elei, et Corinthii, et Sicyonii, et Epidaurii, et Phliasii, et Trœzenii, et Hermionenses. (2) Hi sunt qui periclitanti Græciæ vehementer metuentes succurrerunt : reliquis Peloponnesiis nulli curæ ea res fuit. Olympiorum autem et Carneorum jam præterierant sollemnia. | Now those of the Hellenes who came in full force to the Isthmus to help their country were these: the Lacedemonians, the Arcadians of every division, the Eleians, Corinthians, Sikyonians, Epidaurians, Phliasians, Troizenians and Hermionians. These were they who came to the help of Hellas in her danger and who had apprehension for her, while the rest of the Peloponnesians showed no care: and the Olympic and Carneian festivals had by this time gone by. |
| 8.73 | Peloponnesum septem incolunt populi. Horum duo sunt indigenæ; eandem nunc, quam antiquitus, regionem habitantes, Arcades, et Cynurii : unus populus, Achaicus, Peloponneso quidem non egressus est, sed suam regionem cum alia mutavit. (2) Reliqui quattuor ex illis septem populis, advenæ sunt : Dorienses, Ætoli, Dryopes, et Lemnii. (3) Et Doriensium quidem multæ sunt et illustres civitates : Ætolorum vero sola Elis : Dryopum, Hermione et Asine prope Cardamylen Laconicam : Lemniorum vero, Paroreatæ omnes. (4) Cynurii, indigenæ quum sint, soli feruntur Iones esse ; sed in Dorienses mutati sunt, partim quod sub imperio fuerunt Argivorum, partim temporis progressu : sunt autem Orneatæ et horum finitimi. (5) Istorum septem populorum reliquæ civitates, præter eas quas nominavi, neutrarum erant partium : si autem libere loqui licet, dum neutrarum fuere partium, Medis favebant. | Now Peloponnesus is inhabited by seven races; and of these, two are natives of the soil and are settled now in the place where they dwelt of old, namely the Arcadians and the Kynurians; and one race, that of the Achaians, though it did not remove from the Peloponnese, yet removed in former time from its own land and dwells now in that which was not its own. The remaining races, four in number, have come in from without, namely the Dorians, Aitolians, Dryopians and Lemnians. Of the Dorians there are many cities and of great renown; of the Aitolians, Elis alone; of the Dryopians, Hermion and Asine, which latter is opposite Cardamyle in the Laconian land; and of the Lemnians, all the Paroreatai. The Kynurians, who are natives of the soil, seem alone to be Ionians, but they have become Dorians completely because they are subject to the Argives and by lapse of time, being originally citizens of Orneai or the dwellers in the country round Orneai. Of these seven nations the remaining cities, except those which I enumerated just now, stood aside and did nothing; and if one may be allowed to speak freely, in thus standing aside they were in fact taking the side of the Medes. |
| 8.74 | Igitur qui ad Isthmum erant, e quo dixi labore conflictabantur, quippe de summa rerum jam periclitantes, nec sperantes mari præclare admodum gestum iri rem. Et illi ad Salaminem, quamquam quæ ad Isthmum agebantur cognoverunt, trepidabant, non tam sibi metuentes, quam Peloponneso. (2) Et aliquantisper quidem vir viro astans tacite inter se sermones conferebant, imprudens mirans Eurybiadis consilium : ad extremum vero in publicum res erupit ; (3) et coiit concilium, multaque verba eisdem de rebus jactabantur ; dicentibus aliis, necessario ad Peloponnesum esse navigandum, et pro illa propugnandum, nec ad regionem ab hoste captam manendum, et pro illa dimicandum ; Atheniensibus vero et Æginetis et Megarensibus contendentibus, eo loci manendum et cum hoste confligendum. | Those at the Isthmus were struggling with the labor which I have said, since now they were running a course in which their very being was at stake, and they did not look to have any brilliant success with their ships: while those who were at Salamis, though informed of this work, were yet dismayed, not fearing so much for themselves as for Peloponnesus. For some time then they spoke of it in private, one man standing by another, and they marvelled at the ill-counsel of Eurybiades; but at last it broke out publicly. A meeting accordingly was held, and much was spoken about the same points as before, some saying that they ought to sail away to Peloponnesus and run the risk in defence of that, and not stay and fight for a land which had been captured by the enemy, while the Athenians, Eginetans and Megarians urged that they should stay there and defend themselves. |
| 8.75 | Ibi tunc Themistocles, quum vinceret sententia Peloponnesiorum, clanculum concilio egressus, hominem navigio in castra misit Medorum, edoctum quod dicere oporteret. Nomen homini Sicinnus fuit : erat autem servus et filiorum pædagogus Themistoclis ; (2) quem post has res gestas Themistocles, quo tempore Thespienses novos cooptarunt cives, Thespiensem fecit, et divitiis oneravit. Is ubi navigio illuc pervenit, apud duces barbarorum hæc verba fecit : (3) « Misit me dux Atheniensium clam reliquis Græcis ; favet enim ille regis partibus, cupitque ut res vestræ rebus Græcorum sint superiores ; misit me autem qui vobis nuntiarem, fugam meditari Græcos, metu perculsos. Nunc igitur in promptu vobis est rem conficere longe præclarissimam, si non commiseritis ut illi fuga dilabantur. (4) Nam nec inter se sunt concordes, nec amplius vobis resistent ; sed adversus se invicem pugnantes videbitis hos qui vobiscum sentiunt et eos qui contra. » Et hic quidem, his dictis, e vestigio discessit. | Then Themistocles, when his opinion was like to be defeated by the Peloponnesians, secretly went forth from the assembly, and having gone out he sent a man to the encampment of the Medes in a boat, charging him with that which he must say: this man’s name was Sikinnos, and he was a servant of Themistocles and tutor to his children; and after these events Themistocles entered him as a Thespian citizen, when the Thespians were admitting new citizens, and made him a wealthy man. He at this time came with a boat and said to the commanders of the Barbarians these words: “The commander of the Athenians sent me privately without the knowledge of the other Hellenes (for, as it chances, he is disposed to the cause of the king, and desires rather that your side should gain the victory than that of the Hellenes), to inform you that the Hellenes are planning to take flight, having been struck with dismay; and now it is possible for you to execute a most noble work, if ye do not permit them to flee away: for they are not of one mind with one another and they will not stand against you in fight, but ye shall see them fighting a battle by sea with one another, those who are disposed to your side against those who are not.” He then having signified to them this, departed out of the way. |
| 8.76 | Illi vero, fidem nuntio adhibentes, primum in Psyttaleam, parvam insulam inter Salaminem et continentem sitam, magnum numerum Persarum exposuerunt : deinde, sub mediam noctem evecti sunt Salaminem versus ad intercludendum qui cornu occidentem spectans tenebant ; simulque, qui ad Ceon et Cynosuram erant locati, evecti sunt, et universum fretum usque ad Munychiam occuparunt. (2) Evecti autem his navibus sunt eo consilio, quo fuga elabi non possent Græci, sed ad Salaminem circumventi pœnas darent prœliorum ad Artemisium factorum. (3) In exiguam vero illam insualm, cui Psyttalea nomen, idoneum Persarum numerum exposuerunt hoc consilio, ut, quoniam prœlio facto navali et homines et naufragia huc maxime delatum iri videbantur (sita enim insula erat in freto ubi pugna erat facienda), ibi suos servarent, hostes vero interficerent. (4) Silentio autem hæc omnia fecerunt, ne animadverterent adversarii : et per totam noctem, nulla quiete sumpta, in hoc apparatu fuere occupati. | And they, thinking that the message deserved credit, landed first a large number of Persians in the small island of Psyttaleia, which lies between Salamis and the mainland; and then, as midnight came on, they put out the Western wing of their fleet to sea, circling round towards Salamis, and also those stationed about Keos and Kynosura put out their ships to sea; and they occupied all the passage with their ships as far as Munychia. And for this reason they put out their ships, namely in order that the Hellenes might not even be permitted to get away, but being cut off in Salamis might pay the penalty for the contests at Artemision: and they disembarked men of the Persians on the small island called Psyttaleia for this reason, namely that when the fight should take place, these might save the men of one side and destroy those of the other, since there especially it was likely that the men and the wrecks of ships would be cast up on shore, for the island lay in the way of the sea-fight which was to be. These things they did in silence, that the enemy might not have information of them. They then were making their preparations thus in the night without having taken any sleep at all. |
| 8.77 | In has res tales equidem intuens, negare non possum vera esse oracula huc spectantia ; nec rejicere conabor manifeste loquentia.
navibus velut ponte straverint et mari-cinctam Cynosuram, insana spe vastatis splendidis Athenis; tum diva Vindicta exstinguet minacem Satietatem, Contumeliæ filiam, dire furentem, omnia conantem ad se trahere, Æs enim æri miscebitur, et sanguine Mavors pontum rubefaciet. Tunc libertatis diem Græciæ reddet late-cernens Saturnius et alma Victoria. » |
And with regard to oracles, I am not able to make objections against them that they are not true, for I do not desire to attempt to overthrow the credit of them when they speak clearly, looking at such matters as these which here follow:
Artemis golden-sword-girded, and thee, wave-washed Kynosura, Urged by a maddening hope, having given rich Athens to plunder, Then shall Justice divine quell Riot, of Insolence first-born, Longing to overthrow all things and terribly panting for bloodhshed: Brass shall encounter with brass, and Ares the sea shall empurple, Tinging its waves with the blood; then a day of freedom for Hellas Cometh from wide-seeing Zeus and from Victory, lady and mother.” |
| 8.78 | Jam inter duces ad Salaminem gravis exsistebat sermonum contentio. Necdum vero illi noverant, undique inclusos se esse a barbaris ; sed, ut illos interdiu locatos viderant, ita eodem in loco mansisse eos putabant. | Now between the commanders that were at Salamis there came to be great contention of speech and they did not yet know that the Barbarians were surrounding them with their ships, but they thought that they were still in their place as they saw them disposed in the day. |
| 8.79 | Dum inter se altercantur duces ; interim ex Ægina trajecerat Aristides, Lysimachi filius, civis quidem Atheniensis, sed ostracismo damnatus a populo, quem ego, ut ejus mores accepi, optimum Athenis virum justissimumque fuisse judico. (2) Hic vir, stans ad introitum concilii, evocari ad se jussit Themistoclem, qui non ei amicus, sed quam maxime inimicus erat ; verum ob præsentium gravitatem malorum oblitus inimicitiarum, ad se vocari illum jussit, colloqui cum eo cupiens : (3) antea audiverat autem, id urgere Peloponnesios ut ad Isthmum abducatur classis. Postquam egressus est Themistocles, his verbis eum Aristides alloquitur : « Debemus nos et alias et nimirum nunc maxime de hoc inter nos contendere, uter nostrûm majora commoda patriæ sit allaturus. (4) Dico vero tibi, perinde esse, multa an pauca verba facias ad Peloponnesios classem hinc abducere cupientes. Ego enim ocularis testis tibi aio, nullam nunc, ne si velint quidem, facultatem esse Corinthiis et ipsi Eurybiadi enavigandi ; undique enim circumclusi sumus ab hostibus. At tu i intro, et hoc illis nuntia. » | Then while the commanders were engaged in strife, there came over from Egina Aristeides the son of Lysimachos, an Athenian who had been ostracised by the people, a man whom I hold (according to that which I hear of his character) to have been the best and most upright of all Athenians. This man came into the council and called forth Themistocles, who was to him not a friend, but an enemy to the last degree; but because of the greatness of the present troubles he let those matters be forgotten and called him forth, desiring to communicate with him. Now he had heard beforehand that the Peloponnesians were pressing to take the ships away to the Isthmus. So when Themistocles came forth to him, Aristeides spoke these words: “Both at other times when occasion arises, and also especially at this time we ought to carry on rivalry as to which of us shall do more service to our country. And I tell thee now that it is indifferent whether the Peloponnesians say many words or few about sailing away from hence; for having been myself an eye-witness I tell thee that now not even if the Corinthians and Eurybiades himself desire to sail out, will they be able; for we are encompassed round by the enemy. Go thou in then, and signify this to them.” |
| 8.80 | Sic ille, cui Themistocles respondit : « Et rectissime tu mones ; et bonum utique affers nuntium : nam, quod ego ut fieret cupiveram, id tu factum esse testis ocularis nuntias. Scito enim, a me monitos fecisse hos Medos : quandoquidem enim sponte noluerunt Græci prœlio decernere, necesse fuit ut inviti cogerentur. (2) At tu, quoniam huc venisti bonum nuntium afferens, ipse illis nuntia. Nam si ego hæc dixero, videbor illis ficta loqui, neque eis persuadebo factum hoc esse a barbaris. Sed tu eos adi ; et ipse illis, ut res habet, indica. Quod ubi ut indicaveris, si illi persuasi fuerint, tum quidem optime res habebit ; sin dictis tuis non adhibuerint fidem, perinde nobis erit : etenim non amplius aufugient, si, ut tu ais, undique cincti sumus ab hostibus. » | He made answer as follows: “Thou advisest very well, and also the news which thou hast brought is good, since thou art come having witnessed with thine own eyes that which I desired might come to pass: for know that this which is being done by the Medes is of my suggestion; because, when the Hellenes would not come to a battle of their own will, it was necessary to bring them over to us against their will. Do thou however, since thou art come bearing good news, thyself report it to them; for if I say these things, I shall be thought to speak that which I have myself invented, and I shall not persuade them, but they will think that the Barbarians are not doing so. Do thou thyself however come forward to speak, and declare to them how things are; and when thou hast declared this, if they are persuaded, that will be the best thing, but if this is not credible to them, it will be the same thing so far as concerns us, for they will no longer be able to take to flight, if we are encompassed on all sides, as thou sayest.” |
| 8.81 | Igitur in concilium ingressus Aristides rem nuntiat, dicens, se ex Ægina venire, et per hostium naves in statione locatas ægre pervasisse latentem ; nam universam Græcorum classem a Persarum navibus esse circumventam : quare se illis consulere, ut ad propulsandum hostem sese comparent. His dictis, ille discessit ; inter hos vero rursus orta est sermonum disceptatio : plerique enim e ducibus fidem nuntio non adhiberunt. | Aristeides accordingly came forward and told them this, saying that he had come from Egina and had with difficulty escaped without being perceived by those who were blockading them; for the whole encampment of the Hellenes was encompassed by the ships of Xerxes; and he counselled them to get ready to defend themselves. He then having thus spoken retired, and among them again there arose dispute, for the greater number of the commanders did not believe that which was reported to them. |
| 8.82 | Dum hi ita increduli sunt, advenit triremis transfuga Teniorum, cui præerat civis Tenius Panætius, Sosimenis filius ; quæ omnem veritatem attulit. Quod quidem ob factum Delphis in tripode nomen Teniorum inscriptum est in eorum populorum nominibus qui Barbarum debellarunt. (2) Hac igitur navi, quæ ad Salaminem ab hoste transfugit, simul cum Lemnia navi quæ antea ad Artemisium transfugerat, completus est numerus navium, quibus usi sunt Græci, ut trecentæ et octoginta confierent ; ad quem explendum numerum duæ naves prius defuerant. | And while these were doubting, there came a trireme manned by Tenians, deserting from the enemy, of which the commander was Panaitios the son of Sosimenes, which brought them the whole truth. For this deed the Tenians were inscribed at Delphi on the tripod among those who had conquered the Barbarians. With the ship which deserted at Salamis and the Lemnian ship which deserted before and came to Artemision, the naval force of the Hellenes was completed to the number of three hundred and eighty ships, for before this two ships were yet wanting to make up this number. |
| 8.83 | Postquam Teniorum verba fidem fecere Græcis, tum demum ad navalem pugnam sese hi compararunt, et prima luce cœtum coegerunt propugnatorum. Ibi tunc præ ceteris ducibus Themistocles bene apud suos pro contione verba fecit ; cujus in eo vertebatur oratio, ut meliora quæque pejoribus opponeret, (2) hortareturque, ut, quæcunque in hominis naturam et conditionem caderent, ex his eligerent optima. Postquam dicendi finem fecit, conscendere naves suos jussit. (3) Qui dum conscendunt, affuit ex Ægina triremis quæ ad deducendos Æacidas missa erat : tum deinde navibus omnibus evecti sunt Græci. | The Hellenes then, since they believed that which was said by the Tenians, were preparing for a sea-fight: and as the dawn appeared, they made an assembly of those who fought on board the ships and addressed them, Themistocles making a speech which was eloquent beyond the rest; and the substance of it was to set forth all that is better as opposed to that which is worse, of the several things which arise in the nature and constitution of man; and having exhorted them to choose the better, and thus having wound up his speech, he bade them embark in their ships. These then proceeded to embark, and there came in meanwhile the trireme from Egina which had gone away to bring the sons of Aiacos. Then the Hellenes put out all their ships. |
| 8.84 | Quos in altum evectos tanto protinus impetu aggressi sunt barbari, ut ceteri Græci omnes in puppim remigarent, et terræ admoverent naves. Unus Aminias, Atheniensis civis, Pallenensis, longius evectus, navem hostilem rostro petiit. (2) Cujus navis, quum alteri implicita hæreret, nec inde divelli posset ; ita demum ceteri, auxilio venientes Aminiæ, prœlium commiserunt. Id quidem fuisse navalis pugnæ initium memorant Athenienses : Æginetæ vero, illam navem, ajunt, pugnæ initium fecisse, quæ Æginam ad advehendos Æacidas fuerat missa. (3) Narratur hoc etiam, apparuisse Græcis speciem mulieris, quæ illos, ita ut universus exaudiret exercitus, ad fortiter pugnandum hortata sit, increpatos prius his verbis, « Miseri ! Quousque in puppim remigabitis. » | And while they were putting out from shore, the Barbarians attacked them forthwith. Now the other Hellenes began backing their ships and were about to run them aground, but Ameinias of Pallene, an Athenian, put forth with his ship and charged one of the enemy; and his ship being entangled in combat and the men not being able to get away, the others joined in the fight to assist Ameinias. The Athenians say that the beginning of the battle was made thus, but the Eginetans say that the ship which went away to Egina to bring the sons of Aiacos was that which began the fight. It is also reported that an apparition of a woman was seen by them, and that having appeared she encouraged them to the fight so that the whole of the army of the Hellenes heard it, first having reproached them in these words: “Madmen, how far will ye yet back your ships?” |
| 8.85 | Contra Athenienses locati Phœnices erant ; hi enim cornu obtinebant Eleusinem et occidentem spectans : contra Lacedæmonios vero Iones, qui in altero cornu versus orientem et Piræeum erant. Et horum quidem pauci, ut monuerat eos Themistocles, de industria cessarunt ; major pars vero strenue pugnabat. (2) Possem sane multorum nomina trierarchorum edere, qui Græcas naves ceperunt : nec vero eos memorabo, nisi Theomestorem Androdamantis filium, et Phylacum Histiæi, Samium utrumque. (3) Horum autem solorum ea causa facio mentionem, quod Theomestor ob hanc rem gestam Sami tyrannus a Persis est constitutus ; Phylacus vero eorum numero qui bene de rege meruerunt ascriptus est, et amplus terræ tractus eidem donatus. Orosangæ Persico sermone vocantur bene de rege meriti. Ac de his quidem ita res habet. | Opposite the Athenians had been ranged the Phenicians, for these occupied the wing towards Eleusis and the West, and opposite the Lacedemonians were the Ionians, who occupied the wing which extended to the East and to Piręus. Of them however a few were purposely slack in the fight according to the injunctions of Themistocles, but the greater number were not so. I might mention now the names of many captains of ships who destroyed ships of the Hellenes, but I will make no use of their names except in the case of Theomestor, the son of Androdamas and Phylacos the son of Histiaios, of Samos both: and for this reason I make mention of these and not of the rest, because Theomestor on account of this deed became despot of Samos, appointed by the Persians, and Phylacos was recorded as a benefactor of the king and received much land as a reward. Now the benefactors of the king are called in the Persian tongue orosangai. |
| 8.86 | Major vero numerus hostilium navium in hac ad Salaminem pugna periit ; aliæ ab Atheniensibus corruptæ, aliæ ab Æginetis. Nam quum Græci ordine et justa acie pugnarent, barbari vero necdum satis ordinati fuissent, neque recto consilio quidquam gererent, debuit id fere ipsum evenire quod accidit : (2) quamquam eo die longe fortiores fuerunt seseque præstiterunt quam ad Eubœam, quum unusquisque formidine Xerxis studium omne adhiberet ; quisque enim se spectatum iri a rege existimabat. | Thus it was with these; but the greater number of their ships were disabled at Salamis, being destroyed some by the Athenians and others by the Eginetans: for since the Hellenes fought in order and ranged in their places, while the Barbarians were no longer ranged in order nor did anything with design, it was likely that there would be some such result as in fact followed. Yet on this day they surpassed themselves much more than when they fought by Euboea, every one being eager and fearing Xerxes, and each man thinking that the king was looking especially at him. |
| 8.87 | Jam, quod ad alios attinet, quo pacto singuli nonnulli barbarorum aut Græcorum pugnaverint, non possum pro comperto referre : sed ad Artemisiam quod spectat, hæc gesta sunt, unde illa magis etiam regi approbata est. (2) Postquam magno tumultu res regis misceri cœperant, per id tempus navem Artemisiæ persequebatur navis Attica. Et illa, quum effugere non posset, quoniam antea eam multæ aliæ sociæ naves erant, ipsius autem navis hostibus erat proxima, hoc consilium cepit, quod etiam eventu utilissimum ei fuit. Quum enim instaret illi Attica navis, ipsa capto impetu in sociam navem impegit, qua Calyndenses viri vehebantur cum rege Calyndensium Damasithymo. (3) Cum quo an ei antea, quum adhuc ad Hellespontum fuissent, altercatio quædam intercesserit, confirmare equidem non possum, nec utrum consulto id fecerit, an casu tunc maxime Calydensium illa navis ei fuerit objecta. Ut vero in illam impegit, eamque depressit, singulari felicitate usa, duplex inde commodum rettulit. (4) Nam Atticæ navis trierarchus, ubi illam vidit in navem hominum barbarorum facere impetum, ratus Artemisiæ navem aut esse Græcanicam, aut a barbaris ad Græcos transfugere et ipsis succurrere, omissa illa, alias barbarorum naves petiit. | As regards the rest I cannot speak of them separately, or say precisely how the Barbarians or the Hellenes individually contended in the fight; but with regard to Artemisia that which happened was this, whence she gained yet more esteem than before from the king. — When the affairs of the king had come to great confusion, at this crisis a ship of Artemisia was being pursued by an Athenian ship; and as she was not able to escape, for in front of her were other ships of her own side, while her ship, as it chanced, was furthest advanced towards the enemy, she resolved what she would do, and it proved also much to her advantage to have done so. While she was being pursued by the Athenian ship she charged with full career against a ship of her own side manned by Calyndians and in which the king of the Calyndians Damasithymos was embarked. Now, even though it be true that she had had some strife with him before, while they were still about the Hellespont, yet I am not able to say whether she did this by intention, or whether the Calyndian ship happened by chance to fall in her way. Having charged against it however and sunk it, she enjoyed good fortune and got for herself good in two ways; for first the captain of the Athenian ship, when he saw her charge against a ship manned by Barbarians, turned away and went after others, supposing that the ship of Artemisia was either a Hellenic ship or was deserting from the Barbarians and fighting for the Hellenes. |
| 8.88 | Itaque hoc primum illa commodum consecuta est, ut salva evaserit : insuper vero eidem contigit, ut, quum damno affecisset Xerxem, ob id ipsum factum maxime ab eodem laudaretur. (2) Ajunt enim, quum pugnam rex spectaret, animadvertisse eum hanc navem in alteram impingentem : quumque astantium aliquis ei dixisset, « Vides, domine, quam fortiter Artemisia pugnet, quæ navem hostilem depressit ! » (3) quæsisse illum, verene sit hoc Artemisiæ factum ? Cui illos respondisse, plane se nosse navis insigne. Existimabant hi autem hostilem esse navem, quam illa depressisset. (4) Nam et alia, ut dictum est, feliciter ei cesserant, et hoc, quod e Calyndica navi nemo unus salvus evaserit, qui accusare illam potuisset. (5) Itaque Xerxes ad ea, quæ ei ab his dicta erant, hoc verbum edidisse fertur : « Viri mihi facti sunt mulieres ; mulieres vero, viri. » Hoc a Xerxe dictum memoratur. | First, I say, it was her fortune to have this, namely to escape and not suffer destruction; and then secondly it happened that though she had done mischief, she yet gained great reputation by this thing with Xerxes. For it is said that the king looking on at the fight perceived that her ship had charged the other; and one of those present said: “Master, dost thou see Artemisia, how well she is fighting, and how she sank even now a ship of the enemy?” He asked whether this was in truth the deed of Artemisia, and they said that it was; for (they declared) they knew very well the sign of her ship: and that which was destroyed they thought surely was one of the enemy; for besides other things which happened fortunately for her, as I have said, there was this also, namely that not one of the crew of the Calyndian ship survived to become her accuser. And Xerxes in answer to that which was said to him is reported to have uttered these words: “My men have become women, and my women men.” Thus it is said that Xerxes spoke. |
| 8.89 | In hoc autem prœlio occubuit dux Ariabignes, Darii filius, frater Xerxis : occubuere item alii multi illustres viri e Persis Medisque et ex eorum sociis : e Græcis vero pauci quidam. Hi enim quum essent natandi periti si quæ eorum navis periit, quotquot non in manuum conflictu ceciderunt, ad Salaminem enatarunt : (2) at barbarorum plerique, natandi imperiti, in mari periere. Et postquam primæ naves in fugam erant versæ, tum vero plurimæ corruptæ sunt : nam qui pone erant locati, hi quum navibus in anteriora progredi conarentur, quippe et ipsi præclarum aliquod facinus regi ostensuri, in suorum naves fugientium inciderunt. | And meanwhile in this struggle there was slain the commander Ariabignes, son of Dareios and brother of Xerxes, and there were slain too many others of note of the Persians and Medes and also of the allies; and of the Hellenes on their part a few; for since they knew how to swim, those whose ships were destroyed and who were not slain in hand-to-hand conflict swam over to Salamis; but of the Barbarians the greater number perished in the sea, not being able to swim. And when the first ships turned to flight, then it was that the largest number perished, for those who were stationed behind, while endeavoring to pass with their ships to the front in order that they also might display some deed of valor for the king to see, ran into the ships of their own side as they fled. |
| 8.90 | In eodem tumultu hoc etiam accidit. Phœnices quidam, quorum naves perierant, ad regem accedentes calumniati sunt Iones, tanquam per eorum proditionem periissent naves. (2) Forte fortuna autem ita cecidit res, ut Ionum duces nihil mali paterentur, et Phœnices calumniantes hancce mercedem ferrent. Dum illi adhuc ista dicunt, in unam ex Atheniensium navibus irruit navis Samothracica : (3) et dum mergitur Attica navis, accurrens navis Æginensis deprimit Samothracicam. Tum vero Samothraces, ut erant solertes jaculatores, de navi quæ ipsorum navem depresserat conjectis telis deturbarunt propugnatores, navemque conscenderunt, eaque potiti sunt. (4) Id factum Iones servavit. Ut enim rem præclare ab his gestam Xerxes vidit, iram suam in Phœnices vertit, quippe valde æger animi et quoslibet accusans : illorumque capita jussit præcidi, ne, quum ignavi ipsi essent, fortiores viros calumniarentur. (5) Xerxes enim, e regione Salaminis sedens in montis radice, cui Ægaleos nomen, quoties aliquod facinus a suis editum cerneret, sciscitabatur quis esset qui id fecisset : et scribæ notabant trierarchi nomen cum patris et civitatis nomine. (6) Insuper vero etiam Ariaramnes Persa, qui tunc aderat, operam suam Ionibus, quorum erat amicus, ad hoc contulerat ut malum illud in Phœnicum capita verteretur. | It happened also in the course of this confusion that some of the Phenicians, whose ships had been destroyed, came to the king and accused the Ionians, saying that by means of them their ships had been lost, and that they had been traitors to the cause. Now it so came about that not only the commanders of the Ionians did not lose their lives, but the Phenicians who accused them received a reward such as I shall tell. While these men were yet speaking thus, a Samothrakian ship charged against an Athenian ship: and as the Athenian ship was being sunk by it, an Eginetan ship came up against the Samothrakian vessel and ran it down. Then the Samothrakians, being skilful javelin-throwers, by hurling cleared off the fighting-men from the ship which had wrecked theirs and then embarked upon it and took possession of it. This event saved the Ionians from punishment; for when Xerxes saw that they had performed a great exploit, he turned to the Phenicians (for he was exceedingly vexed and disposed to find fault with all) and bade cut off their heads, in order that they might not, after having been cowards themselves, accuse others who were better men than they. For whensoever Xerxes (sitting just under the mountain opposite Salamis, which is called Aigaleos) saw any one of his own side display a deed of valor in the sea-fight, he inquired about him who had done it, and the scribes recorded the name of the ship’s captain with that of his father and the city from whence he came. Moreover also Ariaramnes, a Persian who was present, shared the fate of the Phenicians, being their friend. They then proceeded to deal with the Phenicians. |
| 8.91 | Ubi vero in fugam versi barbari ad Phalerum navibus contenderunt, ibi tunc Æginetæ, in freto in subsidiis stantes memoratu digna facinora edidere. (2) Etenim Athenienses quidem in hoc tumultu naves et resistentes et fugientes perdebant, Æginetæ vero eas quæ prœlio excedebant : et, ut quæque periculum ab Atheniensibus effugerant, hæ dum recipiebant se, in Æginetas incidebant. | In the meantime, as the Barbarians turned to flight and were sailing out towards Phaleron, the Eginetans waited for them in the passage and displayed memorable actions: for while the Athenians in the confused tumult were disabling both those ships which resisted and those which were fleeing, the Eginetans were destroying those which attempted to sail away; and whenever any escaped the Athenians, they went in full course and fell among the Eginetans. |
| 8.92 | Ibi forte mutuo sibi occurrerunt navis Themistoclis, aliam navem persequentis, et Polycriti navis, Crii filii, Æginetæ, qui in Sidoniam illam navem impetum fecerat, a qua prius ad Sciathum capta fuerat Æginensis navis speculatoria ; qua navi vehebatur Pytheas, Ischenoi filius, quem Persæ misere concisum in navi habebant, virtutem ejus admirantes. Hunc igitur Pytheam simul cum Persis vehens navis Sidonia capta nunc est a Polycrito, atque ita servatus Pytheas, et Æginam dein adductus. (2) Jam ubi Atticam navem conspexit Polycritus, eamque ex insigni imperatorio agnovit, inclamans Themistocli, et conviciis eum insectatus, Ita, ait, Æginetæ Medis favent ! Hæc Polycritus, postquam in navem istam impetum fecerat, in Themistoclem projecit. | Then there met one another the ship of Themistocles, which was pursuing a ship of the enemy, and that of Polycritos the son of Crios the Eginetan. This last had charged against a ship of Sidon, the same that had taken the Eginetan vessel which was keeping watch in advance at Skiathos, and in which sailed Pytheas the son of Ischenoös, whom the Persians kept in their ship, all cut to pieces as he was, making a marvel of his valor. The Sidonian ship then was captured bearing with it this man as well as the Persians of whom I spoke, so that Pytheas thus came safe to Egina. Now when Polycritos looked at the Athenian vessel he recognised when he saw it the sign of the admiral’s ship, and shouting out he addressed Themistocles with mockery about the accusation brought against the Eginetans of taking the side of the Medes, and reproached him. This taunt Polycritos threw out against Themistocles after he had charged against the ship of Sidon. |
| 8.93 | Barbari vero, quorum superfuere naves, fuga ad Phalerum sub pedestris exercitus tutamen pervenerunt. (2) In hac navali pugna e Græcis præcipuam laudem consecuti sunt Æginetæ; et post hos, Athenienses : e singulis vero viris Polycritus Ægineta, et duo Athenienses, Eumenes Anagyrasius, et Aminias Pallenensis, qui Artemisiam quoque persecutus est. (3) Qui si scivisset navi illa Artemisiam vehi, non prius desiturus erat quam aut illam cepisset aut ipse captus fuisset : nam Atheniensium triremium præfectis hoc imperatum erat, prætereaque præmium erat propositum decem milia drachmarum, si quis eam vivam cepisset : magnopere quippe indignati erant mulierem contra Athenas militare. (4) At hæc quidem, ut supra dictum est, periculum effugit : sed et reliqui, quorum superfuere naves, in Phalerum se receperunt. | And meanwhile those Barbarians whose ships had escaped destruction fled and came to Phaleron to be under cover of the land-army. In this sea-fight the Eginetans were of all the Hellenes the best reported of, and next to them the Athenians; and of the individual men the Eginetan Polycritos and the Athenians Eumenes of Anagyrus and Ameinias of Pallene, the man who had pursued after Artemisia. Now if he had known that Artemisia was sailing in this ship, he would not have ceased until either he had taken her or had been taken himself; for orders had been given to the Athenian captains, and moreover a prize was offered of ten thousand drachmas for the man who should take her alive; since they thought it intolerable that a woman should make an expedition against Athens. She then, as has been said before, had made her escape; and the others also, whose ships had escaped destruction, were at Phaleron. |
| 8.94 | Adimantum vero, Corinthiorum ducem, ajunt Athenienses, initio statim, ut concurrerunt naves, metu terroreque perculsum, sustulisse vela et in fugam sese proripuisse ; reliquosque Corinthios, imperatoriam navem videntes aufugere, pariter abiisse. (2) Qui quum in fuga ex adverso templi Minervæ Sciradis, quod in Salamine est, versarentur, incidisse in eos memorant celocem divinitus missam ; quam qui misisset, repertum esse neminem ; accessisse eam autem ad Corinthios, omnium quæ apud exercitum gesta erant ignaros. (3) Fuisse autem divinam rem inde colligunt, quod qui in celoce erant, quum ad naves appropinquassent, hæc dixissent : « Adimante, tu abductis navibus in fugam te proripuisti prodens Græcos : at illi tantam de hostibus victoriam reportant, quantam ipsi precati erant. » (4) Quibus hæc dicentibus quum fidem non adhiberet Adimantus, rursus eosdem dixisse, paratos ipsos esse obsides sese sistere, et ad supplicium duci, ni Græci comperti fuissent victoriam reportasse. Ita igitur et illum et reliquos retro convertisse naves, et re peracta in castra Græcorum venisse. (5) Hæc de Corinthiis Athenienses narrant : at negant factum Corinthii, seque inter primos navali huic pugnæ autumant interfuisse ; eisque testimonium exhibet reliqua Græcia. | As regards Adeimantos the commander of the Corinthians, the Athenians say that forthwith at the beginning when the ships were engaging in the fight, being struck with panic and terror he put up his sails and fled away; and the Corinthians, when they saw the admiral’s ship fleeing, departed likewise: and after this, as the story goes, when they came in their flight opposite to the temple of Athene Skiras in the land of Salamis, there fell in with them by divine guidance a light vessel, which no one was ever found to have sent, and which approached the Corinthians at a time when they knew nothing of that which was happening with the fleet. And by this it is conjectured that the matter was of the Deity; for when they came near to the ships, the men in the light vessel said these words: “Adeimantos, thou hast turned thy ships away and hast set forth to flee, deserting the cause of the Hellenes, while they are in truth gaining a victory and getting the better of their foes as much as they desired.” When they said this, since Adeimantos doubted of it, they spoke a second time and said that they might be taken as hostages and slain, if the Hellenes should prove not to be gaining the victory. Then he turned his ship back, he and the others with him, and they reached the camp when the work was finished. Such is the report spread by the Athenians against these: the Corinthians however do not allow this to be so, but hold that they were among the first in the sea-fight; and the rest of Hellas also bears witness on their side. |
| 8.95 | Aristides vero, Lysimachi filius, Atheniensis, cujus etiam paulto ante, ut optimi viri, feci mentionem, in illo ad Salaminem tumultu hanc navavit operam : assumptis gravis armaturæ militibus multis eorum qui secundum litus terræ Salaminiæ erant locati, genere Atheniensibus, cum his in Psyttaleam insulam trajecit, et Persas omnes qui in insula hac erant interfecit. | Aristeides moreover the son of Lysimachos, the Athenian, of whom I made mention also shortly before this as a very good man, he in this tumult which had arisen about Salamis did as follows — taking with him a number of the hoplites of Athenian race who had been ranged along the shore of the land of Salamis, with them he disembarked on the island of Psyttaleia; and these slew all the Persians who were in this islet. |
| 8.96 | Dirempto navali prœlio Græci, postquam naufragiorum quidquid forte adhuc ibi locorum erat in terram Salaminis pertraxerunt, ad novam pugnam sese compararunt, existimantes reliquis navibus denuo usurum regem. (2) Sed magnam naufragiorum partem abripiens ventus Zephyrus ad litus Atticæ, cui Colias nomen, devexit : itaque impleta sunt quum reliqua oracula omnia quæ de hac navali pugna Bacis et Musæus dixerant, tum vero etiam illud quod multis ante annis de naufragiis eo loci ejiciendis Lysistratus ediderat, fatidicus Atheniensis, quod Græcos omnes fefellerat:
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When the sea-fight had been broken off, the Hellenes towed in to Salamis so many of the wrecks as chanced to be still about there, and held themselves ready for another sea-fight, expecting that the king would yet make use of the ships which remained unhurt; but many of the wrecks were taken by the West Wind and borne to that strand in Attica which is called Colias; so as to fulfil not only all that other oracle which was spoken about this sea-fight by Bakis and Musaios, but also especially, with reference to the wrecks cast up here, that which had been spoken in an oracle many years before these events by Lysistratos, an Athenian who uttered oracles, and which had not been observed by any of the Hellenes:
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| 8.97 | Xerxes vero, ut acceptam vidit cladem, veritus ne quis Ionum consuleret Græcis aut etiam ipsi per se consilium caperent in Hellespontum navigandi pontesque solvendi, quo ipse in Europa interclusus de salute periclitaretur, fugam meditabatur. (2) Celare autem de hoc consilio cupiens et Græcos et suos, aggerem ducere in Salaminem instituit, gaulosque Phœnicios colligavit, qui pro ponte et muro essent ; simulque et ad prœlium se comparavit, tanquam aliam pugnam navalem commissurus. (3) Et reliqui quidem omnes, ubi eum hæc facere viderunt, prorsus existimabant serio illum et ex animi sententia paratum esse manere et redintegrare bellum : sed Mardonium nihil horum fefellit, quippe bene gnarum quid ille consilii agitaret. Hæc dum Xerxes agebat, simul nuntium in Persidem misit, qui recentem nuntiaret calamitatem. | When Xerxes perceived the disaster which had come upon him, he feared lest some one of the Ionians should suggest to the Hellenes, or they should themselves form the idea, to sail to the Hellespont and break up the bridges; and so he might be cut off in Europe and run the risk of perishing utterly: therefore he began to consider about taking flight. He desired however that his intention should not be perceived either by the Hellenes or by those of his own side; therefore he attempted to construct a mole going across to Salamis, and he bound together Phenician merchant vessels in order that they might serve him both for a bridge and a wall, and made preparations for fighting as if he were going to have another battle by sea. Seeing him do so, all the rest made sure that he had got himself ready in earnest and intended to stay and fight; but Mardonios did not fail to perceive the true meaning of all these things, being by experience very well versed in his way of thinking. While Xerxes was doing thus, he sent a messenger to the Persians, to announce the calamity which had come upon them. |
| 8.98 | Hisce nuntiis Persicis nihil est inter mortales quod citius eo quo tenditur perveniat : ita hoc a Persis excogitatum est. (2) Ajunt enim, quot dierum est universum iter, tot dispositos et equos et viros in quaque diurna statione paratos stare ; quos nec nix, nec imber, nec æstus, nec nox impedit quominus suum quisque cursum quam velocissime conficiat. (3) Nempe, qui primus currit, is secundo tradit mandata, secundus tertio ; atque sic illa deinceps alii atque alii tradita, per singulos transeunt, quemadmodum apud Græcos lampas in lampadum festivitate, quæ in Vulcani honorem celebratur. Hunc equorum cursum Persæ angareion vocant. | Now there is nothing mortal which accomplishes a journey with more speed than these messengers, so skilfully has this been invented by the Persians: for they say that according to the number of days of which the entire journey consists, so many horses and men are set at intervals, each man and horse appointed for a day’s journey. These neither snow nor rain nor heat nor darkness of night prevents from accomplishing each one the task proposed to him, with the very utmost speed. The first then rides and delivers the message with which he is charged to the second, and the second to the third; and after that it goes through them handed from one to the other, as in the torch-race among the Hellenes, which they perform for Hephaistos. This kind of running of their horses the Persians call angareion. |
| 8.99 | Jam superior nuntius ubi Susa pervenit, Athenas tenere Xerxem, tanta lætitia Persas, qui domi erant relicti, impleverat, ut vias omnes myrto straverint, et thura adoleverint, et ipsi festis atque epulis celebrandis dederint operam. (2) Posterior autem ubi emanavit nuntius, ita eos consternavit, ut tunicas cuncti discerperent, et in clamorem ejulatumque erumperent infinitum, Mardoniumque tanquam auctorem calamitatum accusarent. (3) Fecerunt autem hæc Persæ, non tam quod navibus dolerent perditis, quam quod de ipso Xerxe essent solliciti. Atque hæc apud Persas toto interjecto tempore duraverunt, donec illos Xerxes ipse adventu suo sedavit. | The first message then which came to Susa, announcing that Xerxes had Athens in his possession, so greatly rejoiced the Persians who had been left behind, that they strewed all the ways with myrtle boughs and offered incense perpetually, and themselves continued in sacrifices and feasting. The second message however, which came to them after this, so greatly disturbed them that they all tore their garments and gave themselves up to crying and lamentation without stint, laying the blame upon Mardonios: and this the Persians did not so much because they were grieved about the ships, as because they feared for Xerxes himself. |
| 8.100 | Jam Mardonius, Xerxem e pugnæ navalis exitu videns gravissimo dolore affectum, suspicatusque fugam illum ex Athenis meditari, et reputans secum ipse, pœnas se daturum quod regi persuasisset Græciæ bellum inferre, meliusque sibi esse temptata iterum belli fortuna aut prorsus debellare Græciam, aut ipsum honestam obire mortem, postquam magnarum rerum spe fuisset elatus ; denique in hanc partem maxime inclinans, ut Græciam subigeret : (2) hæc, inquam, secum reputans, tali oratione regem est allocutus : « Domine, ne mœrori indulgeas, neque nimium ex eo quod accidit capias dolorem ! Non enim lignorum certamen ad belli exitum nobis maximum confert momentum, sed virorum equorumque. (3) Tibi vero nemo, neque ex his qui nunc omnia confecisse sibi videntur, escensione e navibus facta resistere conabitur, neque ex hac continente quisquam : et, qui contra nos steterunt, hi pœnas dedere. (4) Si igitur tibi videtur protinus Peloponnesum aggrediamur : sin in præsentia omittere hoc placet, omittamus licet. Ne vero despondeas animum ! nec enim ullo modo effugere Græci possunt, quin rationem nobis eorum, quæ et nunc et antea patrarunt, reddant, et servi fiant tui. (5) Igitur hoc quidem maxime agas. Quodsi vero hinc ipse abscedere et abducere exercitum decrevisti, aliud habeo post hæc quoque consilium. Tu, rex, ne committe ut Græcis ludibrio sint Persæ. In Persis enim tuis nihil detrimenti res tuæ acceperunt, neque tu dices quo loco a nobis res male gesta sit. (6) Sin Phœnices et Ægyptii et Cyprii et Cilices male pugnarunt, nihil ad Persas hæc clades pertinet. Nunc igitur, quum non sit quod Persas culpes, mihi morem gere. Si tibi constitutum est hic non manere, tu quidem tuas in sedes discede, majorem exercitus partem tecum abducens : at me oportet tibi Græciam in servitutem redactam tradere, postquam de exercitu trecenta hominum milia delegero. » | As regards the Persians this went on for all the time which intervened, until the coming of Xerxes himself caused them to cease: and Mardonios seeing that Xerxes was greatly troubled by reason of the sea-fight, and suspecting that he was meaning to take flight from Athens, considered with regard to himself that he would have to suffer punishment for having persuaded the king to make an expedition against Hellas, and that it was better for him to run the risk of either subduing Hellas or ending his own life honorably, placing his safety in suspense for a great end, though his opinion was rather that he would subdue Hellas — he reckoned up these things, I say, and addressed his speech to the king as follows: “Master, be not thou grieved, nor feel great trouble on account of this thing which has come to pass; for it is not upon a contest of timbers that all our fortunes depend, but of men and of horses: and none of these who suppose now that all has been achieved by them will attempt to disembark from the ships and stand against thee, nor will any in this mainland do so; but those who did stand against us paid the penalty. If therefore thou thinkest this good to do, let us forthwith attempt the Peloponnese, or if thou thinkest good to hold back, we may do that. Do not despond however, for there is no way of escape for the Hellenes to avoid being thy slaves, after they have first given an account of that which they did to thee both now and at former times. Thus it were best to do; but if thou hast indeed resolved to retire thyself and to withdraw thy army, I have another counsel to offer for that case too. Do not thou, O king, let the Persians be an object of laughter to the Hellenes; for none of thy affairs have suffered by means of the Persians, nor wilt thou be able to mention any place where we proved ourselves cowards: but if Phenicians or Egyptians or Cyprians or Kilikians proved themselves cowards, the calamity which followed does not belong to the Persians in any way. Now therefore, since it is not the Persians who are guilty towards thee, follow my counsel. If thou hast determined not to remain here, retire thou to thine own abode, taking with thee the main body of the army, and it must then be for me to deliver over to thee Hellas reduced to subjection, choosing for this purpose thirty myriads from the army.” |
| 8.101 | Quibus auditis Xerxes, ut post mala, gavisus delectatusque est, Mardonioque ait, se ei, postquam deliberaverit, responsurum esse, utrum ex his, quæ ab illo proposita erant, facturus sit. (2) Ubi vero cum Persis in consilium adhiberi solitis consultabat, placuit ei Artemisiam quoque in consilium vocare, quippe quæ etiam antea comperta esset, sola quid faciendum perspexisse. (3) Quæ ubi advenit, submotis consiliariis Persis et satellitibus, hæc ad eam Xerxes verba fecit : « Hortatur me Mardonius, ut hic maneam, et Peloponnesum aggrediar ; dicens, Persas et pedestrem exercitum nullius calamitatis, quæ nobis accidisset, culpam sustinere, et lubentes illos re ipsa hoc esse demonstraturos. (4) Me igitur ille aut hoc facere hortatur, aut ipse velle se, ait, cum selectis de exercitu trecentis milibus Græciam mihi tradere in servitutem redactam ; me ipsum autem jubet cum reliquis copiis meas ad sedes discedere. (5) Tu igitur, quum etiam de pugna navali, quam suscepimus, bene mihi consulueris, negans illam esse suscipiendam, nunc quoque suade, utrum horum faciendo rectius feliciusque rebus meis consuluero. » | Hearing this Xerxes was rejoiced and delighted so far as he might be after his misfortunes, and to Mardonios he said that when he had taken counsel he would reply and say which of these two things he would do. So when he was taking counsel with those of the Persians who were called to be his advisers, it seemed good to him to send for Artemisia also to give him counsel, because at the former time she alone had showed herself to have perception of that which ought to be done. So when Artemisia had come, Xerxes removed from him all the rest, both the Persian councillors and also the spearmen of the guard and spoke to her thus: “Mardonios bids me stay here and make an attempt on the Peloponnese, saying that the Persians and the land-army are not guilty of any share in my calamity, and that they would gladly give me proof of this. He bids me therefore either do this or, if not, he desires himself to choose thirty myriads from the army and to deliver over to me Hellas reduced to subjection; and he bids me withdraw with the rest of the army to my own abode. Do thou therefore, as thou didst well advise about the sea-fight which was fought, urging that we should not bring it on, so also now advise me which of these things I shall do, that I may succeed in determining well.” |
| 8.102 | Hæc consulenti Xerxi in hunc modum Artemisia respondit : « Difficile, rex, est ita me esse felicem ut tibi consultanti optima dicam : verumtamen in præsenti rerum statu optimum mihi videtur, ut tu domum revertaris ; Mardonium vero, si ista efficere vult tibique recipit, hic cum eis quos postulat relinquas. (2) Nam, sive illa ea, quæ animo agit polliceturque, perfecerit, eique res e sententia successerit, tuum, rex, hoc facinus erit ; tui enim servi id fecerint : sive contra Mardonii sententiam res ceciderit, non ingens fuerit calamitas, salvo et te et domus tuæ statu. (2) Tu enim si salvus fueris domusque tua, multa frequentiaque pericula de salute sua adhibunt Græci. Mardonio vero si quid acciderit, non tanti fuerit momenti ; neque Græci, etiamsi Mardonium vicerint, insignem reportaverint victoriam servo tuo interempto. Tu vero cujus rei causa expeditionem hanc suscepisti, incensis Athenis discessum facies. » | He thus consulted her, and she spoke these words: “O king, it is hard for me to succeed in saying the best things when one asks me for counsel; yet it seems good to me at the present that thou shouldest retire back and leave Mardonios here, if he desires it and undertakes to do this, together with those whom he desires to have: for on the one hand if he subdue those whom he says that he desires to subdue, and if those matters succeed well which he has in mind when he thus speaks, the deed will after all be thine, master, seeing that thy slaves achieved it: and on the other hand if the opposite shall come to pass of that which Mardonios intends, it will be no great misfortune, seeing that thou wilt thyself remain safe, and also the power in those parts which concerns thy house: for if thou shalt remain safe with thy house, many contests many times over repeated will the Hellenes have to pass through for their own existence. Of Mardonios however, if he suffer any disaster, no account will be made; and if the Hellenes conquer they gain a victory which is no victory, having destroyed one who is but thy slave. Thou however wilt retire having done that for which thou didst make thy march, that is to say, having delivered Athens to the fire.” |
| 8.103 | Hoc consilio, ut consentaneum erat, delectatus est Xerxes : opportune enim Artemisia ea ipsa dixerat, quæ ille animo agitabat. Etenim, ut mihi quidem videtur, etiamsi omnes et viri et mulieres, ut ibi maneret, ei suasissent, non erat mansurus : adeo metu erat perculsus. (2) Igitur laudibus Artemisiam prosecutus est, eamque dimisit, filios ipsius Ephesum ducturam : filii enim nonnulli nothi eum erant secuti. | With this advice Xerxes was greatly delighted, since she succeeded in saying that very thing which he himself was meaning to do: for not even if all the men and all the women in the world had been counselling him to remain, would he have done so, as I think, so much had he been struck with terror. He commended Artemisia therefore and sent her away to conduct his sons to Ephesos, for there were certain bastard sons of his which accompanied him. |
| 8.104 | Cum istis pueris Xerxes custodem misit Hermotimum, genere Pedasensem, qui primum inter eunuchos locum apud regem tenebat. Habitant autem Pedasenses supra Halicarnassum. (2) In quo Pedasorum oppido hoc rei fertur accidere : quando finitimis quibuscumque, qui circa oppidum illud habitant, grave quidpiam intra certum tempus imminet, tunc antistitæ templi Minervæ, quod ibi est, grandis nascitur barba : atque id jam bis apud illos accidit. | With these sons he sent Hermotimos to have charge of them, who was by race of Pedasa and was in the estimation of the king second to none of the eunuchs. [Now the Pedasians dwell above Halicarnassos, and at this Pedasa a thing happens as follows — whenever to the whole number of those who dwell about this city some trouble is about to come within a certain time, then the priestess of Athene in that place gets a long beard; and this has happened to them twice before now. |
| 8.105 | Ex his igitur Pedasensibus Hermotimus erat : cui contigit gravissimam omnium, quos novimus, ultionem obtinere in hominem a quo injuria fuerat affectus. Etenim bello captum et venundatum emit Panionius, civis Chius, qui opere iniquissimo vitam sustentabat. (2) Quoties enim pueros nactus esset forma præstantes, hos castrabat, et Sardes aut Ephesum abductos ingenti pretio vendebat. Quippe apud barbaros eunuchi pretiosiores sunt his qui non sunt castrati, et major illis in omnibus rebus fides habetur. (3) Quum alios igitur multos castraverat hic Panionius, utpote hoc quæstu vitam alens, tum vero etiam hunc ipsum. Nec vero usquequaque infelix Hermotimus fuit : nam e Sardibus cum aliis muneribus ad regem pervenit, et succedente tempore præ omnibus eunuchis maximo in honore apud Xerxem fuit. | Of these Pedasians was Hermotimos. And this man of all persons whom we know up to this time obtained the greatest revenge for a wrong done to him. For he had been captured by enemies and was being sold, and Panionios a man of Chios bought him, one who had set himself to gain his livelihood by the most impious practices; for whenever he obtained boys who possessed some beauty, he would make eunuchs of them, and then taking them to Sardis or Ephesos sold them for large sums of money, since with the Barbarians eunuchs are held to be of more value for all matters of trust than those who are not eunuchs. Panionios then, I say, made eunuchs of many others, since by this he got his livelihood, and also of this man about whom I speak: and Hermotimos, being not in everything unfortunate, was sent from Sardis to the king with other gifts, and as time went on he came to be honored more than all the other eunuchs in the sight of Xerxes. |
| 8.106 | Quo tempore vero Persicum exercitum adversus Athenas ducens rex Sardibus versabatur, tunc Hermotimus, quum nescio cujus negotii causa in Mysiam terram quæ Chiorum est, cui Atarneus nomen, esset profectus, ibi Panionium invenit. (2) Quem ubi agnovit, multis verbis benigne est allocutus ; memorans primum, quantam prosperitatem per illum esset consecutus ; deinde promittens, se repetendæ gratiæ causa ingentibus beneficiis illum cumulaturum, si cum sua familia Sardes habitatum venisset. Quibus verbis persuasus Panionius, lubens accipiens conditionem, cum liberis et uxore Sardes migravit. (3) Sed postquam eum cum tota domo in potestate Hermotimus habuit, tum vero his verbis eum affatus est : « O jam tu omnium hominum nequissime, ex iniquissimo negotio quæstum faciens, quid tibi aut ego ipse mali feci, aut quam injuriam aliquis meorum aut tibi aut tuorum alicui intulit, cur me e viro feceris ut nihil essem ? (4) Et tu quidem tunc putabas fore ut deos lateant tua facinora : at illi, justa lege utentes, te qui iniqua ista patrasti, meas in manus tradidere : quare de pœna, quam a te repetam, non est quod conqueraris. » (5) His postquam conviciis eum accepit, filios ejus in conspectum jussit adduci, et Panionium coegit suis ipsius filiis, qui quattuor numero erant, virilia abscindere ; quod ille necessitate coactus fecit : deinde vero, hoc perfecto, filii ejusdem coacti sunt ipsum evirare. Talis Panionium ultio ex Hermotimo assecuta est. | And when the king, being at that time in Sardis, was setting the Persian army in motion to march against Athens, then Hermotimos, having gone down for some business to that part of Mysia which the Chians occupy and which is called Atarneus, found there Panionios: and having recognised him he spoke to him many friendly words, first recounting to him all the good things which he had by his means, and next making promises in return for this, and saying how many good things he would do for him, if he would bring his household and dwell in that land; so that Panionios gladly accepting his proposals brought his children and his wife. Then, when he had caught him together with his whole house, Hermotimos spoke as follows: “O thou, who of all men that ever lived up to this time didst gain thy substance by the most impious deeds, what evil did either I myself or any of my forefathers do either to thee or to any of thine, that thou didst make me to be that which is nought instead of a man? Didst thou suppose that thou wouldest escape the notice of the gods for such things as then thou didst devise? They however following the rule of justice delivered thee into my hands, since thou hadst done impious deeds; so that thou shalt not have reason to find fault with the penalty which shall be inflicted upon thee by me.” When he had thus reproached him, the man’s sons were brought into his presence and Panionios was compelled to make eunuchs of his own sons, who were four in number, and being compelled he did so; and then when he had so done, the sons were compelled to do the same thing to him. Thus vengeance by the hands of Hermotimos overtook Panionios. |
| 8.107 | Xerxes postquam filios suos Artemisiæ commiserat Ephesum ducendos, vocatum ad se Mardonium jussit, quos vellet, de exercitu seligere, operamque dare ut promissis facta æquaret. (2) Et hæc quidem illo die gesta sunt. Insequente vero nocte jussu regis duces classis naves e Phalero abduxerunt, quanta velocitate quisque posset, ad Hellespontum revertentes, pontes custodituri ut regi ad transeundum essent parati. (3) Sed barbari hi, ut prope Zosterem pervenere, ubi tenuia quædam promontoria in mare prominent, naves has esse putantes, procul aufugerunt. Interjecto vero tempore, postquam intellexere non naves esse, sed promontoria, rursus sese conjunxerunt, cursumque continuarunt. | When Xerxes had entrusted his sons to Artemisia to carry them back to Ephesos, he called Mardonios and bade him choose of the army whom he would, and make his deeds, if possible, correspond to his words. During this day then things went so far; and in the night on the command of the king the leaders of the fleet began to withdraw their ships from Phaleron to the Hellespont, as quickly as they might each one, to guard the bridges for the king to pass over. And when the Barbarians were near Zoster as they sailed, then seeing the small points of rock which stretch out to sea from this part of the mainland, they thought that these were ships and fled for a good distance. In time however, perceiving that they were not ships but points of rock, they assembled together again and continued on their voyage. |
| 8.108 | Ut illuxit, Græci, pedestrem exercitum eodem in loco manentem conspicientes, existimabant naves etiam ad Phalerum adhuc stare : et navalem pugnam redintegraturos illos putantes, ad repugnandum sese comparabant. Postquam vero abiisse naves cognovere, tunc ocyus persequi illas decreverunt. At classem Xerxis non conspexere, usque ad Andrum eam persecuti. Postquam vero Andrum pervenere, deliberarunt. (2) Et Themistocles quidem pro sententia dixit, per insulas navigando classemque etiamnunc persequendo, recta ad Hellespontum dirigendum esse cursum, pontesque rescindendos. At contrariam huic sententiam Eurybiades proposuit, dicens : si rescidissent pontes, hoc ipso longe maximam calamitatem Græcis inlaturos. (3) Nam, si interclusus Persa cogeretur in Europa manere, operam illum esse daturum ut nunquam quietem agat ; quoniam, si quietem ageret, nihil suarum rerum promoveret, neque reditus ei ullus ostenderetur, et fame periturus esset illius exercitus : molienti autem aliquid, et rebus gerendis sedulo operam danti, omnia Europæ oppida omnesque populos accessuros videri, sive bello subactos, sive deditione in tempore facta ; et alimento hostibus futuros esse annuos Græcorum fructus. (4) E contrario, quum pugna navali victus Persa non videatur in Europa mansurus, permitti ei oportere ut fugiat, donec suam in terram fuga pervenerit ; deinde vero de propria ipsius terra cum illo esse decertandum. Hanc ad sententiam accesserunt reliquorum etiam Peloponnesiorum duces. | When day dawned, the Hellenes, seeing that the land-army was staying still in its place, supposed that the ships also were about Phaleron; and thinking that they would fight another sea-battle, they made preparations to repel them. When however they were informed that the ships had departed, forthwith upon this they thought it good to pursue after them. They pursued therefore as far as Andros, but did not get a sight of the fleet of Xerxes; and when they had come to Andros, they deliberated what they should do. Themistocles then declared as his opinion that they should take their course through the islands and pursue after the ships, and afterwards sail straight to the Hellespont to break up the bridges; but Eurybiades expressed the opposite opinion to this, saying that if they should break up the floating-bridges, they would therein do the greatest possible evil to Hellas: for if the Persian should be cut off and compelled to remain in Europe, he would endeavor not to remain still, since if he remained still, neither could any of his affairs go forward, nor would any way of returning home appear; but his army would perish of hunger: whereas if he made the attempt and persevered in it, all Europe might be brought over to him, city by city and nation by nation, the inhabitants being either conquered or surrendering on terms before they were conquered: moreover they would have for food the crops of the Hellenes which grew year by year. He thought however that conquered in the sea-fight the Persian would not stay in Europe, and therefore he might be allowed to flee until in his flight he came to his own land. Then after that they might begin the contest for the land which belonged to the Persian. To this opinion the commanders of the other Peloponnesians adhered also. |
| 8.109 | Ibi tunc Themistocles, postquam intellexit se majori ducum numero persuadere non posse ut in Hellespontum navigarent, mutato consilio Athenienses adiens (quippe qui effugisse barbaros ægerrime ferebant, et ipsi etiam per se, si reliqui nollent, in Hellespontum cupiebant navigare), hæc apud eos verba fecit : (2) « Equidem multis sæpe hujusmodi rebus interfui, et multo plura talia accidisse audivi : nempe viros ad necessitatem redactos, postquam victi essent, instaurasse pugnam, et superiorem reparasse calamitatem. Nos vero, postquam ex insperato et nos ipsos et Græciam, repulsa tanta hominum nube, lucrifecimus, fugientes viros ne persequamur ! (3) Nec enim nos hæc perfecimus, sed dii atque heroes ; qui noluerunt unum virum simul Asiæ et Europæ imperare, impium illum et nefarium ; qui sacra et profana pariter insuper habuit, et simulacra deorum evertit cremavitque, qui mare etiam flagellis cecidit, et compedes in illud dejecit. (4) At tunc, quum bene res nostræ habeant, maneamus in Græcia, et nostrûm ipsorum familiarumque nostrarum curam geramus ; et ædes suas quisque reficiat, et sementi faciendæ sedulo det operam, postquam Barbarum prorsus ejecerimus : ineunte autem vere in Hellespontum et in Ioniam navigemus ! » (5) Hæc ille locutus est hoc consilio, ut gratiam apud Persam in futurum tempus iniret ; quo, si ab Atheniensibus adversi aliquid ei accidisset, perfugium haberet : quod quidem ei etiam usu venit. | When Themistocles perceived that he would not be able to persuade them, or at least the greater number of them, to sail to the Hellespont, he changed his counsel and turning to the Athenians (for these were grieved most at the escape of the enemy and were anxious to sail to the Hellespont even by themselves alone, if the others were not willing) to them he spoke as follows: “I myself also have been present before now on many occasions, and have heard of many more, on which something of this kind came to pass, namely that men who were forced into great straits, after they had been defeated fought again and repaired their former disaster: and as for us, since we have won as a prize from fortune the existence of ourselves and of Hellas by repelling from our land so great a cloud of men, let us not pursue enemies who flee from us: for of these things not we were the doors, but the gods and heroes, who grudged that one man should become king of both Asia and of Europe, and he a man unholy and presumptuous, one who made no difference between things sacred and things profane, burning and casting down the images of the gods, and who also scourged the Sea and let down into it fetters. But as things are at present, it is well that we should now remain in Hellas and look after ourselves and our households; and let each man repair his house, and have a care for sowing his land, after he has completely driven away the Barbarian: and then at the beginning of the spring let us sail down towards the Hellespont and Ionia.” Thus he spoke, intending to lay up for himself a store of gratitude with the Persian, in order that if after all any evil should come upon him at the hands of the Athenians, he might have a place of refuge: and this was in fact that which came to pass. |
| 8.110 | Hæc dicens Themistocles, decepit Athenienses : at illi morem ei gesserunt. Quoniam enim, quum jam antea sapiens esset habitus, nuper re ipsa sapiens et plenus consilii erat repertus, facile dictis ejus paruere. (2) Postquam hi igitur ab illo persuasi fuerunt, continuo deinde viros cum navigio dimisit, quos confisus erat, etiamsi omnibus tormentis cruciarentur, tacituros mandata ad regem deferenda, quorum in numero iterum famulus ipse Sicinnus erat. Hi ubi ad Atticam pervenere, reliquis in nave manentibus, Sicinnus escendit, et hæc apud Xerxem verba fecit : (3) « Misit me Themistocles, Neoclis filius, prætor Atheniensium, sociorum omnium fortissimus et sapientissimus, qui tibi dicerem, Themistoclem Atheniensiem, rebus tuis cupientem inservire, cohibuisse Græcos, naves tuas persequi volentes et pontes in Hellesponto rescindere. Itaque nunc largum per otium revertaris licet. » His nuntiatis, retro hi navigarunt. | Themistocles then speaking thus endeavored to deceive them, and the Athenians followed his advice: for he had had the reputation even in former times of being a man of ability and he had now proved himself to be in truth both able and of good judgment; therefore they were ready in every way to follow his advice when he spoke. So when these had been persuaded by him, forthwith after this Themistocles sent men with a vessel, whom he trusted to keep silence, to whatever test they might be brought, of that which he himself charged them to tell the king; and of them Sikinnos his servant again was one. When these came to Attica, the rest stayed behind in the ship, while Sikinnos went up to Xerxes and spoke these words: “Themistocles the son of Neocles sent me, who is commander of the Athenians, and of all the allies the best and ablest man, to tell thee that Themistocles the Athenian, desiring to be of service to thee, held back the Hellenes when they were desirous to pursue after thy ships and to destroy the bridges on the Hellespont. Now therefore thou mayest make thy way home quite undisturbed.” They having signified this sailed away again. |
| 8.111 | Græci, postquam displicuit consilium classem barbarorum ulterius prosequendi aut in Hellespontum navigandi ad rescindendos pontes, Andrum circumsederunt, expugnare eam molientes. (2) Primi enim ex insulanis Andrii fuerunt a quibus pecuniam postulaverat Themistocles, quam illi dare recusarunt ; sed Themistocli, quum his verbis eos adortus esset, ut diceret, venire Athenienses, duos magnos deos secum habentes, Persuasionem et Necessitatem, quare utique dare illos oportere pecunias ; ad hæc illi responderunt, merito magnas et opulentas fuisse Athenas, et bonis usas esse diis ; ceterum Andrios tenuem incolere terram et admodum esse egenos ; duosque inutiles deos non relinquere ipsorum insulam, sed constanter eam habitare, Paupertatem et Impotentiam ; et quum hosce deos Andrii possideant, non daturos ipsos pecuniam : nunquam enim potentiam Atheniensium superiorem fore ipsorum impotentia. Hi igitur, quum hæc respondissent, nec dedissent pecuniam, oppugnabantur. | The Hellenes meanwhile, having resolved not to pursue after the ships of the Barbarians further, nor to sail to the Hellespont to break up the passage, were investing Andros intending to take it: for the Andrians were the first of the islanders who, being asked by Themistocles for money, refused to give it: and when Themistocles made proposals to them and said that the Athenians had come having on their side two great deities, Persuasion and Compulsion, and therefore they must by all means give them money, they replied to this that not without reason, as it now appeared, was Athens great and prosperous, since the Athenians were well supplied with serviceable deities; but as for the Andrians, they were poor, having in this respect attained to the greatest eminence, and there were two unprofitable deities which never left their island but always remained attached to the place, Poverty, namely, and Helplessness: and the Andrians being possessed of these deities would not give money; for never could the power of the Athenians get the better of their inability. These, I say, having thus made answer and having refused to give the money, were being besieged. |
| 8.112 | Themistocles vero, nunquam cessans corradere pecunias, in reliquas insulas eosdem, quos ad Andrios, nuntios cum minacibus mandatis misit, pecunias ab illis postulans, dicensque, nisi postulatis satisfacerent incolæ, ducturum se adversus eos Græcorum exercitum, et obsessos perditurum. (2) Hæc dictitando, ingentes pecunias a Carystiis et a Pariis coegit. Hi enim, quum Andrum cognovissent oppugnari quod Medis favisset, scirentque in maxima præ ceteris ducibus existimatione Themistoclem esse, hæc metuentes, pecunias miserunt. (3) An vero et alii nonnulli ex insulanis pecunias dederint, affirmare non possum : puto autem, et alios dedisse, nec hos solos. At Carystiis quidem ideo nihilo magis contigit evitare calamitatem : Parii vero, Themistocle pecuniis placato, incursionem exercitus effugerunt. (4) Ita igitur Themistocles, ab Andro impetum faciens, pecunias ab insulanis coegit clam reliquis ducibus. | And Themistocles not ceasing in his desire for gain sent threatening messages to the other islands and asked them for money by the same envoys, employing those whom he had before sent to the king; and he said that if they did not give that which was demanded of them, he would bring the fleet of the Hellenes against them to besiege and take them. Thus saying he collected great sums of money from the Carystians and the Parians, who being informed how Andros was being besieged, because it had taken the side of the Medes, and how Themistocles was held in more regard than any of the other commanders, sent money for fear of this. Whether any others of the islanders also gave money I am not able to say, but I think that some others gave and not these alone. Yet to the Carystians at least there was no respite from the evil on this account, but the Parians escaped the attack, because they propitiated Themistocles with money. Thus Themistocles with Andros as his starting-point was acquiring sums of money for himself from the men of the islands without the knowledge of the other commanders. |
| 8.113 | Xerxes autem cum suis, paucos post navalem pugnam dies moratus, eadem qua venerat via in Bœotiam movit. Nam Mardonio visum erat et comitari regem, et, quia opportunum non esset anni tempus ad bellum gerendum, satius esse in Thessalia hibernare, et deinde, redeunte vere, Peloponnesum aggredi. (2) Ut vero in Thessaliam pervenere, ibi Mardonius primum Persas omnes, quos Immortales vocant, selegit, excepto duce eorum Hydarne ; hic enim se negaverat relicturum regem. Deinde e reliquis Persis loricatos selegit, et millenarium equitatum ; tum vero Medos et Sacas et Bactrios et Indos, tam peditatum, quam equitatum. (3) Et ex his quidem populis omnes, qui aderant, sibi sumpsit : e reliquis vero sociis non nisi paucos passim selegit, eos legens qui aut forma essent præstantes, aut a quibus clarum aliquod facinus editum noverat. (4) In horum autem numero plerique genere Persæ fuere, torques et armillas gestantes ; et post hos Medi. Erant autem Medi numero non inferiores Persis, sed robore his cedebant. Ita factum est, ut universus exercitus a Mardonio selectus, simul cum equitibus, numerum trecentorum milium compleret. | Xerxes meanwhile with his army stayed for a few days after the sea-fight, and then they all began to march forth towards Boeotia by the same way by which they had come: for Mardonios thought both that it was well for him to escort the king on his way, and also that it was now too late in the year to carry on the war; it was better, he thought, to winter in Thessaly and then at the beginning of spring to attempt the Peloponnese. When he came to Thessaly, then Mardonios chose out for himself first all those Persians who are called “Immortals,” except only their commander Hydarnes (for Hydarnes said that he would not be left behind by the king), and after them of the other Persians those who wore cuirasses, and the body of a thousand horse: also the Medes, Sacans, Bactrians and Indians, foot and horsemen both. These nations he chose in the mass, but from the other allies he selected by few at a time, choosing whose who had fine appearance of those of whom he knew that they had done good service. From the Persians he chose more than from any other single nation, and these wore collars of twisted metal and bracelets; and after them came the Medes, who in fact were not inferior in number to the Persians, but only in bodily strength. The result was that there were thirty myriads in all, including cavalry. |
| 8.114 | Per idem tempus, quo Mardonius delectum instituit militum, et Xerxes adhuc in Thessalia erat, oraculum e Delphis allatum est Lacedæmoniis, jubens illos satisfactionem a Xerxe repetere pro cæde Leonidæ; et, quidquid ille dedisset, accipere. (2) Itaque ocyus præconem miserunt Spartani : qui ut universum exercitum nactus est in Thessalia adhuc hærentem, in conspectum Xerxis prodiens, hæc dixit : « Rex Medorum, Lacedæmonii et Heraclidæ e Sparta satisfactionem abs te postulant quod regem ipsorum interfecisti, qui Græciam erat servaturus. » (3) Ad hæc ridens rex, et diu nihil respondens, postremo, quum forte astaret ei Mardonius, hunc digito monstrans ait : « Itaque Mardonius hic satisfactionem illis dabit, qualis eis digna est. » Et præco, accipiens dictum, reversus est. | During this time, while Mardonios was selecting his army and Xerxes was in Thessaly, there had come an oracle from Delphi to the Lacedemonians, bidding them ask satisfaction from Xerxes for the murder of Leonidas and accept that which should be given by him. The Spartans therefore sent a herald as quickly as possible, who having found the whole army still in Thessaly came into the presence of Xerxes and spoke these words: “O king of the Medes, the Lacedemonians and the sons of Heracles of Sparta demand of thee satisfaction for murder, because thou didst kill their king, fighting in defence of Hellas.” He laughed and then kept silence some time, and after that pointing to Mardonios, who happened to be standing by him, he said: “Then Mardonios here shall give them satisfaction, such as is fitting for them to have.” The herald accordingly accepted the utterance and departed. |
| 8.115 | Inde Xerxes, Mardonio in Thessalia relicto, ipse ad Hellespontum maturavit abire : et quadragesimo quinto die ad locum, ubi trajecerat fretum, pervenit, nullam (ut ita dicam) exercitus partem in Asiam reducens. (2) Milites in itinere, ubicunque locorum erant et apud quoscunque homines, horum fructus rapientes comedebant : sicubi nihil fructuum invenissent, gramen e terra enatum, et decerptum arborum corticem, et ex arboribus tam cultis quam silvestribus destricta manducabant folia, nihilque reliquerant, fame ita cogente. (3) Ad hæc pestis et dysenteria invadens exercitum, multos in itinere interemit. Ægrotos vero etiam in itinere relinquebat rex, dato civitatibus, ut in quaque erant, mandato, ut curarent illos alerentque : ita alios in Thessalia, alios in Siri Pæoniæ, alios in Macedonia reliquerat. (4) Ibi etiam antea, quum in Græciam tenderet, sacrum currum Jovis reliquerat : quem nunc rediens non recepit. Nam Pæones, qui illum Thracibus tradiderant, repetenti Xerxi dixere, equas e pascuo raptas esse a superioribus Thracibus circa Strymonis fontes habitantibus. | And Xerxes leaving Mardonios in Thessaly went on himself in haste to the Hellespont and arrived at the passage where the crossing was in five-and-thirty days, bringing back next to nothing, as one may say, of his army: and whithersoever they came on the march and to whatever nation, they seized the crops of that people and used them for provisions; and if they found no crops, then they took the grass which was growing up from the earth, and stripped off the bark from the trees and plucked down the leaves and devoured them, alike of the cultivated trees and of those growing wild; and they left nothing behind them: thus they did by reason of famine. Then plague too seized upon the army and dysentery, which destroyed them by the way, and some of them also who were sick the king left behind, laying charge upon the cities where at the time he chanced to be in his march, to take care of them and support them: of these he left some in Thessaly, and some at Siris in Paionia, and some in Macedonia. In these parts too he had left behind him the sacred chariot of Zeus, when he was marching against Hellas; but on his return he did not receive it back: for the Paionians had given it to the Thracians, and when Xerxes asked for it again, they said that the mares while at pasture had been carried off by the Thracians of the upper country, who dwelt about the source of the Strymon. |
| 8.116 | Ibidem rex Bisaltarum et terræ Crestonicæ, Thrax, immane patravit facinus. Dixerat ille, nec se ultro serviturum Xerxi, sed in superiora loca in montem Rhodopen se receperat, et filiis suis interdixerat ne adversus Græciam militarent. (2) At illi, spreto patris imperio, sive quod cupido illos incesserat belli spectandi, cum Persa militarunt. Postquam vero salvi omnes, sex numero, redierunt, oculos eis pater istam ob culpam effodit : et illi quidem hanc mercedem abstulerunt. | Here also a Thracian, the king of the Bisaltians and of the Crestonian land, did a deed of surpassing horror; for he had said that he would not himself be subject to Xerxes with his own will and had gone away up to Mount Rhodope, and also he had forbidden his sons to go on the march against Hellas. They however, either because they cared not for his command, or else because a desire came upon them to see the war, went on the march with the Persian: and when they returned all unhurt, being six in number, their father plucked out their eyes for this cause. |
| 8.117 | Persæ vero ut peragrata Thracia ad trajectum pervenere, quanta maxima celeritate poterant Hellespontum navibus trajicientes Abydum petierunt : etenim pontes non amplius stratos invenerant, sed tempestate dissolutos. (2) Ibi morantes, quum copiosiora quam in itinere alimenta nacti supra modum sese implerent, et alias, quam adhuc, biberent aquas, multi de exercitu qui supererat periere. Reliqui vero una cum Xerxe Sardes pervenere. | They then received this reward: and as to the Persians, when passing on from Thrace they came to the passage, they crossed over the Hellespont in haste to Abydos by means of the ships, for they did not find the floating-bridges still stretched across but broken up by a storm. While staying there for a time they had distributed to them an allowance of food more abundant than they had had by the way, and from satisfying their hunger without restraint and also from the changes of water there died many of those in the army who had remained safe till then. The rest arrived with Xerxes at Sardis. |
| 8.118 | Fertur quidem etiam alia fama, Xerxem, postquam Athenis profectus Eionem ad Strymonem fluvium pervenisset, inde non amplius terrestri usum esse itinere ; sed exercitum quidem Hydarni tradidisse, qui eum ad Hellespontum deduceret, ipsum vero conscensa Phœnissa nave in Asiam trajecisse ; (2) in trajectu vero a vehemente impetuosoque vento Strymonia fuisse exceptum. Ibi tunc, quum magis magisque fureret tempestas, et nimis onerata esset navis, quippe magno numero Persarum Xerxem comitantium in ponte navis stante, timore perculsum regem cum clamore quæsisse e gubernatore, ecqua salutis spes esset ; eique gubernatorem respondisse, « Domine, non alia spes est, nisi de numero multorum horum vectorum pars quædam amoveatur. » (3) Quæ audientem Xerxem, ajunt, dixisse : « Viri Persæ, nunc vestrûm quisque ostendat curæ vobis esse regem ! nam in vobis mea salus posita videtur. » Quibus auditis illos adorasse regem, et in mare prosiliisse ; et navem ita levatam, salvam in Asiam pervenisse. (4) Xerxem vero, simul atque in terram escendisset, hæc fecisse : aurea corona donasse gubernatorem, quod regis vitam conservasset ; deinde vero, quod magnum Persarum numerum perdidisset, caput ei jussisse præcidi. | There is also another story reported as follows, namely that when Xerxes on his march away from Athens came to Eïon on the Strymon, from that point he did not continue further to make marches by road, but delivered his army to Hydarnes to lead back to the Hellespont, while he himself embarked in a Phenician ship and set forth for Asia; and as he sailed he was seized by a wind from the Strymon, violent and raising great waves; and since he was tossed by the storm more and more, the ship being heavily laden (for there were upon the deck great numbers of Persians, those namely who went with Xerxes), the king upon that falling into fear shouted aloud and asked the pilot whether there were for them any means of safety. He said: “Master, there are none, unless some way be found of freeing ourselves of the excessive number of passengers.” Then it is said that Xerxes, when he heard this, spoke thus: “Persians, now let each one of you show that he has care for the king; for my safety, as it seems, depends upon you.” He, they say, thus spoke, and they made obeisance to him and leapt out into the sea; and so the ship being lightened came safe to Asia. As soon as they had landed Xerxes, they say, first presented the pilot with a wreath of gold, because he had saved the life of the king, and then cut off his head, because he had caused the death of many of the Persians. |
| 8.119 | Sed hæc altera de Xerxis reditu temere fertur fama, mihique prorsus incredibilis est, tam quod ad cetera spectat, quam quod ad istam Persarum calamitatem. (2) Nam si ista Xerxi gubernator dixisset, et decem milibus hominum, quos rogarem sententiam, ne unum quidem esse existimo, quin mihi sit assensurus, non ejusmodi quidpiam facturum fuisse regem, sed Persas Persarumque principes, qui in ponte fuerunt, jussurum fuisse in cavitatem navis descendere, remigum vero, qui Phœnices erant, parem numerum, quot Persæ fuerunt, in mare ejecturum. (3) At ille, ut modo dixi, simul cum reliquo exercitu terrestre iter faciens in Asiam rediit. | This other story, I say, is reported about the return of Xerxes, but I for my part can by no means believe it, either in other respects or as regards this which is said to have happened to the Persians; for if this which I have related had in truth been said by the pilot to Xerxes, not one person’s opinion in ten thousand will differ from mine that the king would have done some such thing as this, that is to say, he would have caused those who were upon the deck to go down below into the hold, seeing that they were Persians of the highest rank among the Persians; and of the rowers, who were Phenicians, he would have thrown out into the sea a number equal to the number of those. In fact however, as I have said before, he made his return to Asia together with the rest of the army by road. |
| 8.120 | Cujus rei etiam locuples est testimonium hoc, quod satis constat, Xerxem in reditu Abdera venisse, et hospitium contraxisse cum Abderitis, eosque aureo acinace atque tiara auro intexta donasse. (2) Et, ut soli quidem Abderitæ narrant, (quod mihi parum fit probabile,) primum apud illos, e quo Athenis profugit, cingulum solvit, utpote nunc in tuto se esse ratus. Sunt autem Abdera Hellesponto propiora, quam Strymoni et Eioni, ubi illum ajunt navem conscendisse. | And this also which follows is a strong witness that it was so; for Xerxes is known to have come to Abdera on his way back, and to have made with them a guest-friendship and presented them with a Persian sword of gold and a gold-spangled tiara: and as the men of Abdera themselves say (though I for my part can by no means believe it), he loosed his girdle for the first time during his flight back from Athens, considering himself to be in security. Now Abdera is situated further towards the Hellespont than the river Strymon and Eïon, from which place the story says that he embarked in the ship. |
| 8.121 | Græci, quum expugnare Andrum non potuissent, Carystum petierunt, et evastato Carystiorum agro, Salaminem redierunt. Ibi primum primitias prædæ exemerunt diis, quum alia, tum tres Phœnissas triremes ; quarum una in Isthmo dedicaretur, quæ mea adhuc ætate superfuit ; altera ad Sunium, tertia Ajaci in ipsa Salamine. (2) Deinde prædam inter se diviserunt, et Delphos miserunt primitias ; e quibus facta est statua duodecim cubitorum magnitudine, rostrum navis manu tenens ; quæ eodem loco posita est ubi aurea Alexandri Macedonis statua. | The Hellenes meanwhile, when it proved that they were not able to conquer Andros, turned towards Carystos, and having laid waste the land of that people they departed and went to Salamis. First then for the gods they chose out first-fruits of the spoil, and among them three Persian triremes, one to be dedicated as an offering at the Isthmus, which remained there still up to my time, another at Sunion, and the third to Ajax in Salamis where they were. After this they divided the spoil among themselves and sent the first-fruits to Delphi, of which was made a statue holding in its hand the beak of a ship and in height measuring twelve cubits. This statue stood in the same place with the golden statue of Alexander the Macedonian. |
| 8.122 | Postquam Delphos primitias miserunt Græci, communi omnium nomine interrogarunt deum, an sufficientes et gratas accepisset primitias. Quibus ille respondit, a ceteris quidem ; nec vero ab Æginetis : sed ab his repetiit præmium quod illis ob rem ad Salamina bene gestam tributum fuisset. (2) Quo audito, Æginetæ dedicarunt aureas stellas tres, quæ super æneo malo stant in angulo proxime Crœsi craterem. | Then when the Hellenes had sent first-fruits to Delphi, they asked the god on behalf of all whether the first-fruits which he had received were fully sufficient and acceptable to him. He said that from the Hellenes he had received enough, but not from the Eginetans, and from them he demanded the offering of their prize of valor for the sea-fight at Salamis. Hearing this the Eginetans dedicated golden stars, three in number, upon a ship’s mast of bronze, which are placed in the corner close to the mixing-bowl of Croesus. |
| 8.123 | Post prædæ distributionem in Isthmum navigarunt Græci, virtutis præmium tributuri ei e suorum numero, qui in hoc bello præ ceteris illud commeruisset. (2) Postquam vero eo pervenerunt duces, et calculos inter se ad Neptuni aram distribuerunt, primum et secundum suo judicio designaturi ; ibi tunc eorum quisque sibi primum posuit calculum, se ipsum quisque fortissimum judicans : quod autem ad secundas partes pertinet, plerique calculi in Themistoclem consenserunt. (3) Itaque illi singula habuere suffragia : Themistocli autem longe pleraque suffragia secundas tribuerunt partes. | After the division of the spoil the Hellenes sailed to the Isthmus, to give the prize of valor to him who of all the Hellenes had proved himself the most worthy during this war: and when they had come thither and the commanders distributed their votes at the altar of Poseidon, selecting from the whole number the first and the second in merit, then every one of them gave in his vote for himself, each man thinking that he himself had been the best; but for the second place the greater number of votes came out in agreement, assigning that to Themistocles. They then were left alone in their votes, while Themistocles in regard to the second place surpassed the rest by far. |
| 8.124 | Id judicium duces quidem Græci, ob invidiam ratum habere noluerunt, sed re injudicata suam quisque in civitatem discessit : verumtamen Themistocles per universam Græciam ut Græcorum longe prudentissimus prædicatus celebratusque est. (2) Quoniam vero, licet victor, non tamen honore affectus erat ab his qui pugnæ ad Salaminem fuerant socii ; protinus post hæc Lacedæmonem se contulit, ibi se honoratum iri sperans. Et liberaliter eum receperunt Lacedæmonii, et eximio honore affecerunt. (3) Nam Eurybiadi quidem primum decrevere præmium, oleagineam coronam : prudentiæ vero et dexteritatis præmium Themistocli tribuerunt, oleagineam huic pariter coronam. Præterea curru eum donarunt, pulcherrimo qui Spartæ erat : (4) et egregie collaudatum prosecuti sunt abeuntem delecti trecenti Spartanorum, hi qui Equites vocantur, usque ad Tegeatarum fines. Est autem Themistocles unus ex omnibus quos novimus hominibus, quem Spartani ita publice sint prosecuti. | And although the Hellenes would not give decision of this by reason of envy, but sailed away each to their own city without deciding, yet Themistocles was loudly reported of and was esteemed throughout Hellas to be the man who was the ablest by far of the Hellenes: and since he had not received honor from those who had fought at Salamis, although he was the first in the voting, he went forthwith after this to Lacedemon, desiring to receive honor there; and the Lacedemonians received him well and gave him great honors. As a prize of valor they gave to Eurybiades a wreath of olive; and for ability and skill they gave to Themistocles also a wreath of olive, and presented him besides with the chariot which was judged to be the best in Sparta. So having much commended him, they escorted him on his departure with three hundred picked men of the Spartans, the same who are called the “horsemen,” as far as the boundaries of Tegea: and he is the only man of all we know to whom the Spartans ever gave escort on his way. |
| 8.125 | Ut autem Lacedæmone Athenas venit, ibi tunc Timodemus, Aphidnensis, qui de numero inimicorum ejus erat, ceterum non ex illustribus viris homo, invidia insaniens, obtrectavit Themistocli ; exprobransque ei quod Lacedæmonem se contulisset, aiebat, Atheniensium gratia Lacedæmonios eum honore illo esse prosecutos, non ipsius gratia. (2) Quod ubi passim dictitare non desiit Timodemus, Themistocles ei ait : « ita tibi se res habet : nec ego, si Belbinita essem, ita honoratus fuissem a Lacedæmoniis ; nec tu, homo, si esses genere Atheniensis. » Et hæc facta quidem hactenus. | When however he had come to Athens from Lacedemon, Timodemos of Aphidnai, one of the opponents of Themistocles, but in other respects not among the men of distinction, maddened by envy attacked him, bringing forward against him his going to Lacedemon, and saying that it was on account of Athens that he had those marks of honor which he had from the Lacedemonians, and not on his own account. Then, as Timodemos continued ceaselessly to repeat this, Themistocles said: “I tell thee thus it is — if I had been a native of Belbina I should never have been thus honored by the Spartans; but neither wouldest thou, my friend, for all that thou art an Athenian.” So far then went these matters. |
| 8.126 | Interim Artabazus, Pharnacis filius, jam ante spectatus vir inter Persas, et deinde e Platæensi pugna magis etiam nobilitatus, cum sexaginta militum milibus de eo exercitu quem Mardonius sibi selegerat, regem usque ad fretum deduxit. (2) Postquam rex in Asia fuit, Artabazus vero retrogressus circa Pallenen versabatur ; quum Mardonius in Thessalia et Macedonia hiemaret, nec opus esset ut ipse cum reliquo exercitu se conjungere properaret ; rem sese indignam judicavit, quum in Potidæatas incidisset, qui a rege defecerant, si hos non in servitutem redigeret. (3) Etenim Potidæatæ, postquam rex fines eorum erat prætergressus, et classis Persarum a Salamine fuga se receperat, e professo defecerant a barbaris, pariterque reliqui Pallenen incolentes. | Artabazos meanwhile the son of Pharnakes, a man who was held in esteem among the Persians even before this and came to be so yet more after the events about Plataia, was escorting the king as far as the passage with six myriads of that army which Mardonios had selected for himself; and when the king was in Asia and Artabazos on his march back came near to Pallene, finding that Mardonios was wintering in Thessaly and Macedonia and was not at present urgent with him to come and join the rest of the army, he thought it not good to pass by without reducing the Potidaians to slavery, whom he had found in revolt: for the men of Potidaia, when the king had marched by them and when the fleet of the Persians had departed in flight from Salamis, had openly made revolt from the Barbarians; and so also had the others done who occupy Pallene. |
| 8.127 | Potidæam igitur tunc Artabazus oppugnavit. Suspicatus vero etiam Olynthios defectionem a rege moliri, Olynthum quoque simul oppugnavit. Tenebant eam tunc Bottiæi, qui e Thermæo sinu a Macedonibus fuerant ejecti. (2) Quos postquam vi expugnavit, ad lacum eductos jugulavit ; urbem autem Chalcidicæ genti tradidit, eique Critobulum Toronæum præfecit. Atque ita Olynthum Chalcidenses habuere. | So upon this Artabazos began to besiege Potidaia, and suspecting that the men of Olynthos also were intending revolt from the king, he began to besiege this city too, which was occupied by Bottiaians who had been driven away from the Thermaian gulf by the Macedonians. So when he had taken these men by siege, he brought them forth to a lake and slew them there; and the city he delivered to Critobulos of Torone to have in charge, and to the natives of Chalkidike; and thus it was that the Chalkidians got possession of Olynthos. |
| 8.128 | Hac expugnata, curam omnem Artabazus in Potidæam intendit. Qui dum hoc curat, ultro cum eo de proditione egit Timoxenus, dux Scionæorum. Hic qua via initio usus sit, dicere non possum ; nec enim memoratur : sed postremo res accidit hujusmodi : (2) quoties litteras mittere aut Timoxenus voluit ad Artabazum, aut Artabazus ad Timoxenum, epistolam circum sagittæ crenas circumvolveant, et adaptatis alis, sagittam in locum, de quo inter eos convenerat, emittebant. (3) Sed proditionis Potidææ compertus est Timoxenus. Etenim Artabazus, sagitta versus destinatum locum emissa, a scopo aberrans, humerum feriit civis Potidæatæ. Et accurrens hominum turba, ut fieri in bello solet, vulneratum circumstat ; qui sagittam prehendentes, ut epistolam animadverterunt, protinus ad duces deferunt : aderant vero etiam ex aliis Pallenensibus socii. (4) Ubi autem legerunt duces epistolam, auctoremque cognoverunt proditionis, visum est eis crimine proditionis non affligere Timoxenum, civitatis Scionæorum gratia, ne in posterum omne ævum proditores esse existimarentur Scionæi. Et ille quidem hoc modo compertus est. | Having taken this city Artabazos set himself to attack Potidaia with vigor, and as he was setting himself earnestly to this work, Timoxeinos the commander of the troops from Skione concerted with him to give up the town by treachery. Now in what manner he did this at the first, I for my part am not able to say, for this is not reported; at last however it happened as follows. Whenever either Timoxeinos wrote a paper wishing to send it to Artabazos, or Artabazos wishing to send one to Timoxeinos, they wound it round by the finger-notches of an arrow, and then, putting feathers over the paper, they shot it to a place agreed upon between them. It came however to be found out that Timoxeinos was attempting by treachery to give up Potidaia; for Artabazos, shooting an arrow at the place agreed upon, missed this spot and struck a man of Potidaia in the shoulder; and when he was struck, a crowd came about him, as is apt to happen when there is fighting, and they forthwith took the arrow and having discovered the paper carried it to the commanders. Now there was present an allied force of the other men of Pallene also. Then when the commanders had read the paper and discovered who was guilty of the treachery, they resolved not openly to convict Timoxeinos of treachery, for the sake of the city of Skione, lest the men of Skione should be esteemed traitors for all time to come. He then in such a manner as this had been discovered. |
| 8.129 | Inde postquam tres menses Artabazus in oppugnanda Potidæa erat occupatus, accidit ingens maris recessus, et is quidem in longum admodum tempus : et barbari, locum videntes vadosum factum, in Pallenem transire instituerunt. (2) Ut vero duas viæ emensi erant partes, et tres partes adhuc reliquæ erant, quas transire oportebat priusquam in Pallenen pervenirent, supervenit accessus maris tantus, quantus nunquam antea, ut quidem indigenæ dicunt, fuerat, licet sæpe magnus accidat. (3) Itaque quicunque ex illis nandi erant imperiti, perierunt ; qui vero natare poterant, hos Potidæatæ navigiis persecuti interemerunt. (4) Caussam autem hujus æstus et exundationis calamitatisque Persarum hanc fuisse ajunt Potidæatæ, quod hi iidem Persæ qui mari perierunt, in Neptuni templum et simulacrum, quod in suburbio est, impia facinora admiserant : quam causam illi e rei veritate allegare mihi videntur. (5) Superstites Artabazus in Thessaliam ad Mardonium reduxit. Hæc igitur fortuna fuit eorum, qui regem deduxerunt. | And when three months had gone by while Artabazos was besieging the town, there came to be a great ebb of the sea backwards, which lasted for a long time; and the Barbarians, seeing that shallow water had been produced, endeavored to get by into the peninsula of Pallene, but when they had passed through two fifth-parts of the distance, and yet three-fifths remained, which they must pass through before they were within Pallene, then there came upon them a great flood-tide of the sea, higher than ever before, as the natives of the place say, though high tides come often. So those of them who could not swim perished, and those who could were slain by the men of Potidaia who put out to them in boats. The cause of the high tide and flood and of that which befell the Persians was this, as the Potidaians say, namely that these same Persians who perished by means of the sea had committed impiety towards the temple of Poseidon and his image in the suburb of their town; and in saying that this was the cause, in my opinion they say well. The survivors of his army Artabazos led away to Thessaly to join Mardonios. Thus it fared with these who escorted the king on his way. |
| 8.130 | Classis quæ supererat Xerxis, postquam fuga e Salamine in Asiam pervenit, regemque et exercitum e Chersoneso Abydum trajecit, Cumæ hiemavit. (2) Adpetente autem vere ad Samum maturavit convenire, ubi etiam pars navium hiemaverat. Propugnatorum in iis major pars Persæ erant et Medi : duces autem eis advenere Mardontes Bagæi filius, et Artayntes Artachæi: quibus etiam collega affuit Ithamitres, fratris filius Artayntæ, ab ipso ascitus. (3) Hi vero, quoniam magnam cladem erant passi, ulterius occidentem versus non moverunt, neque eos quisquam ad ulterius progrediendum cogebat : sed ad Samum sedentes, observabant Ioniam, ne deficeret : habebant autem naves, una cum Ionicis, trecentas. (4) Nec vero Græcos existimarunt in Ioniam moturos, sed satis habituros suam custodire terram : quod ex eo colligebant, quod ipsos e Salamine fugientes non essent persecuti, sed libenter discessissent. Igitur mari quidem fracti animis barbari erant : terra vero longe hostibus superiorem fore Mardonium existimabant. (5) Itaque ad Samum hærentes, partim quidem constultabant si quid mali afferre possent hostibus, partim vero arrectis auribus exspectabant quis futurus esset exitus rerum a Mardonio gerendarum. | The fleet of Xerxes, so much of it as remained, when it had touched Asia in its flight from Salamis, and had conveyed the king and his army over from the Chersonese to Abydos, passed the winter at Kyme: and when spring dawned upon it, it assembled early at Samos, where some of the ships had even passed the winter; and most of the Persians and Medes still served as fighting-men on board of them. To be commanders of them there came Mardontes the son of Bagaios, and Artaÿntes the son of Artachaies, and with them also Ithamitres was in joint command, who was brother’s son to Artaÿntes and had been added by the choice of Artaÿntes himself. They then, since they had suffered a heavy blow, did not advance further up towards the West, nor did any one compel them to do so; but they remained still in Samos and kept watch over Ionia, lest it should revolt, having three hundred ships including those of the Ionians; and they did not expect that the Hellenes on their part would come to Ionia, but thought that it would satisfy them to guard their own land, judging from the fact that they had not pursued after them in their flight from Salamis but were well contented then to depart homewards. As regards the sea then their spirit was broken, but on land they thought that Mardonios would get much the advantage. So they being at Samos were taking counsel to do some damage if they could to their enemies, and at the same time they were listening for news how the affairs of Mardonios would fall out. |
| 8.131 | Græcos vero et ver appetens excitavit, et Mardonius in Thessalia agens. Et pedestris quidem Græcorum exercitus nondum erat coactus, classis vero Æginam se contulit, naves numero centum et decem. (2) Dux et imperator classis erat Leotychides, ex altera regum familia ; cui pater fuit Menares, avus Hegesilaus ; reliqui majores hoc ordine, Hippocratides, Leotychides, Anaxilaus, Archidamus, Anaxandrides, Theopompus, Nicander, Charillus, Eunomus, Polydectes, Prytanis, Euryphon, Procles, Aristodemus, Aristomachus, Cleodæus, Hyllus, Hercules : (3) qui omnes, exceptis duobus, quos proxime post Leotychidem commemoravi, reges fuerant Spartæ. Atheniensium vero dux erat Xanthippus, Ariphronis filius. | The Hellenes on their part were roused both by the coming on of spring and by the presence of Mardonios in Thessaly. Their land-army had not yet begun to assemble, when the fleet arrived at Egina, in number one hundred and ten ships, and the commander and admiral was Leotychides, who was the son of Menares, the son of Hegesilaos, the son of Hippocratides, the son of Leotychides, the son of Anaxilaos, the son of Archidemos, the son of Anaxandriddes, the son of Theopompos, the son of Nicander, the son of Charilaos, the son of Eunomos, the son of Polydectes, the son of Prytanis, the son of Euryphon, the son of Procles, the son of Aristodemos, the son of Aristomachos, the son of Cleodaios, the son of Hyllos, the son of Heracles, being of the other royal house. These all, except the two enumerated first after Leotychides, had been kings of Sparta. And of the Athenians the commander was Xanthippos the son of Ariphon. |
| 8.132 | Ut naves omnes Æginæ affuere, venerunt Græcorum in castra legati Ionum. Qui paulo ante Spartam quoque venerant, orantes Lacedæmonios ut Ioniam liberarent ; quorum in numero etiam Herodotus fuit, Basilidæ filius. (2) Hi inter se conjuraverant, omnino septem numero, de interficiendo Strattide, Chii tyranno, postquam vero patefacta conspiratio est, uno e conjuratis consilium illorum prodente, reliqui sex e Chio se receperunt, et Spartam primum, tunc vero illo tempore etiam Æginam venerunt, orantes Græcos ut in Ioniam navigarent : (3) sed ægre ab his impetrarunt, ut Delum usque moverent. Nam ulteriora omnia metuebant Græci, quum et locorum essent imperiti, et hostilium copiarum omnia esse plena existimarent. Samus autem eis æque longe atque Herculis columnæ abesse videbatur. (4) Simul vero accidit, ut nec barbari, metu perculsi, ultra Samum versus occidentem navigare auderent ; nec Græci, quamvis sollicitati a Chiis, ultra Delum versus orientem. Ita quæ in medio utrorumque erant, ob illorum metum in tuto fuerunt. | When all the ships had arrived at Egina, there came Ionian envoys to the camp of the Hellenes, who also came a short time before this to Sparta and asked the Lacedemonians to set Ionia free; and of them one was Herodotus the son of Basileides. These had banded themselves together and had plotted to put to death Strattis the despot of Chios, being originally seven in number; but when one of those who took part with them gave information of it and they were discovered to be plotting against him, then the remaining six escaped from Chios and came both to Sparta and also at this time to Egina, asking the Hellenes to sail over to Ionia: but they with difficulty brought them forward as far as Delos; for the parts beyond this were all fearful to the Hellenes, since they were without experience of those regions and everything seemed to them to be filled with armed force, while their persuasion was that it was as long a voyage to Samos as to the Pillars of Heracles. Thus at the same time it so chanced that the Barbarians dared sail no further up towards the West than Samos, being smitten with fear, and the Hellenes no further down towards the East than Delos, when the Chians made request of them. So fear was guard of the space which lay between them. |
| 8.133 | Dum Græci in Delum navigant, Mardonius adhuc in Thessalia in hibernis fuit. Inde autem ad consulenda oracula misit virum genere Europensem, cui nomen erat Mys ; dato homini mandato, ut quaquaversum iret, et quorumcunque oraculorum explorare effata posset, ea consuleret. (2) Quid igitur fuerit, quod ille cognoscere ex oraculis cupiens mandatum istud dederit, id affirmare equidem non possum ; nec enim memoratur : sed misisse eum puto, de rebus præsentibus, non de aliis, consulturum. | The Hellenes, I say, sailed to Delos; and Mardonios meanwhile had been wintering in Thessaly. From thence he sent round a man, a native of Europos, whose name was Mys, to the various Oracles, charging him to go everywhere to consult, wherever they were permitted to make trial of the Oracles. What he desired to find out from the Oracles when he gave this charge, I am not able to say, for that is not reported; but I conceive for my part that he sent to consult about his present affairs and not about other things. |
| 8.134 | Hunc Myn constat et Lebadeam venisse, ibique mercede corrupto viro indigena, ad Trophonium descendisse ; et Abas item pervenisse, quæ in Phocide sunt, ad oraculum. (2) Idem quum prius Thebas venisset, non modo Ismenium Apollinem consuluit ; ubi, sicut Olympiæ, e victimis responsa dei petuntur ; verum etiam, homine externo, non Thebano, pecunia corrupto, in Amphiarai templo pernoctavit. (3) Thebanorum enim nulli fas est oraculum illud consulere, hanc ob causam : edito responso jusserat eos Amphiaraus, duorum utrum vellent eligere, ut aut pro vate uterentur ipso, aut pro armorum socio, altero autem abstinerent ; et illi hoc elegerant, ut armorum ipsis esset socius. Hanc ob causam nulli homini Thebano fas est in illius templo pernoctare. | This Mys is known to have come to Lebadeia and to have persuaded by payment of money one of the natives of the place to go down to Trophonios, and also he came to the Oracle at Abai of the Phokians; and moreover when he came for the first time to Thebes, he not only consulted the Ismenian Apollo — there one may consult just as at Olympia with victims — but also by payment he persuaded a stranger who was not a Theban, and induced him to lie down to sleep in the temple of Amphiaraos. In this temple no one of the Thebans is permitted to seek divination, and that for the following reason — Amphiaraos dealing by oracles bade them choose which they would of these two things, either to have him as a diviner or else as an ally in war, abstaining from the other use; and they chose that he should be their ally in war: for this reason it is not permitted to any of the Thebans to lie down to sleep in that temple. |
| 8.135 | Istud vero, quod narrant Thebani, maxime mihi mirum accidit : eundem quippe Europensem Myn ajunt, postquam per omnia circumvagatus esset oracula, etiam ad Ptoi Apollinis fanum venisse. (2) Vocatur quidem id fanum Ptoum, est autem Thebanorum, situm supra Copaidem lacum ad montem, proxime Acræphiam oppidum. Ad hoc templum quum venit hic Mys (latine Mus) nominatus, comitatos eum esse ajunt tres viros publice ad hoc delectos, scripto consignaturos responsum quod redditurus esset deus : prophetam vero protinus barbara locutum esse lingua, (3) ut stuperent comites Thebani, barbarum sermonem loco Græci audientes, nescirentque quid in præsenti facerent : Europensem autem Myn, quam illi secum attulerant tabellam, eis eripuisse, in eaque hæc quæ propheta pronuntiaverat, conscripsisse ; dixisse autem, Cario sermone usum illum esse ; deinde, his scripto consignatis, discessisse hunc, et in Thessaliam rediisse. | After this a thing which to me is a very great marvel is said by the Thebans to have come to pass — it seems that this man Mys of Europos, as he journeyed round to all the Oracles, came also to the sacred enclosure of the Ptoan Apollo. This temple is called “Ptoon,” and belongs to the Thebans, and it lies above the lake Copaïs at the foot of the mountains, close to the town of Acraiphia. When the man called Mys came to this temple with three men chosen from the citizens in his company, who were sent by the public authority to write down that which the god should utter in his divination, forthwith it is said the prophet of the god began to give the oracle in a Barbarian tongue; and while those of the Thebans who accompanied him were full of wonder, hearing a Barbarian instead of the Hellenic tongue, and did not know what to make of the matter before them, it is said that the man of Europos, Mys, snatched from them the tablet which they bore and wrote upon it that which was being spoken by the prophet; and he said that the prophet was giving his answer in the Carian tongue: and then when he had written it, he went away and departed to Thessaly. |
| 8.136 | Mardonius, perlectis oraculorum responsis, quæ qualia fuerint nescio, post hæc legatum Athenas misit Alexandrum, Amyntæ filium, Macedonem, partim quoniam affinitate huic juncti erant Persæ; Alexandri enim sororem Gygæam, Amyntæ filiam, Bubares Persa habuit in matrimonio, e qua natus est Asiaticus Amyntas, de avo materno nomen gerens, quem rex magna urbe Phrygiæ Alabandis donavit cum reditibus inde percipiendis : partim vero hac causa Alexandrum Mardonius misit, quod audivisset, hospitem Atheniensium eum esse et bene de illis meritum. (2) Hac enim maxime ratione se sibi adjungere posse Athenienses existimavit, quos audiverat non minus numerosum, quam fortem esse populum ; et quas mari clades passi Persæ erant, harum auctores Athenienses potissimum fuisse noverat. His autem sibi adjunctis, facile maris imperio se potiturum speravit ; id quod etiam usu venturum fuerat ; terra autem longe sibi videbatur esse superior : atque ita res suas rebus Græcorum superiores fore secum reputavit. (3) Fortasse vero etiam oracula hoc ei prædixerint, monuerintque eum ut Athenienses sibi socios conciliaret ; hisque ille morem gerens Alexandrum miserit. | Mardonios having read that which the Oracles uttered, whatever that was, after this sent as an envoy to Athens Alexander the son of Amyntas, the Macedonian, both because the Persians were connected with him by marriage, (for Gygaia the sister of Alexander and daughter of Amyntas had been married to a Persian Bubares, and from her had been born to him that Amyntas who lived in Asia, having the name of his mother’s father, to whom the king gave Alabanda, a great city of Phrygia, to possess), and also Mardonios was sending him because he was informed that Alexander was a public guest-friend and benefactor of the Athenians; for by this means he thought that he would be most likely to gain over the Athenians to his side, about whom he heard that they were a numerous people and brave in war, and of whom he knew moreover that these were they who more than any others had brought about the disasters which had befallen the Persians by sea. Therefore if these should be added to him, he thought that he should easily have command of the sea (and this in fact would have been the case), while on land he supposed himself to be already much superior in force. Thus he reckoned that his power would be much greater than that of the Hellenes. Perhaps also the Oracles told him this beforehand, counselling him to make the Athenian his ally, and so he was sending in obedience to their advice. |
| 8.137 | Alexandri hujus septimus progenitor Perdiccas ille fuit, qui Macedonum regno potitus erat tali modo. E Temeni posteris tres fratres, Gauanes, Aeropus, et Perdiccas, Argis in Illyriorum fines profugerant : ex Illyriis vero in superiorem Macedoniam transgressi, Lebæam oppidum pervenerant. (2) Ibi apud regem mercede serviebant ; unus equos pascens ; alter boves ; natu minimus, Perdiccas, minores pecudes. (3) Fuerunt autem olim etiam reges pecuniæ inopes, non solum populus : itaque regis uxor ipsa panem illis coquebat. Quoties vero coquebatur panis pueri mercenarii Perdiccæ, duplo major fiebat quam consentaneum erat. Ubi autem constanter hoc ita accidit, marito rem illa indicavit. (4) Quo audito, statim subiit illius animum, esse hoc prodigium, quod ad magnum quidpiam spectet. Itaque vocatos ad se hos mercenarios jussit finibus suis excedere. Cui illi responderunt, justum esse ut accepta mercede abeant. (5) Ibi tunc rex, mercedis mentionem audiens, quum forte per caminum solis lumen in conclave incideret, divinitus mente captus, ait : « mercedem vobis ego dignam hanc persolvo, » solem monstrans. (6) Et Gauanes quidem et Aeropus, natu majores, hoc ut audivere, attoniti steterunt : at puer, « Accipimus, ait, rex, quæ nobis das; » et cultro, quem forte habebat, solis lumen in pavimento conclavis circumscripsit, eoque facto ter deinceps radios solis in sinum suum hausit, atque ita cum fratribus abiit. | Now of this Alexander the seventh ancestor was that Perdiccas who first became despot of the Macedonians, and that in the manner which here follows — From Argos there fled to the Illyrians three brothers of the descendents of Temenos, Gauanes, Aëropos, and Perdiccas; and passing over from the Illyrians into the upper parts of Macedonia they came to the city of Lebaia. There they became farm-servants for pay in the household of the king, one pasturing horses, the second oxen, and the youngest of them, namely Perdiccas, the smaller kinds of cattle; for in ancient times even those who were rulers over men were poor in money, and not the common people only; and the wife of the king cooked for them their food herself. And whenever she baked, the loaf of the boy their servant, namely Perdiccas, became double as large as by nature it should be. When this happened constantly in the same manner, she told it to her husband, and he when he heard it conceived forthwith that this was a portent and tended to something great. He summoned the farm-servants therefore, and gave notice to them to depart out of his land; and they said that it was right that before they went forth they should receive the wages which were due. Now it chanced that the sun was shining into the house down through the opening which received the smoke, and the king when he heard about the wages said, being infatuated by a divine power: “I pay you then this for wages, and it is such as ye deserve,” pointing to the sunlight. So then Gauanes and Aëropos the elder brothers stood struck with amazement when they heard this, but the boy, who happened to have in his hand a knife, said these words: “We accept, O king, that which thou dost give;" and he traced a line with his knife round the sunlight on the floor of the house, and having traced the line round he thrice drew of the sunlight into his bosom, and after that he departed both himself and his fellows. |
| 8.138 | Qui postquam abierant, unus ex assessoribus monuit regem quid esset quod fecisset puer, quamque prudenter fratrum natu minimus accepisset quod rex illis dedisset. Et rex, his auditis, ira correptus, equites nonnullos misit, qui illos insequerentur et interficerent. (2) Est autem in hac regione fluvius, cui posteri horum Argivorum virorum sacra faciunt, tanquam Servatori. Hic fluvius, postquam eum trajecerant Temenidæ, ita auctus fluxit, ut transire equites non possent. (3) Illi vero in aliam Macedoniæ regionem secesserunt, habitaruntque prope hortos qui dicuntur Midæ, Gordiæ filii : quibus in hortis sponte nascuntur rosæ, quarum unaquæque sexaginta folia habet, et quæ odore præstant ceteris. (4) In eisdem hortis etiam Silenus captus erat, ut narrant Macedones. Supra istos hortos mons situs est, cui Bermius nomen, aditu difficilis ob āëris intemperiem. Inde impetu facto, postquam hac regione potiti sunt, reliquam etiam Macedoniam sub potestatem suam redegerunt. | They then were going away, and to the king one of those who sat by him at table told what manner of thing the boy had done, and how the youngest of them had taken that which was given with some design: and he hearing this and being moved with anger, sent after them horsemen to slay them. Now there is a river in this land to which the descendents of these men from Argos sacrifice as a savior. This river, so soon as the sons of Temenos had passed over it, began to flow with such great volume of water that the horsemen became unable to pass over. So the brothers, having come to another region of Macedonia, took up their dwelling near the so-called gardens of Midas the son of Gordias, where roses grow wild which have each one sixty petals and excel all others in perfume. In these gardens too Silenos was captured, as is reported by the Macedonians: and above the gardens is situated a mountain called Bermion, which is inaccessible by reason of the cold. Having taken possession of that region, they made this their starting-point, and proceeded to subdue also the rest of Macedonia. |
| 8.139 | Ab hoc igitur Perdicca Alexander ortus est hisce progenitoribus : Amyntas, cujus filius Alexander fuit, patrem habuit Alcetam ; Alcetæ pater fuit Aeropus ; Aeropi pater, Philippus ; Philippi, Argæus ; Argæi pater, Perdiccas is qui regno potitus est. Hi fuere Alexandri, Amyntæ filii, progenitores. | From this Perdiccas the descent of Alexander was as follows — Alexander was the son of Amyntas, Amyntas was the son of Alketes, the father of Alketes was Aëropos, of him Philip, of Philip Argaios, and of this last the father was Perdiccas, who first obtained the kingdom. These were the ancestors of Alexander, the son of Amyntas. |
| 8.140 | Postquam a Mardonio missus Alexander Athenas venit, tali usus est oratione : (I.) « Viri Athenienses, Mardonius hæc dicit. Nuncius mihi a rege venit in hæc verba : (2) Atheniensibus injuriam omnem mihi ab illis inlatam remitto ; quare tu hoc fac, Mardonie : et terram eorum illis redde, et ipsi præter hanc eligant aliam, quamcunque voluerint, et sui juris sunto : et templa omnia, quæ ego cremavi, tu illis instaura, si modo societatem mecum voluerint jungere. (2) Hic quum mihi nuntius advenerit, necessario hæc exsequi me oportet, nisi vos ipsi obstiteritis. Hoc autem vobis dico. Quid nunc insanientes arma fertis contra regem ? neque enim superare eum poteritis, neque in omne futurum tempus ei resistere. (4) Vidistis enim copiarum Xerxis multitudinem et res gestas ; audivistis etiam quanta nunc vis sit mecum : ita quidem, ut etiamsi nos superaretis et vinceretis, (quod quidem, si bene sapitis, neutiquam speratis,) alius exercitus multis partibus numerosior affuturus esset. (5) Nolite igitur, regi vos æquantes, terra privari vestra, et perpetuo in periculo de salute vestra versari : sed componite bellum. Potestis autem præclarissime illud componere, quum rex in hanc partem animo feratur. Estote liberi, armorum societate sine fraude et dolo nobiscum contracta. (II.) Hæc, Athenienses, Mardonius ut vobis dicerem mihi mandavit. Ego vero de mea in vos benevolentia nihil dicam : nec enim nunc primum, puto, experti illam fueritis. Oro autem vos et obsecro, ut morem geratis Mardonio. (6) Perspectum enim habeo fieri non posse, ut vos perpetuo bellum geratis cum Xerxe : namque hoc si fieri posse a vobis intelligerem, nunquam ad vos hujusmodi cum sermone venissem. Est enim regis potentia plus quam humana, et manus supra quam dici potest longa. (7) Quare nisi propere fœdus cum eo inieritis, quando tanta vobis commoda, si pacisci cum eo volueritis, pollicetur ; timeo vobis, qui præ reliquis omnibus sociis maxime in via expositi estis, semperque soli perdimini, quippe terram incolentes quæ præ ceteris veluti inter duas acies media interjecta est. (8) At morem gerite ! etenim maximi vobis momenti res est, si rex magnus vobis solis ex omnibus Græcis peccata condonans, amicitiam vobiscum vult contrahere. » Hæc Alexandri fuit oratio. | Thus then, I say, Alexander the son of Amyntas was descended; and when he came to Athens sent from Mardonios, he spoke as follows: (a) “Athenians, Mardonios speaks these words — There has come to me a message from the king which speaks in this manner — To the Athenians I remit all the offences which were committed against me: and now, Mardonios, thus do — first give them back their own land; then let them choose for themselves another in addition to this, whichsoever they desire, remaining independent; and set up for them again all their temples, which I set on fire, provided that they consent to make a treaty with me. This message having come to me, it is necessary for me to do so, unless by your means I am prevented: and thus I speak to you now — Why are ye so mad as to raise up war against the king? since neither will ye overcome him, nor are ye able to hold out against him for ever: for ye saw the multitude of the host of Xerxes and their deeds, and ye are informed also of the power which is with me at the present time; so that even if ye overcome and conquer us (of which ye can have no hope if ye are rightly minded), another power will come many times as large. Do not ye then desire to match yourselves with the king, and so to be both deprived of your land and for ever running a course for your own lives; but make peace with him: and ye have a most honorable occasion to make peace, since the king has himself set out upon this road: agree to a league with us then without fraud or deceit, and remain free. (b) These things Mardonios charged me to say to you, O Athenians; and as for me, I will say nothing of the goodwill towards you on my part, for ye would not learn that now for the first time; but I ask of you to do as Mardonios says, since I perceive that ye will not be able to war with Xerxes for ever — if I perceived in you ability to do this, I should never have come to you speaking these words — for the power of the king is above that of a man and his arm is very long. If therefore ye do not make an agreement forthwith, when they offer you great things as the terms on which they are willing to make a treaty, I have fear on your behalf, seeing that ye dwell more upon the highway than any of your allies, and are exposed ever to destruction alone, the land which ye possess being parted off from the rest and lying between the armies which are contending together. Nay, but be persuaded, for this is a matter of great consequence to you, that to you alone of the Hellenes the great king remits the offences committed and desires to become a friend.” Thus spoke Alexander. |
| 8.141 | Lacedæmonii vero ut audivere Alexandrum Athenas venisse persuasurum Atheniensibus ut fœdus cum Barbaro faciant ; memores oraculorum, quæ prædixerant in fatis esse ut ipsi cum ceteris Doriensibus a Medis et Atheniensibus Peloponneso ejiciantur, vehementer timuerunt ne cum Persa societatem Athenienses contraherent, et propere legatos Athenas mittere decreverunt. (2) Atque ita contigit, ut utrique simul in senatum introducerentur. Exspectaverant enim Athenienses et moras traxerant, bene gnari rescituros Lacedæmonios venisse a Barbaro nuntium ad pacem conciliandam, eaque re cognita protinus legatos missuros. Quare consulto tempus duxerant, quo sententiam suam Lacedæmoniis declararent. | And the Lacedemonians, having been informed that Alexander had come to Athens to bring the Athenians to make a treaty with the Barbarians, and remembering the oracles, who it was destined that they together with the other Dorians should be driven forth out of the Peloponnese by the Medes and the Athenians combined, had been very greatly afraid lest the Athenians should make a treaty with the Persians; and forthwith they had resolved to send envoys. It happened moreover that they were introduced at the same time with Alexander; for the Athenians had waited for them, protracting the time, because they were well assured that the Lacedemonians would hear that an envoy had come from the Barbarians to make a treaty, and that having heard it they would themselves send envoys with all speed. They acted therefore of set purpose, so as to let the Lacedemonians see their inclination. |
| 8.142 | Ubi igitur dicendi finem Alexander fecit, sermonem excipientes Spartani legati, in hunc modum sunt locuti : « Miserunt nos Lacedæmonii petituros a vobis, ne quid novarum rerum in Græcia moveatis, neque conditiones admittatis a Barbaro vobis oblatas. (2) Nam et iniquissimum hoc foret ; et aliis quidem etiam Græcis omnibus, sed vobis maxime omnium, indignum et indecorum ; idque multis de causis. Nam bellum hoc vos, invitis nobis, concitastis : et initio de vestra solum terra certamen fuit, nunc vero ad universam etiam pertinet Græciam. (3) Horum igitur omnium auctores Græcis, præter ea etiam servitutis fieri Athenienses, nullo modo foret tolerabile : quippe qui semper et jam a priscis temporibus palam libertatis auctores multis hominibus fuerunt. Quod autem vos præ ceteris hoc bello premimini, et duroum jam annorum fructibus estis privati, et tamdiu jam domus et fortunæ vestræ eversæ jacent, condolemus vobiscum : (4) et propterea profitentur vobis recipiuntque Lacedæmonii et reliqui socii, alituros se uxores vestras et quidquid vestris in familiis ad bellum est inutile, quoad bellum hoc duraturum est. (5) Ne vero Alexander Macedo lævigato Mardonii sermone vos commoveat ! Huic enim hoc facere convenit ; quippe, tyrannus quum sit, tyranno operam præstat. At vos non facietis, si quidem recte sapitis ; bene gnari, in barbaris nec fidem nec veritatem esse. » Hæc Spartani legati dixere. | So when Alexander had ceased speaking, the envoys from Sparta followed him forthwith and said: “As for us, the Lacedemonians sent us to ask of you not to make any change in that which concerns Hellas, nor to accept proposals from the Barbarian; since this is not just in any way nor honorable for any of the Hellenes to do, but least of all for you, and that for many reasons. Ye were they who stirred up this war, when we by no means willed it; and the contest came about for your dominion, but now it extends even to the whole of Hellas. Besides this it is by no means to be endured that ye Athenians, who are the authors of all this, should prove to be the cause of slavery to the Hellenes, seeing that ye ever from ancient time also have been known as the liberators of many. We feel sympathy however with you for your sufferings and because ye were deprived of your crops twice and have had your substance ruined now for a long time. In compensation for this the Lacedemonians and their allies make offer to support your wives and all those of your households who are unfitted for war, so long as this war shall last: but let not Alexander the Macedonian persuade you, making smooth the speech of Mardonios; for these things are fitting for him to do, since being himself a despot he is working in league with a despot: for you however they are not fitting to do, if ye chance to be rightly minded; for ye know that in Barbarians there is neither faith nor truth at all.” Thus spoke the envoys. |
| 8.143 | Athenienses vero Alexandro in hunc modum responderunt : « Ne nos quidem ignoramus, multis partibus majorem Medo, quam nobis, esse potentiam ; ut non opus sit de illa nos multa cum ostentatione admonere. (2) Verumtamen, quum libertatis simus studiosi, resistemus ei quocunque modo poterimus. Itaque, ut societatem contrahamus cum Barbaro, desine conari ut nobis persuadeas ; nec enim persuadebis. (3) Nunc vero renuntia Mardonio, dicere Athenienses, quousque sol eadem via incedet, qua nunc incedit, nunquam nos societatem inituros cum Xerxe : sed adjutoribus confidentes diis et heroibus, quibus ille spretis ædes et simulacra eorum cremavit, fortiter pugnando ulcisci illum conabimur. (4) Et tu cave, ne posthac tales afferens sermones Athenis conspiciaris ; neque per speciem commodis nostris inserviendi, ut nefaria faciamus, nos horteris : nolumus enim tibi ingrati quidpiam accidere ab Atheniensibus, quum sis publicus hospes noster et amicus. » | And to Alexander the Athenians made answer thus: “Even of ourselves we know so much, that the Mede has a power many times as numerous as ours; so that there is no need for thee to cast this up against us. Nevertheless because we long for liberty we shall defend ourselves as we may be able: and do not thou endeavor to persuade us to make a treaty with the Barbarian, for we on our part shall not be persuaded. And now report to Mardonios that the Athenians say thus — So long as the Sun goes on the same course by which he goes now, we will never make an agreement with Xerxes; but we will go forth to defend ourselves against him, trusting in the gods and the heroes as allies, for whom he had no respect when he set fire to their houses and to their sacred images. And in the future do not thou appear before the Athenians with any such proposals as these, nor think that thou art rendering them good service in advising them to do that which is not lawful; for we do not desire that thou shouldest suffer anything unpleasant at the hands of the Athenians, who art their public guest and friend.” |
| 8.144 | Hæc quum Alexandro Athenienses respondissent, ad Lacedæmonios sermonem converterunt his verbis : « Quod verentur Lacedæmonii ne cum Barbaro nos societatem contrahamus, id vero admodum humanum est. (2) At turpiter utique hoc videmini vereri ; quum, quo pacto animati sint Athenienses, non ignoretis. Neque enim tanta auri copia usquam est, neque terra ulla pulcritudine et fertilitate ita præstans, ut ea accepta vellemus cum Medis facere, et Græciam redigere in servitutem. (3) Etenim multa et magna sunt, quæ nos, ne id faciamus, etiam si vellemus, prohibeant. Primum quidem, et maxime, deorum simulacra et templa cremata et solo æquata : quorum facinorum necessario, quibuscunque modis possumus, pœnam repetere potius debemus, quam societatem contrahere cum eo qui hæc patravit. Deinde, quum Græcum omne genus consanguinem sit, et linguam et deorum sedes et sacra communia habeamus, et mores consimiles ; nefaria res foret, si horum proditores fierent Athenienses. (4) Denique scitote, si forte adhuc nescivistis, quoad vel unus supererit Atheniensium, nunquam nos cum Xerxe societatem inituros. Vestram autem providam erga nos laudamus voluntatem ; quod nobis, quorum fortunæ eversæ sunt, ita prospicitis, ut nutrire familias nostras velitis. (5) Atque ita vestrum quidem expletum est beneficium : at nos tamen in hoc quo sumus statu durabimus, nullam vobis molestiam exhibituri. Nunc vero, hæc quum ita sint, maturate ocyus exercitum mittere. (6) Nam, ut suspicamur, nulla interposita mora aderit Barbarus et terram nostram invadet, simulatque ei fuerit renuntiatum, nihil nos eorum quæ a nobis petiit facturos. (7) Itaque necesse est, ut, priusquam ille in Atticam venerit, nos ei in Bœotiam occurramus. » Hoc ab Atheniensibus accepto responso, Spartam rediere legati. | To Alexander they thus made answer, but to the envoys from Sparta as follows: “That the Lacedemonians should be afraid lest we should make a treaty with the Barbarian was natural no doubt; but it seems to be an unworthy fear for men who know so well the spirit of the Athenians, namely that there is neither so great quantity of gold anywhere upon the earth, nor any land so much excelling in beauty and goodness, that we should be willing to accept it and enslave Hellas by taking the side of the Medes. For many and great are the reasons which hinder us from doing this, even though we should desire it; first and greatest the images and houses of the gods set on fire or reduced to ruin, which we must necessarily avenge to the very utmost rather than make an agreement with him who did these deeds; then secondly there is the bond of Hellenic race, by which we are of one blood and of one speech, the common temples of the gods and the common sacrifices, the manners of life which are the same for all; to these it would not be well that the Athenians should become traitors. And be assured of this, if by any chance ye were not assured of it before, that so long as one of the Athenians remains alive, we will never make an agreement with Xerxes. We admire however the forethought which ye had with regard to us, in that ye took thought for us who have had our substance destroyed, and are willing to support the members of our households; and so far as ye are concerned, the kindness has been fully performed: but we shall continue to endure as we may, and not be a trouble in any way to you. Now therefore, with full conviction this is so, send out an army as speedily as ye may: for, as we conjecture, the Barbarian will be here invading our land at no far distant time but so soon as he shall be informed of the message sent, namely that we shall do none of those things which he desired of us. Therefore before he arrives here in Attica, it is fitting that ye come to our rescue quickly in Boeotia.” Thus the Athenians made answer, and upon that the envoys went away back to Sparta. |
Book IX
Calliope
| 9.1 | Mardonius, ut ei Alexander, Athenis reversus, responsa renuntiavit Atheniensium, movit e Thessalia, et exercitum adversus Athenas ducere maturavit : quacunque autem iter faciebat, inde semper assumptis militibus exercitum auxit. (2) Et Thessalos eorum, quæ adhuc acta erant, nihil pænituit, multoque etiam studiosius hi Persam ad hanc expeditionem incitabant : et Thorax Larissæus, qui Xerxem fugientem comitatus erat, nunc palam Mardonium in Græciam transmisit. | Mardonios, when Alexander had returned back and had signified to him that which was said by the Athenians, set forth from Thessaly and began to lead his army with all diligence towards Athens: and to whatever land he came, he took up with him the people of that land. The leaders of Thessaly meanwhile did not repent of all that which had been done already, but on the contrary they urged on the Persian yet much more; and Thorax of Larissa had joined in escorting Xerxes in his flight and at this time he openly offered Mardonios passage to invade Hellas. |
| 9.2 | Ubi vero progrediens exercitus in Bœotia fuit, ibi tunc Mardonium Thebani retinuerunt, consulueruntque ei, dicentes nullum esse locum magis idoneum ubi castra poneret : et ulterius progredi prohibuerunt, hortantes ut ibi manens operam daret quo sine pugna universam Græciam in potestatem redigeret. (2) Vi enim et armis subigere Græcos, si concordes sint, sicut adhuc fuerunt, cunctis etiam hominibus esse difficile : « At tu, ajebant, si quod nos suademus feceris, nullo negotio omnia illorum consilia in potestate tua habebis. (3) Mitte pecunias viris qui in quibusque civitatibus principatum tenent : his donis in partes divides Græciam ; et eorum ope, qui tuas partes sequentur, hos qui tecum non facient, facile evertes. » | Then when the army in its march came to Boeotia, the Thebans endeavored to detain Mardonios, and counselled him saying that there was no region more convenient for him to have his encampment than that; and they urged him not to advance further, but to sit down there and endeavor to subdue to himself the whole of Hellas without fighting: for to overcome the Hellenes by open force when they were united, as at the former time they were of one accord together, was a difficult task even for the whole world combined, “but,” they proceeded, “if thou wilt do that which we advise, with little labor thou wilt have in thy power all their plans of resistance. Send money to the men who have power in their cities, and thus sending thou wilt divide Hellas into two parties: after that thou wilt with ease subdue by the help of thy party those who are not inclined to thy side.” |
| 9.3 | Hæc illis suadentibus Mardonius non paruit ; sed vehemens illum cupido incesserat Athenas iterum capiendi, partim stolida quadam ferocia ductum, partim quod ignium ope per insulas accensorum cogitaret regi Sardibus versanti significare, tenere sese Athenas. (2) Ubi vero in Atticam pervenit, ne tunc quidem Athenienses in ea nactus est, sed plerosque in Salamine et in navibus esse audivit : itaque vacuam cepit urbem. Hæc quidem altera occupatio Mardonii evenit decimo post mense quam a Xerxe prior erat facta. | Thus they advised, but he did not follow their counsel; for there had instilled itself into him a great desire to take Athens for the second time, partly from obstinacy and partly because he meant to signify to the king in Sardis that he was in possession of Athens by beacon-fires through the islands. However he did not even at this time find the Athenians there when he came to Attica; but he was informed that the greater number were either in Salamis or in the ships, and he captured the city finding it deserted. Now the capture of the city by the king had taken place ten months before the later expedition of Mardonios against it. |
| 9.4 | Athenis quum esset Mardonius, in Salaminem legatum misit Murychiden, virum Hellespontium ; qui easdem Atheniensibus conditiones proponeret, quas Alexander Macedo ad illos pertulerat. (2) Quamquam enim jam antea minime amicas Atheniensium acceperat sententias, iterum tamen nunc misit, sperans illos a stolida superbia remissuros, quum bello capta esset universa Attica, et in ipsius jam esset potestate. Hac causa Murychiden in Salaminem misit. | When Mardonios had come to Athens, he sent to Salamis Morychides a man of the Hellespont, bearing the same proposals as Alexander the Macedonian had brought over to the Athenians. These he sent for the second time, being aware beforehand that the dispositions of the Athenians were not friendly, but hoping that they would give way and leave their obstinacy, since the Attic land had been captured by the enemy and was in his power. |
| 9.5 | Qui quum ad senatum venisset, exposuissetque Mardonii mandata, unus e senatoribus, Lycides, pro sententia dixit, recte factum sibi videri, si acciperent conditionem a Murychide ipsis propositam, de eaque ad populum referrent. (2) Hanc ille sententiam dixit, sive quod pecunias a Mardonio accepisset, sive quod ipsi per se ita visum fuisset. Sed indignati Athenienses, quum senatores, tum qui foris stabant, ut cognoverunt, protinus circumstantes Lyciden lapidibus obruerunt, Hellespontium vero Murychiden dimiserunt incolumem. (3) Orto autem in Salamine propter Lycidem tumultu, quum rescivissent Atheniensium mulieres, quid rei esset, cohortatæ invicem, et alia aliam prehendens, ultro ædes Lycidæ petierunt, et uxorem ejus et liberos lapidibus obruerunt. | For this reason he sent Morychides to Salamis; and he came before the Council and reported the words of Mardonios. Then one of the Councillors, Lykidas, expressed the opinion that it was better to receive the proposal which Morychides brought before them and refer it to the assembly of the people. He, I say, uttered this opinion, whether because he had received money from Mardonios, or because this was his own inclination: however the Athenians forthwith, both those of the Council and those outside, when they heard of it, were very indignant, and they came about Lykidas and stoned him to death; but the Hellespontian Morychides they dismissed unhurt. Then when there had arisen much uproar in Salamis about Lykidas, the women of the Athenians heard of that which was being done, and one woman passing the word to another and one taking another with her, they went of their own accord to the house of Lykidas and stoned his wife and his children to death. |
| 9.6 | Athenienses vero hac ratione in Salaminem trajecerant. Quousque exspectabant exercitum e Peloponneso sibi auxilio venturum, in Attica manserunt : quum vero magis magisque in longum rem ducerent Lacedæmonii, et Mardonius, contra ipsos movens, jam in Bœotia esse diceretur, tunc demum omnia sua exportarunt, ipsique in Salaminem transierunt. (2) Simul vero legatos Lacedæmonem miserunt, qui et de Lacedæmoniis, quod Barbarum invadere Atticam passi essent, nec secum in Bœotiam obviam ei occurrissent, conquererentur, et illos admonerent quantum esset, quod ipsis Persa, si ad illius partes transissent, pollicitus esset ; denique prædicerent Lacedæmoniis, nisi auxilio venirent Atheniensibus, ipsos etiam per se levamen aliquod inventuros esse malorum. | The Athenians had passed over to Salamis as follows — So long as they were looking that an army should come from the Peloponnese to help them, they remained in Attica; but as those in Peloponnesus acted very slowly and with much delay, while the invader was said to be already in Boeotia, they accordingly removed everything out of danger, and themselves passed over to Salamis; and at the same time they sent envoys to Lacedemon to reproach the Lacedemonians for having permitted the Barbarian to invade Attica and for not having gone to Boeotia to meet him in company with them, and also to remind them how many things the Persian had promised to give the Athenians if they changed sides; bidding the envoys warn them that if they did not help the Athenians, the Athenians would find some shelter for themselves. |
| 9.7 | Nempe festos dies tunc maxime agebant Lacedæmonii, Hyacinthia celebrantes, maximique faciebant rem divinam curare : simul vero etiam murum in Isthmo muniebant, isque jam lorica erat instructus. (2) Ut vero Lacedæmonem legati Athenienses pervenerunt, secum etiam Megarensium et Platæensium ducentes legatos, introducti ad Ephoros, in hunc modum verba fecere : (I.) « Miserunt nos Athenienses, dicentes : Medorum rex non modo terram nostram nobis reddit, verum nos æqua conditione sibi socios vult adjungere, sine dolo et fraude : atque etiam, præter nostram, aliam nobis terram vult tradere, quamcunque ipsi elegerimus. (3) At nos Hellenium reverentes Jovem, remque indignam censentes prodere Græciam, non sumus ei assensi, sed repudiavimus conditionem, quamquam injuria affecti a Græcis proditique, et bene gnari longe nobis conducibilius esse societatem contrahere cum Persa, quam gerere bellum : nec vero unquam volentes cum eo paciscemur. (4) Ita quidquid a nobis proficisci potest, id sincero animo tribuimus Græciæ. (II.) At vos, qui nuper vehementissime metuebatis ne cum Persa pacisceremur, nunc, postquam constitutum nobis esse nunquam prodere Græciam perspicue intellexistis, et quoniam murus vester, quem in Isthmo ducitis, prope absolutus est, ne ullam quidem rationem habetis Atheniensium ; et, postquam vobis nobiscum convenit occursuros vos Persæ in Bœotiam, prodidistis nos, et Barbarum in Atticam invadentem non prohibuistis. (5) Habent igitur in præsentia Athenienses quod vobis succenseant : nec enim recte fecistis. At nunc vos hortantur, ut ocyus nobiscum emittatis exercitum, quo Barbarum excipiamus in Attica. Quoniam enim Bœotiam in tempore non occupavimus, est quidem nostra in terra opportunissimus ad prœlium faciendum locus, Thriasius campus. » | For the Lacedemonians in fact were keeping a feast during this time, and celebrating the Hyakinthia; and they held it of the greatest consequence to provide for the things which concerned the god, while at the same time their wall which they had been building at the Isthmus was just at this moment being completed with battlements. And when the envoys from the Athenians came to Lacedemon, bringing with them also envoys from Megara and Plataia, they came in before the Ephors and said as follows: “The Athenians sent us saying that the king of the Medes not only offers to give us back our land, but also desires to make us his allies on fair and equal terms without deceit or treachery, and is desirous moreover to give us another land in addition to our own, whichsoever we shall ourselves choose. We however, having respect for Zeus of the Hellenes and disdaining to be traitors to Hellas, did not agree but refused, although we were unjustly dealt with by the other Hellenes and left to destruction, and although we knew that it was more profitable to make a treaty with the Persian than to carry on war: nor shall we make a treaty at any future time, if we have our own will. Thus sincerely is our duty done towards the Hellenes: but as for you, after having come then to great dread lest we should make a treaty with the Persian, so soon as ye learnt certainly what our spirit was, namely that we should never betray Hellas, and because your wall across the Isthmus is all but finished, now ye make no account of the Athenians, but having agreed with us to come to Boeotia to oppose the Persian, ye have now deserted us, and ye permitted the Barbarian moreover to make invasion of Attica. For the present then the Athenians have anger against you, for ye did not do as was fitting to be done: and now they bid you with all speed send out an army together with us, in order that we may receive the Barbarian in the land of Attica; for since we failed of Boeotia, the most suitable place to fight in our land is the Thriasian plain.” |
| 9.8 | His auditis, ephori responsum in posterum diem distulerunt, tunc postero die in sequentem, atque ita usque in decimum diem fecerunt, de die in diem moras facientes. Interea temporis Peloponnesii omnes ingenti studio Isthmum munire pergebant, et opus jam proxime finem erat. (2) Et, quod Lacedæmonii, quum Alexander Macedo Athenas venisset, tanto studio impedire conati sint quominus Medorum partes amplecterentur Athenienses, nunc vero id prorsus non curarint, nullam aliam edere causam possum, nisi quod nunc munitum habuerunt Isthmum, nec se amplius indigere Atheniensibus existimarunt : quando vero in Atticam venit Alexander, nondum exstructus erat murus, sed opus etiam tunc faciebant, vehementer metuentes Persas. | When the Ephors heard this they deferred their reply to the next day, and then on the next day to the succeeding one; and this they did even for ten days, deferring the matter from day to day, while during this time the whole body of the Peloponnesians were building the wall over the Isthmus with great diligence and were just about to complete it. Now I am not able to say why, when Alexander the Macedonian had come to Athens, they were so very anxious lest the Athenians should take the side of the Medes, whereas now they had no care about it, except indeed that their wall over the Isthmus had now been built, and they thought they had no need of the Athenians any more; whereas when Alexander came to Attica the wall had not yet been completed, but they were working at it in great dread of the Persians. |
| 9.9 | Ad extremum vero, ut et responsum legatis Lacedæmonii, et milites Atheniensibus auxilio mitterent, hac ratione effectum est. Pridie ejus diei quo ultimam apud ephoros audientiam habituri legati erant, Chilaus, civis Tegeates, qui in maxima præ aliis omnibus hospitibus auctoritate apud Lacedæmonios erat, ex ephoris sermonem omnem, quem habuerant Athenienses, audivit. (2) Quo audito, hæc illis Chilaus dixit : « Ita se res habet, Ephori : si amici nobis non fuerint Athenienses, sed cum Barbaro contraxerint societatem ; valido licet muro per Isthmum ducto, magnæ tamen portæ apertæ sunt Persæ, quibus intrare in Peloponnesum possit. At morem Atheniensibus gerite, priusquam aliud illi consilium capiant, quod exitium ferat Græciæ. » Hoc ille Lacedæmoniis suasit. | At last however the answer was given and the going forth of the Spartans took place in the following manner — on the day before that which was appointed for the last hearing of the envoys, Chileos a man of Tegea, who of all strangers had most influence in Lacedemon, heard from the Ephors all that which the Athenians were saying; and he, it seems, said to them these words: “Thus the matter stands, Ephors — if the Athenians are not friendly with us but are allies of the Barbarian, then though a strong wall may have been built across the Isthmus, yet a wide door has been opened for the Persian into Peloponnesus. Listen to their request, however, before the Athenians resolve upon something else tending to the fall of Hellas.” Thus he counselled them. |
| 9.10 | Atque hi, re inter se deliberata, neque communicata cum legatis qui a civitatibus advenerant, e vestigio, noctu adhuc, quinque milia emiserunt Spartanorum [attributis cuique septem Helotis], mandato dato Pausaniæ, Cleombroti filio, ut illos educeret. (2) Erat quidem tunc rex Lacedæmoniorum Plistarchus, Leonidæ filius ; sed hic adhuc puer erat, ille vero tutor hujus et frater patruelis. Neque enim in vivis adhuc fuit Cleombrotus, Pausaniæ pater, Anaxandridæ filius ; sed postquam exercitum, qui murum exstruebat, ab Isthmo abduxerat, brevi interjecto tempore e vita discesserat. (3) Hac autem causa exercitum ab Isthmo Cleombrotus abduxit, quod, dum sacra faciebat adversus Persam, sol obscuratus est in cœlo. (4) Collegam autem sibi Pausanias ascivit Euryanactem, Doriei filium, qui ex eadem fuit regia domo. Illi igitur cum Pausania Spartam sunt egressi. | And they forthwith took his words to heart; and saying nothing to the envoys who had come from the cities, while yet it was night they sent out five thousand Spartans, with no less than seven of the Helots set to attend upon each man of them, appointing Pausanias the son of Cleombrotos to lead them forth. Now the leadership belonged to Pleistarchos the son of Leonidas; but he was yet a boy, and the other was his guardian and cousin: for Cleombrotos, the father of Pausanias and son of Anaxandrides, was no longer alive, but when he had led home from the Isthmus the army which had built the wall, no long time after this he died. Now the reason why Cleombrotos led home the army from the Isthmus was this — as he was offering sacrifice for fighting against the Persian, the sun was darkened in the heaven. And Pausanias chose as commander in addition to himself Euryanax the son of Dorieos, a man of the same house. |
| 9.11 | Legati vero, ubi dies illuxit, profectionis illorum prorsus ignari, adierunt ephoros, ipsi constitutum inter se habentes redire quisque suam in civitatem. (2) Hos, ubi advenerunt, ita sunt allocuti : « Vos igitur, Lacedæmonii, hic domi manentes, Hyacinthia celebratis et ludicra agitis, prodentes socios : Athenienses vero, a vobis injuria affecti, et sociis destituti, cum Persam pacem component quocunque modo poterunt. (3) Pace autem cum illo conciliata, manifestum est socios non regis fore : et cum Persis militabimus contra quamcunque terram nos illi ducturi sunt. Vos vero proinde experiemini quale sit, quod vobis ex ea re eventurum est. » (4) Hæc quum legati dixissent, responderunt ephori, interposito jurejurando, profectum esse exercitum, viderique jam ad Oresteum esse, proficiscentem adversus peregrinos : barbaros enim peregrinos (ξένους) vocabant. (5) Legati autem, hoc nescientes, interrogarunt quid esset quod dicerent ; et, ubi rem totam cognoverunt, demirati factum, ipsi quoque abire maturarunt, illos insequentes : et cum ipsis profecti sunt etiam e periœcis Lacedæmoniorum (circum Spartam habitantibus) selecta quinque militum milia gravis armaturæ. | So Pausanias with his army had gone forth out of Sparta; and the envoys, when day had come, not knowing anything of this going forth, came in before the Ephors meaning to depart also, each to his own State: and when they had come in before them they said these words: “Ye, O Lacedemonians, are remaining here and celebrating this Hyakinthia and disporting yourselves, having left your allies to destruction; and the Athenians being wronged by you and for want of allies will make peace with the Persians on such terms as they can: and having made peace, evidently we become allies of the king, and therefore we shall join with him in expeditions against any land to which the Persians may lead us; and ye will learn then what shall be the issue for you of this matter.” When the envoys spoke these words, the Ephors said and confirmed it with an oath, that they supposed by this time the men were at Orestheion on their way against the strangers: for they used to call the Barbarians “strangers.” So they, not knowing of the matter, asked the meaning of these words, and asking they learnt all the truth; so that they were struck with amazement and set forth as quickly as possible in pursuit; and together with them five thousand chosen hoplites of the Lacedemonian “dwellers in the country round” did the same thing also. |
| 9.12 | Hi dum ad Isthmum ire properant, Argivi, quum prius recepissent Mardonio cohibituros se esse Spartanos ne exirent, nunc simul atque resciverunt exercitum cum Pausania Sparta egressum esse, præconem in Atticam miserunt, optimum e cursoribus (Græce hemerodromis) quem reperire potuerant. (2) Qui ubi Athenas pervenit, hæc dixit : « Mardonie, miserunt me Argivi, qui tibi dicerem, e Lacedæmone egressam esse juventutem, nec Argivos cohibere illos ne exirent potuisse. Quare, ad hoc quod spectat, tu recte rebus tuis consule. » His dictis, ille reversus est. | They then, I say, were hastening towards the Isthmus; and the Argives so soon as they heard that Pausanias with his army had gone forth from Sparta, sent as a herald to Attica the best whom they could find of the long-distance runners, because they had before of their own motion engaged for Mardonios that they would stop the Spartans from going forth: and the herald when he came to Athens spoke as follows: “Mardonios, the Argives sent me to tell thee that the young men have gone forth from Lacedemon, and that the Argives are not able to stop them from going forth: with regard to this therefore may it be thy fortune to take measures well.” He having spoken thus departed and went back. |
| 9.13 | Mardonius, hoc audito nuntio, non consultum duxit diutius in Attica morari. Priusquam enim hunc nuntium accepisset, continuerat se ibi, cognoscere cupiens quid facturi Athenienses essent : et Atticam nec evastaverat, nec ullo malo affecerat, per omne hoc tempus sperans illos in conditiones propositas consensuros. (2) Postquam vero eis id non persuasit, remque omnem cognovit, tum vero, incensis Athenis, et sicubi de muris aut de privatis ædibus aut de sacris aliquid adhuc rectum stabat, corrutis his omnibus et solo æquatis, priusquam Pausanias cum suis usque ad Isthmum esset progressus, Attica excessit. (3) Excessit autem hac causa, quod neque equitatui opportuna Attica erat ; et, si ipse prœlio victus foret, nonnisi per angusta loca se recipere posset, ubi eum pauci etiam homines possent transitu prohibere. Itaque Thebas redire constituit, et prope urbem sibi amicam acie decernere, in regione equitatui opportuna. | And Mardonios was by no means anxious any more to remain in Attica when he heard this message. Before he was informed of this he had been waiting, because he desired to know the news from the Athenians as to what they were about to do; and he had not been injuring or laying waste the land of Attica, because he hoped always that they would make a treaty with him; but as he did not persuade them, being now informed of everything he began to retire out of the country before the force of Pausanias arrived at the Isthmus, having first set fire to Athens and cast down and destroyed whatever was left standing of the walls, houses or temples. Now he marched away for this cause, namely first because Attica was not a land where horsemen could act freely, and also because, if he should be defeated in a battle in Attica, there was no way of retreat except by a narrow pass, so that a few men could stop them. He intended therefore to retreat to Thebes, and engage battle near to a friendly city and to a country where horsemen could act freely. |
| 9.14 | Ita igitur Mardonius Attica excessit : qui ut jam in itinere erat, advenit ei præcursor, nuntians alium exercitum Megara venisse, mille Lacedæmonios. Quo audito, hos primum capere cupiens, deliberabat quo pacto id efficeret. (2) Igitur conversum agmen versus Megara duxit : et præmissus equitatus jam Megaricam incursavit terram. Estque hæc Europæ regio longissime occidentem versus sita, in quam pervenerit Persicus hic exercitus. | Mardonios then was retiring out of the way, and when he was already upon a road a message came to him saying that another body of troops in advance of the rest had come to Megara, consisting of a thousand Lacedemonians. Being thus informed he took counsel with himself, desiring if possible first to capture these. Therefore he turned back and proceeded to lead his army towards Megara, and the cavalry going in advance of the rest overran the Megaran land: this was the furthest land in Europe towards the sun-setting to which this Persian army came. |
| 9.15 | Post hæc vero nuntiatur Mardonio, frequentem Græcorum exercitum in Isthmo esse. Itaque retroducens per Deceleam iter fecit : Bœotarchi enim finitimos arcessiverant Asopiorum, qui ei viam monstrarunt Sphendaleas ferentem, atque inde Tanagram : (2) ubi quum pernoctasset, postero die Scolon pergens, in finibus fuit Thebanorum. Ibi vero, licet partes ipsius sequerentur Thebani, nihilo minus agros eorum vastavit, non utique hostili in eos animo, sed ingente necessitate coactus : voluit enim munimentum exercitui exstruere, quod et sibi, si prœlium committenti minus e sententia res cecidisset, perfugium esset. (3) Pertinebant autem castra illius inde ab Erythris, præter Hysias, usque ad Platæensium fines, secundum Asopum fluvium locata. Nec tamen munitionem eadem magnitudine fecit, sed in decem fere stadia quodque ejus latus. (4) Dum in hoc opere occupati erant barbari, Attaginus Phrynonis filius, civis Thebanus, facto magnifico apparatu, et Mardonium ipsum, et quinquaginta Persarum spectatissimos, ad hospitale epulum vocavit. Et vocati accepere conditionem ; celebratumque est epulum in ipsa urbe Thebana. | After this a message came to Mardonios that the Hellenes were assembled at the Isthmus; therefore he marched back by Dekeleia, for the chiefs of Boeotia had sent for those of the Asopians who dwelt near the line of march, and these were his guides along the road to Sphendaleis and thence to Tanagra. So having encamped for the night at Tanagra and on the next day having directed his march to Scolos, he was within the land of the Thebans. Then he proceeded to cut down the trees in the lands of the Thebans, although they were on the side of the Medes, moved not at all by enmity to them, but pressed by urgent necessity both to make a defence for his camp, and also he was making it for a refuge, in case that when he engaged battle things should not turn out for him as he desired. Now the encampment of his army extended from Erythrai along by Hysiai and reached the river Asopos: he was not however making the wall to extend so far as this, but with each face measuring somewhere about ten furlongs. |
| 9.16 | Jam quæ his adjiciam, ea e Thersandro audivi, cive Orchomenio, spectato inter primos viro apud Orchomenios. (2) Dixit autem Thersander, se quoque ab Attagino ad hanc cœnam fuisse vocatum, vocatosque item fuisse quinquaginta cives Thebanos ; nec vero seorsum utrisque sedes assignasse hospitem, sed in quoque lectulo simul Persam et Thebanum collocasse. (3) Tum, finita cœna compotantibus convivis, Persam qui cum ipso in eodem lectulo cubabat, Græca lingua loquentem, quæsisse ex ipso unde esset, seque respondisse, esse se Orchomenium. (4) Dein Persam hæc dixisse : « Quoniam igitur et mensæ et libationis mihi socius es, volo tibi monumentum relinquere meæ sententiæ; quo etiam tu, re ante cognita, tuis prospicere commodis possis. (5) Vides hosce epulantes Persas, et exercitum, quem in castris juxta fluvium reliquimus ! Horum omnium, brevi tempore interjecto, non nisi paucos quosdam videbis superesse. » (6) Hæc dicentem Persam largas profudisse lacrimas. Se vero, miratum illius sermonem, respondisse : « Igitur Mardonio hoc dicere oportet, et eis e Persis qui post illum auctoritate pollent. » (7) Ad hæc illum reposuisse : « Hospes, quæ deus vult ut fiant, ea avertere in nullius hominis potestate est : nam fidelia consilia dantibus parere nemo solet. Ac novimus quidem hoc multi e Persis : sequimur vero ducem, necessitate constricti. Est autem acerrimus, qui afficere hominem possit, dolor hic, bona multa consilia nosse, et tamen eorum nullum posse exsequi. » (8) Hæc equidem narrantem Orchomenium Thersandrum audivi, et præterea hoc affirmantem, ipsum protinus hunc sermonem ad alios homines rettulisse, priusquam ad Platæas commissum esset prœlium. | While the Barbarians were engaged upon this work, Attaginos the son of Phyrnon, a Theban, having made magnificent preparations invited to an entertainment Mardonios himself and fifty of the Persians who were of most account; and these being invited came; and the dinner was given at Thebes. Now this which follows I heard from Thersander, an Orchomenian and a man of very high repute in Orchomenos. This Thersander said that he too was invited by Attaginos to this dinner, and there were invited also fifty men of the Thebans, and their host did not place them to recline separately each nation by themselves, but a Persian and a Theban upon every couch. Then when dinner was over, as they were drinking pledges to one another, the Persian who shared a couch with him speaking in the Hellenic tongue asked him of what place he was, and he answered that he was of Orchomenos. The other said: “Since now thou hast become my table-companion and the sharer of my libation, I desire to leave behind with thee a memorial of my opinion, in order that thou thyself also mayest know beforehand and be able to take such counsels for thyself as may be profitable. Dost thou see these Persians who are feasting here, and the army which we left behind encamped upon the river? Of all these, when a little time has gone by, thou shalt see but very few surviving.” While the Persian said these words he shed many tears, as Thersander reported; and he marvelling at his speech said to him: “Surely then it is right to tell Mardonios and to those of the Persians who after him are held in regard.” He upon this said: “Friend, that which is destined to come from God, it is impossible for a man to avert; for no man is willing to follow counsel, even when one speaks that which is reasonable. And these things which I say many of us Persians know well; yet we go with the rest being bound in the bonds of necessity: and the most hateful grief of all human griefs is this, to have knowledge of the truth but no power over the event.” These things I heard from Thersander of Orchomenos, and in addition to them this also, namely that he told them to various persons forthwith, before the battle took place at Plataia. |
| 9.17 | Quo tempore Mardonius primum castra in Bœotia habuerat, reliqui omnes, quotquot e Græcis has regiones incolentibus Medorum partes amplexi erant, exercitum illi præbuerant, cum illoque in Atticam erant ingressi. Soli Phocenses castra illius non erant secuti : nam et hi quidem utique Medorum partes erant amplexi, nec vero volentes, sed necessitate coacti. (2) Sed haud multis diebus postquam Thebas Mardonius venit, advenere ex illorum numero mille, duce Harmocyde, viro inter suos spectatissimo. Qui ubi Thebas venerunt, Mardonius missis equitibus jussit illos seorsum in campo residere. Quod ubi fecere, protinus totus affuit equitatus : (3) Moxque per Græcanicum exercitum, qui cum Medis erat, ferebatur fama, perditum iri Phocenses equitum sagittis ; eademque fama inter ipsos etiam Phocenses percrebuit. Ibi tunc eos dux Harmocydes his verbis est cohortatus : (4) « Phocenses, manifestum est, hosce homines certæ neci nos destinasse, accusatos, ut equidem suspicor, a Thessalis. Nunc igitur quemque vestrûm oportet fortem se virum præstare : melius est enim, ut agentes aliquid et fortiter pugnantes finiamus vitam, quam ut turpissima morte interimendos nos præbeamus. Sed intelligat illorum quisque, quale hoc sit, quod, barbari quum sint, Græcis hominibus mortem sint machinati. » | Mardonios then being encamped in Boeotia, the rest of the Hellenes who lived in these parts and took the side of the Medes were all supplying troops and had joined in the invasion of Attica, but the Phokians alone had not joined in the invasion — the Phokians, I say, for these too were now actively taking the side of the Medes, not of their own will however, but by compulsion. Not many days however after the arrival of Mardonios at Thebes, there came of them a thousand hoplites, and their leader was Harmokydes, the man who was of most repute among their citizens. When these too came to Thebes, Mardonios sent horsemen and bade the Phokians take up their position by themselves in the plain. After they had so done, forthwith the whole cavalry appeared; and upon this there went a rumor through the army of Hellenes which was with the Medes that the cavalry was about to shoot them down with javelins, and this same report went through the Phokians themselves also. Then their commander Harmokydes exhorted them, speaking as follows: “Phokians, it is manifest that these men are meaning to deliver us to a death which we may plainly foresee, because we have been falsely accused by the Thessalians, as I conjecture: now therefore it is right that every one of you prove himself a good man; for it is better to bring our lives to an end doing deeds of valor and defending ourselves, than to be destroyed by a dishonorable death offering ourselves for the slaughter. Let each man of them learn that they are Barbarians and that we, against whom they contrived murder, are Hellenes.” |
| 9.18 | Dum hic suos sic hortatur, cingunt illos equites, moxque adversus eos invehuntur tanquam perdituri, et jacula in illos torquent veluti jam emissuri, ac passim etiam nonnulli emittunt. At, quum illi densatis undique ordinibus et quam maxime poterant conglobati resisterent, conversis equis equites redierunt. (2) Nec equidem pro certo dicere possum, utrum revera illi ad interficiendos rogatu Thessalorum Phocenses venerint, et deinde, postquam eos ad sese defendendum paratos viderunt, ideo retro discesserint, quod vererentur ne et ipsi vulnera acciperent : (ita enim Mardonius præceperat:) an ad illos temptandos numquid eis fortitudinis inesset. (3) Postquam vero discesserunt equites, præconem Mardonius misit, hæc dicentem : « Confidite, Phocenses ! namque fortes vos esse viros demonstravistis, non quales mihi narratum erat. Et nunc alacri animo gerite hoc bellum : nam beneficiis neque me neque regem vincetis. » Et hæc quidem, ad Phocenses quod attinet, ita gesta sunt. | While he was thus exhorting them, the horsemen having encompassed them round were riding towards them as if to destroy them; and they were already aiming their missiles as if about to discharge them, nay some perhaps did discharge them: and meanwhile the Phokians stood facing them gathered together and with their ranks closed as much as possible every way. Then the horsemen turned and rode away back. Now I am not able to say for certain whether they came to destroy the Phokians at the request of the Thessalians, and then when they saw them turn to defence they feared lest they also might suffer some loss, and therefore rode away back, for so Mardonios had commanded them; or whether on the other hand he desired to make trial of them and to see if they had in them any warlike spirit. Then, when the horsemen had ridden away back, Mardonios sent a herald and spoke to them as follows: “Be of good courage, Phokians, for ye proved yourselves good men, and not as I was informed. Now therefore carry on this way with zeal, for ye will not surpass in benefits either myself or the king.” Thus far it happened as regards the Phokians. |
| 9.19 | Lacedæmonii, ut in Isthmum venerunt, castra ibi posuerant : quo cognito, reliqui Peloponnesii, quibus meliora placebant, nonnulli etiam quod Spartanos vidissent egredientes, æquum non censuerunt, ad bellum proficiscentibus Lacedæmoniis, domi manere. (2) Jam ex Isthmo, postquam læta nuntiarunt victimæ, profecti omnes, Eleusina venerunt. Et, quum ibi quoque sacrificantibus læta fuissent exta, ulterius sunt progressi, cum eisque simul Athenienses ; hi enim, postquam e Salamine trajecerant, Eleusine sese cum illis junxerunt. (3) Qui ubi Erythras, Bœotiæ oppidum, venerunt, resciveruntque barbaros ad Asopum habere castra, re deliberata, ex adverso illorum in Cithæronis montis radicibus consedere. | When the Lacedemonians came to the Isthmus they encamped upon it, and hearing this the rest of the Peloponnesians who favored the better cause, and some also because they saw the Spartans going out, did not think it right to be behind the Lacedemonians in their going forth. So from the Isthmus, when the sacrifices had proved favorable, they marched all together and came to Eleusis; and having performed sacrifices there also, when the signs were favorable they marched onwards, and the Athenians together with them, who had passed over from Salamis and had joined them at Eleusis. And then they had come to Erythrai in Boeotia, then they learnt that the Barbarians were encamping on the Asopos, and having perceived this they ranged themselves over against them on the lower slopes of Kithairon. |
| 9.20 | Inde quum in planitiem Græci non descenderent, Mardonius contra eos universum equitatum misit, cui præerat Masistius, quem Macistium Græci vocant, illustris vir apud Persas, Nisæum habens equum, aureo freno et aliis ornamentis nitentem. (2) Ibi, ut Græcis appropinquarunt equites, turmatim in eos impetum faciebant ; in eoque conflictu magna illis incommoda afferebant, mulieresque eos vocabant. | Then Mardonios, as the Hellenes did not descend into the plain, sent towards them all his cavalry, of which the commander was Masistios (by the Hellenes called Makistios), a man of reputation among the Persians, who had a Nesaian horse with a bridle of gold and in other respects finely caparisoned. So when the horsemen had ridden up to the Hellenes they attacked them by squadrons, and attacking they did them much mischief, and moreover in contempt they called them women. |
| 9.21 | Acciderat forte, ut eo loco, qui maxime omnium expositus hosti erat, Megarenses essent locati, et in eum locum maxime impetum facerent equites. (2) Quum igitur ab invadente equitatu premerentur Megarenses, præconem miserunt ad duces Græcorum ; qui ubi ad illos venit, hæc verba fecit : (3) « Dicunt Megarenses : Nos, o socii, non possumus soli impetum sustinere equitatus Persarum, hic stantes ubi initio locati sumus. Sed adhuc quidem perseveramus, et fortiter resistimus, quamvis graviter pressi : nunc vero, nisi alios mittitis qui nostrum in locum succedant, scitote nos ordinem esse relicturos. » (4) Hæc quum ille ducibus nuntiasset, Græcos temptavit Pausanias, ecqui alii ultro vellent istum in locum se conferre, et succedere Megarensibus. (5) Quumque nollent ceteri, acceperunt conditionem Athenienses, et horum quidem selecti trecenti, cui cohorti præerat Olympiodorus, Lamponis filius. | Now it happened by chance that the Megarians were posted in the place which was the most assailable of the whole position and to which the cavalry could best approach: so as the cavalry were making their attacks, the Megarians being hard pressed sent a herald to the commanders of the Hellenes, and the herald having come spoke these words: “The Megarians say — we, O allies, are not able by ourselves to sustain the attacks of the Persian cavalry, keeping this position where we took post at the first; nay, even hitherto by endurance and valor alone have we held out against them, hard pressed as we are: and now unless ye shall send some others to take up our position in succession to us, know that we shall leave the position in which we now are.” The herald brought report to them thus; and upon this Pausanias made trial of the Hellenes, whether any others would voluntarily offer to go to this place and post themselves there in succession to the Megarians: and when the rest were not desirous to go, the Athenians undertook the task, and of the Athenians those three hundred picked men of whom Olympidoros the son of Lampon was captain. |
| 9.22 | Hi fuerunt qui istam operam in se receperunt, et assumptis secum sagittariis, ante alios omnes Græcos, qui ad Erythras aderant, stationem ceperunt. Qui quum per aliquod tempus pugnassent, ad extremum hujusmodi fuit pugnæ exitus. (2) Dum turmatim impetum faciunt equites, Masistii equus, præ aliis eminens, sagitta vulneratur in latere : et præ dolore in posteriores pedes erectus, excutit Masistium. (3) In collapsum protinus Athenienses impetum faciunt ; et equum ejus capiunt, ipsumque repugnantem interficiunt. Et initio quidem interficere cum non potuerant, quum sub punicea tunica, qua erat indutus, intus aurea lorica squamata esset armatus. (4) In thoracem igitur ferientes, nihil efficiebant ; donec aliquis, intelligens quid rei esset, in oculum ejus ferrum adegit : ita demum cecidit mortuusque est. Hæc forte sic gerebantur nescientibus reliquis equitibus : nec enim hi illum viderant ex equo cadentem, nec morientem ; sed quum per id ipsum tempus converteretur turma et paululum retro veheretur, id quod agebatur non animadverterant. (5) Ubi vero restiterunt, continuo ducem desiderarunt, quum nemo esset qui illos ordinaret : et quid factum esset intelligentes, equos adegerunt cuncti, quo cadaver saltem auferrent. | These they were who undertook the task and were posted at Erythrai in advance of the other Hellenes who ere there present, having chosen to go with them the bow-men also. For some time then they fought, and at last an end was set to the fighting in the following manner — while the cavalry was attacking by squadrons, the horse of Masistios, going in advance of the rest, was struck in the side by an arrow, and feeling pain he reared upright and threw Masistios off; and when he had fallen, the Athenians forthwith pressed upon him; and his horse they took and himself, as he made resistance, they slew, though at first they could not, for his equipment was of this kind — he wore a cuirass of gold scales underneath, and over the cuirass he had put on a crimson tunic. So as they struck upon the cuirass they could effect nothing, until some one, perceiving what the matter was, thrust into his eye. Then at length he fell and died; and by some means the other men of the cavalry had not observed this take place, for they neither saw him when he had fallen from his horse nor when he was being slain, and while the retreat and the turn were being made, they did not perceive that which was happening; but when they had stopped their horses, then at once they missed him, since there was no one to command them; and when they perceived what had happened, they passed the word to one another and all rode together, that they might if possible recover the body. |
| 9.23 | Tunc vero Athenienses, ubi viderunt jam non amplius turmatim, sed simul omnes accurrere equites, reliquum exercitum auxilio advocarunt. Dum vero peditatus omnis auxilio venit, interim fit acris pugna circa mortui corpus. (2) Et quoad soli fuere illi trecenti, multo erant inferiores, nec auferre cadaver potuere : ut vero eis multitudo succurrit, jam rursus horum vim equites non sustinuere, neque eis contigit mortuum auferre, sed præter eum alios etiam de suis amisere. (3) Igitur ad duo fere stadia recesserunt : ubi, quum quid faciendum esset deliberassent, decreverunt, quoniam essent sine imperio, redire ad Mardonium. | The Athenians upon that, seeing that the cavalry were riding to attack them no longer by squadrons but all together, shouted to the rest of the army to help them. Then while the whole number of those on foot were coming to their help, there arose a sharp fight for the body; and so long as the three hundred were alone they had much the worse and were about to abandon the body, but when the mass of the army came to their help, then the horsemen no longer sustained the fight, nor did they succeed in recovering the body; and besides him they lost others of their number also. Then they drew off about two furlongs away and deliberated what they should do; and it seemed good to them, as they had no commander, to ride back to Mardonios. |
| 9.24 | Qui postquam in castra venerunt, acerbissimo luctu et Mardonius et universus exercitus Masistium sunt prosecuti, se ipsos tondentes et equos et jumenta, lamentaque immensa tollentes, ut per totam Bœotiam echo resonaret ; quippe mortuo viro apud Persas et apud regem post Mardonium spectatissimo. Atque ita quidem barbari suo more mortuum Masistium honorarunt. | When the cavalry arrived at the camp, the whole army and also Mardonios made great mourning for Masistios, cutting off their own hair and that of their horses and baggage-animals and giving way to lamentation without stint; for all Boeotia was filled with the sound of it, because one had perished who after Mardonios was of the most account with the Persians and with the king. The Barbarians then paid honors in their own manner to Masistios slain. |
| 9.25 | Græci vero, postquam irruentem exceperant equitatum, exceptumque repulerant, tanto magis confirmati animis, primum quidem, currui impositum cadaver per singulos ordines deduxerunt ; erat enim corpus spectatu dignum, cum ob proceritatem, tum ob formæ præstantiam : sed et hac causa illud ita circumduxerunt, quoniam vulgo milites relictis ordinibus ad spectandum Masistium frequentes accurrerant. (2) Deinde vero constituerunt ad Platæas descendere, quum intellexissent campum Platæensem et alias ob causas et ob aquæ copiam multo ipsis ad castra ponenda opportuniorem esse quam Erythræus campus. (3) In hunc igitur campum et ad fontem Gargaphiam,qui in illo erat, descendendum sibi, ibique rite dispositis castra locanda judicarunt. (4) Igitur, sumptis armis, per Cithæronis montis radices præter Hysias in Platæensium agrum contenderunt. Quo quum pervenissent, prope Gargaphiam fontem et Androcratis herois fanum, partim in tumulis haud ita editis, partim in planitie, per populos dispositi consederunt. | But the Hellenes, when they had sustained the attack of the cavalry and having sustained it had driven them back, were much more encouraged; and first they put the dead body in a cart and conveyed it along their ranks; and the body was a sight worth seeing for its size and beauty, wherefore also the men left their places in the ranks and went one after the other to gaze upon Masistios. After this they resolved to come down further towards Plataia; for the region of Plataia was seen to be much more convenient for them to encamp in than that of Erythrai, both for other reasons and because it is better watered. To this region then and to the spring Gargaphia, which is in this region, they resolved that they must come, and encamp in their several posts. So they took up their arms and went by the lower slopes of Kithairon past Hysiai to the Plataian land; and having there arrived they posted themselves according to their several nations near the spring Gargaphia and the sacred enclosure of Androcrates the hero, over low hills or level ground. |
| 9.26 | Ibi tum, dum cuique populo suus assignatur locus, acris verborum contentio orta est inter Tegeatas et Athenienses ; contendentibus utrisque sibi hoc deberi ut alterum obtineant cornu, et tam nova quam antiqua facta in medium proferentibus. (2) Ab altera enim parte Tegeatæ hæc dixere : « Nobis semper hic locus, quem in acie obtineremus, ab omnibus sociis tributus est, in omnibus expeditionibus, quas junctis copiis Peloponnesii et olim et recentiori memoria susceperunt ; et id quidem ab eo inde tempore, quo Heraclidæ post Eurysthei obitum, in Peloponnesum conati sunt redire. (3) Tunc igitur honorem hunc acquisivimus facto hujusmodi : quo tempore nos cum Achæis et cum Ionibus qui tunc Peloponnesum incolebant, in Isthmum egressi, castra opposita habuimus castris illorum qui redire conabantur, tunc Hyllus memoratur publice edixisse, non debere exercitum cum exercitu prœlio commisso periclitari, sed deligendum unum esse e castris Peloponnesiorum, quem illi suorum fortissimum judicassent, qui cum ipso certis conditionibus singulari pugna decertaret. (4) Placuitque Peloponnesiis ita fieri ; et jusjurandum sibi mutuo utrique in hæc verba dederant : « Si Hyllus ducem vicisset Peloponnesiorum, Heraclidas in paternas possessiones esse restituendos ; sin vinceretur, tum vero abituros Heraclidas exercitumque abducturos, et intra centum annos non conaturos in Peloponnesum redire. » (5) Delectus est autem ex omnibus sociis Echemus, Aeropi filius, Phegei nepos, dux et rex noster, qui ultro sese obtulerat ; isque inita singulari pugna, Hyllum interfecit. (6) Illo igitur facto a Peloponnesiis qui tunc fuere et alia honorifica præmia, quæ adhuc tenemus, et hoc consecuti sumus, ut alterum semper cornu ducamus quoties communis suscipitur expeditio. (7) Cum vobis igitur, Lacedæmonii, non contendimus ; sed optionem damus vobis utri cornu velitis præesse, illoque vobis cedimus ; sed ad nos hoc pertinere contendimus, ut, quemadmodum superiori tempore, sic et nunc alteri cornu præsimus. (8) Præter istud vero quod commemoravimus factum, sunt etiam alia ob quæ digniores nos sumus qui hunc locum obtineamus, quam Athenienses : etenim multa præclara prœlia adversus vos, Spartani, multaque item adversus alios fecimus. (9) Quare æquum est, ut nos potius, quam Athenienses, alterum cornu habeamus : nam ab illis nec nuper, nec olim, tales res gestæ sunt quales a nobis. » Hæc Tegeatæ dixere. | Then in the arranging of the several posts there arose a contention of much argument between the Tegeans and the Athenians; for they each claimed to occupy the other wing of the army themselves, alleging deeds both new and old. The Tegeans on the one hand said as follows: “We have been always judged worthy of this post by the whole body of allies in all the common expeditions which the Peloponnesians have made before this, whether in old times or but lately, ever since that time when the sons of Heracles endeavored after the death of Eurystheus to return to the Peloponnese. This honor we gained at that time by reason of the following event — When with the Achaians and the Ionians who were then in Peloponnesus we had come out to the Isthmus to give assistance and were encamped opposite those who desired to return, then it is said that Hyllos made a speech saying that it was not right that the one army should risk its safety by engaging battle with the other, and urging that that man of the army of the Peloponnesians whom they should judge to be the best of them should fight in single combat with himself on terms concerted between them. The Peloponnesians then resolved that this should be done; and they made oath with one another on this condition — that if Hyllos should conquer the leader of the Peloponnesians, then the sons of Heracles should return to their father’s heritage; but he should be conquered, then on the other hand the sons of Heracles should depart and lead away their army, and not within a hundred years attempt to return to the Peloponnese. There was selected then of all the allies, he himself making a voluntary offer, Echemos the son of Aëropos, the son of Phegeus, who was our commander and king: and he fought a single combat and slew Hyllos. By reason of this deed we obtained among the Peloponnesians of that time, besides many other great privileges which we still possess, this also of always leading the other wing of the army, when a common expedition is made. To you, Lacedemonians, we make no opposition, but we give you freedom of choice, and allow you to command whichever wing ye desire; but of the other we say that it belongs to us to be the leaders as in former time: and apart from this deed which has been related, we are more worthy than the Athenians to have this post; for in many glorious contests have we contended against you, O Spartans, and in many also against others. Therefore it is just that we have the other wing rather than the Athenians; for they have not achieved deeds such as ours, either new or old.” Thus they spoke. |
| 9.27 | Ad quæ Athenienses in hunc modum responderunt : « Novimus quidem, pugnandi causa adversus Barbarum hic nos convenisse, non disputandi : at quoniam Tegeatarum dux et vetera et nova in medium protulit, quæ ab utrisque nostrûm ab omni inde memoria bene gesta sint, necesse est ut vobis exponamus, unde nobis, qui semper fortes fuimus, magis patrium sit, quam Arcadibus, ut primi simus. (2) Primum Heraclidas, quorum hi ducem in Isthmo a se interfectum ajunt, hos antea, quum servitutem fugerent a Mycenæis imminentem, repulsique fuissent a Græcis omnibus quos adierant, nos soli recepimus, et Eurysthei injuriis finem fecimus, reportata cum illis victoria de his qui tunc Peloponnesum tenebant. (3) Deinde, quum Argivi cum Polynice contra Thebas profecta, ibique vita functi, insepulti jacerent, a nobis bello Cadmeis illato ablatos esse gloriamur mortuos, et in nostra terra Eleusine sepultos. (4) Est etiam res a nobis præclare gesta contra Amazonidas, quæ olim a Thermodonte fluvio in terram Atticam incursionem fecerunt. Atque in Trojano etiam bello nullis fuimus secundi. (5) Sed enim nihil proficit, harum rerum fecisse mentionem : nam, qui tum fortes fuere, fieri potest ut iidem nunc sint deteriores ; et qui tunc ignavi, iidem nunc fortiores. (6) Itaque, de rebus olim gestis, hæc sufficiant. Nos autem, si nullum aliud edidissemus factum, qui tamen multa, si qui alii e Græcis, bene præclareque gessimus ; at propter unam certe Marathoniam victoriam digni sumus hoc honore, atque aliis etiam insuper honoribus : qui ex omnibus Græcis soli cum Persa pugnavimus, tantamque rem aggressi superiores discessimus, et de sex et quadraginta populis victoriam reportavimus. (7) Nonne hac una re gesta commeruimus, ut hic nobis locus in acie tribuatur ? At, quum in hoc temporis momento non deceat de loco quo quisque in acie locetur altercari, parati nos sumus vobis parere, Lacedæmonii, et ibi stare ubi et contra quos ut locemur opportunissimum vobis fuerit visum. Nam ubicunque fuerimus locati, operam dabimus ut fortes nos viros præstemus. Imperate igitur, et nos obsequemur. » | And the Athenians replied as follows: “Though we know that this gathering was assembled for battle with the Barbarian and not for speech, yet since the Tegean has proposed to us as a task to speak of things both old and new, the deeds of merit namely which by each of our two nations have been achieved in all time, it is necessary for us to point out to you whence it comes that to us, who have been brave men always, it belongs as a heritage rather than to the Arcadians to have the chief place. First as to the sons of Heracles, whose leader they say that they slew at the Isthmus, these in the former time, when they were driven away by all the Hellenes to whom they came flying from slavery under those of Mykene, we alone received; and joining with them we subdued the insolence of Eurystheus, having conquered in fight those who then dwelt in Peloponnesus. Again when the Argives who with Polyneikes marched against Thebes, had been slain and were lying unburied, we declare that we marched an army against the Cadmeians and recovered the dead bodies and gave them burial in our own land at Eleusis. We have moreover another glorious deed performed against the Amazons who invaded once the Attic land, coming from the river Thermodon: and in the toils of Troy we were not inferior to any. But it is of no profit to make mention of these things; for on the one hand, though we were brave men in those times, we might now have become worthless, and on the other hand even though we were then worthless, yet now we might be better. Let it suffice therefore about ancient deeds; but if by us no other deed has been displayed (as many there have been and glorious, not less than by any other people of the Hellenes), yet even by reason of the deed wrought at Marathon alone we are worthy to have this privilege and others besides this, seeing that we alone of all the Hellenes fought in single combat with the Persian, and having undertaken so great a deed we overcame and conquered six-and-forty nations. Are we not worthy then to have this post by reason of that deed alone? However, since at such a time as this it is not fitting to contend for post, we are ready to follow your saying, O Lacedemonians, as to where ye think it most convenient that we should stand and opposite to whom; for wheresoever we are posted, we shall endeavor to be brave men. Prescribe to us therefore and we shall obey.” |
| 9.28 | Hoc quum illi respondissent, universus Lacedæmoniorum exercitus acclamavit Atheniensibus, digniores illos esse qui cornu præessent, quam Arcades. Atque ita Athenienses, victis Tegeatis, honorem illum sunt consecuti. (2) Post hæc, Græcorum acies, quum eorum qui initio convenerant, tum qui paulatim supervenerant, in hunc modum ordinata est. Dextrum cornu Lacedæmonii tenuere, numero decies mille ; quorum quinque milia Spartani fuere, quos custodiebant Helotæ quinquies et tricies mille, leviter armati septem Helotæ cuique viro attributi. (3) Proximum sibi locum Spartani Tegeatis tribuerunt, et honoris causa, et virtutis : erantque hi mille et quingenti graviter armati. (4) Post hos locati erant Corinthiorum quinque milia : qui a Pausania impetrarunt, ut juxta ipsos starent Potidæatæ qui aderant e Pallene, numero trecenti. (5) His proximi erant locati Arcades Orchomenii sexcenti ; et his, Sicyonii ter mille ; juxtaque hos stabant Epidaurii octingenti ; (6) prope quos constituti erant Trœzenii mille ; tum juxta Trœzenios Lepreatæ ducenti ; prope hos Mycenæi et Tirynthii quadringenti ; quibus proximi, Phliasii mille ; (7) atque his propinqui erant Hermionenses trecenti. Proximi Hermionensibus locati erant Eretrienses et Styrenses sexcenti : post quos Chalcidenses quadringenti, et post hos, Ampraciatæ quingenti ; (8) deinde Leucadii locati erant et Anactorii, numero octingenti : hisque proximi Palenses e Cephallenia ducenti. Post hos Æginetæ stabant quingenti ; et juxta illos Megarenses locati ter mille ; (9) atque his proximi erant Platæenses sexcenti. Postremi vero et primi Athenienses stabant, lævum cornu tenentes, numero octies mille ; quibus Aristides præerat, Lysimachi filius. | They made answer thus; and the whole body of the Lacedemonians shouted aloud that the Athenians were more worthy to occupy the wing than the Arcadians. Thus the Athenians obtained the wing, and overcame the Tegeans. After this the Hellenes were ranged as follows, both those of them who came in continually afterwards and those who had come at the first. The right wing was held by ten thousand Lacedemonians; and of these the five thousand who were Spartans were attended by thirty-five thousand Helots serving as light-armed troops, seven of them appointed for each man. To stand next to themselves the Spartans chose the Tegeans, both to do them honor and also because of their valor; and of these there were one thousand five hundred hoplites. After these were stationed five thousand Corinthians, and they had obtained permission from Pausanias that the three hundred who were present of the men of Potidaia in Pallene should stand by their side. Next to these were stationed six hundred Arcadians of Orchomenos; and to these three thousand Sikyonians. Next after these were eight hundred Epidaurians: by the side of these were ranged a thousand Troizenians: next to the Troizenians two hundred Lepreates: next to these four hundred of the men of Mikene and Tiryns; and then a thousand Phliasians. By the side of these stood three hundred Hermionians; and next to the Hermionians were stationed six hundred Eretrians and Styrians; next to these four hundred Chalkidians; and to these five hundred men of Amprakia. After these stood eight hundred Leucadians and Anactorians; and next to them two hundred from Pale in Kephallenia. After these were ranged five hundred Eginetans; by their side three thousand Megarians; and next to these six hundred Plataians. Last, or if you will first, were ranged the Athenians, occupying the left wing, eight thousand in number, and the commander of them was Aristeides the son of Lysimachos. |
| 9.29 | Hi cuncti, exceptis septem illis cuique Spartanorum attributis, graviter fuere armati ; numero, simul omnes, octies et tricies mille et septingenti. (2) Iste igitur fuit numerus graviter armatorum, qui ad pugnandum contra Barbarum convenerant. Leviter vero armatorum numerus hic fuit : in Spartanorum ordinibus quinquies et tricies mille viri, quippe septem circa quemque virum ; eratque horum quisque ut solet ad bellum instructus. (3) Reliquorum vero Lacedæmoniorum et Græcorum leviter armati, unus fere circa quemque virum, fuere quater et tricies mille et quingenti. Itaque leviter armatorum numerus universus fuit sexaginta novem milium et quingentorum. | These all, excepting those who were appointed to attend the Spartans, seven for each man, were hoplites, being in number altogether three myriads eight thousand and seven hundred. This was the whole number of hoplites who were assembled against the Barbarian; and the number of the light-armed was as follows — of the Spartan division thirty-five thousand men, reckoning at the rate of seven for each man, and of these every one was equipped for fighting; and the light-armed troops of the rest of the Lacedemonians and of the other Hellenes, being about one for each man, amounted to thirty-four thousand five hundred. |
| 9.30 | Itaque universus Græcarum copiarum, quæ ad pugnam aptæ essent, numerus ad Platæas, collectus, simul sumpta et gravi et levi armatura, fuit centum et decem milium, minus mille et octingentis. (2) Adjunctis vero Thespiensibus qui aderant, completus est numerus centum et decem milium. Adfuerunt enim etiam in castris quotquot supererant Thespiensium, ad mille octingentos numero : sed illi quidem nonnisi leviter armati. Græci igitur, ita ordinati, ad Asopum castra habuere. | Of the light-armed fighting men the whole number then was six myriads nine thousand and five hundred; and of the whole Hellenic force which assembled at Plataia the number (including both the hoplites and the light-armed fighting men) was eleven myriads all but one thousand eight hundred men; and with the Thespians who were present the number of eleven myriads was fully made up; for there were present also in the army those of the Thespians who survived, being in number about one thousand eight hundred, and these too were without heavy arms. These then having been ranged in order were encamped on the river Asopos. |
| 9.31 | Barbari cum Mardonio, postquam finem fecerunt parentandi Masistio, quum cognovissent Græcos ad Platæas esse, ipsi quoque ad Asopum, qui illac fluit, se contulerunt. (2) Quo ubi venere, Græcis in hunc modum oppositi sunt a Mardonio. Contra Lacedæmonios locavit Persas ; qui quidem, quum illos multitudine longe superarent, non solum plures in ordines locati, sed Tegeatis etiam oppositi stabant. (3) Ordinavit eos autem Mardonius ita, ut selectos suorum validissimos quosque opponeret Lacedæmoniis, infirmiores vero contra Tegeatas locaret : idque fecit indicantibus et monentibus Thebanis. (4) Persis proximos Medos locavit ; qui ex adverso Corinthios habebant et Potidæatas et Orchomenios et Sicyonios. A latere Medorum Bactrios locavit, Epidauriis oppositos et Trœzeniis, item Lepreatis, Tirynthiis, Mycenæis et Phliasiis. Post Bactrios locavit Indos, quibus ex adverso Hermionenses stabant et Eretrienses et Styrenses et Chalcidenses. (5) Proxime Indis Sacas locavit, Ampraciatis oppositos et Anactoriis et Leucadiis et Palensibus et Æginetis. Proximos Sacis, ex adverso Atheniensium et Platæensium et Megarensium, Bœotos locavit et Locros et Malienses et Thessalos et mille illos, quos memoravi, Phocenses. (6) Nec enim omnes Phocenses a partibus Medorum stabant ; sed eorum nonnulli etiam cum Græcis faciebant, circa Parnassum conglobati, indeque impetu facto exercitum Mardonii, et Græcos qui cum eo erant, vexabant prædamque ex illis agebant. Insuper vero etiam Macedonas, et populos Thessaliæ finitimos, Atheniensibus Mardonius opposuit. | Meanwhile the Barbarians with Mardonios, when they had sufficiently mourned for Masistios, being informed that the Hellenes were at Plataia came themselves also to that part of the Asopos which flows there; and having arrived there, they were ranged against the enemy by Mardonios thus — against the Lacedemonians he stationed the Persians; and since the Persians were much superior in numbers, they were arrayed in deeper ranks than those, and notwithstanding this they extended in front of the Tegeans also: and he ranged them in this manner — all the strongest part of that body he selected from the rest and stationed it opposite to the Lacedemonians, but the weaker part he ranged by their side opposite to the Tegeans. This he did on the information and suggestion of the Thebans. Then next to the Persians he ranged the Medes; and these extended in front of the Corinthians, Potidaians, Orchomenians and Sikyonians. Next to the Medes he ranged the Bactrians; and these extended in front of the Epidaurians, Troizenians, Lepreates, Tirynthians, Mykenians and Phliasians. After the Bactrians he stationed the Indians; and these extended in front of the Hermionians, Eretrians, Styrians and Chalkidians. Next to the Indians he ranged the Sacans, who extended in front of the men of Amprakia, the Anactorians, Leucadians, Palians and Eginetans. Next to the Sacans and opposite to the Athenians, Plataians and Megarians, he ranged the Boeotians, Locrians, Malians, Thessalians, and the thousand men of the Phokians: for not all the Phokians had taken the side of the Medes, but some of them were even supporting the cause of the Hellenes, being shut up in Parnassos; and setting out from thence they plundered from the army of Mardonios and from those of the Hellenes who were with him. He ranged the Macedonians also and those who dwell about the borders of Thessaly opposite to the Athenians. |
| 9.32 | Quos adhuc nominavi populos a Mardonio in acie locatos, hi numerosiores erant ceteris majorisque momenti. (2) Mixti his autem fuere ex aliis quoque populis viri, Phryges, Thraces, Mysi, Pæones, aliique. Adfuere etiam ex Æthopibus selecti, et Ægyptiorum Hermotybies et Calasiries qui vocantur, gladiis armati ; qui soli sunt Ægyptiorum milites. (3) Hos autem Mardonius, quum adhuc Phaleri esset, e navibus asciverat quarum propugnatores erant : nec enim Ægyptii in peditatu fuerant, qui cum Xerxe Athenas venit. (4) Jam barbarorum quidem numerus qui cum Mardonio erant, ut jam supra dixi, trecenta milia fuere : Græcorum vero numerum, qui ei socii aderant, nemo novit, nec enim initus illorum numerus est ; sed, si conjectura licet uti, ad quinquaginta milia coacta fuisse conjicio. Hic igitur peditatus fuit, in acie locatus : equitatus autem seorsum instructus stabat. | These which have been named were the greatest of the nations who were arrayed in order by Mardonios, those, I mean, which were the most renowned and of greatest consideration: but there were in his army also men of several other nations mingled together, of the Phrygians, Thracians, Mysians, Paionians, and the rest; and among them also some Ethiopians, and of the Egyptians those called Hermotybians and Calasirians, carrying knives, who of all the Egyptians are the only warriors. These men, while he was yet at Phaleron, he had caused to disembark from the ships in which they served as fighting-men; for the Egyptians had not been appointed to serve in the land-army which came with Xerxes to Athens. Of the Barbarians then there were thirty myriads, as has been declared before; but of the Hellenes who were allies of Mardonios no man knows what the number was, for they were not numbered; but by conjecture I judge that these were assembled to the number of five myriads. These who were placed in array side by side were on foot; and the cavalry was ranged apart from them in a separate body. |
| 9.33 | Cunctis ita per populos et per manipulos dispositis, dein postridie utrique sacra fecerunt. (2) Græcis Tisamenus, Antiochi filius, sacrificator erat : hic enim exercitum hunc ut vates sequebatur. Eleus is fuit, Clytiades (ex Clytii familia), de gente Iamidarum : quem Lacedæmonii civem adoptaverant. Scilicet quum Delphicum oraculum Tisamenus de prole consuluisset, responderat ei Pythia, quinque maximis certaminibus victoriam illum reportaturum. (3) Is igitur, aberrans ab sententia oraculi, gymnicis certaminibus dabat operam, tanquam in his victoriam reportaturus : et quinquertium exercens, Olympiæ certamine inito cum Hieronymo, genere Andrio, in eo erat ut victoria potiretur, sed uno luctæ certamine victus est. (4) Tunc Lacedæmonii, intelligentes ad bellica certamina, non ad gymnica, spectare responsum Tisameno editum, conati sunt Tisamenum proposita mercede sibi conciliare, eique persuadere ut una cum regibus de Heraclidarum genere dux ipsis esset bellorum. (5) At ille, ubi vidit multum interesse Spartanorum, amicum se illis et socium adjungi, auxit pretium, dixitque, si se in civium numerum vellent cooptare, omniumque jurium participem reddere, tunc se id facturum, alio autem pretio minime. (6) Quo audito, primum indignati Spartani : missam fecerunt illius artem divinandi : ad extremum vero, quum ingens eis metus impenderet a Persico hoc exercitu, consentientes in conditionem,arcessiverunt virum. (7) At ille, ubi mutatam vidit eorum sententiam, ne sic quidem, ait, sufficere sibi hoc unum, sed oportere etiam fratrem suum Hagian eadem conditione, qua ipse, fieri Spartanum. | When all had been drawn up by nations and by divisions, then on the next day they offered sacrifice on both sides. For the Hellenes Tisamenos the son of Antiochos was he who offered sacrifice, for he it was who accompanied this army as diviner. This man the Lacedemonians had made to be one of their own people, being an Eleian and of the race of the Iamidai: for when Tisamenos was seeking divination at Delphi concerning issue, the Pythian prophetess made answer to him that he should win five of the greatest contests. He accordingly, missing the meaning of the oracle, began to attend to athletic games, supposing that he should win contests of athletics; and he practised for the “five contests” and came within one fall of winning a victory at the Olympic games, being set to contend with Hieronymos of Andros. The Lacedemonians however perceived that the oracle given to Tisamenos had reference not to athletic but to martial contests, and they endeavored to persuade Tisamenos by payment of money, and to make him a leader in their wars together with the kings of the race of Heracles. He then, seeing that the Spartans set much store on gaining him over as a friend, having perceived this, I say, he raised his price and signified to them that he would do as they desired, if they would make him a citizen of their State and give him full rights, but for no other payment. The Spartans at first when they heard this displayed indignation and altogether gave up their request, but at last, when great terror was hanging over them of this Persian armament, they gave way and consented. He then perceiving that they had changed their minds, said that he could not now be satisfied even so, nor with these terms alone; but it was necessary that his brother Hegias also should be made a Spartan citizen on the same terms as he himself became one. |
| 9.34 | Hæc ille dicens, postulatis suis, ut credi par est, imitabatur Melampodem, qui regiam dignitatem cum jure civitatis petebat. Melampus enim, quum Argis mulieres furore essent correptæ, et Argivi illum proposita mercede Pylo vellent arcessere, ut eo morbo liberaret mulieres ipsorum, mercedem postulaverat dimidium regni. (2) Qua repudiata conditione postquam digressi sunt Argivi, quum multo etiam plures mulieres in insaniam incidissent, ita demum in conditionem a Melampode propositam consentientes, adierunt eum, id quod ille postulaverat daturi. (3) At tunc ille, mutatam videns horum sententiam, aucta cupiditate, ait, nisi fratri quoque ipsius Bianti tertiam regni partem traderent, non esse se illis morem gesturum. Et Argivi, in angustias adducti, in hanc etiam conditionem consenserunt. | By saying this he followed the example of Melampus in his request, if one may compare royal power with mere citizenship; for Melampus on his part, when the women in Argos had been seized by madness, and the Argives endeavored to hire him to come from Pylos and to cause their women to cease from the malady, proposed as payment for himself the half of the royal power; and the Argives did not suffer this, but departed: and afterwards, when more of their women became mad, at length they accepted that which Melampus had proposed, and went to offer him this: but he then seeing that they had changed their minds, increased his demand, and said that he would not do that which they desired unless they gave to his brother Bias also the third share in the royal power. And the Argives, being driven into straits, consented to this also. |
| 9.35 | Pari modo etiam Spartani, quum Tisamenum sibi adjungere vehementer cuperent, omnibus ejus postulatis concesserunt. Quæ postquam ei Spartani indulserunt, ad quinque maximas reportandas victorias Tisamenus Eleus, nunc Spartanus factus, operam suam illis arte sua divinandi contulit. (2) Sunt autem isti duo ex omnibus hominibus soli, quos Spartani in civium numerum cooptarunt. Quinque vero certamina, in quibus ope Tisameni victoriam Spartani reportarunt, hæc sunt : primum hoc, ad Platæas ; deinde illud ad Tegeam, contra Tegeatas et Argivos ; tertium, in Dipæensibus adversus universos Arcadas, exceptis Mantinensibus ; quartum, adversus Messenios ad Ithomam ; quintum, ad Tanagram contra Athenienses et Argivos : hoc autem postremum peractum est certamen ex illis quinque. | Just so the Spartans also, being very much in need of Tisamenos, agreed with him on any terms which he desired: and when the Spartans had agreed to this demand also, then Tisamenos the Eleian, having become a Spartan, had part with them in winning five of the greatest contests as their diviner: and these were the only men who ever were made fellow-citizens of the Spartans. Now the five contests were these: one and the first of them was this at Plataia; and after this the contest at Tegea, which took place with the Tegeans and the Argives; then that at Dipaieis against all the Arcadians except the Mantineians; after that the contest with the Messenians at Ithome; and last of all that which took place at Tanagra against the Athenians and Argives. This, I say, was accomplished last of the five contests. |
| 9.36 | Hic igitur Tisamenus, Spartanos comitatus, interpres sacrorum ad Platæas fuit Græcis. Et felicem rei exitum Græcis portendebant sacra, si sese defenderent ; parum prosperum autem, si Asopum transirent et pugnæ facerent initium. | This Tisamenos was acting now as diviner for the Hellenes in the Plataian land, being brought by the Spartans. Now to the Hellenes the sacrifices were of good omen if they defended themselves only, but not if they crossed the Asopos and began a battle. |
| 9.37 | Mardonius vero, quum cuperet initium facere pugnandi, non opportuna habuit sacra ; sed huic quoque, si sese defenderet, fausta omnia portendebantur. Usus est enim etiam ille Græcanicis sacris ; eratque illi vates Hegesistratus, civis Eleus, et Telliadarum nobilissimus. Eumdem virum antea Spartani, a se captum, in vincula conjecerant, et supplicio destinaverant, quippe multa indigna ab eo perpessi. (2) Ille vero, hac calamitate circumventus, utpote cui non modo capitis imminebat pœna, sed ante mortem etiam multa tristia patienda, facinus commisit dictu incredibile. (3) Quum enim ligno illigatus esset ferro revincto, illatum forte ferreum instrumentum nactus, continuo facinus molitus est omnium quæ novimus fortissimum : postquam enim perpendit quo pacto reliquum pedem e compede educeret, anteriorem pedis partem sibi præcidit. (4) Quo facto, quum custodiretur a custodibus, perfosso pariete Tegeam profugit, noctu iter faciens, interdiu vero inter fruticeta latens et in statione manens : atque ita, Lacedæmoniis ubique eum quærentibus, tertia nocte Tegeæ fuit : et audacia hominis obstupefacti erant Lacedæmonii, quum abscissum dimidiatum pedem viderent humi jacentem, hominem autem non possent reperire. (5) Postquam igitur hoc modo tunc Lacedæmonios evasit, Tegeam profugit, quæ per id tempus non pacata erat Lacedæmoniis. Dein persanato vulnere, ligneum sibi pedem ascivit ; et ab illo tempore e professo hostis fuit Lacedæmoniorum. (6) Nec tamen usque ad finem ei profuit odium in Lacedæmonios conceptum : captus est enim ab illis quum vaticinaretur in Zacyntho, et interfectus. (7) Sed hic interitus Hegesistrati post pugnam accidit Platæensem : tunc vero ad Asopum fluvium, haud exiguo pretio a Mardonio conductus, sacra faciebat, et promptam operam navabat, tam ob odium Lacedæmoniorum, quam quæstus cupidine. | And Mardonios too, who was eager to begin a battle, found the sacrifices not favorable to this design, but they were of good omen to him also if he defended himself only; for he too used the Hellenic manner of sacrifice, having as diviner Hegesistratos an Eleian and the most famous of the Telliadai, whom before these events the Spartans had taken and bound, in order to put him to death, because they had suffered much mischief from him. He then being in this evil case, seeing that he was running a course for his life and was likely moreover to suffer much torment before his death, had done a deed such as may hardly be believed. Being made fast on a block bound with iron, he obtained an iron tool, which in some way had been brought in, and contrived forthwith a deed the most courageous of any that we know: for having first calculated how the remaining portion of his foot might be got out of the block, he cut away the flat of his own foot, and after that, since he was guarded still by warders, he broke through the wall and so ran away to Tegea, travelling during the nights and in the daytime entering a wood and resting there; so that, though the Lacedemonians searched for him in full force, he arrived at Tegea on the third night; and the Lacedemonians were possessed by great wonder both at his courage, when they saw the piece of the foot that was cut off lying there, and also because they were not able to find him. So he at that time having thus escaped them took refuge at Tegea, which then was not friendly with the Lacedemonians; and when he was healed and had procured for himself a wooden foot, he became an open enemy of the Lacedemonians. However in the end the enmity into which he had fallen with the Lacedemonians was not to his advantage; for he was caught by them while practising divination in Zakynthos, and was put to death. However the death of Hegesistratos took place later than the events at Plataia, and he was now at the Asopos, having been hired by Mardonions for no mean sum, sacrificing and displaying zeal for his cause both on account of his enmity with the Lacedemonians and on account of the gain which he got. |
| 9.38 | Quum igitur et ipsi Persæ, et qui cum eis erant Græci (nam et hi seorsum suum aruspicem habebant, Hippomachum Leucadium), victimarum judicio prohiberentur committere prœlium, continenter autem novæ sociorum copiæ in castra confluerent Græcorum, numerusque illorum in dies augeretur ; tum vero Timagenides Herpyis filius, Thebanus, Mardonio suasit, ut exitum faucium Cithæronis occuparet ; dicens, continenter Græcos quotidie affluere, quorum ingentem numerum ibi esset intercepturus. | But as the sacrifices were not favorable for a battle either for the Persians themselves or for those Hellenes who were with them (for these also had a diviner for themselves, Hippomachos a Leucadian), and as the Hellenes had men constantly flowing in and were becoming more in number, Timagenides the son of Herpys, a Theban, counselled Mardonios to set a guard on the pass of Kithairon, saying that the Hellenes were constantly flowing in every day and that he would thus cut off large numbers. |
| 9.39 | Et jam octo diebus castra castris opposita habuerant, quum ille hoc consilium Mardonio dedit. Atque intelligens Persa bonum esse consilium, noctu equitatum ad faucium Cithæronis exitum, versus Platæas ferentem, misit ; quem locum Bœoti Tria capita vocant, Athenienses vero Quercus capita. (2) Nec frustra venerunt equites, eo loci missi : ceperunt enim ingredientia planitiem jumenta quingenta ; quæ e Peloponneso cibaria in castra vehebant, cum hominibus jumenta sequentibus. (3) Qua præda capta Persæ immanem cædem ediderunt, nec jumento parcentes nec homini cuiquam : donec cæde satiati, reliqua circumventa ad Mardonium in castra abegerunt. | Eight days had now passed while they had been sitting opposite to one another, when he gave this counsel to Mardonios; and Mardonios, perceiving that the advice was good, sent the cavalry when night came on to the pass of Kithairon leading towards Plataia, which the Boeotians call the “Three Heads” and the Athenians the “Oak Heads.” Having been thus sent, the cavalry did not come without effect, for they caught five hundred baggage-animals coming out into the plain, which were bearing provisions from Peloponnesus to the army, and also the men who accompanied the carts: and having taken this prize the Persians proceeded to slaughter them without sparing either beast or man; and when they were satiated with killing they surrounded the rest and drove them into the camp to Mardonios. |
| 9.40 | Post hoc factum, biduum adhuc morati sunt utrique, quum neutri vellent initium facere pugnæ. Et barbari quidem usque ad Asopum progrediebantur, lacessentes Græcos : sed neutri fluvium trajiciebant. (2) Attamen equitatus Mardonii continuo instabat Græcis, eosque infestabat. Thebani enim, magnopere Medis faventes, studiose gerebant bellum, et continuo illis usque ad pugnæ discrimen præibant ; deinde vero in eorum locum succedentes Persæ et Medi, haud spernenda virtutis specimina edebant. | After this deed they spent two days more, neither side wishing to begin a battle; for the Barbarians advanced as far as the Asopos to make trial of the Hellenes, but neither side would cross the river. However the cavalry of Mardonios made attacks continually and did damage to the Hellenes; for the Thebans, being very strong on the side of the Medes, carried on the war with vigor, and always directed them up to the moment of fighting; and after this the Persians and Medes took up the work and were they who displayed valor in their turn. |
| 9.41 | Usque ad decimum igitur diem nihil his amplius gestum est. Ut vero undecimus affuit dies quo castra castris ad Platæas opposita habuere, numerusque Græcorum multum erat auctus, et moram ægerrime ferebat Mardonius ; (2) tunc in colloquium convenere Mardonius Gobryæ filius, et Artabazus Pharnacis, vir in paucis Persarum Xerxi probatus. (3) Ibi consultantium duæ hæ erant sententiæ: altera Artabazi, censentis quam primum movenda esse castra, et cum toto exercitu ad murum Thebanorum eundum, ubi et frumentum multum convectum haberent, et pabulum jumentis ; ibi tranquille sedentes conficere bellum posse, hac inita ratione : (4) multum se habere aurum, quum signatum, tum factum, multumque argentum et pocula ; his ne parcerent, sed ad Græcos hæc dimitterent, et præsertim ad Græcarum civitatum præsides ; ita hos haud cunctanter prodituros libertatem, neque iterum discrimen pugnæ adituros. (5) Hujus igitur eadem fuit sententia atque Thebanorum : melius enim hic quoque, quam Mardonius, quid futurum esset, prospexerat. At Mardonii fortior erat et pertinacior sententia, nec ullo modo cedens : existimare enim se, aiebat, suum exercitum Græcanico longe præstare ; itaque quamprimum prœlio esse decernendum, nec committendum ut plures etiam conveniant quam jam nunc convenissent : missa autem facienda Hegesistrati sacra, neque pertinaciter in illa incumbendum ; sed Persarum institutum sequendo arma ferenda in hostem. | For ten days then nothing more was done than this; but when the eleventh day had come, while they still sat opposite to one another at Plataia, the Hellenes having by this time grown much more numerous and Mardonios being greatly vexed at the delay of action, then Mardonios the son of Gobryas and Artabazos the son of Pharnakes, who was esteemed by Xerxes as few of the Persians were besides, came to speech with one another; and as they conferred, the opinions they expressed were these — that of Artabazos, that they must put the whole army in motion as soon as possible and go to the walls of the Thebans, whither great stores of corn had been brought in for them and fodder for their beasts; and that they should settle there quietly and get their business done as follows — they had, he said, great quantities of gold, both coined and uncoined, and also of silver and of drinking-cups; and these he advised they should send about to the Hellenes without stint, more especially to those of the Hellenes who were leaders in their several cities; and these, he said, would speedily deliver up their freedom: and he advised that they should not run the risk of a battle. His opinion then was the same as that of the Thebans, for he as well as they had some true foresight: but the opinion of Mardonios was more vehement and more obstinate, and he was by no means disposed to yield; for he said that he thought their army far superior to that of the Hellenes, and he gave as his opinion that they should engage battle as quickly as possible and not allow them to assemble in still greater numbers than were already assembled; and as for the sacrifices of Hegesistratos, they should leave them alone and not endeavor to force a good sign, but follow the custom of the Persians and engage battle. |
| 9.42 | Hæc quum facienda Mardonius censuisset, nemo contra dixit ; et vicit illius sententia. Illi enim summa imperii a Xerxe commissa erat, non Artabazo. Tum convocatis ordinum ductoribus, atque etiam Græcorum sociorum ducibus, quæsivit an oraculum aliquod cognitum haberent de Persis, tanquam in Græcia perituris. (2) Tacentibus autem cunctis qui advocati erant, quippe aliis ignorantibus oracula, aliis cognita quidem habentibus, sed non tutum sibi judicantibus ea proferre, ipse Mardonius ait : (3) « Quoniam vos igitur aut nihil nostis, aut non audetis dicere, dicam ego, bene gnarus. Est oraculum, dicens in fatis esse ut Persæ, postquam in Græciam venerint, templum spolient Delphicum, eoque facto pereant omnes. (4) Itaque nos, quoniam hoc ipsum novimus, non adibimus id templum, nec spoliare aggrediemur : neque hanc ob culpam peribimus. Proinde quotquot vestrûm bene cupitis Persis, gaudeatis hoc nomine, confidatisque nos superaturos esse Græcos. » (5) His dictis, continuo imperavit ut omnia pararent recteque disponerent, quippe postridie prima luce prœlio futuro. | When he so expressed his judgment, none opposed him, and thus his opinion prevailed; for he and not Artabazos had the command of the army given him by the king. He summoned therefore the commanders of the divisions and the generals of those Hellenes who were with him, and asked whether they knew of any oracle regarding the Persians, which said that they should be destroyed in Hellas; and when those summoned to council were silent, some not knowing the oracles and others knowing them but not esteeming it safe to speak, Mardonios himself said: “Since then ye either know nothing or do not venture to speak, I will tell you, since I know very well. There is an oracle saying that the Persians are destined when they come to Hellas to plunder the temple at Delphi, and having plundered it to perish every one of them. We therefore, just because we know this, will not go to that temple nor will we attempt to plunder it; and for this cause we shall not perish. So many of you therefore as chance to wish well to the Persians, have joy so far as regards this matter, and be assured that we shall overcome the Hellenes.” Having spoken to them thus, he next commanded to prepare everything and to set all in order, since at dawn of the next day a battle would be fought. |
| 9.43 | Jam istud quidem oraculum, quod in Persas valere Mardonius dixit, novi equidem in Illyrios editum esse et in Enchelensium exercitum, non in Persas. (2) Sed Bacidis exstat effatum hanc pugnam spectans, hujusmodi:
barbaricæ Graiis acies clamore coibunt. Hic multi occumbent defuncti munere vitæ, quando sagittiferis aderit lux ultima Medis. » |
Now this oracle, which Mardonios said referred to the Persians, I know for my part was composed with reference with the Illyrians and the army of the Enchelians, and not with reference to the Persians at all. However, the oracle which was composed by Bakis with reference to this battle,
Where the Thermodon flows, by the banks of grassy Asopos; Here very many shall fall ere destiny gave them to perish, Medes bow-bearing in fight, when the fatal day shall approach them.” |
| 9.44 | Postquam ita Mardonius de oraculis interrogavit duces, eosque cohortatus est, ingruit nox, et excubiæ sunt dispositæ. Quum autem jam multum nox processisset, viderenturque omnia tranquilla esse in castris, maximeque homines somno sepulti ; tunc Alexander Amyntæ filius, dux et rex Macedonum, equo ad Græcorum custodias advectus, se cum illorum ducibus velle colloqui dixit. (2) Et custodum quidem major pars in statione mansit, nonnulli vero ad duces cucurrerunt, nuntiantes, venisse hominem equo vectum e castris Medorum, qui, nulllum aliud verbum promens, duces nominatim designasset, cum quibus colloqui se velle dixisset. | After the inquiry about the oracles and the exhortation given by Mardonios night came on and the guards were set: and when night was far advanced, and it seemed that there was quiet everywhere in the camps, and that the men were in their deepest sleep, then Alexander the son of Amyntas, commander and king of the Macedonians, rode his horse up to the guard-posts of the Athenians and requested that he might have speech with their generals. So while the greater number of the guards stayed at their posts, some ran to the generals, and when they reached them they said that a man had come riding on a horse out of the camp of the Medes, who discovered nothing further, but only named the generals and said that he desired to have speech with them. |
| 9.45 | His auditis, duces protinus ad custodias illos secuti sunt. Quo ubi venere, hæc illis Alexander dixit : « Viri Athenienses, verba hæc ego in vestram fidem depono, rogans ut arcana habeatis, nec ulli alii, nisi Pausaniæ, edicatis ; ne mihi extremam afferatis perniciem. (2) Nec enim dicturus hæc eram, nisi de universa Græcia vehementer essem sollicitus. Sum enim et ego antiquitus Græcus genere, et nolim Græciam e libertate in servitutem redactam videre. Dico igitur vobis, non potuisse Mardonio ejusque exercitui sacra e sententia fieri : alioqui jam pridem prœlio decertassetis. (3) Nunc vero ei decretum est, valere jussis sacrificiis, prima luce prœlium committere : timet enim Mardonius, ut ego suspicor, ne major vestrûm numerus conveniat. Ad hoc ergo vos comparate. Sin differt ille pugnam, et nunc vos non aggreditur ; durate porro, et manete : etenim non nisi paucorum adhuc dierum cibaria exercitui supersunt. (4) Quodsi vero hujus belli exitus e vestra evenerit sententia, etiam mei oportebit vos memores esse, et de me liberando cogitare, qui Græcorum causa tam periculosum facinus pro meo in vos studio suscepi, cupiens consilium vobis aperire Mardonii, ne barbari ex improviso vos nondum exspectantes adoriantur. Sum autem Alexander Macedo. » His dictis ille retro egit equum, et in castra suamque ad stationem est reversus. | Having heard this, forthwith they accompanied the men to the guard-posts, and when they had arrived there, Alexander thus spoke to them: “Athenians, I lay up these words of mine as a trust to you, charging you to keep them secret and tell them to no one except only to Pausanias, lest ye bring me to ruin: for I should not utter them if I did not care greatly for the general safety of Hellas, seeing that I am a Hellene myself by original descent and I should not wish to see Hellas enslaved instead of free. I say then that Mardonios and his army cannot get the offerings to be according to their mind, for otherwise ye would long ago have fought. Now however he has resolved to let the offerings alone and to bring on a battle at dawn of day; for, as I conjecture, he fears lest ye should assemble in greater numbers. Therefore prepare yourselves; and if after all Mardonios should put off the battle and not bring it on, stay where ye are and hold out patiently; for they have provisions only for a few days remaining. And if this way shall have its issue according to your mind, then each one of you ought to remember me also concerning liberation, since I have done for the sake of the Hellenes so hazardous a deed by reason of my zeal for you, desiring to show you the design of Mardonios, in order that the Barbarians may not fall upon you when ye are not as yet expecting them: and I am Alexander the Macedonian.” Thus having spoken he rode away back to the camp and to his own position. |
| 9.46 | Moxque Atheniensium duces ad dextrum cornu se contulerunt, et Pausaniæ, quæ ex Alexandro audiverant, renuntiarunt. Quo nuntio ille territus, Persasque metuens, hæc ait : « Quoniam igitur primo mane prœlium committetur, oportet ut vos Athenienses adversus Persas stetis, nos autem contra Bœotos et Græcos, qui adversus vos locati sunt ; idque hac causa : (2) vos nostis Medos et illorum pugnandi genus, qui ad Marathonem cum eis congressi estis : nos vero horum hominum nullam experientiam neque notitiam habemus ; nemo enim Spartanorum cum Medis periculum fecit : sed Bœotos atque Thessalos usu cognitos habemus. Quare omnino necesse est, ut vos sumptis armis in hoc cornu transeatis, nos autem in sinistrum cornu. » (3) Ad hæc Athenienses responderunt : « Nos quoque ipsi pridem ab initio, ubi contra vos vidimus locatos Persas, in animo habebamus hæc dicere, quæ nunc vos nobis proponere occupastis ; sed metuebamus, ne ingrata vobis esset ea oratio. Nunc quoniam vos ipsi hujus rationis fecistis mentionem, grata nobis hæc oratio est, et parati sumus morem vobis gerere. » | Then the generals of the Athenians came to the right wing and told Pausanias that which they had heard from Alexander. Upon this saying he being struck with fear of the Persians spoke as follows: “Since then at dawn the battle comes on, it is right that ye, Athenians, should take your stand opposite to the Persians, and we opposite to the Boeotians and those Hellenes who are now posted against you; and for this reason, namely because ye are acquainted with the Medes and with their manner of fighting, having fought with them at Marathon, whereas we have had no experience of these men and are without knowledge of them; for not one of the Spartans has made trial of the Medes in fight, but of the Boeotians and Thessalians we have had experience. It is right therefore that ye should take up your arms and come to this wing of the army, and that we should go to the left wing.” In answer to this the Athenians spoke as follows: “To ourselves also long ago at the very first, when we saw that the Persians were being ranged opposite to you, it occurred to us to say these very things, which ye now bring forward before we have uttered them; but we feared lest these words might not be pleasing to you. Since however ye yourselves have made mention of this, know that your words have caused us pleasure, and that we are ready to do this which ye say.” |
| 9.47 | Ut igitur utrisque hoc placuit, illucescente tunc aurora stationes inter se permutarunt. Quod ubi animadverterunt Bœoti, renuntiarunt Mardonio : et ille, hoc audito, protinus ipse quoque aciei suæ rationem cœpit immutare, Persasque adversus Lacedæmonios ducere. (2) Quod ubi Pausanias intellexit, suumque consilium non latere vidit hostem, retro Spartanos duxit in dextrum cornu : perinde vero item Mardonius suos lævum in cornu reduxit. | Both then were content to do this, and as dawn appeared they began to change their positions with one another: and the Boeotians perceiving that which was being done reported it to Mardonios, who, when he heard it, forthwith himself also endeavored to change positions, bringing the Persians along so as to be against the Lacedemonians: and when Pausanias learnt that this was being done, he perceived that he was not unobserved, and he led the Spartans back again to the right wing; and just so also did Mardonios upon his left. |
| 9.48 | Postquam utraque acies pristinum locum ceperat, præconem Mardonius ad Spartanos misit, hæc illis ipsius nomine dicentem : « Vos igitur, Lacedæmonii, ut fortissimi viri prædicamini ab hominibus has regiones incolentibus, qui magnopere vos admirantur, quod nunquam e bello fugiatis, nunquam deseratis stationem, sed duretis donec aut adversarios perdideritis aut perieritis ipsi. (2) Atqui horum nihil verum erat. Nam, priusquam nos congrederemur et ad manus veniremus, palam fugientes vos vidimus et stationem deserentes, nempe in Atheniensibus primum periculum facturos, vos ipsos vero contra servos nostros locantes. (3) Hæc neutiquam sunt fortium virorum facta : sed nimirum plurimum de vobis nos fefellit opinio. Nam quum propter virtutis vestræ famam existimassemus vos nobis præconem, qui nos provocaret, missuros esse, et cum solis Persis velle dimicare ; nos ad hoc ipsum parati, nihil tale vos vidimus facientes, sed metu terroreque refugientes. (4) Nunc igitur, quoniam vos non priores hanc nobis proposuistis conditionem, nos eam vobis ultro proponimus. Quidni pro Græcis vos, qui fortissimi esse existimamini, pro barbaris autem nos, pari utrimque numero jam pugnemus ? Et si quidem placuerit ut ceteri etiam pugnent, illi deinde post nos pugnanto : sin hoc non placet, sed satis esse judicaritis ut nos soli pugnemus, decernamus igitur ! et, utri nostrûm vicerint, hi pro universo exercitu vicisse censeantur. » | When they had been thus brought to their former positions, Mardonios sent a herald to the Spartans and said as follows: “Lacedemonians, ye are said forsooth by those who are here to be very good men, and they have admiration for you because ye do not flee in war nor leave your post, but stay there and either destroy your enemies or perish yourselves. In this however, as it now appears, there is no truth; for before we engaged battle and came to hand-to-hand conflict we saw you already flee and leave your station, desiring to make the trial with the Athenians first, while ye ranged yourselves opposite to our slaves. These are not at all the deeds of good men in war, but we were deceived in you very greatly; for we expected by reason of your renown that ye would send a herald to us, challenging us and desiring to fight with the Persians alone; but though we on our part were ready to do this, we did not find that ye said anything of this kind, but rather that ye cowered with fear. Now therefore since ye were not the first to say this, we are the first. Why do we not forthwith fight, ye on behalf of the Hellenes, since ye have the reputation of being the best, and we on behalf of the Barbarians, with equal numbers on both sides? and if we think it good that the others should fight also, then let them fight afterwards; and if on the other hand we should not think it good, but think it sufficient that we alone should fight, then let us fight it out to the end, and whichsoever of us shall be the victors, let these be counted as victorious with their whole army.” |
| 9.49 | His dictis præco aliquantisper substitit : ut vero nemo ei respondit, reversus est, et Mardonio quid acciderit renuntiavit. Tum ille, vehementer gavisus, et frigida elatus victoria, equitatum adversus Græcos misit. (2) Et accurrentes equites universum Græcorum exercitum incommodabant, et jacula in eos torquentes, et sagittas ex arcubus emittentes : quippe sagittarii erant equites, nec cum eis cominus congredi poterant Græci. Iidem etiam fontem Gargaphiam, unde aquabatur universus Græcorum exercitus, turbabant et obstruebant. (3) Et erant quidem prope illum fontem soli Lacedæmonii locati ; reliqui vero Græci, prout singuli locati erant, longius aberant a fonte, Asopum autem in propinquum habebant. Sed quoniam ab Asopo arcebantur, ad eundem fontem aquatum iverant ; e fluvio enim aquari prohibebantur ab equitum missilibus. | The herald having thus spoken waited for some time, and then, as no one made him any answer, he departed and went back; and having returned he signified to Mardonios that which had happened to him. Mardonios then being greatly rejoiced and elated by his empty victory, sent the cavalry to attack the Hellenes: and when the horsemen had ridden to attack them, they did damage to the whole army of the Hellenes by hurling javelins against them and shooting with bows, being mounted archers and hard therefore to fight against: and they disturbed and choked up the spring Gargaphia, from which the whole army of the Hellenes was drawing its water. Now the Lacedemonians alone were posted near this spring, and it was at some distance from the rest of the Hellenes, according as they chanced to be posted, while the Asopos was near at hand; but when they were kept away from the Asopos, then they used to go backwards and forwards to this spring; for they were not permitted by the horsemen and archers to fetch water from the river. |
| 9.50 | In hoc rerum statu, quum aqua careret exercitus, et ab equitatu hostium incommodaretur, Græcorum duces convocavit Pausanias, ut ad se in dextrum cornu convenirent, et de his ipsis rebus itemque de aliis deliberarent. (2) Nam præter hæc, aliis quoque incommodis magis etiam premebantur : cibaria enim illos defecerant ; famulique eorum, ad subvehendum commeatum in Peloponnesum missi, interclusi erant ab equitatu, ut in castra pervenire non possent. | Such then being the condition of things, the generals of the Hellenes, since the army had been cut off from its water and was being harassed by the cavalry, assembled to consult about these and other things, coming to Pausanias upon the right wing: for other things too troubled them yet more than these of which we have spoken, since they no longer had provisions, and their attendants who had been sent to Peloponnese for the purpose of getting them had been cut off by the cavalry and were not able to reach the camp. |
| 9.51 | Deliberantibus ducibus placuit, ut, si eum diem Persæ prætermisissent prœlium non committentes, ipsi in insulam se conferrent. Abest hæc decem stadia a fonte Gargaphia, ad quem tunc castra habebant, estque ante urbem Platæensium. (2) Ita insula fuerit in continente : nempe fluvius a Cithærone monte in planitiem decurrit in duos alveos divisus, tria fere stadia a se invicem distantes, et deinde in unum confluit : nomen ei est Oeroe, filiamque hanc esse Asopi ajunt hujus regionis incolæ. (3) Hunc in locum transferre castra constituerunt, quo et aquæ haberent copiam, nec ab equitibus, sicut dum ex adverso stabant, infestarentur. Movere autem placuit castra sub secundam noctis vigiliam, ne Persæ viderent abeuntes, nec equites sequerentur eos et incommodarent. (4) Deinde constituerant, quando in hunc locum pervenissent, quem Asopi filia Oeroe e Cithærone decurrens circumfluit, eadem nocte dimidiam copiarum partem ad Cithæronem mittere, ad recipiendos famulos, qui commeatum advecturi abierant : erant enim in Cithærone interclusi. | It was resolved then by the generals in council with one another, that if the Persians put off the battle for that day, they would go to the Island. This is distant ten furlongs from the Asopos and the spring Gargaphia, where they were then encamped, and is in front of the city of the Plataians: and if it be asked how there can be an island on the mainland, thus it is the river parts in two above, as it flows from Kithairon down to the plain, keeping a distance of about three furlongs between its streams, and after that it joins again in one stream; and the name of it is Oëroe, said by the natives of the country to be the daughter of Asopos. To this place of which I speak they determined to remove, in order that they might be able to get an abundant supply of water and that the cavalry might not do them damage, as now when they were right opposite. And they proposed to remove when the second watch of the night should have come, so that the Persians might not see them set forth and harass them with the cavalry pursuing. They proposed also, after they had arrived at this place, round which, as I say, Oëroe the daughter of Asopos flows, parting into two streams as she runs from Kithairon, to send half the army to Kithairon during this same night, in order to take up their attendants who had gone to get the supplies of provisions; for these were cut off from them in Kithairon. |
| 9.52 | Hæc quum ita decrevissent, toto illo die ab equitatu pressi, immensum sustinuerunt laborem. Ut vero dies defecit, destiteruntque equites, facta nocte et appropinquante hora qua ut discederent erat constitutum, tum vero plerique collectis vasis discesserunt ; non illi locum, de quo convenerat, petere in animo habentes ; sed, simulac moveri cœperunt, læti effugisse equitatum, versus Platæensium urbem fugientes, ad Heræum (Junonis templum) pervenerunt, quod est ante Platæensium urbem, viginti stadia a Gargaphia fonte distans ; ibique ante templum consederunt. | Having thus resolved, during the whole of that day they had trouble unceasingly, while the cavalry pressed upon them; but when the day drew to a close and the attacks of the cavalry had ceased, then as it was becoming night and the time had arrived at which it had been agreed that they should retire from their place, the greater number of them set forth and began to retire, not however keeping it in mind to go to the place which had been agreed upon; but on the contrary, when they had begun to move, they readily took occasion to flee from the cavalry towards the city of the Plataians, and in their flight they came as far as the temple of Hera, which temple is in front of the city of the Plataians at a distance of twenty furlongs from the spring Gargaphia; and when they had there arrived they halted in front of the temple. |
| 9.53 | Hi igitur circa Heræum castra habuere. Pausanias vero, postquam illos vidit castris egredientes, ratus eum locum illos, de quo convenerat, petere, Lacedæmonios etiam arma jussit capere, et eadem via, qua ceteri præcessissent, progredi. (2) Ibi tunc, quum alii omnes ordinum ductores parati essent Pausaniæ obsequi, unus Amompharetus, Poliadæ filius, manipulum ducens Pitanetarum, ait se non fugiturum peregrinos, neque ultro ignominiam aspersurum Spartanis ; miratusque est, ubi quid ageretur vidit : nec enim superiori colloquio interfuerat. (3) Pausaniæ vero et Euryanacti indigna res visa est, imperio non obtemperare illum, adhuc vero indignior, deserere manipulum Pitanatarum, quoniam ita dux illorum animatus esset ; quippe veriti, ne, si illo relicto facerent quæ cum ceteris Græcis constituissent, desertus periret Amompharetus cum suis. (4) Id secum reputantes, gradum sistere jusserunt Laconicas copias, et persuadere homini conati sunt, non recte eum facere. | These then were encamping about the temple of Hera; and Pausanias, seeing that they were retiring from the camp, gave the word to the Lacedemonians also to take up their arms and go after the others who were preceding them, supposing that these were going to the place to which they had agreed to go. Then, when all the other commanders were ready to obey Pausanias, Amompharetos the son of Poliades, the commander of the Pitanate division, said that he would not flee from the strangers, nor with his own will would he disgrace Sparta; and he expressed wonder at seeing that which was being done, not having been present at the former discussion. And Pausanias and Euryanax were greatly disturbed that he did not obey them and still more that they should be compelled to leave the Pitanate division behind, since he thus refused; for they feared that if they should leave it in order to do that which they had agreed with the other Hellenes, both Amompharetos himself would perish being left behind and also the men with him. With this thought they kept the Lacedemonian force from moving, and meanwhile they endeavored to persuade him that it was not right for him to do so. |
| 9.54 | Dum illi Amompharetum adhortantur, unum ex omnibus Lacedæmoniis et Tegeatis pone manentem ; interim Athenienses hæc fecerant : quieti steterant in vestigio ubi locati erant, bene gnari moris Lacedæmoniorum, alia sæpe cogitantium, alia dicentium. (2) Ut autem movere se cœpit exercitus, equitem de suis miserunt, qui spectaret utrum Lacedæmonii discedere aggrederentur, an omnino de profectione non cogitarent ; tum qui e Pausania quæreret, quid ipsis esset faciendum. | They then were exhorting Amompharetos, who had been left behind alone of the Lacedemonians and Tegeans; and meanwhile the Athenians were keeping themselves quiet in the place where they had been posted, knowing the spirit of the Lacedemonians, that they were apt to say otherwise than they really meant; and when the army began to move, they sent a horseman from their own body to see whether the Spartans were attempting to set forth, or whether they had in truth no design at all to retire; and they bade him ask Pausanias what they ought to do. |
| 9.55 | Ubi ad Lacedæmonios pervenit præco, vidit illos suo loco instructos stantes, et primores illorum inter se altercantes. Quum enim Amompharetum hortati essent Euryanax et Pausanias, ne solus Lacedæmoniorum ibi manens se suosque in periculum adduceret, minime ei persuaserunt ; et ad extremum eo ventum est, ut ad mutua convicia descenderent, quo tempore adveniens præco Atheniensis coram eis stetit. (2) Et maledictis illos incessens Amompharetus, ambabus manibus sublato saxo, eoque ante pedes posito Pausaniæ, Hoc calculo, ait, suffragium ego fero, non debere nos fugere peregrinos : nempe peregrinos barbaros dicens. (3) Quem furiosum et male sanum appellans Pausanias, mox ad præconem Atheniensium conversus interrogantem quod ei mandatum erat, jussit hunc, illis quid hic ageretur nuntiare, suoque nomine rogare Athenienses, ut ad se venirent, et de discessu facerent quod ipsos vidissent facere. | So when the herald came to the Lacedemonians, he saw that they were still in their place and that the chiefs of them had come to strife with one another: for when Euryanax and Pausanias both exhorted Amompharetos not to run the risk of remaining behind with his men, alone of all the Lacedemonians, they did not at all persuade him, and at last they had come to downright strife; and meanwhile the herald of the Athenians had arrived and was standing by them. And Amompharetos in his contention took a piece of rock in both his hands and placed it at the feet of Pausanias, saying that with this pebble he gave his vote not to fly from the strangers, meaning the Barbarians. Pausanias then, calling him a madman and one who was not in his right senses, bade tell the state of their affairs to the Athenian herald, who was asking that which he had been charged to ask; and at the same time he requested the Athenians to come towards the Lacedemonians and to do in regard to the retreat the same as they did. |
| 9.56 | Et hic quidem ad Athenienses rediit. Illos vero ut inter se disceptantes aurora deprehendit, Pausanias, quum adhuc ibidem mansisset, existimans Amompharetum, si reliqui Lacedæmonii discessissent, non ibi solum manusurum, (id quod etiam accidit,) dato imperio ceteros omnes abduxit per clivos ; et Tegeatæ quoque sequebantur. (2) Athenienses vero, ordine instructi, contraria quam Lacedæmonii via incedebant : hi enim metu equitatus clivos sequebantur et radices Cithæronis ; Athenienses vero infra per planitiem progrediebantur. | He then went away back to the Athenians; and as the dawn of day found them yet disputing with one another, Pausanias, who had remained still throughout all this time, gave the signal, and led away all the rest over the low hills, supposing that Amonpharetos would not stay behind when the other Lacedemonians departed (in which he was in fact right); and with them also went the Tegeans. Meanwhile the Athenians, following the commands which were given them, were going in the direction opposite to that of the Lacedemonians; for these were clinging to the hills and the lower slope of Kithairon from fear of the cavalry, while the Athenians were marching below in the direction of the plain. |
| 9.57 | Amompharetus autem, prorsus persuasus nequaquam ausurum Pausaniam se suosque deserere, etiam nunc institit ut ibi manerent, nec desererent stationem : at, ubi jam longius progressum Pausaniam cum suis vidit, tunc ratus palam illos sese deseruisse, manipulum suum arma capere jussit, eumque militari gradu ad reliquum agmen adduxit. (2) At illi, postquam decem fere stadia progressi erant, exspectaverunt Amomphareti manipulum, circa fluvium Moloentem resistentes et circa locum cui Argiopio nomen, ubi templum situm est Cereris Eleusiniæ. Manserunt autem ibi hoc consilio, quo, si stationem qua locatus erat non relinqueret Amompharetus ejusque manipulus, sed ibi manerent, redirent ipsi eisque succurrerent. (3) Vixdum ad illos pervenerat Amompharetus, quum universus barbarorum equitatus eis instabat. Etenim equites pro suo more castris Græcorum adequitantes, quum vacuum vidissent locum, quo illi superioribus diebus steterant, ulterius continuo equos adegerunt : et simulatque Græcos assecuti sunt, protinus eis institerunt. | As for Amonpharetos, he did not at first believe that Pausanias would ever venture to leave him and his men behind, and he stuck to it that they should stay there and not leave their post; but when Pausanias and his troops were well in front, then he perceived that they had actually left him behind, and he made his division take up their arms and led them slowly towards the main body. This, when it had got away about ten furlongs, stayed for the division of Amompharetos, halting at the river Moloeis and the place called Argiopion, where also there stands a temple of the Eleusinian Demeter: and it stayed there for this reason, namely in order that of Amonpharetos and his division should not leave the place where they had been posted, but should remain there, it might be able to come back to their assistance. So Amompharetos and his men were coming up to join them, and the cavalry also of the Barbarians was at the same time beginning to attack them in full force: for the horsemen did on this day as they had been wont to do every day; and seeing the place vacant in which the Hellenes had been posted on the former days, they rode their horses on continually further, and as soon as they came up with them they began to attack them. |
| 9.58 | Mardonius, ut Græcos noctu discessisse cognovit, locunque vacuum vidit, Larissæum Thoracem vocavit ejusque fratres Eurypylum et Thrasydeium, eosque his verbis est allocutus : « Nunc quid porro dicetis, filii Aleuæ, loca hæc vacua videntes ? nam vos, horum hominum finitimi, dicebatis non fugere Lacedæmonios e pugna, sed bellica virtute primarios esse viros : quos et paulo ante vidistis stationem deserere, et nunc cuncti videmus proxima nocte prorsus profugisse. (2) Nempe, ubi acie illis decernendum fuit cum eis qui revera fortissimi sunt hominum, ostenderunt, aperte se nihili esse homines inter Græcos, qui nec ipsi ullius sunt frugis. Ac vobis quibus Persarum virtus minus comperta est, facile ignovi, laudantibus hos homines, quorum res quædam bene gestæ vobis innotuerunt (3) sed tanto magis Artabazum miratus sum, Lacedæmonios pertimescentem, et timore perculsum ignavissimam dicentem sententiam, movenda nobis esse castra, et in Thebanorum urbem secedendum, nempe ibi obsidendis : quam sententiam etiam rex e me cognoscet. (4) Sed de his quidem alias disserendi locus erit : nunc vero illis, ut nos effugiant, non est permittendum ; sed persequi eos oportet, donec deprehensi pœnas nobis dederint omnium quæ adversus Persas patrarunt. » | Then Mardonios, when he was informed that the Hellenes had departed during the night, and when he saw their place deserted, called Thorax of Larissa and his brothers Eurypylos and Thrasydeios, and said: “Sons of Aleuas, will ye yet say anything, now that ye see these places deserted? For ye who dwell near them were wont to say that the Lacedemonians did not fly from a battle, but were men unsurpassed in war; and these men ye not only saw before this changing from their post, but now we all of us see that they have run away during the past night; and by this they showed clearly, when the time came for them to contend in battle with those who were in truth the best of all men, that after all they were men of no worth, who had been making a display of valor among Hellenes, a worthless race. As for you, since ye had had no experience of the Persians, I for my part was very ready to excuse you when ye praised these, of whom after all ye knew something good; but much more I marvelled at Artabazos that he should have been afraid of the Lacedemonians, and that having been afraid he should have uttered that most cowardly opinion, namely that we ought to move our army away and go to the city of the Thebans to be besieged there — an opinion about which the king shall yet be informed by me. Of these things we will speak in another place; now however we must not allow them to act thus, but we must pursue them until they are caught and pay the penalty to us for all that they did to the Persians in time past.” |
| 9.59 | Hæc locutus Mardonius Persas, Asopo superato, cursim duxit, vestigia secutus Græcorum, tanquam fugientium : duxit autem adversus solos Lacedæmonios et Tegeatas ; nam Athenienses, per planitiem euntes, obstantibus clivis non conspexerat. (2) Et reliquarum barbaricarum duces copiarum, ut Persas viderunt ad persequendos Græcos egressos, protinus et ipsi omnes sublatis signis raptim secuti sunt, ut quique pedibus valebant, nullo ordine, non instructa acie. Ita igitur hi cum clamore et tumultu accurrerunt, tanquam primo impetu Græcos oppressuri. | Thus having spoken he led on the Persians at a run, after they had crossed the Asopos, on the track of the Hellenes, supposing that these were running away from him; and he directed his attack upon the Lacedemonians and Tegeans only, for the Athenians, whose march was towards the plain, he did not see by reason of the hills. Then the rest of the commanders of the Barbarian divisions, seeing that the Persians had started to pursue the Hellenes, forthwith all raised the signals for battle and began to pursue, each as fast as they could, not arranged in any order or succession of post. These then were coming on with shouting and confused numbers, thinking to make short work of the Hellenes |
| 9.60 | Pausanias, quum instaret equitatus, equitem ad Athenienses misit, qui ipsius verbis hæc illis diceret : « Cives Athenienses, quum maximum nobis propositum sit certamen, quo id agitur, liberane maneat Græcia, an servitutem sit servitura, proditi sumus tam nos Lacedæmonii, quam vos Athenienses, a sociis, qui proxima nocte fuga se proripuerunt. (2) Nunc igitur decretum est quid hinc sit nobis faciendum : nempe pugnare oportet quam fortissime possumus, et mutuo nobis succurrere. Igitur si in vos primos irruisset equitatus, oporteret nos et Tegeatas, qui nobiscum sunt neque Græciam prodiderunt, vobis succurrere : nunc vero quum in nos universus ingruit, æquum est vos ut laborantibus maxime partibus exercitus suppetias veniatis. (3) Sin vos ipsi occupati estis ut succurrere nobis non possitis, hoc saltem nobis gratificamini, ut sagittarios vestros ad nos dimittatis. Quum compertum sit nobis, quam singulare studium in hoc bello adhibeatis, non dubitamus vos gratum hoc nobis facturos. » | And Pausanias, when the cavalry began to attack, sent to the Athenians a horseman and said thus: “Athenians, now that the greatest contest is set before us, namely that which has for its issue the freedom or the slavery of Hellas, we have been deserted by our allies, we Lacedemonians and ye Athenians, seeing that they have run away during the night that is past. Now therefore it is determined what we must do upon this, namely that we must defend ourselves and protect one another as best we may. If then the cavalry had set forth to attack you at the first, we and the Tegeans, who with us refuse to betray the cause of Hellas, should have been bound to go to your help; but as it is, since the whole body has come against us, it is right that ye should come to that portion of the army which is hardest pressed, to give aid. If however anything has happened to you which makes it impossible for you to come to our help, then do us a kindness by sending to us the archers; and we know that ye have been in the course of this present war by far the most zealous of all, so that ye will listen to our request in this matter also.” |
| 9.61 | His auditis, Athenienses parati erant illis succurrere, et quantam maximam possent opem ferre. Jamque iter erant ingressi, quum subito in illos impetum fecerunt Græci a barbarorum partibus stantes, qui illis in acie fuerant oppositi : quo facto, jam succurrere istis non potuere, ipsi ab aggredientibus infestati. (2) Itaque soli relicti Lacedæmonii et Tegeatæ, simul cum levi armatura, quinquagies mille Lacedæmonii, et ter mille Tegeatæ (nam hi nunquam ab illis discesserunt), sacra fecerunt, quippe cum Mardonio et exercitu qui cum eo erant conflicturi. Quumque nihil læti portenderent victimæ, multi interim eorum ceciderunt, et multo plures vulnerabantur. (3) Etenim Persæ, vallo e cratibus facto, adeo immensam in illos vim sagittarum emiserunt, ut Pausanias, quum perlitare non posset, et valde premerentur Lacedæmonii, Junonis templum respiciens, quod ad Platæas est, deam invocaret, orans ne spem ipsorum frustraretur. | When the Athenians heard this they were desirous to come to their help and to assist them as much as possible; and as they were already going, they were attacked by those of the Hellenes on the side of the king who had been ranged opposite to them, so that they were no longer able to come to the help of the Lacedemonians, for the force that was attacking them gave them much trouble. Thus the Lacedemonians and Tegeans were left alone, being in number, together with light-armed men, the former fifty thousand and the Tegeans three thousand; for these were not parted at all from the Lacedemonians: and they began to offer sacrifice, meaning to engage battle with Mardonios and the force which had come against them. Then since their offerings did not prove favorable, and many of them were being slain during this time and many more wounded — for the Persians had made a palisade of their wicker-work shields and were discharging their arrows in great multitude and without sparing — Pausanias, seeing that the Spartans were hard pressed and that the offerings did not prove favorable, fixed his gaze upon the temple of Hera of the Plataians and called upon the goddess to help, praying that they might by no means be cheated of their hope. |
| 9.62 | Dum ille adhuc deam invocat, priores surgunt Tegeatæ, et in barbaros tendunt. Mox vero etiam Lacedæmoniis, post preces a Pausania peractas, lætæ fuerunt victimæ. (2) Qui ut tandem perlitarunt, ipsi quoque adversus Persas pergunt ; et illis Persæ, relictis arcubus, obviam ire instituunt. Primum igitur fit prœlium apud crates : quæ ubi corruerunt, atrox jam fit pugna apud ipsum Cereris templum, eaque diuturna, donec eo ventum est ut velut in turba vir virum premeret : nam hastas Græcorum prehendentes barbari frangebant. (3) Et studio quidem ac robore non inferiores erant Persæ: sed præterquam quod leviter erant armati, ignari etiam fuere pugnæ Græcorum, et solertia cedebant adversariis. Procurrentes singuli, aut deni, et modo plures, modo pauciores, globo facto irruebant in Spartanos ; et ab his interficiebantur. | And while he was yet calling upon her thus, the Tegeans started forward before them and advanced against the Barbarians, and forthwith after the prayer of Pausanias the offerings proved favorable for the Lacedemonians as they sacrificed. So when this at length came to pass, then they also advanced against the Persians; and the Persians put away their bows and came against them. Then first there was fighting about the wicker-work shields, and when these had been overturned, after that the fighting was fierce by the side of the temple of Demeter, and so continued for a long time, until at last they came to justling; for the Barbarians would take hold of the spears and break them off. Now in courage and in strength the Persians were not inferior to the others, but they were without defensive armor, and moreover they were unversed in war and unequal to their opponents in skill; and they would dart out one at a time or in groups of about ten together, some more and some less, and fall upon the Spartans and perish. |
| 9.63 | Qua parte quidem ipse Mardonius erat, e candido equo pugnans, secunque selectos habens mille fortissimos Persarum, ibi vehementer hi premebant adversarios. (2) Quoad igitur Mardonius vixit, etiam reliqui restiterunt, et fortiter pugnando multos straverunt Lacedæmonios : ut vero interfectus Mardonius est, et quod circa eum steterat robur virorum cecidit, tunc nimirum et reliqui terga verterunt, cessaruntque Lacedæmoniis. (3) Maxime enim illis nocebat vestitus, scuto et lorica carens : etenim cum gravi armatura leviter armati pugnabant. | In the place where Mardonios himself was, riding on a white horse and having about him the thousand best men of the Persians chosen out from the rest, here, I say, they pressed upon their opponents most of all: and so long as Mardonios survived, they held out against them, and defending themselves they cast down many of the Lacedemonians; but when Mardonios was slain and the men who were ranged about his person, which was the strongest portion of the whole army, had fallen, then the others too turned and gave way before the Lacedemonians; for their manner of dress, without defensive armor, was a very great cause of destruction to them, since in truth they were contending light-armed against hoplites. |
| 9.64 | Ibi tunc pœnam cædis Leonidæ, secundum oraculi responsum, Spartanis Mardonius solvit : et nobilissimam omnium, quas novimus, victoriam Pausanias rettulit, Cleombroti filius, Anaxandridæ nepos. Superiorum hujus viri progenitorum nomina recensui, ubi de Leonida agebatur : sunt enim prorsus iidem. (2) Interfectus est autem Mardonius ab Arimnesto, spectato inter Spartanos viro : qui insequente tempore, post hoc Medicum bellum, bello Messeniaco trecentos viros ducens, cum omnibus Messeniorum copiis ad Stenyclerum conflixit : et una cum trecentis suis occubuit. | Then the satisfaction for the murder of Leonidas was paid by Mardonios according to the oracle given to the Spartans, and the most famous victory of all those about which we have knowledge was gained by Pausanias the son of Cleombrotos, the son of Anaxandrides; of his ancestors above this the names have been given for Leonidas, since, as it happens, they are the same for both. Now Mardonios was slain by Arimnestos, a man of consideration in Sparta, who afterwards, when the Median wars were over, with three hundred men fought a battle against the whole army of the Messenians, then at war with the Lacedemonians, at Stenycleros, and both he was slain and also the three hundred. |
| 9.65 | Persæ apud Platæas a Lacedæmoniis fusi fugatique, nullo ordine ad castra sua confugerunt et in ligneum murum, quem in agro Thebano construxerant. (2) Miror vero equidem, qui factum sit, quum ad Cereris lucum pugnata sit hæc pugna, ut tamen nullus repertus fuerit Persarum, qui in locum deæ sacrum aut intrarit aut in eo ceciderit, sed omnes in profana terra circa templum occubuerint. (3) Opinor autem, si modo fas est de rebus divinis opinari aliquid, deam illos non recepisse, ut qui ipsius templum, quod Eleusine fuit, cremassent. Hic igitur Platæensis pugnæ exitus fuit. | When the Persians were turned to flight at Plataia by the Lacedemonians, they fled in disorder to their own camp and to the palisade which they had made in the Theban territory: and it is a marvel to me that, whereas they fought by the side of the sacred grove of Demeter, not one of the Persians was found to have entered the enclosure or to have been slain within it, but round about the temple in the unconsecrated ground fell the greater number of the slain. I suppose (if one ought to suppose anything about divine things) that the goddess herself refused to receive them, because they had set fire to the temple, that is to say the “palace” at Eleusis. Thus far then had this battle proceeded. |
| 9.66 | Artabazo, Pharnacis filio, initio statim non placuerat, Mardonium a rege in Græcia relinqui : idemque tunc, multum hortatus ne prœlium ille committeret, nihil profecerat. Itaque, utpote improbans Mardonius inierat rerum gerendarum modum, hac ipse ratione egit : (2) quum suo sub imperio manum haberet haud exiguam, sed ad quadraginta hominum milia, his ordine compositis, quo tempore fiebat prœlium, bene gnarus quis futurus esset exitus pugnæ, egressus est, dato imperio, ut, qua ipse præiret, sequerentur omnes eodem gradu quo ipsum vidissent præeuntem. (3) Hoc dato imperio, duxit illos, veluti in prœlium duceret : sed quum ipse prægrederetur agmen, jamque fugientes conspexisset Persas ; inde non amplius eodem ordine suos duxit, sed citato cursu fugam cum eis corripuit, non ligneum murum petens nec Thebanorum mœnia, sed in Phocidem tendens, cupiensque quam primum ad Hellespontum pervenire. Hi igitur hanc in partem iter intenderunt. | But Artabazos the son of Pharnakes had been displeased at the very first because Mardonios remained behind after the king was gone; and afterwards he had been bringing forward objections continually and doing nothing, but had urged them always not to fight a battle: and for himself he acted as follows, not being pleased with the things which were being done by Mardonios. — The men of whom Artabazos was commander (and he had with him no small force but one which was in number as much as four myriads of men), these, when the fighting began, being well aware what the issue of the battle would be, he led carefully, having first given orders that all should go by the way which he should lead them and at the same pace at which they should see him go. Having given these orders he led his troops on pretence of taking them into battle; and when he was well on his way, he saw the Persians already taking flight. Then he no longer led his men in the same order as before, but set off at a run, taking flight by the quickest way not to the palisade nor yet to the wall of the Thebans, but towards Phokis, desiring as quickly as possible to reach the Hellespont. These, I say, were thus directing their march. |
| 9.67 | Græcorum, qui cum rege erant, major pars de industria cessaverant : sed Bœoti perdiu cum Atheniensibus dimicarunt. Nam Thebanorum, qui cum Medis faciebant, singulare studium adhibuere, fortiter pugnantes, minimeque ultro cedentes ; ita ut eorum trecenti, primarii viri fortissimique, ibi ab Atheniensibus sint interfecti. (2) Ut vero hi quoque terga vertere coacti sunt, Thebas se receperunt, non quidem ita ut Persæ (incondita fuga). Atque reliqua turba sociorum, nulla re gesta, ac ne pugna quidem cum ullo ex hostibus conserta, in fugam se proripuerunt. | And in the meantime, while the other Hellenes who were on the side of the king were purposely slack in the fight, the Boeotians fought with the Athenians for a long space; for those of the Thebans who took the side of the Medes had no small zeal for the cause, and they fought and were not slack, so that three hundred of them, the first and best of all, fell there by the hands of the Athenians: and when these also turned to flight, they fled to Thebes, not to the same place as the Persians: and the main body of the other allies fled without having fought constantly with any one or displayed any deeds of valor. |
| 9.68 | Atque hinc apparet, barbarorum res universas e Persis pependisse ; quandoquidem et hi tunc, priusquam cum hoste essent congressi, simulatque Persas videre fugientes, et ipsi fugam capessiverunt. (2) Itaque omnes se fugæ mandarunt, præter equitatum, quum reliquum, tum Bœoticum. Atque fugientibus magno etiam usui equitatus fuit, semper proxime ab hostibus obequitans, et suos fugientes a Græcis sejungens. | And this is an additional proof to me that all the fortunes of the Barbarians depended upon the Persians, namely that at that time these men fled before they had even engaged with the enemy, because they saw the Persians doing so. Thus all were in flight except only the cavalry, including also that of the Boeotians; and this rendered service to the fugitives by constantly keeping close to the enemy and separating the fugitives of their own side from the Hellenes. |
| 9.69 | Dum ita victores Græci fugientes barbaros persequuntur occiduntque, interim reliquis Græcis, qui circa Junonis templum consederant, et prœlio non interfuerant, nuntiatur pugnam esse pugnatam, vicisseque Pausaniam cum suis. (2) Quo audito, nullo ordine Corinthii superiore via, quæ per montis radices et per clivos fert, recta versus Cereris templum contenderunt ; Megarenses vero et Phliasii per planitiem molliori via. (3) Ubi vero prope hostem Megarenses et Phliasii fuere, e longinquo eos conspicati equites Thebani, videntesque nullo ordine properantes, equos in illos adegerunt, Asopodoro duce, Timandri filio. In quos invecti, sexcentos eorum straverunt ; reliquosque persecuti, in Cithæronem præcipites compulerunt. Isti igitur ignobili morte perierunt. | The victors then were coming after the troops of Xerxes, both pursuing them and slaughtering them; and during the time when this panic arose, the report was brought to the other Hellenes who had posted themselves about the temple of Hera and had been absent from the battle, that a battle had taken place and that the troops of Pausanias were gaining the victory. When they heard this, then without ranging themselves in any order the Corinthians and those near them turned to go by the skirts of the mountain and by the low hills along the way which led straight up to the temple of Demeter, while the Megarians and Phliasians and those near them went by the plain along the smoothest way. When however the Megarians and Phliasians came near to the enemy, the cavalry of the Thebans caught sight of them from a distance hurrying along without any order, and rode up to attack them, the commander of the cavalry being Asopodoros the son of Timander; and having fallen upon them they slew six hundred of them, and the rest they pursued and drove to Kithairon. These then perished thus ingloriously. |
| 9.70 | Persæ autem et reliqua turba, postquam intra ligneum murum pervenerunt, ascendere in turres maturarunt, priusquam Lacedæmonii adessent : eisque conscensis, quam optime poterant ad defendendum murum sese compararunt : et, ubi advenerunt Lacedæmonii, valide admodum propugnarunt. (2) Nam priusquam Athenienses accessissent, repulerunt Lacedæmonios, et multo eis erant superiores, quippe oppugnandarum munitionum imperitis. Ut vero Athenienses advenere, tunc acris exstitit et diuturna circa murum pugna. (3) Sed ad extremum virtute et assiduitate laboris conscenderunt murum Athenienses, eumque diruerunt : et ea parte Græci intra munitionem irruerunt. Primi qui ingressi sunt, Tegeatæ fuere : et hi sunt qui tentorium spoliarunt Mardonii, ex eoque quum alia asportarunt, tum præsepe equorum, quod totum æneum erat et spectatu dignum. (4) Ac præsepe hoc quidem Mardonii in templo Aleæ Minervæ dedicarunt Tegeatæ; reliquam vero prædam omnem in eundem locum cum communi Græcorum præda contulerunt. (5) Barbari vero, e quo murus corruit, nullum amplius globum, quem hosti opponerent, fecerunt, neque quisquam virtutis meminit ; sed consternati erant, utpote multæ hominum myriades in exiguum locum fuga compulsæ et conclusæ. (6) Et Græcis ita facilis fuit cædes, ut e triginta hominum myriadibus (demptis quattuor myriadibus, cum quibus Artabazus profugit) ne ter mille quidem reliqui essent. (7) Lacedæmoniorum vero, qui quidem ex ipsa Sparta fuere, nonnisi unus et nonaginta in prœlio ceciderant ; e Tegeatis vero sedecim ; ex Atheniensibus duo et quinquaginta. | And meanwhile the Persians and the rest of the throng, having fled for refuge to the palisade, succeeded in getting up to the towers before the Lacedemonians came; and having got up they strengthened the wall of defence as best they could. Then when the Lacedemonians came up to attack it, there began between them a vigorous fight for the wall: for so long as the Athenians were away, they defended themselves and had much the advantage over the Lacedemonians, since these did not understand the art of fighting against walls; but when the Athenians came up to help them, then there was a fierce fight for the wall, lasting for a long time, and at length by valor and endurance the Athenians mounted up on the wall and made a breach in it, through which the Hellenes poured in. Now the Tegeans were the first who entered the wall, and these were they who plundered the tent of Mardonios, taking, besides the other things which were in it, also the manger of his horse, which was all of bronze and a sight worth seeing. This manger of Mardonios was dedicated by the Tegeans as an offering in the temple of Athene Alea, but all the other things which they took, they brought to the common stock of the Hellenes. The Barbarians however, after the wall had been captured, no longer formed themselves into any close body, nor did any of them think of making resistance, but they were utterly at a loss, as you might expect from men who were in a panic with many myriads of them shut up together in a small space: and the Hellenes were able to slaughter them so that out of an army of thirty myriads, if those four be subtracted which Artabazos took with him in his flight, of the remainder not three thousand men survived. Of the Lacedemonians from Sparta there were slain in the battle ninety-one in all, of the Tegeans sixteen, and of the Athenians two-and-fifty. |
| 9.71 | Virtutis nomine in Platæensi pugna eminuere, inter barbaros, peditatus quidem Persarum, equitatus vero Sacarum : inter singulos viros eminuisse dicitur Mardonii virtus. Inter Græcos, quamquam et Tegeatæ et Athenienses fortiter pugnarunt, præ ceteris eminuit Lacedæmoniorum virtus : (2) quod quidem nullo alio indicio confirmare possum (hi enim cuncti vicerunt eos qui ipsis oppositi steterant), nisi quod Lacedæmonii cum robustissima parte copiarum hostilium conflixerunt, hosque superarunt. Inter singulos viros, ut mihi quidem videtur, præ ceteris longe fortissime pugnavit Aristodemus, is qui, quum e trecentis unus a Thermopylis rediisset, ignominia notatus erat. (3) Post hunc autem eminuere Posidonius et Philocyon, et Spartanus Amompharetus. Quamquam, quum sermo haberetur quis illorum fortissimus fuerit, præsentes Spartani statuerunt, Aristodemum manifeste mori voluisse propter culpam qua tenebatur, eaque causa furiosum, et ordinem suum relinquentem, præclara facta edidisse ; Posidonium vero, quum non decrevisset mori, fortissime pugnasse, tantoque esse præstantiorem illo. (4) At hoc fortasse illi ex invidia dixerint. Ceterum hi omnes, quos nominavi, qui in hac pugna ceciderunt, publico honore affecti sunt, Aristodemo excepto : Aristodemus vero, eo quod ob prædictam culpam mori decrevisset, non est honoratus. | Among the Barbarians those who proved themselves the best men were, of those on foot the Persians, and of the cavalry the Sacans, and for a single man Mardonios it is said was the best. Of the Hellenes, though both the Tegeans and the Athenians proved themselves good men, yet the Lacedemonians surpassed them in valor. Of this I have no other proof (for all these were victorious over their opposites), but only this, that they fought against the strongest part of the enemy’s force and overcame it. And the man who proved himself in my opinion by much the best was that Aristodemos who, having come back safe from Thermopylai alone of the three hundred, had reproach and dishonor attached to him. After him the best were Poseidonios and Philokyon and Amompharetos the Spartan. However, when there came to be conversation as to which of them had proved himself the best, the Spartans who were present gave it as their opinion that Aristodemos had evidently wished to be slain in consequence of the charge which lay against him, and so, being as it were in a frenzy and leaving his place in the ranks, he had displayed great deeds, whereas Poseidonios had proved himself a good man although he did not desire to be slain; and so far he was the better man of the two. This however they perhaps said from ill-will; and all these whose names I mentioned among the men who were killed in this battle, were specially honored, except Aristodemos; but Aristodemos, since he desired to be slain on account of the before-mentioned charge, was not honored. |
| 9.72 | Hi igitur e Lacedæmoniis Platæensi pugna maxime nobilitati sunt. Nam Callicrates extra pugnam mortuus est, pulcherrimus Græcorum qui in exercitu fuerunt, non modo Lacedæmoniorum, sed reliquorum etiam Græcorum. Quo tempore sacra fecit Pausanias, sedens ille suo in ordine sagitta vulneratus est in latere. (2) Ac tum quidem ceteri capessiverunt pugnam : ipse vero ex acie elatus, ægerrime ferens mortem, dixit Arimnesto, civi Platæensi, non se pænitere quod pro Græcia moriatur, sed quod manu non sit usus, neque ullum se dignum facinus edidisset, quum id ipsum unice cupivisset. | These obtained the most renown of those who fought at Plataia, for as for Callicrates, the most beautiful who came to the camp, not of the Lacedemonians alone, but also of all the Hellenes of his time, he was not killed in the battle itself; but when Pausanias was offering sacrifice, he was wounded by an arrow in the side, as he was sitting down in his place in the ranks; and while the others were fighting, he having been carried out of the ranks was dying a lingering death: and he said to Arimnestos a Plataian that it did not grieve him to die for Hellas, but it grieved him only that he had not proved his strength of hand, and that no deed of valor had been displayed by him worthy of the spirit which he had in him to perform great deeds. |
| 9.73 | Inter Athenienses nobilitatus est Sophanes, Eutychidis filius, e populo cui Decelea nomen. Cujus popularium Deceleensium olim factum exstitit, ut ipsi Athenienses narrant, in omne ævum eis utile. (2) Nam, quo tempore olim repetendæ Helenæ causa Tyndaridæ cum numeroso exercitu terram Atticam invaserunt, et, quum nescirent quem in locum illa deportata esset, populos Atticæ sedibus suis expulerunt ; tunc, ut vulgo ajunt, Deceleenses, sive, ut alii dicunt, ipse Decelus, indignatus iniquo Thesei facinore, simulque universæ metuens Atheniensium terræ, totam rem illis aperuit, viamque quæ fert Aphidnas monstravit : quas tum Titacus, Aphidnensis ipse, Tyndaridis prodidit. (3) Quod ob factum Deceleensibus Spartani immunitatem vectigalium et præcipuam in conventibus publicis et in festorum solennibus sedem indulserunt ; quo privilegio illi etiam nunc fruuntur, ita quidem ut etiam in eo bello, quod multis post hoc bellum annis inter Peloponnesios et Athenienses gestum est, quum reliquam Atticam Lacedæmonii vastarent, Decelea abstinuerint. | Of the Athenians the man who gained most glory is said to have been Sophanes the son of Eutychides of the deme of Dekeleia — a deme of which the inhabitants formerly did a deed that was of service to them for all time, as the Athenians themselves report. For when of old the sons of Tyndareus invaded the Attic land with a great host, in order to bring home Helen, and were laying waste the demes, not knowing to what place of hiding Helen had been removed, then they say that the men of Dekeleia, or as some say Dekelos himself, being aggrieved by the insolence of Theseus and fearing for all the land of the Athenians, told them the whole matter and led them to Aphidnai, which Titakos who was sprung from the soil delivered up by treachery to the sons of Tyndareus. In consequence of this deed the Dekeleians have had continually freedom from dues in Sparta and front seats at the games, privileges which exist still to this day; insomuch that even in the war which many years after these events arose between the Athenians and the Peloponnesians, when the Lacedemonians laid waste all the rest of Attica, they abstained from injury to Dekeleia. |
| 9.74 | Ex hoc igitur Atticæ pago Sophanes fuit, qui tunc virtutis præcipuam inter Athenienses laudem abstulit. Quo de viro duplex fama fertur : altera, gestasse eum ferream ancoram, e loricæ cingulo ænea catena religatam ; eam illum ancoram, quoties propius hostes venisset, in terram defigere solitum esse, ne hostes, impetum in illum facientes, statione eum depellere possent ; fuga autem facta hostium recipere consuesse ancoram, et ita persequi hostem. (2) Hæc de hoc viro fama fertur. Cui contradicentes alii ajunt, in ejusdem viri clypeo, quem semper ille in gyrum agere consuesset, nec unquam quietum sinere, pro insigni fuisse ancoram, nec gestasse illum ferream ancoram e lorica religatam. | To this deme belonged Sophanes, who showed himself the best of all the Athenians in this battle; and of him there are two different stories told: one that he carried an anchor of iron bound by chains of bronze to the belt of his corslet; and this he threw whensoever he came up with the enemy, in order, they say, that the enemy when they came forth out of their ranks might not be able to move him from his place; and when a flight of his opponents took place, his plan was to take up the anchor first and then pursue after them. This story is reported thus; but the other of the stories, disputing the truth of that which has been told above, is reported as follows, namely that upon his shield, which was ever moving about and never remaining still, he bore an anchor as a device, and not one of iron bound to his corslet. |
| 9.75 | Exstat ejusdem Sophanis aliud præclare factum, scilicet quum Athenienses Æginam circumsederent, hic Eurybaten Argivum, virum quinquertio nobilem, a se ad singulare certamen provocatum interfecit. (2) Sed eidem Sophani insequente tempore accidit, ut, quum dux esset Atheniensium cum Leagro Glauconis filio, apud Daton oppidum, ubi pro auri metallis decertabatur, fortiter pugnans, ab Edonis interficeretur. | There was another illustrious deed done too by Sophanes; for when the Athenians besieged Egina he challenged to a fight and slew Eurybates the Argive, one who had been victor in the five contests at the games. To Sophanes himself it happened after these events that when he was general of the Athenians together with Leagros the son of Glaucon, he was slain after proving himself a good man by the Edonians at Daton, fighting for the gold mines. |
| 9.76 | Postquam ita ad Platæas barbari prostrati sunt a Græcis, advenit ad hos mulier transfuga : quæ ut perditos vidit Persas, Græcosque victores, quum fuisset pellex Pharandatis Persæ, Teaspis filii, multo ornata auro et ipsa et ejus famulæ, et veste pretiosissima quæ ad manus erat, descendit de carpento et ad Lacedæmonios accessit in cædibus adhuc occupatos. (2) Quumque omnia ibi administrantem videret Pausaniam, cujus et nomen et patriam jam antea frequenti auditu noverat, agnovit Pausaniam, et genua ejus complectens, his verbis eum allocuta est : (3) « Rex Spartæ, libera me supplicem captivitatis servitute ! Nam et hactenus me juvisti, quod hos homines perdidisti, qui nec heroum nec deorum curam habent. Sum autem genere Coa, Hegetoridæ filia, Antagoræ filii : quam vi e Co raptam habuit Persa. » (4) Cui ille respondit : « Confide, mulier, non modo ut supplex, sed et insuper si verum est quod ais, filiam te esse Hegetoridæ Coi, qui maxime omnium ista loca habitantium hospitii jure mecum conjunctus est. » (5) His dictis, tunc illam præsentibus ephoris tradidit, deinde vero Æginam misit, quo ipsa venire cupiverat. | When the Barbarians had been laid low by the Hellenes at Plataia, there approached to these a woman, the concubine of Pharandates the son of Teaspis a Persian, coming over of her own free will from the enemy, who when she perceived that the Persians had been destroyed and that the Hellenes were the victors, descended from her carriage and came up to the Lacedemonians while they were yet engaged in the slaughter. This woman had adorned herself with many ornaments of gold, and her attendants likewise, and she had put on the fairest robe of those which she had; and when she saw that Pausanias was directing everything there, being well acquainted before with his name and with his lineage, because she had heard it often, she recognised Pausanias and taking hold of his knees she said these words: “O king of Sparta, deliver me thy suppliant from the slavery of the captive: for thou hast also done me service hitherto in destroying these, who have regard neither for demigods nor yet for gods. I am by race of Cos, the daughter of Hegetorides the son of Antagoras; and the Persian took me by force in Cos and kept me a prisoner.” He made answer in these words: “Woman, be of good courage, both because thou art a suppliant, and also if in addition to this it chances that thou art speaking the truth and art the daughter of Hegetorides the Coan, who is bound to me as a guest-friend more than any other of the men who dwell in those parts.” Having thus spoken, for that time her gave her in charge to those Ephors who were present, and afterwards he sent her away to Egina, whither she herself desired to go. |
| 9.77 | Post hujus mulieris adventum mox affuere Mantinenses, re confecta. Qui ubi cognovere sero se venire post peractam pugnam, vehementer indoluerunt, et mulctam se commeruisse ultro fatebantur. (2) Ut vero audivere fugam corripuisse Medos qui cum Artabazo erant, hos illi, dissuadentibus licet Lacedæmoniis, persecuti sunt usque in Thessaliam. Postquam vero domum sunt reversi, duces suarum copiarum exilio multarunt. (2) Post Mantinenses Elei venerunt : et hi pariter atque Mantinenses gravissime dolentes redierunt, pariterque atque illi, postquam domum reversi sunt, duces suos in exilium miserunt. Et hæc quidem de Mantinensibus et Eleis hactenus. | After the arrival of the woman, forthwith upon this arrived the Mantineians, when all was over; and having learnt that they had come too late for the battle, they were greatly grieved, and said that they deserved to be punished: and being informed that the Medes with Artabazos were in flight, they pursued after them as far as Thessaly, though the Lacedemonians endeavored to prevent them from pursuing after fugitives. Then returning back to their own country they sent the leaders of their army into exile from the land. After the Mantineians came the Eleians; and they, like the Mantineians, were greatly grieved by it and so departed home; and these also when they had returned sent their leaders into exile. So much of the Mantineians and Eleians. |
| 9.78 | Fuit autem in exercitu Æginetarum ad Platæas Ægineta Lampon, Pytheæ filius, primarius vir inter Æginetas : qui Pausaniam adiit, rem improbissimam ei suasurus. Ad quem quum accessisset, magno studio hæc verba fecit : « (2) Fili Cleombroti, exsecutus es facinus ita magnum et præclarum, ut hominis superare naturam videatur : tibique hoc dedit deus, ut liberata Græcia omnium quos novimus Græcorum longe maximam gloriam sis consecutus. At tu nunc etiam quod superest perfice ; quo famam consequaris majorem etiam, et barbarorum quisque posthac caveat ne res nefarias adversus Græcos suscipiat. (3) Postquam Leonidas ad Thermopylas occubuit, Mardonius et Xerxes caput ejus præciderunt, et e palo erexerunt. Huic si tu paria reddideris, primum Spartani, tum vero etiam Græci omnes te collaudabunt. Quippe Mardonium si e palo erexeris, patruum tuum ultus fueris Leonidam. » Hæc ille dixit, putans se gratificaturum Pausaniæ. | At Plataia among the troops of the Eginetans was Lampon the son of Pytheas, one of the leading men of the Eginetans, who was moved to go to Pausanias with a most impious proposal, and when he had come with haste, he said as follows: “Son of Cleombrotos, a deed has been done by thee which is of marvellous greatness and glory, and to thee God has permitted by rescuing Hellas to lay up for thyself the greatest renown of all the Hellenes about whom we have any knowledge. Do thou then perform also that which remains to do after these things, in order that yet greater reputation may attach to thee, and also that in future every one of the Barbarians may beware of being the beginner of presumptuous deeds towards the Hellenes. For when Leonidas was slain at Thermopylai, Mardonios and Xerxes cut off his head and crucified him: to him therefore do thou repay like with like, and thou shalt have praise first from all the Spartans and then secondly from the other Hellenes also; for if thou impale the body of Mardonios, thou wilt then have taken vengeance for Leonidas thy father’s brother.” He said this thinking to give pleasure. |
| 9.79 | Cui his verbis rex respondit : « Hospes Ægineta, tuam et benevolentiam et prospicientiam laudo : at a recto animi sensu plurimum abes. Nam postquam me et patriam factumque meum in cœlum usque extulisti, in nihilum me projecisti, dum hortaris ut mortuo insultem, et me ais, id si fecero, melius auditurum. (2) Barbaros hoc facere decet, non Græcos : atque illos hoc nomine odimus. Ego quidem, quod ad hoc attinet, nec Æginetis velim placere, nec quibuscunque talia placent : sufficitque mihi, Lacedæmoniis placere, sancte agentem, sancteque loquentem. (3) Leonidas vero, quem tu me jubes ulcisci, puto magnifice esse parentatum : nam innumerabilium horum cæde ultionem et ipse obtinuit et ceteri qui ad Thermopylas occubuerunt. Omnino vero, talia propositurus aut suasurus, noli porro meum in conspectum venire : et gratias habe, quod incolumis abeas ! » His auditis, ille discessit. | But the other made him answer in these words: “Stranger of Egina, I admire thy friendly spirit and thy forethought for me, but thou hast failed of a good opinion nevertheless: for having exalted me on high and my family and my deed, thou didst then cast me down to nought by advising me to do outrage to a dead body, and by saying that if I do this I shall be better reported of. These things it is more fitting for Barbarians to do than for Hellenes; and even with them we find fault for doing so. However that may be, I do not desire in any such manner as this to please either Eginetans or others who like such things; but it is enough for me that I should keep from unholy deeds, yea and from unholy speech also, and so please the Spartans. As for Leonidas, whom thou biddest me avenge, I declare that he has been greatly avenged already, and by the unnumbered lives which have been taken of these men he has been honored, and not he only but also the rest who brought their lives to an end at Thermopylai. As for thee however, come not again to me with such a proposal, nor give me such advice; and be thankful moreover that thou hast no punishment for it now.” |
| 9.80 | Jam Pausanis, proposito per præconem edicto, ne quis de præda quidquam tangeret, Helotas jussit pretiosa colligere. (2) Et illi, castra obeuntes, tentoria invenerunt auro argentoque repleta, lectosque auro et argento obductos, et crateres aureos, et phialas, aliaque pocula : (3) plaustrisque impositos invenerunt saccos, in quibus lebetes erant aurei et argentei : denique stratis cadaveribus armillas detraxerunt, et torques, et acinaces, qui item aurei erant : vestis enim variegatæ ne ratio quidem ulla habebatur. (4) Ibi tunc multa furto subtrahentes Helotæ vendiderunt Æginetis : multa vero etiam repræsentabant, quæcunque abscondere non potuerant. Atque hinc initium cepere ingentes Æginetarum divitiæ: quippe qui aurum quasi æs esset, ab Helotis emerunt. | He having heard this went his way; and Pausanias made a proclamation that none should lay hands upon the spoil, and he ordered the Helots to collect the things together. They accordingly dispersed themselves about the camp and found tents furnished with gold and silver, and beds overlaid with gold and overlaid with silver, and mixing-bowls of gold, and cups and other drinking vessels. They found also sacks laid upon waggons, in which there proved to be caldrons both of gold and of silver; and from the dead bodies which lay there they stripped bracelets and collars, and also their swords if they were of gold, for as to embroidered raiment, there was no account made of it. Then the Helots stole many of the things and sold them to the Eginetans, but many things also they delivered up, as many of them as they could not conceal; so that the great wealth of the Eginetans first came from this, that they bought the gold from the Helots making pretence that it was brass. |
| 9.81 | Pecuniis reliquisque rebus pretiosis in unum collatis, decimam exemerunt Delphico deo ; e qua aureus ille tripus dedicatus est, qui tricipiti serpenti æneo insistit proxime aram ; item Olympico deo decimam exemerunt, e qua Jovis ænea statua decem cubitorum dedicata est ; denique Isthmio deo, unde confecta est Neptuni ænea statua septem cubitorum. (2) Hæc postquam exemere, reliqua inter se distribuerunt, pellices Persarum, et aurum, et argentum, et alias res pretiosas, et jumenta : acceperuntque quique pro suo merito. Quænam vero præcipua data sint eis quorum præ ceteris virtus eminuit ad Platæas, a nemine memoratum reperio : puto autem equidem, his præcipua quædam data esse. Pausaniæ vero omnia dena selecta dataque sunt, mulieres, equi, talenta, cameli, pariterque alia etiam pretiosa. | Then having brought the things together, and having set apart a tithe for the god of Delphi, with which the offering was dedicated of the golden tripod which rests upon the three-headed serpent of bronze and stands close by the altar, and also for the god at Olympia, with which they dedicated the offering of a bronze statue of Zeus ten cubits high, and finally for the god at the Isthmus, with which was made a bronze statue of Poseidon seven cubits high — having set apart these things, they divided the rest, and each took that which they ought to have, including the concubines of the Persians and the gold and the silver and the other things, and also the beasts of burden. How much was set apart and given to those of them who had proved themselves the best men at Plataia is not reported by any, though for my part I suppose that gifts were made to these also; Pausanias however had ten of each thing set apart and given to him, that is women, horses, talents, camels, and so also of the other things. |
| 9.82 | Xerxem, e Græcia fugientem, supellectilem suam Mardonio reliquisse ; Pausaniam igitur, quum Mardonii tentorium vidisset auro et argento et variegatis aulæis instructum, pistores et coquos jussisse cœnam parare prorsus qualem Mardonio soliti essent instruere. (2) Quod quum illi fecissent, tum Pausaniam, lectulos videntem aureos et argenteos pulcre stratos, et mensas aureas et argenteas, et magnificum ipsius cœnæ apparatum, propositas admiratum lautitias, joci causa suos famulos Laconicam parare cœnam jussisse. (3) Quumque multum interesset inter utrumque epulum, ridentem Pausaniam vocasse Græcorum duces ; eisque, ut convenerunt, utriusque cœnæ apparatum monstrantem, dixisse, (4) « Hoc consilio, Græci viri, vos convocavi, quo stultitiam vos ostenderem regis Medorum ; qui, quum tali victus generi esset assuetus, ad nos venit, miserum nostrum epulum nobis rapturus. » Hæc Pausanias ducibus Græcorum fertur dixisse. | It is said moreover that this was done which here follows, namely that Xerxes in his flight from Hellas had left to Mardonios the furniture of his own tent, and Pausanias accordingly seeing the furniture of Mardonios furnished with gold and silver and hangings of different colors ordered the bakers and the cooks to prepare a meal as they were used to do for Mardonios. Then when they did this as they had been commanded, it is said that Pausanias seeing the couches of gold and of silver with luxurious coverings, and the tables of gold and silver, and the magnificent apparatus of the feast, was astonished at the good things set before him, and for sport he ordered his own servants to prepare a Laconian meal; and as, when the banquet was served, the difference between the two was great, Pausanias laughed and sent for the commanders of the Hellenes; and when these had come together, Pausanias said, pointing to the preparation of the two meals severally: “Hellenes, for this reason I assembled you together, because I desired to show you the senselessness of this leader of the Medes, who having such fare as this, came to us who have such sorry fare as ye see here, in order to take it away from us.” Thus it is said that Pausanias spoke to the commanders of the Hellenes. |
| 9.83 | Sed et insequente tempore post has res gestas multi Platæenses arculas adhuc invenerunt auro et argento et aliis pretiosis rebus repletas. Et nonnullo rursus post hæc tempore interjecto, postquam mortuorum cadavera carnibus prorsus erant nudata, etiam hoc mirum apparuit : (2) quum ossa in unum locum Platæenses colligerent, repertum est cranium nullam prorsus suturam habens, sed uno osse constans. Reperta est etiam maxilla, quum inferior, tum superior, cujus dentes ita concreti erant, tam reliqui, quam molares, ut uno osse constarent omnes. Reperta etiam sunt ossa viri quinque cubitorum. | However, in later time after these events many of the Plataians also found chests of gold and of silver and of other treasures; and moreover afterwards this which follows was seen in the case of the dead bodies here, after the flesh had been stripped off from the bones; for the Plataians brought together the bones all to one place — there was found, I say, a skull with no suture but all of one bone, and there was seen also a jaw-bone, that is to say the upper part of the jaw, which had teeth joined together and all of one bone, both the teeth that bite and those that grind; and the bones were seen also of a man five cubits high. |
| 9.84 | Deinde vero Mardonii cadaver, postridie quam commissa pugna est, non est repertum. Quod quidem quonam ab homine fuerit subtractum, dicere pro certo non possum. Multos vero memoratos audivi, et diversis e civitatibus viros, qui perhibentur sepeliisse Mardonium ; ac novi multos qui hoc nomine ingentia dona acceperunt ab Artonte Mardonii filio. (2) At quis sit ex his, qui Mardonii corpus subtraxerit et sepeliverit, pro certo comperire non potui. Fertur etiam fama quædam, Dionysophanem Ephesium sepeliisse Mardonium. Sed hæc Mardonii sepultura. | The body of Mardonios however had disappeared on the day after the battle, taken by whom I am not able with certainty to say, but I have heard the names of many men of various cities who are said to have buried Mardonios, and I know that many received gifts from Artontes the son of Mardonios for having done this: who he was however who took up and buried the body of Mardonios I am not able for certain to discover, but Dionysophanes an Ephesian is reported with some show of reason to have been he who buried Mardonios. He then was buried in some such manner as this. |
| 9.85 | Græci vero, divisa præda, suos sepeliverunt, seorsum quique. Et Lacedæmonii quidem tria conditoria fecerunt : in uno tum sacerdotes (græce irenas) sepelierunt, quorum e numero Posidonius fuit, et Amompharetus, et Philocyon, et Callicrates. (2) Sic in uno conditorio erant sacerdotes : in altero reliqui Spartani ; in tertio Helotæ. Hac ratione Lacedæmonii usi sunt. Tegeatæ vero seorsum ab illis suos omnes uno in sepulcro condiderunt : atque ita etiam Athenienses suos uno in loco : pariterque Megarenses et Phliasii suos, qui ab equitibus occisi erant. (3) Horum itaque omnium plena erant sepulcra. Ad reliquorum vero populorum sepulcra quod attinet, quotquot apud Platæas ostenduntur, illorum quique, ut ego comperio, quum puderet eos non interfuisse pugnæ, inanes excitarunt tumulos, posterorum hominum gratia. Nam ibidem est etiam Æginetarum, quod vocant, sepulcrum ; quod ego audio decimo post hæc anno, rogantibus Æginetis, a Cleade excitatum esse, Autodici filio, cive Platæensi, qui publicus Æginetarum hospes fuit. | And the Hellenes when they had divided the spoil at Plataia proceeded to bury their dead, each nation apart by themselves. The Spartans made for themselves three several burial-places, one in which they buried the priests, of whom also were Poseidonios, Amompharetos, Philokyon and Callicrates — in one of the graves, I say, were laid the priests, in the second the rest of the Spartans, and in the third the Helots. These then thus buried their dead; but the Tegeans buried theirs all together in a place apart from these, and the Athenians theirs together; and the Megarians and Phliasians those who had been slain by the cavalry. Of all these the burial-places had bodies laid in them, but as to the burial-places of other States which are to be seen at Plataia, these, as I am informed, are all mere mounds of earth without any bodies in them, raised by the several peoples on account of posterity, because they were ashamed of their absence from the fight; for among others there is one there called the burial-place of the Eginetans, which I hear was raised at the request of the Eginetans by Cleades the son of Autodicos, a man of Plataia who was their public guest-friend, no less than ten years after these events. |
| 9.86 | Sepultis ad Platæas mortuis, deliberantibus Græcis placuit protinus contra Thebas ferre arma, postulareque a Thebanis ut sibi hos traderent qui Medorum partes essent secuti, inprimisque Timageniden et Attaginum, qui præ ceteris principes hujus factionis fuissent, quos nisi illi tradidissent, non abscedere decreverunt ab urbe, quin eam expugnassent. (2) Utque hoc eis placuit, ita undecimo post pugnam die ad Thebas venerunt ; urbemque obsidentes, postularunt ut prædicti viri sibi dederentur : et, negantibus Thebanis se id facturos, agrum illorum vastarunt, murumque oppugnarunt. | When the Hellenes had buried their dead at Plataia, forthwith they determined in common council to march upon Thebes and to ask the Thebans to surrender those who had taken the side of the Medes, and among the first of them Timagenides and Attaginos, who were leaders equal to the first; and if the Thebans did not give them up, they determined not to retire from the city until they had taken it. Having thus resolved, they came accordingly on the eleventh day after the battle and began to besiege the Thebans, bidding them give the men up: and as the Thebans refused to give them up, they began to lay waste their land and also to attack their wall. |
| 9.87 | Qui quum assidue multa illis damna inferrent, vicesimo die Timagenides hæc apud Thebanos verba fecit : « Quonam Græcis decretum est, cives Thebani, non prius ab oppugnatione desistere abscedereque, quam aut expugnassent Thebas, aut nos illis a vobis dediti essemus ; nunc nostra causa ne plura porro patiatur Bœotia terra ! sed, si illi, pecuniarum avidi, in speciem tantum nos deposcunt, demus eis pecunias e publico ; nam publice omnes Medorum partes secuti sumus, non nos soli : sin vere nos deditos cupiunt, eaque causa urbem oppugnant, nos ipsi ad causam apud eos dicendam nos sistemus. » (2) Et hic sane optime dicere visus est et opportune : protinusque caduceatorem Thebani miserunt ad Pausaniam, significantes se viros illos esse tradituros. | So then, as they did not cease their ravages, on the twentieth day Timagenides spoke as follows to the Thebans: “Thebans, since it has been resolved by the Hellenes not to retire from the siege until either they have taken Thebes or ye have delivered us up to them, now therefore let not the land of Boeotia suffer any more for our sakes, but if they desire to have money and are demanding our surrender as a color for this, let us give them money taken out of the treasury of the State; for we took the side of the Medes together with the State and not by ourselves alone: but if they are making the siege truly in order to get us into their hands, then we will give ourselves up for trial.” In this it was thought that he spoke very well and seasonably, and the Thebans forthwith sent a herald to Pausanias offering to deliver up the men. |
| 9.88 | De quo ut inter utrosque convenit, interim Attaginus quidem ex urbe clam profugit : cujus filios Pausanias ad se adductos absolvit crimine, Medismi culpam, dicens, pueros nullam habere. (2) Reliqui vero viri quos Thebani dediderunt, putabant illi quidem ad dicendam causam se iri admissum, prætereaque confidebant pecuniis amoliri a se posse periculum : at id ipsum suspicatus Pausanias, postquam illos accepit, universum sociorum exercitum dimisit, et illos Corinthum abductos interfecit. Atque hæ quidem res sunt, ad Platæas et ad Thebas gestæ. | After they had made an agreement on these terms, Attaginos escaped out of the city; and when his sons were delivered up to Pausanias, he released them from the charge, saying that the sons had no share in the guilt of taking the side of the Medes. As to the other men whom the Thebans delivered up, they supposed that they would get a trial, and they trusted moreover to be able to repel the danger by payment of money; but Pausanias, when he had received them, suspecting this very thing, first dismissed the whole army of allies, and then took the men to Corinth and put them to death there. These were the things which happened at Plataia and at Thebes. |
| 9.89 | Artabazus vero, Pharnacis filius, qui Platæis profugerat, jam longe admodum erat progressus. Qui ubi in Thessaliam pervenit, Thessali eum ad hospitium vocarunt, sciscitatique sunt de reliquo exercitu : necdum enim quidquam de rebus ad Platæas gestis compererant. (2) At Artabazus, bene gnarus, si de prœliis factis id quod res erat illis aperuisset, verendum sibi esse, ne ipse cum exercitu suo pereat : unumquemque enim se aggressurum existimavit, qui quæ gesta erant cognovisset : hæc igitur secum reputans, nec apud Phocenses vulgaverat quidquam, et apud Thessalos hæc dixit : (3) « Ego quidem, ut videtis, Thessali, in Thraciam maturo pervenire ; et celeritate utor, quippe præmissus e castris cum hisce ad rem quamdam peragendam. Ipse vero Mardonius, e vestigio me cum suo exercitu sequens, mox vobis aderit. (4) Hunc vos hospitio excipite, omniaque ei officia præstate : nec enim, id fecisse, in posterum vos pænitebit. » His dictis, raptim per Thessaliam et Macedoniam recta Thraciam versus duxit exercitum, vere festinans, et per mediam terram viam carpens. (5) Denique Byzantium pervenit, relictis quidem de suo exercitu multis, qui partim a Thracibus in itinere cæsi erant, partim fame et laboribus conflictati perierant. Tum e Byzantio navigiis trajecit : atque ita hic in Asiam est reversus. | Artabazos meanwhile, the son of Pharnakes, in his flight from Plataia was by this time getting forward on his way: and the Thessalians, when he came to them, offered him hospitality and inquired concerning the rest of the army, not knowing anything of that which had happened at Plataia; and Artabazos knowing that if he should tell them the whole truth about the fighting, he would run the risk of being destroyed, both himself and the whole army which was with him, (for he thought that they would all set upon him if they were informed of that which had happened) — reflecting, I say, upon this he had told nothing of it to the Phokians, and now to the Thessalians he spoke as follows: “I, as you see, Thessalians, am earnest to march by the shortest way to Thracia; and I am in great haste, having been sent with these men for a certain business from the army; moreover Mardonios himself and his army are shortly to be looked for here, marching close after me. To him give entertainment and show yourselves serviceable, for ye will not in the end repent of so doing.” Having thus said he continued to march his army with haste through Thessaly and Macedonia straight for Thracia, being in truth earnest to proceed and going through the land by the shortest possible way: and so he came to Byzantion, having left behind him great numbers of his army, who had either been cut down by the Thracians on the way or had been overcome by hunger and fatigue; and from Byzantion he passed over in ships. He himself then thus made his return back to Asia. |
| 9.90 | Quo die autem ad Platæas cladem Persæ acceperunt illam, eodem die accidit ut alia calamitate ad Mycalen Ioniæ affligerentur. Scilicet quum Deli sederent Græci, qui duce Leotychide Lacedæmonio cum classe advenerant, venerunt ad eos e Samo legati, Lampon Thrasyclis filius, et Athenagoras Archestratidæ, et Hegesistratus Aristagoræ, a Samiis missi insciis Persis et inscio tyranno Theomestore, Androdamantis filio, quem Persæ tyrannum Sami constituerant. (2) Qui ubi Græcorum duces convenere, multa atque varia verba Hegesistratus fecit ; dicens, si modo vidissent illos Iones, descituros esse a Persis, et ad illorum adventum discessuros barbaros ; sive hi manserint, nullam aliam talem prædam Græcos unquam reperturos. (3) Denique communes deos invocans, hortatus illos est, ut homines Græcos servitute vellent liberare, et pellere Barbarum. Idque facile illis esse factu, ait : etenim et naves eorum male navigare, nec viros resistere illis posse. Quodsi quam suspicionem haberent per dolum se illos excitare, paratos se esse in illorum navibus obsidum loco abduci. | Now on the same day on which the defeat took place at Plataia, another took place also, as fortune would have it, at Mycale in Ionia. For when the Hellenes who had come in the ships with Leotychides the Lacedemonian, were lying at Delos, there came to them as envoys from Samos Lampon the son of Thrasycles and Athenagoras the son of Archestratides and Hegesistratos the son of Aristagoras, who had been sent by the people of Samos without the knowledge either of the Persians or of the despot Theomestor the son of Androdamas, whom the Persians had set up to be despot of Samos. When these had been introduced before the commanders, Hegesistratos spoke at great length using arguments of all kinds, and saying that so soon as the Ionians should see them they would at once revolt from the Persians, and that the Barbarians would not wait for their attack; and if after all they did so, then the Hellenes would take a prize such as they would never take again hereafter; and appealing to the gods worshipped in common he endeavored to persuade them to rescue from slavery men who were Hellenes and to drive away the Barbarian: and this he said was easy for them to do, for the ships of the enemy sailed badly and were no match for them in fight. Moreover if the Hellenes suspected that they were endeavoring to bring them on by fraud, they were ready to be taken as hostages in their ships. |
| 9.91 | Quumque pluribus verbis orare non desisteret Samius hospes, tunc Leotychides, sive consulto capiendi ominis causa, sive forte fortuna, deo ita volente, interrogavit eum : « Samie hospes, quodnam tibi nomen est ? » Et ait ille, « Hegesistratus (latine Dux exercitus). » (2) Moxque Leotychides, intercipiens reliquum sermonem si quem adjecturus Hegesistratus esset, « Accipio, inquit, Samie hospes, omen ducem exercitus edens. Tu modo fac, et hi qui tecum sunt, ut, priusquam hinc abeatis, fidem nobis detis, revera Samios promptos nobis socios affuturos. » | Then as the stranger of Samos was urgent in his prayer, Leotychides inquired thus, either desiring to hear for the sake of the omen or perhaps by a chance which Providence brought about: “Stranger of Samos, what is thy name?” He said “Hegesistratos.” The other cut short the rest of the speech, stopping all that Hegesistratos had intended to say further, and said: “I accept the augury given in Hegesistratos, stranger of Samos. Do thou on thy part see that thou give us assurance, thou and the men who are with thee, that the Samians will without fail be our zealous allies, and after that sail away home.” |
| 9.92 | Hæc locutus, e vestigio rem exsequi aggressus est. Protinus enim Samii de societate cum Græcis fidem et jusjurandum dederunt : (2) eoque facto, duo e legatis domum navigarunt ; nam Hegesistratum secum navigare Leotychides jussit, nomen ejus pro omine accipiens. (3) Et illo quidem die se continuerunt Græci, postridie vero læta illis sacra fuere, interpretis sacrorum officio fungente Deiphono, Euenii filio, Apolloniata, ex illa Apollonia, quæ ad Ionium mare sita est. | Thus he spoke and to the words he added the deed; for forthwith the Samians gave assurance and made oaths of alliance with the Hellenes, and having so done the others sailed away home, but Hegesistratos he bade sail with the Hellenes, considering the name to be an augury of good success. Then the Hellenes after staying still that day made sacrifices for success on the next day, their diviner being Deïphonos the son of Euenios an Apolloniate, of that Apollonia which lies in the Ionian gulf. |
| 9.93 | Deiphoni hujus pater Euenius fortuna usus erat hujusmodi. Sunt Apolloniæ oves Soli sacræ, quæ interdiu pascuntur juxta fluvium, qui e Lacmone monte per agrum Apolloniaten prope Oricum portum in mare influit : noctu vero selecti viri, divitiis et genere spectatissimi inter cives, easdem oves custodiunt, quisque per anni spatium. (2) Nam oves has, ex oraculi responso quodam, maximi faciunt Apolloniatæ; stabulantur autem illæ in antro quodam procul ab urbe. Ibi eas tunc Euenius hic, ad id delectus, custodiebat : et nocte quadam, quum vigilandi tempus dormiendo transigeret, ingressi in antrum lupi oves fere sexaginta corripuerunt. (3) Quod ubi ille animadvertit, tacuit, nec cuiquam edixit, alias cogitans emere et in illarum locum substituere. At non latuit Apolloniatas factum : qui, ut id cognoverunt, in judicium adductum Euenium condemnarunt, ut, quoniam ovium custodiam dormiendo transegisset, oculorum usu privaretur. (4) Sed, postquam eum excæcarunt, continuo deinde nec oves illis pepererunt, nec terra fructum, ut ante, edere cœpit. Inde oracula consulebant et Dodonæ et Delphis, causamque e prophetis quærebant præsentium malorum. (5) Responderunt illi, eo ipsis hæc accidere, quod sacrarum ovium custodem Euenium luminibus orbassent : se enim (deos) immisisse illos lupos ; neque prius desituros esse illum ulcisci, quam ei pœnam facinoris dedissent Apolloniatæ, quamcunque ipse postulasset : quæ quando soluta fuerit pœna, daturos Euenio esse deos tale donum, cujus causa multi homines beatum illum sint prædicaturi. | To this man’s father Euenios it happened as follows — There are at this place Apollonia sheep sacred to the Sun, which during the day feed by a river running from Mount Lacmon through the land of Apollonia to the sea by the haven of Oricos; and by night they are watched by men chosen for this purpose, who are the most highly considered of the citizens for wealth and noble birth, each man having charge of them for a year; for the people of Apollonia set great store on these sheep by reason of an oracle: and they are folded in a cave at some distance from the city. Here at the time of which I speak this man Euenios was keeping watch over them, having been chosen for that purpose; and it happened one night that he fell asleep during his watch, and wolves came by into the cave and killed about sixty of the sheep. When he perceived this, he kept it secret and told no one, meaning to buy others and substitute them in the place of those that were killed. It was discovered however by the people of Apollonia that this had happened; and when they were informed of it, they brought him up before a court and condemned him to be deprived of his eyesight for having fallen asleep during his watch. But when they had blinded Euenios, forthwith after this their flocks ceased to bring forth young and their land to bear crops as before. Then prophesyings were uttered to them both at Dodona and also at Delphi, when they asked the prophets the cause of the evil which they were suffering, and they told them that they had done unjustly in depriving of his sight Euenios the watcher of the sacred sheep; for the gods of whom they inquired had themselves sent the wolves to attack the sheep; and they would not cease to take vengeance for him till the men of Apollonia should have paid to Euenios such satisfaction as he himself should choose and deem sufficient; and this being fulfilled, the gods would give to Euenios a gift of such a kind that many men would think him happy in that he possessed it. |
| 9.94 | Hæc Apolloniatis data sunt responsa ; quæ illi clam habentes, civium suorum nonnullis negotium cum Euenio conficiendum mandarunt. Et hi ad id conficiendum hac usi sunt ratione. (2) Conveniunt Euenium in sella sedentem, eique assidentes primum aliis de rebus verba faciunt, deinde ad commiserandam hominis calamitatem progressi, atque ita eum fallentes, interrogant quasnam pœnas esset postulaturus, si voluissent Apolloniatæ pœnas sustinere eorum quæ in illum admisissent. (3) Et ille, qui de oraculi responso nihil audiverat, optans ait : Si quis ipsi daret agros istos (ibi nominabat cives quosdam, quos noverat duo pulcherrima Apolloniæ prædia possidere), et ædes insuper in urbe, quas noverat ille pulcherrimas esse ; hæc, inquit, si nactus fuisset, in posterum se non iraturum esse civibus, sed hac mulcta fore contentum. (4) Quæ ubi illi dixit, assidentes ei cives responderunt : « Euenie, hanc mulctam, ex oraculi responso, solvunt tibi Apolloniatæ pro eo quod te luminibus privarunt. » (5) Et ille quidem, postquam rem totam cognovit, ægerrime tulit se ita esse circumventum : Apolloniatæ vero ea, quæ ille optaverat, empta a dominis, ei dederunt. Protinus autem ab hoc tempore insitam divinandi vim et sacra interpretandi idem Euenius habuit, ita ut hoc nomine celebris evaserit. | These oracles then were uttered to them, and the people of Apollonia, making a secret of it, proposed to certain men of the citizens to manage the affair; and they managed it for them thus — when Euenios was sitting on a seat in public, they came and sat by him, and conversed about other matters, and at last they came to sympathising with him in his misfortune; and thus leading him on they asked what satisfaction he should choose, if the people of Apollonia should undertake to give him satisfaction for that which they had done. He then, not having heard the oracle, made choice and said that if there should be given him the lands belonging to certain citizens, naming those whom he knew to possess the two best lots of land in Apollonia, and a dwelling-house also with these, which he knew to be the best house in the city — if he became the possessor of these, he said, he would have no anger against them for the future, and this satisfaction would be sufficient for him if it should be given. Then as he was thus speaking, the men who sat by him said interrupting him: “Euenios, this satisfaction the Apolloniates pay to thee for thy blinding in accordance with the oracles which have been given to them.” Upon this he was angry, being thus informed of the whole matter and considering that he had been deceived; and they bought the property from those who possessed it and gave him that which he had chosen. And forthwith after this he had a natural gift of divination, so that he became very famous. |
| 9.95 | Hujus igitur Euenii filius Deiphonus, adductus a Corinthiis, sacrorum interpres fuit apud hunc exercitum. Audivi vero etiam, eundem Deiphonum, usurpato Euenii nomine, passim per Græciam operam suam locasse, quum non fuisset Euenii filius. | Of this Euenios, I say, Deïphonos was the son, and he was acting as diviner for the army, being brought by the Corinthians. I have heard however also that Deïphonos wrongly made use of the name of Euenios, and undertook work of this kind about Hellas, not being really the son of Euenios. |
| 9.96 | Græci, ut perlitarunt, naves e Delo ad Samum moverunt ; et postquam ad Calamos venerunt, terræ Samiæ locum ita nominatum, ibi prope Junonis templum, quod eo loci est, appulerunt et ad navalem pugnam se compararunt. At Persæ, ubi illos annavigare resciverunt, ipsi quoque naves moverunt ; et ceteras quidem admoverunt continenti, Phœnicum vero naves ut abirent permiserunt. (2) Deliberantibus quippe visum erat, pugna navali non esse decernendum ; nec enim se Græcis pares esse existimabant. Ad continentem autem navigarunt, quo essent sub pedestris exercitus sui tutamine, qui in Mycale erat, nempe jussu Xerxis de reliquo exercitu ibi custodiendæ Ioniæ causa relictus. Sexaginta hominum milia erant, quibus Tigranes præerat, vir et forma et statura inter Persas eminens. (3) Hujus igitur sub exercitus tutamen se recipere decreverunt duces classis, navesque in terram subducere, et vallo circumdare, quod simul munimentum navibus et sibi refugium esset. | Now when the sacrifices were favorable to the Hellenes, they put their ships to sea from Delos to go to Samos; and having arrived off Calamisa in Samos, they moored their ships there opposite the temple of Hera which is at this place, and made preparations for a sea-fight; but the Persians, being informed that they were sailing thither, put out to sea also and went over to the mainland with their remaining ships, (those of the Phenicians having been already sent away to sail home): for deliberating of the matter they thought it good not to fight a battle by sea, since they did not think that they were a match for the enemy. And they sailed away to the mainland in order that they might be under the protection of their land-army which was in Mycale, a body which had stayed behind the rest of the army by command of Xerxes and was keeping watch over Ionia: of this the number was six myriads and the commander of it was Tigranes, who in beauty and stature excelled the other Persians. The commanders of the fleet then had determined to take refuge under the protection of this army, and to draw up their ships on shore and put an enclosure round as a protection for the ships and a refuge for themselves. |
| 9.97 | Hoc inito consilio moverunt Persæ; quumque præternavigato Potniarum (dominarum, dearum : nisi Potniensium) templo, quod in Mycale est, in Gæsonem et Scolopoentem venissent, ubi est Cereris Eleusiniæ templum, quod Philistus statuit, Pasiclis filius, Neleum Codri filium ad Miletum condendam secutus : (2) ibi subduxerunt naves ; et, cæsis arboribus frugiferis, muro eas circumdederunt partim ligneo, partim lapideo, palosque præacutos circa murum defixerunt. Denique, in utramque partem re deliberata, et ad tolerandam obsidionem et ad superandum hostem sese comparabant. | Having thus determined they began to put out to sea; and they came along by the temple of the “Revered goddesses” to the Gaison and to Scolopoeis in Mycale, where there is a temple of the Eleusinian Demeter, which Philistos the son of Pasicles erected when he had accompanied Neileus the son of Codros for the founding of Miletos; and there they drew up their ships on shore and put an enclosure round them of stones and timber, cutting down fruit-trees for this purpose, and they fixed stakes round the enclosure and made their preparations either for being besieged or for gaining a victory, for in making their preparations they reckoned for both chances. |
| 9.98 | Græci, ut ad continentem abiisse barbaros cognoverunt, ægre ferebant quod sibi e manibus essent elapsi : nec vero satis certi erant quid facerent ipsi, utrum domum redirent, an in Hellespontum navigarent. (2) Ad extremum decreverunt neutrum horum facere, sed ad continentem dirigere naves. Itaque præparatis scalis et aliis rebus quarum in navalia pugna usus est, versus Mycalen navigarunt. (3) Ubi vero prope castra fuerunt hostium, neque quisquam apparuit qui adversus illos egrederetur, naves autem viderunt intra murum subductas, et frequentem peditatum secundum litus in acie stantem ; ibi tunc Leotychides, primum, præter litus quam proxime potuit navigans, præconis voce hæc verba Ionibus acclamavit : (4) « Viri Iones, quotquot estis qui me auditis, accipite quæ dico ! omnino enim non intelligent Persæ quæ vobis mando. Quando ad manus venerimus cum hoste, tum quisque vestrûm ante omnia libertatis memento, deinde vero tesseræ Hebæ. Hæc etiam qui vocem meam non exaudierit cognoscat vestrûm ex his qui audiverint. » (5) Cujus sermonis idem consilium fuit quod Themistoclis ad Artemisium. Scilicet, si barbaros laterent dicta, persuasurum se speravit Ionibus ut deficiant ; sive illa ad barbaros fuissent delata, facturum ut hi Græcis (Ionibus) diffiderent. | The Hellenes however, when they were informed that the Barbarians had gone away to the mainland, were vexed because they thought that they had escaped; and they were in a difficulty what they should do, whether they should go back home, or sail down towards the Hellespont. At last they resolved to do neither of these two things, but to sail on to the mainland. Therefore when they had prepared as for a sea-fight both boarding-bridges and all other things that were required, they sailed towards Mycale; and when they came near to the camp and no one was seen to put out against them, but they perceived ships drawn up within the wall and a large land-army ranged along the shore, then first Leotychides, sailing along in his ship and coming as near to the shore as he could, made proclamation by a herald to the Ionians, saying: “Ionians, those of you who chance to be within hearing of me, attend to this which I say: for the Persians will not understand anything at all of that which I enjoin to you. When we join battle, each one of you must remember first the freedom of all, and then the watchword 'Hebe'; and this let him also who has not heard know from him who has heard.” The design in this act was the same as that of Themistocles at Artemision; for it was meant that either the words uttered should escape the knowledge of the Barbarians and persuade the Ionians, or that they should be reported to the Barbarians and make them distrustful of the Hellenes. |
| 9.99 | Deinde, postquam ita Ionas hortatus Leotychides est, hæc fecerunt Græci : appulsis ad litus navibus escenderunt, aciemque instruxerunt. Persæ vero, quum Græcos cernerent ad pugnandum paratos, scirentque hortatos eos esse Ionas ; nec Samiis nec Milesiis satis fidebant. Et Samiis quidem, quod eos suspicarentur cum Græcis sentire, arma adimunt. (2) Samii enim, quum in classe barbarorum advenissent Athenienses captivi, quos in Attica relictos ceperat Xerxis exercitus, hos omnes pretio redemerant, et dato viatico Athenas remiserant : quo magis hos suspicio premebat, ut qui quingenta capita hostium Xerxis liberassent captivitate. (3) Milesios vero jusserunt exitus viarum custodire ad Mycalæ cacumina ferentium, ut qui regionem optime nossent : id autem hoc consilio fecerunt, ut illi extra castra essent. (4) Ab his igitur Ionibus, quos suspicabantur si potestatem nanciscerentur, res novas molituros, hoc modo sibi Persæ præcaverunt : ipso vero crates comportarunt, quæ sibi pro vallo essent. | After Leotychides had thus suggested, then next the Hellenes proceeded to bring their ships up to land, and they disembarked upon the shore. These then were ranging themselves for fight; and the Persians, when they saw the Hellenes preparing for battle and also that they had given exhortation to the Ionians, in the first place deprived the Samians of their arms, suspecting that they were inclined to the side of the Hellenes; for when the Athenian prisoners, the men whom the army of Xerxes had found left behind in Attica, had come in the ships of the Barbarians, the Samians had ransomed these and sent them back to Athens, supplying them with means for their journey; and for this reason especially they were suspected, since they had ransomed five hundred persons of the enemies of Xerxes. Then secondly the Persians appointed the Milesians to guard the passes which lead to the summits of Mycale, on the pretext that they knew the country best, but their true reason for doing this was that they might be out of the camp. Against these of the Ionians, who, as they suspected, would make some hostile move if they found the occasion, the Persians sought to secure themselves in the manner mentioned; and they themselves then brought together their wicker-work shields to serve them as a fence. |
| 9.100 | Jam Græci, instructa acie, ibant in hostem, quum subito fama quædam pervolavit universum exercitum, et caduceus conspectus est in litore depositus. Currebat autem fama hujusmodi, Græcos in Bœotia exercitum Mardonii prœlio superasse. (2) Nempe multis utique documentis declarantur res quæ divinitus contingunt ; quandoquidem tunc quoque, quum idem congruit dies quo et ad Platæas cladem Persæ acceperunt et ad Mycalen accepturi erant, ad Græcos hic stantes fama pervenit ; quo factum est, ut multo majorem fiduciam caperet exercitus, et ad subeundum periculum esset alacrior. | Then when the Hellenes had made all their preparations, they proceeded to the attack of the Barbarians; and as they went, a rumor came suddenly to their whole army, and at the same time a herald’s staff was found lying upon the beach; and the rumor went through their army to this effect, namely that the Hellenes were fighting in Boeotia and conquering the army of Mardonios. Now by many signs is the divine power seen in earthly things, and by this among others, namely that now, when the day of the defeat at Plataia and of that which was about to take place at Mycale happened to be the same, a rumor came to the Hellenes here, so that the army was encouraged much more and was more eagerly desirous to face the danger. |
| 9.101 | Atque etiam hoc alterum contigit ut concurreret, quod utraque pugna prope Cereris Eleusiniæ templum pugnata sit. Nam prope Cereris templum et in Platæensi agro, ut supra dixi, pugnatum est, et nunc ad Mycalen pariter pugnaturi erant. (2) Victoriam autem jam tum reportasse Græcos cum Pausania, recte his fama nuntiavit : nam Platæensis pugna matutino adhuc tempore hujus diei pugnata erat, hæc autem ad Mycalen sub vesperam. (3) Pugnatam autem esse utramque pugnam eodem ejusdem mensis die, haud multo post, ratione inita, liquido cognoverunt. Anxii autem fuerant, priusquam hæc fama advenit, non tam sui causa, quam omnium Græcorum, metuentes ne Mardonio succumberet Græcia : (4) sed postquam illa exercitum pervolavit fama, eo confidentiores et celeriore gradu in hostem iverunt. Igitur et Græci et barbari pugnandi studio flagrabant, quippe quibus et insulæ et Hellespontus præmium victoriæ propositum erat. | Moreover this other thing by coincidence happened besides, namely that there was a sacred enclosure of the Eleusinian Demeter close by the side of both the battle-fields; for not only in the Plataian land did the fight take place close by the side of the temple of Demeter, as I have before said, but also in Mycale it was to be so likewise. And whereas the rumor which came to them said that a victory had been already gained by the Hellenes with Pausanias, this proved to be a true report; for that which was done at Plataia came about while it was yet early morning, but the fighting at Mycale took place in the afternoon; and that it happened on the same day of the same month as the other became evident to them not long afterwards, when they inquired into the matter. Now they had been afraid before the rumor arrived, not for themselves so much as for the Hellenes generally, lest Hellas should stumble and fall over Mardonios; but when this report had come suddenly to them, they advanced on the enemy much more vigorously and swiftly than before. The Hellenes then and the Barbarians were going with eagerness into the battle, since both the islands and the Hellespont were placed before them as prizes of the contest. |
| 9.102 | Athenienses, et qui proxime illos locati erant, dimidium fere totius exercitus, viam habebant secundum litus et per plana loca ; Lacedæmonii vero, et qui post hos locati, per voraginem et montana. (2) Dumque hi circumibant, illi in altero cornu pugnam jam commiserant. Quamdiu igitur Persis rectæ stabant crates, repugnabant illi hostibus, neque eis erant inferiores. Sed quum Athenienses hisque proximi, quo ipsorum esset factum, non Lacedæmoniorum, invicem cohortati, acrius incumberent operi, tum quidem mutata est rei facies. (3) Perruptis enim cratibus ingenti impetu conferti in Persas irruebant : et illi exceperunt quidem impetum, et per sat longum tempus repugnarunt ; ad extremum vero intra murum profugerunt. (4) Quos insecuti Athenienses cum Corinthiis et Sicyoniis et Trœzeniis (hi enim ita deinceps in acie locati erant), simul cum illis intra murum irruerunt. Ut igitur etiam castellum hoc expugnatum est, omissa pugna barbari fugam corripuere, exceptis Persis ; qui, etiam ad exiguum licet numerum redacti, constanter tamen Græcis, assidue irruentibus sese opposuerunt. (5) Et e ducibus quidem Persicis duo fuga evasere, duo vero perierunt. Artayntes et Ithamitres, classiariorum præfecti, fuga salutem petierunt ; pugnantes vero ceciderunt Mardontes et imperator pedestris exercitus Tigranes. | Now for the Athenians and those who were ranged next to them, to the number perhaps of half the whole army, the road lay along the sea-beach and over level ground, while the Lacedemonians and those ranged in order by these were compelled to go by a ravine and along the mountain side: so while the Lacedemonians were yet going round, those upon the other wing were already beginning the fight; and as long as the wicker-work shields of the Persians still remained upright, they continued to defend themselves and had rather the advantage in the fight; but when the troops of the Athenians and of those ranged next to them, desiring that the achievement should belong to them and not to the Lacedemonians, with exhortations to one another set themselves more vigorously to the work, then from that time forth the fortune of the fight was changed; for these pushed aside the wicker-work shields and fell upon the Persians with a rush all in one body, and the Persians sustained their first attack and continued to defend themselves for a long time, but at last they fled to the wall; and the Athenians, Corinthians, Sikyonians and Troizenians, for that was the order in which they were ranged, followed close after them and rushed in together with them to the space within the wall: and when the wall too had been captured, then the Barbarians no longer betook themselves to resistance, but began at once to take flight, excepting only the Persians, who formed into small groups and continued to fight with the Hellenes as they rushed in within the wall. Of the commanders of the Persians two made their escape and two were slain; Artaÿntes and Ithamitres commanders of the fleet escaped, while Mardontes and the commander of the land-army, Tigranes, were slain. |
| 9.103 | Dum adhuc pugnabant Persæ, advenerunt Lacedæmonii, quique cum his erant, et reliqua simul peregerunt. Ceciderunt autem ibi ex ipsis etiam Græcis haud pauci ; quum alii, tum e Sicyoniis multi, eorumque dux Perilaus. (2) Samii vero, qui in exercitu Medico militabant, quibus arma erant adempta, quum jam initio vidissent ancipitem esse pugnam, quidquid in eorum fuit potestate, fecerunt, quo Græcos juvarent. (3) Et reliqui Iones, videntes Samios initium facere defectionis, ipsi quoque a Persis deficientes, adorti sunt barbaros. | Now while the Persians were still fighting, the Lacedemonians and those with them arrived, and joined in carrying through the rest of the work; and of the Hellenes themselves many fell there and especially many of the Sikyonians, together with their commander Perilaos. And those of the Samians who were serving in the army, being in the camp of the Medes and having been deprived of their arms, when they saw that from the very first the battle began to be doubtful, did as much as they could, endeavoring to give assistance to the Hellenes; and the other Ionians seeing that the Samians had set the example, themselves also upon that made revolt from the Persians and attacked the Barbarians. |
| 9.104 | Jam Milesiis quidem mandatum erat, ut viarum exitus custodirent, salutis causa Persarum ; quo, si eis accidisset id quod etiam accidit, ducibus his uterentur, quorum ope in cacumina Mycalæ salvi evaderent. Hoc quidem consilio Milesios Persæ ibi locaverant ad illud efficiendum : simul vero, ne, si exercitui adessent, novi quidpiam molirentur. (2) At illi plane contrarium ejus, quod mandatum erat, fecerunt : fugientes quippe barbaros per contrarias duxerunt vias, quæ ad hostes ferebant ; et ad extremum eos ipsi, ut infensissimi hostes, interfecerunt. Ita quidem iterum Ionia a Persis defecit. | The Milesians too had been appointed to watch the passes of the Persians in order to secure their safety, so that if that should after all come upon them which actually came, they might have guides and so get safe away to the summits of Mycale — the Milesians, I say, had been appointed to do this, not only for that end but also for fear that, if they were present in the camp, they might make some hostile move: but they did in fact the opposite of that which they were appointed to do; for they not only directed them in the flight by other than the right paths, by paths indeed which led towards the enemy, but also at last they themselves became their worst foes and began to slay them. Thus then for the second time Ionia revolted from the Persians. |
| 9.105 | In hac ad Mycalen pugna inter Græcos virtutis præmium obtinuerunt Athenienses ; et ex Atheniensibus Hermolycus Euthyni filius, pancratiastes. Idem vero Hermolycus post hæc, quum bellum gererent Athenienses cum Carystiis, Cyrni in agro Carystio cecidit in prœlio, et prope Geræstum sepultus est. (2) Post Athenienses autem Corinthii et Trœzenii et Sicyonii præcipuam virtutis laudem commeruerunt. | In this battle, of the Hellenes the Athenians were the best men, and of the Athenians Hermolycos the son of Euthoinos, a man who had trained for the pancration. This Hermolycos after these events, when there was war between the Athenians and the Carystians, was killed in battle at Kyrnos in the Carystian land near Geraistos, and there was buried. After the Athenians the Corinthians, Troizenians and Sikyonians were the best. |
| 9.106 | Græci, plerisque barbarorum, partim in prœlio, partim in fuga interfectis, naves cremarunt et totum munimentum, præda prius egesta et in litore deposita : repererantque arcas nonnullas rebus pretiosis repletas. (2) Munitione et navibus incensis, retro navigarunt. Deinde, postquam Samum pervenere, deliberarunt de Ionia in aliam terram transferenda, et qua parte Græciæ, quæ in potestate esset Græcorum, sedes Ionibus sint assignandæ. Ionia enim videbatur barbaris esse relinquenda, (3) quandoquidem fieri non posset ut ipsi perpetuo Ioniæ præsiderent, eamque custodirent ; Iones autem, nisi sub Græcorum præsidio essent, nequaquam sperare possent, salvos se fore nec pœnas Persis daturos. (4) Qua proposita deliberatione, qui e Peloponnesiis aderant dignitate eminentes, emporia Græcorum qui cum Medis sensissent, ejectis incolis, cum agro ad quodque emporium pertinente, Ionibus tradi debere censebant incolenda. Contra Athenienses nullo pacto Ionas aliam in terram transferendos censebant, nec decere Peloponnesios de ipsorum coloniis quidquam statuere. (5) Quibus obnitentibus, haud inviti Peloponnesii concesserunt. Itaque Samios, et Chios, et Lesbios, reliquosque insulares, qui arma et naves cum Græcis sociaverant, in commune sociorum receperunt, fide et jurejurando astrictos de societate constanter et cum fide servanda. (6) His jurejurando astrictis, ad Hellespontum navigarunt, pontes soluturi, quos adhuc stratos se reperturos esse existimaverant. | When the Hellenes had slain the greater number of the Barbarians, some in the battle and others in their flight, they set fire to the ships and to the whole of the wall, having first brought out the spoil to the sea-shore; and among the rest they found some stores of money. So having set fire to the wall and to the ships they sailed away; and when they came to Samos, the Hellenes deliberated about removing the inhabitants of Ionia, and considered where they ought to settle them in those parts of Hellas of which they had command, leaving Ionia to the Barbarians: for it was evident to them that it was impossible on the one hand for them to be always stationed as guards to protect the Ionians, and on the other hand, if they were not stationed to protect them, they had no hope that the Ionians would escape with impunity from the Persians. Therefore it seemed good to those of the Peloponnesians that were in authority that they should remove the inhabitants of the trading ports which belonged to those peoples of Hellas who had taken the side of the Medes, and give that land to the Ionians to dwell in; but the Athenians did not think it good that the inhabitants of Ionia should be removed at all, nor that the Peloponnesians should consult about Athenian colonies; and as these vehemently resisted the proposal, the Peloponnesians gave way. So the end was that they joined as allies to their league the Samians, Chians, Lesbians, and the other islanders who chanced to be serving with the Hellenes, binding them by assurance and by oaths to remain faithful and not withdraw from the league: and having bound these by oaths they sailed to break up the bridges, for they supposed they would find them still stretched over the straits. These then were sailing towards the Hellespont. |
| 9.107 | Qui e barbaris fuga evaserunt, numero haud multi, in Mycalæ cacumina compulsi erant, hi deinde Sardes salvi redierunt. (2) Qui dum eo revertuntur, in itinere Masistes, Darii filius, qui acceptæ cladi interfuerat, ducem exercitus Artaynten multis insectatus est maledictis, quum alia dicens, tum et esse illum muliere ignaviorem, quod isto modo bellum administrasset ; et quavis pœna dignum esse, qui regis domum illa calamitate affecisset. (3) Apud Persas autem muliere ignaviorem audire, maximum opprobrium est. Et ille his diu auditis indignatus, acinacen eduxit, interfecturus Masisten. (4) Sed irruentem in eum cernens Xenagoras, Praxilai filius, Halicarnassensis, a tergo stans ipsius Artayntæ, corripuit medium, sublatumque prostravit humum : atque interim accurrentes satellites Masisten protexerunt. (5) Quo facto Xenagoras et apud Masisten, et apud Xerxem, servato fratre, gratiam iniit : ob idemque factum dein a Xerxe universæ Ciliciæ præfectus est. (6) In reliquo itinere nihil amplius memorabile accidit : itaque Sardes hi venere. Morabatur autem tunc Sardibus Xerxes ab eo inde tempore quo post cladem mari acceptam, Athenis fugiens, hanc in urbem venerat. | And meanwhile those Barbarians who had escaped and had been driven to the heights of Mycale, being not many in number, were making their way to Sardis: and as they went by the way, Masistes the son of Dareios, who had been present at the disaster which had befallen them, was saying many evil things of the commander Artaÿntes, and among other things he said that in respect of the generalship which he had shown he was worse than a woman, and that he deserved every kind of evil for having brought evil on the house of the king. Now with the Persians to be called worse than a woman is the greatest possible reproach. So he, after he had been much reviled, at length became angry and drew his sword upon Masistes, meaning to kill him; and as he was running upon him, Xeinagoras the son of Prexilaos, a man of Halicarnassos, perceived it, who was standing just behind Artaÿntes; and this man seized him by the middle and lifting him up dashed him upon the ground; and meanwhile the spearmen of Masistes came in front to protect him. Thus did Xeinagoras, and thus he laid up thanks for himself both with Masistes and also with Xerxes for saving the life of his brother; and for this deed Xeinagoras became ruler of all Kilikia by the gift of the king. Nothing further happened than this as they went on their way, but they arrived at Sardis. Now at Sardis, as it chanced, king Xerxes had been staying ever since that time when he came thither in flight from Athens, after suffering defeat in the sea-fight. |
| 9.108 | Sardibus igitur dum Xerxes moratur, amore tunc captus est uxoris Masistæ, quæ et ipsa ibi erat. Quum vero missis qui eam sollicitarent nihil profecisset, nec vim ei vellet inferre, ratione habita fratris sui Masistæ; (quod ipsum etiam mulierem retinuit, bene gnaram sibi vim non iri illatum;) (2) tum ille, quum nulla ei alia via pateret, filio suo Dario hasce conciliat nuptias, nempe filiam hujus mulieris et Masistæ illi dat uxorem ; ratus, si hoc fecisset, facilius se matre potiturum. Hoc conciliato matrimonio, et peractis nuptiarum solennibus, Susa abiit. (3) Quo ut pervenit, uxoremque Darii suas in ædes recepit ; tum vero, omissa uxore Masistæ, mutatoque amore, uxorem Darii deperiit, Masistæ filiam, eaque potitus est. Nomen huic mulieri Artaynta fuit. | At that time, while he was in Sardis, he had a passionate desire, as it seems, for the wife of Masistes, who was also there: and as she could not be bent to his will by his messages to her, and he did not wish to employ force because he had regard for his brother Masistes and the same consideration withheld the woman also, for she well knew that force would not be used towards her, then Xerxes abstained from all else, and endeavored to bring about the marriage of his own son Dareios with the daughter of this woman and of Masistes, supposing that if he should do so he would obtain her more easily. Then having made the betrothal and done all the customary rites, he went away to Susa; and when he had arrived there and had brought the woman into his own house for Dareios, then he ceased from attempting the wife of Masistes and changing his inclination he conceived a desire for the wife of Dareios, who was daughter of Masistes, and obtained her: now the name of this woman was Artaÿnte. |
| 9.109 | Sed succedente tempore comperta res est hac ratione. Amestris, uxor Xerxis, amiculum texuerat ingens, variegatum, et spectatu dignum, quod dono dedit Xerxi. (2) Quo ille delectatus, idem amiculum indutus convenit Artayntam. Jamque quum et hac delectatus esset, jussit eam, pro eo quod ipsi gratificaretur, petere quidquid illa sibi dari voluisset ; omnia enim, quæ petitura esset, consecuturam. (3) Tum illa (nam in fatis erat, ut ingens calamitas universæ familiæ incumberet) Xerxi respondit : « Dabisne mihi quod abs te petam ? » Et ille, quidvis potius aliud petituram illam ratus, interposito jurejurando promisit. Tum illa, postquam juravit rex, nihil verita, amiculum istud petiit. (4) At Xerxes, in omnes se partes vertens, dare recusavit, nulla quidem alia de causa, nisi quod Amestrin metuebat, veritus ne ab illa, jampridem id quod agebatur suspicante, in hac culpa deprehenderetur ; sed urbes se illi dono daturum ait, et auri immensam vim, et exercitum cui nemo alius nisi ipsa præfutura esset. Est autem hoc Persicum utqiue donum, exercitus. (5) At mulieri non persuasit ; ideoque amiculum ei dedit. Quo munere illa supra modum gavisa, gestabat amiculum, eoque superbiebat : et eam illud habere cognovit Amestris. | However as time went on, this became known in the following manner — Amestris the wife of Xerxes had woven a mantle, large and of various work and a sight worthy to be seen, and this she gave to Xerxes. He then being greatly pleased put it on and went to Artaÿnte; and being greatly pleased with her too, he bade her ask what she would to be given to her in return for the favors which she had granted to him, for she should obtain, he said, whatsoever she asked: and she, since it was destined that she should perish miserably with her whole house, said to Xerxes upon this: “Wilt thou give me whatsoever I ask thee for?” and he, supposing that she would ask anything rather than that which she did, promised this and swore to it. Then when he had sworn, she boldly asked for the mantle; and Xerxes tried every means of persuasion, not being willing to give it to her, and that for no other reason but only because he feared Amestris, lest by her, who even before this had some inkling of the truth, he should thus be discovered in the act; and he offered her cities and gold in any quantity, and an army which no one else should command except herself. Now this of an army is a thoroughly Persian gift. Since however he did not persuade her, he gave her the mantle; and she being overjoyed by the gift wore it and prided herself upon it. |
| 9.110 | Quo comperto, regina non tam in mulierculam illam odium concepit, quam in ejus matrem, Masistæ uxorem ; eique, ut quæ auctor hujus rei, ut illa putabat, et unice in culpa esset, exitium meditata est. (2) Itaque diem observavit, quo maritus ipsius Xerxes regiam cœnam erat propositurus : (paratur autem hæc regia cœna semel quotannis, natali regis die ; et Persico sermone tycta dicitur, quod Græcorum lingua τέλειον, id est perfectum, significat ; quo etiam die tantum rex sibi caput smegmate detergit, et munera dat Persis:) (3) hoc igitur observato die Amestris petiit a Xerxe, ut sibi traderetur uxor Masistæ. Ille vero rem atrocem et indignam judicavit, uxorem fratris illi tradere, eamque nullam hujus rei culpam habentem : intellexerat enim cur hanc illa sibi tradendam postularet. | And Amestris was informed that she had it; and having learnt that which was being done, she was not angry with the woman, but supposing that her mother was the cause and that she was bringing this about, she planned destruction for the wife of Masistes. She waited then until her husband Xerxes had a royal feast set before him — this feast is served up once in the year on the day on which the king was born, and the name of this feast is in Persian tycta, which in the tongue of the Hellenes means “complete”; also on this occasion alone the king washes his head, and he makes gifts then to the Persians — Amestris, I say, waited for this day and then asked of Xerxes that the wife of Masistes might be given to her. And he considered it a strange and untoward thing to deliver over to her his brother’s wife, especially since she was innocent of this matter; for he understood why she was making the request. |
| 9.111 | Verumtamen, quum illa postulare non cessaret, ipse autem lege teneretur, quæ vetabat regem Persarum negare quidquid ab illo, quando regia cœna proposita est, postulatur, postremo admodum quidem invitus indulget. Tradita vero muliere, hoc fecit : (2) uxorem jussit, quæ vellet, facere : ipse vero fratrem ad se vocatum his verbis compellavit : « Masista, tu Darii filius es, meusque frater : ad hæc vir bonus et fortis es. Jam tu hanc mulierem, quam adhuc in matrimonio habuisti, noli porro habere : sed tibi ego, pro illa, meam filiam despondeo. Cum hac matrimonium contrahe ; illa vero, quam nunc habes, non sit porro tua conjux ; sic enim mihi placet. » (3) Cui Masistes, miratus dicta, respondit : « Proh domine ! quænam est hæc importuna oratio, quod me jubes uxorem meam, e qua mihi tres juvenes filii nati sunt, et filiæ, quarum tu unam tuo filio in matrimonium duxisti, denique quæ animo meo convenit, hanc me dimittere jubes, et tuam filiam ducere uxorem ! (4) Ego vero, rex, magni quidem facio quod me conjugio filiæ tuæ digneris : at horum tamen equidem neutrum faciam : tu vero noli mihi vim afferre, talem rem postulans. Tuæ certe filiæ reperietur alius maritus me non inferior : me vero sine meam habere uxorem ! » (5) Quo responso iratus Xerxes, « Igitur hoc, inquit, profecisti : nempe nec ego tibi filiam meam dabo in matrimonium, nec tu istam porro habebis uxorem ; quo discas oblata accipere. » (6) Et ille, nihil amplius nisi hoc verbum subjiciens, « Domine, nondum tamen prorsus me perdidisti, » foras exiit. | At last however as she continued to entreat urgently and he was compelled by the rule, namely that it is impossible among them that he who makes request when a royal feast is laid before the king should fail to obtain it, at last very much against his will consented; and in delivering her up he bade Amestris do as she desired, and meanwhile he sent for his brother and said these words: “Masistes, thou art the son of Dareios and my brother, and moreover in addition to this thou art a man of worth. I say to thee, live no longer with this wife with whom thou now livest, but I give thee instead of her my daughter; with her live as thy wife, but the wife whom thou now hast, do not keep; for it does not seem good to me that thou shouldest keep her.” Masistes then, marvelling at that which was spoken, said these words: “Master, how unprofitable a speech is this which thou utterest to me, in that thou biddest me send away a wife by whom I have sons who are grown up to be young men, and daughters one of whom even thou thyself didst take as a wife for thy son, and who is herself, as it chances, very much to my mind — that thou biddest me, I say, send away her and take to wife thy daughter! I, O king, think it a very great matter that I am judged worthy of thy daughter, but nevertheless I will do neither of these things: and do not thou urge me by force to do such a thing as this: but for thy daughter another husband will be found not in any wise inferior to me, and let me, I pray thee, live still with my own wife.” He returned answer in some such words as these; and Xerxes being stirred with anger said as follows: “This then, Masistes, is thy case — I will not give thee my daughter for thy wife, nor yet shalt thou live any longer with that one, in order that thou mayest learn to accept that which is offered thee.” He then when he heard this went out, having first said these words: “Master, thou hast not surely brought ruin upon me?” |
| 9.112 | Per idem tempus quo Xerxes cum fratre disseruit, interim Amestris, accitis regis satellitibus, uxorem Masistæ misere dilacerat : præcisas mamillas canibus projicit, et nares et aures et labia, denique linguam ubi exciderat, domum dimittit ita indigne dilaniatam. | During this interval of time, while Xerxes was conversing with his brother, Amestris had sent the spearmen of Xerxes to bring the wife of Masistes, and she was doing to her shameful outrage; for she cut away her breasts and threw them to dogs, and she cut off her nose and ears and lips and tongue, and sent her back home thus outraged. |
| 9.113 | Masistes, quum nihil etiam tunc horum audivisset, metuens tamen aliquam sibi calamitatem imminere, cursu domum suam properavit. Ubi conspecta uxore ita mutilata, consilio cum filiis inito, protinus cum filiis aliisque nonnullis Bactra proficiscitur, Bactrianam provinciam ad defectionem sollicitaturus, et quanta maxima posset mala illaturus regi. (2) Atque hoc ipsum etiam perfecisset, ut mihi videtur, si usque ad Bactros et Sacas pervenisset : hi enim illum diligebant, et erat ipse Bactrianæ præfectus. (3) At Xerxes, ubi eum hoc agere cognovit, misso contra eum exercitu, et ipsum et ejus filios et milites qui cum illo erant, in itinere interfecit. Et hæc quidem de amore Xerxis et de Masistæ obitu hactenus. | Then Masistes, not yet having heard any of these things, but supposing that some evil had fallen upon him, came running to his house; and seeing his wife thus mutilated, forthwith upon this he took counsel with his sons and set forth to go to Bactria together with his sons and doubtless some others also, meaning to make the province of Bactria revolt and to do the greatest possible injury to the king: and this in fact would have come to pass, as I imagine, if he had got up to the land of the Bactrians and Sacans before he was overtaken, for they were much attached to him, and also he was the governor of the Bactrians: but Xerxes being informed that he was doing this, sent after him an army as he was on his way, and slew both him and his sons and his army. So far of that which happened about the passion of Xerxes and the death of Masistes. |
| 9.114 | Græci a Mycale versus Hellespontum profecti, primum ad Lectum naves appulere, ventis retenti : deinde vero, ubi Abydum pervenere, pontes viderunt rescissos, quos adhuc stratos esse putaverant ; qua de causa etiam maxime ad Hellespontum navigaverant. (2) Quare Leotychidæ ceterisque Peloponnesiis placuit retro navigare in Græciam : Atheniensibus vero, eorumque duci Xanthippo, visum est his in locis manere, et Chersonesum temptare. Itaque Lacedæmonii domum navigarunt, Athenienses vero, postquam ex Abydo in Chersonesum trajecerant, Sestum oppugnarunt. | Now the Hellenes who had set forth from Mycale to the Hellespont first moored their ships about Lecton, being stopped from their voyage by winds; and thence they came to Abydos and found that the bridges had been broken up, which they thought to find still stretched across, and on account of which especially they had come to the Hellespont. So the Peloponnesians which Leotychides resolved to sail back to Hellas, while the Athenians and Xanthippos their commander determined to stay behind there and to make an attempt upon the Chersonese. Those then sailed away, and the Athenians passed over from Abydos to the Chersonese and began to besiege Sestos. |
| 9.115 | Est autem hæc Sestus munitissimus illius regionis locus : itaque, allato nuntio de Græcorum in Hellespontum adventu, in illam se receperant et ex aliis finitimis oppidis frequentes, et e Cardia Œobazus Persa, qui ibi armamenta pontium deposuerat. Tenebant urbem indigenæ Æolenses : cum his vero et Persæ erant, et aliorum sociorum haud exiguus numerus. | To this town of Sestos, since it was the greatest stronghold of those in that region, men had come together from the cities which lay round it, when they heard that the Hellenes had arrived at the Hellespont, and especially there had come from the city of Cardia Oiobazos a Persian, who had brought to Sestos the ropes of the bridges. The inhabitants of the city were Aiolians, natives of the country, but there were living with them a great number of Persians and also of their allies. |
| 9.116 | Tyrannus universæ provinciæ Artayctes erat, Persa, sævus vir et nefarius : qui etiam, decepto rege quum contra Athenas proficisceretur, Protesilai thesauros, Iphicli filii, Elæunte spoliaverat. (2) Est enim Elæunte, Chersonesi oppido, Protesilai sepulcrum, eique circumdatum fanum, in quo erant pecuniæ multæ, et aureæ argenteæque phialæ, et æs, et vestis, et alia donaria ; quæ Artayctes rapuit, dono sibi data a rege. (3) Deceperat autem Xerxem tali oratione : « Domine, inquit, est hic loci domus viri Græci, qui, quum adversus terram tuam arma ferret, pœnas dedit, occisusque est. Hujus tu domum mihi dono da ; quo discat quisque, contra tuam terram non esse arma ferenda. » (4) Quibus dictis facile persuasurus erat regi, ut ei domum hujus viri largiretur ; quippe qui nihil eorum, quæ ille sentiret, suspicatus erat. Quod autem ille Protesilaum adversus regis terram arma tulisse dixit, id hoc modo intellexerat : Persæ universam Asiam existimant suam esse et illius regis qui quoque tempore apud illos regnum obtinet. (5) Artayctes igitur dono sibi datas opes Elæunte Sestum transportavit, et in agro heroi consecrato partim sementem fecit, partim pecora sua pavit : et quoties ipse Elæuntem venit, in penetrali cum mulieribus concubuit. (6) Tunc vero obsidebatur ab Atheniensibus, quum nec ad tolerandam obsidionem paratus esset, nec omnino exspectasset Athenienses, qui prorsus de improviso illum invaserant. | And of the province Artaÿctes was despot, as governor under Xerxes, a Persian, but a man of desperate and reckless character, who also had practised deception upon the king on his march against Athens, in taking away from Elaius the things belonging to Protesilaos the son of Iphiclos. For at Elaius in the Chersonese there is the tomb of Protesilaos with a sacred enclosure about it, where there were many treasures, with gold and silver cups and bronze and raiment and other offerings, which things Artaÿctes carried off as plunder, the king having granted them to him. And he deceived Xerxes by saying to him some such words as these: “Master, there is here the house of a man, a Hellene, who made an expedition against thy land and met with his deserts and was slain: this man’s house I ask thee to give to me, that every one may learn not to make expeditions against thy land.” By saying this it was likely that he would easily enough persuade Xerxes to give him a man’s house, not suspecting what was in his mind: and when he said that Protesilaos had made expedition against the land of the king, it must be understood that the Persians consider all Asia to be theirs and to belong to their reigning king. So when the things had been given him, he brought them from Elaius to Sestos, and he sowed the sacred enclosure for crops and occupied it as his own; and he himself, whenever he came to Elaius, had commerce with women in the inner cell of the temple. And now he was being besieged by the Athenians, when he had not made any preparation for a siege nor had been expecting that the Hellenes would come; for they fell upon him, as one may say, inevitably. |
| 9.117 | Postquam vero obsidioni autumnus supervenit, tum dolentes Athenienses, quod et domo abessent, et urbem non possent expugnare, orarunt duces, ut domum se reducerent. (2) At hi negarunt id se prius facturos, quam aut expugnassent urbem, aut a communi Atheniensium revocarentur. Ita illi quoque præsentem rerum statum patienter tulerunt. | When however autumn came and the siege still went on, the Athenians began to be vexed at being absent from their own land and at the same time not able to conquer the fortress, and they requested their commanders to lead them away home; but these said that they would not do so, until either they had taken the town or the public authority of the Athenians sent for them home: and so they endured their present state. |
| 9.118 | Jam vero, qui in urbe erant, ad extrema redacti erant malorum ; ita quidem ut lora etiam lectulorum elixarent comederentque. Quum autem ne hæc quidem amplius suppeterent, noctu profugerunt Persæ cum Artaycte et Œobazo, in postica urbis parte de muro descendentes, qua parte valde rari erant hostes. (2) Quod factum, ubi illuxit, Chersonesitæ Atheniensibus e turribus significarunt, portasque eis aperuerunt. Moxque major horum pars persecuti sunt profugos, ceteri vero urbem occuparunt. | Those however who were within the walls had now come to the greatest misery, so that they boiled down the girths of their beds and used them for food; and when they no longer had even these, then the Persians and with them Artaÿctes and Oiobazos ran away and departed in the night, climbing down by the back part of the wall, where the place was left most unguarded by the enemy; and when day came, the men of the Chersonese signified to the Athenians from the towers concerning that which had happened, and opened the gates to them. So the greater number of them went in pursuit, and the rest occupied the city. |
| 9.119 | Et Œobazum quidem, quum in Thraciam fugisset, captum Thraces Absinthii Plistoro indigenæ deo mactarunt suo more ; ceteros autem, qui cum eo erant, alio modo interfecerunt. (2) Artayctes vero cum suis, qui post illos demum fugam capessiverant, deprehensi quum paullo ultra Ægos Potamos essent progressi, satis diu restiterunt ; donec, aliis interfectis, ceteri vivi capti sunt : (3) quos vinctos Sestum Athenienses duxerunt, in hisque ipsum etiam Artaycten et ejus filium. | Now Oiobazos, as he was escaping into Thrace, was caught by the Apsinthian Thracians and sacrificed to their native god Pleistoros with their rites, and the rest who were with him they slaughtered in another manner: but Artaÿctes with his companions, who started on their flight later and were overtaken at a little distance above Aigospotamoi, defended themselves for a considerable time and were some of them killed and others taken alive: and the Hellenes had bound these and were bringing them to Sestos, and among them Artaÿctes also in bonds together with his son. |
| 9.120 | Memorantque Chersonesitæ, uni ex eis, qui vinctos custodiebant, quum salsamenta super igne torreret, prodigium obtigisse hujusmodi : salsamenta igni imposita subsiliebant palpitabantque, veluti recens capti pisces. (2) Quod factum quum mirarentur reliqui accurrentes, Artayctes, ut vidit prodigium, compellans hominem salsamenta torrentem, ait : « Hospes Atheniensis, non est quod tu hoc prodigio terrearis. Non enim tibi illud apparuit ; sed mihi Portesilaus, qui Elæunte est, significat, se etiam mortuum et sale conditum, vim habere a diis tributam nocendi his qui injuria illum affecerunt. (3) Nunc igitur ego hanc mihi ipse mulctam, qua redimam culpam, volo irrogare : pro thesauris quos ex illius templo abstuli, centum talenta deo solvam ; pro me autem et pro filio meo ducenta talenta pendam Atheniensibus, si salvos nos dimittere voluerint. » (4) Hæc ille pollicitus, prætori Xanthippo non persuasit. Nam Elæuntii, ulciscendi Protesilai causa, ut supplicio ille afficeretur, rogarunt ; et ipsius etiam prætoris in hanc partem inclinaverat sententia. (5) Itaque illum in litus eductum, in quod pertinuerant pontes a Xerxe juncti, sive, ut alii memorant, in collem supra Madytum oppidum situm, clavis asseri affixum suspenderunt ; et filium ejus in patris Artayctæ conspectu lapidibus obruerunt. | Then, it is said by the men of the Chersonese, as one of those who guarded them was frying dried fish, a portent occurred as follows — the dried fish when laid upon the fire began to leap and struggle just as if they were fish newly caught: and the others gathered round and were marvelling at the portent, but Artaÿctes seeing it called to the man who was frying the fish and said: “Stranger of Athens, be not at all afraid of this portent, seeing that it has not appeared for thee but for me. Protesilaos who dwells at Elaius signifies thereby that though he is dead and his body is dried like those fish, yet he has power given him by the gods to exact vengeance from the man who does him wrong. Now therefore I desire to impose this penalty for him —, that in place of the things which I took from the temple I should pay down a hundred talents to the god, and moreover as ransom for myself and my son I will pay two hundred talents to the Athenians, if my life be spared.” Thus he engaged to do, but he did not prevail upon the commander Xanthippos; for the people of Elaius desiring to take vengeance for Protesilaos asked that he might be put to death, and the inclination of the commander himself tended to the same conclusion. They brought him therefore to that headland to which Xerxes made the passage across, or as some say to the hill which is over the town of Madytos, and there they nailed him to boards and hung him up; and they stoned his son to death before the eyes of Artaÿctes himself. |
| 9.121 | His rebus gestis, retro in Græciam navigarunt, pecunias aliaque pretiosa secum vehentes, atque etiam pontium armamenta, quæ in templis dedicare constituerunt. Atque hoc anno nihil præterea memorabile gestum est. | Having so done, they sailed away to Hellas, taking with them, besides other things, the ropes also of the bridges, in order to dedicate them as offerings in the temples: and for that year nothing happened further than this. |
| 9.122 | Hujus Artayctæ e trabe suspensi progenitor Artembares fuit, is qui Persis auctor fuerat sermonis, quem illi arripientes Cyro proposuerunt, in hanc sententiam : (2) « Quoniam Juppiter, sublato Astyage, Persis imperium tradidit, et præ omnibus hominibus tibi, Cyre ; age, quum terram possideamus exiguam, eamque asperam, hac relicta aliam habitemus meliorem ! (3) Sunt autem multæ tales in propinquo, multæ etiam longinquiores : quarum si unam occupaverimus, pluribus hominibus admirationi erimus. Decet autem hoc facere viros principatum tenentes : et quando tandem id fieri commodius poterit quam nunc, ubi tot hominibus et universæ Asiæ imperamus ? » (4) Quibus auditis Cyrus, minime probans propositum, Faciant hoc ! ait ; simul vero ita se comparent, ut qui imperium porro non habituri sint, sed passuri ! Ita enim naturam ferre, ut mollibus in terris molles nascantur homines : nec enim ejusdem terræ esse, et eximios fructus ferre, et fortes bello viros. (5) Et intelligentes Persæ, longe sapientiorem Cyri sententiam quam suam, desistentes proposito abierunt ; et imperare maluerunt, tenuem incolentes terram, quam, campestrem fertilemque colentes, aliis servire. | Now a forefather of this Artaÿctes who was hung up, was that Artembares who set forth to the Persians a proposal which they took up and brought before Cyrus, being to this effect: “Seeing that Zeus grants to the Persians leadership, and of all men to thee, O Cyrus, by destroying Astyages, come, since the land we possess is small and also rugged, let us change from it and inhabit another which is better: and there are many near at hand, and many also at a greater distance, of which if we take one, we shall have greater reverence and from more men. It is reasonable too that men who are rulers should do such things; for when will there ever be a fairer occasion than now, when we are rulers of many nations and of the whole of Asia?” Cyrus, hearing this and not being surprised at the proposal, bade them do so if they would; but he exhorted them and bade them prepare in that case to be no longer rulers but subjects; “For,” said he, “from lands which are not rugged men who are not rugged are apt to come forth, since it does not belong to the same land to bring forth fruits of the earth which are admirable and also men who are good in war.” So the Persians acknowledged that he was right and departed from his presence, having their opinion defeated by that of Cyrus; and they chose rather to dwell on poor land and be rulers, than to sow crops in a level plain and be slaves to others. |
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| Deus vult ! | — Brian Regan ( Inscriptio electronica : Theedrich@harbornet.com ) |
| Dies immutationis recentissimæ : die Veneris, 2018 Nov 2 |